notes - springer978-0-230-10313-9/1.pdf · notes introduction 1. elías tormo, las viejas series...

NOTES

Introduction

1. Elías Tormo, Las viejas series icónicas de los reyes de España (Madrid: Blass y

Cía, 1916 [1917]), p. 191.

2. Isabel Beceiro Pita and Ricardo Córdoba de la Llave, Parentesco, poder y

mentalidad: la nobleza castellana, siglos xii–xv (Madrid: CSIC, 1990),

pp. 68–71; Heath Dillard, Daughters of the Reconquest: Women in Castilian

Town Society, 1100–1300 (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press,

1984), pp. 26–29.

3. See Bernard F. Reilly, The Kingdom of León-Castilla under King Alfonso

VI, 1065–1109 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1988), and The

Kingdom of León-Castilla under King Alfonso VII, 1126–1157 (Philadelphia:

University of Pennsylvania Press, 1998).

4. Marion Facinger, “A Study of Medieval Queenship: Capetian France 987–

1237,” Studies in Medieval and Renaissance History 5 (Lincoln: University

of Nebraska Press, 1968), pp. 3–47. See also Miriam Shadis, “Blanche

of Castile and Marion Facinger’s ‘Medieval Queenship:’ Reassessing the

Argument,” in Capetian Women, ed. Kathleen Nolan (New York: Palgrave,

2003), pp. 137–161. John Parsons showed a similar phenomenon for

England, like Facinger linking the decline of the queen’s official power to

Eleanor of Aquitaine’s queenship; John Carmi Parsons, Eleanor of Castile:

Queen and Society in Thirteenth-Century England (New York: St. Martin’s

Press, 1995), p. 72.

5. The oldest version of this story appears to be in Florián Ocampo’s sixteenth-

century edition of the Primera crónica general, the Crónica ocampiana. [Full

title: Las quatro partes enteras dela Cronica de Espana, que mando componer el

serenissimo rey don Alonso llamado el Sabio . . . ] ed. Florián Ocampo (Zamora:

1541), pt. 4, folio 390r.

6. Urraca was an early patron of the Franciscans in Portugal, especially

sponsoring a group of missionaries martyred in Morocco. Luke Wadding,

Annales Minorum seu Trium Ordinem A.S. Francisco Institutorum T. 1:

(1208–1220), ed. Joseph María Fonseca de Evora (Florence: Quarrachi,

1931), pp. 393–94. See also Atanasio López, La provincia de España de los

frailes menores (Santiago: El Eco Francisco, 1915), pp. 47–48 and 52–53;

Frederico Francisco de la Figanière, Memorias das rainhas de Portugal

N O T E S178

(Lisbon: Typographia Universal, 1859), Appendix 5, pp. 235–38; and

Andrés Ivars, “Los mártires de Marreucos de 1220 en la literatura

hispano- lusitana,” Archivo Ibero-Americano 14 (1920): 344–81.

7. A critical edition of Afonso’s testament is published in Ivo Castro et alia,

Curso da história da língua portuguesa (Lisbon: Universidade Aberta, 1991),

pp. 197–202. See also de la Figanière, Memorias das rainhas, pp. 71–81 and

Appendices 5 and 6, pp. 235–42.

8. Leonor was approximately twenty to Jaume’s thirteen when they mar-

ried. In 1228, Alfonso was born; in 1229 Leonor returned to Castile.

Gerónimo Zurita y Castro, Anales de la corona de Aragón ed. Antonio

Ubieto Arteta and María Desamparados Pérez Soler, 3 vols. (Valencia:

Editorial Anubar, 1967), v. 3, pt. 1, p. 51. For Jaume’s perspective, see

The Book of Deeds of James I of Aragon; A Translation of the Medieval Catalan

Llibre dels Fets, trans. Damian Smith and Helena Buffery (Aldershot:

Ashgate, 2003), ch. 18–24, pp. 33–41, and ch. 140, pp. 146–47. See also

Zurita, Anales 3: pp. 18–19 and 68.

9. Andrea Gayoso, “The Lady of Las Huelgas: A Royal Abbey and Its

Patronage,” Cîteaux: commentarii cistercienses 51.1–2 (2000): 91–116; Miriam

Shadis, “Piety, Politics and Power: The Patronage of Leonor of England

and Her Daughters Berenguela of León and Blanche of Castile,” in The

Cultural Patronage of Medieval Women, ed. June Hall McCash (Athens, GA:

University of Georgia Press, 1996), pp. 202–27.

10. Facinger, “Medieval Queenship,” p. 3. See also the work of Theresa

Earenfight, especially “Absent Kings: Queens as Political Partners in the

Medieval Crown of Aragon,” in Queenship and Political Power in Medieval

and Early Modern Spain, ed. Theresa Earenfight (Burlington, VT: Ashgate,

2005), pp. 33–51.

11. For example, Pauline Stafford, Queen Emma & Queen Edith: Queenship and

Women’s Power in Eleventh-Century England (Oxford: Blackwell, 1997);

Bonnie Wheeler and John Carmi Parsons eds., Eleanor of Aquitaine: Lord

and Lady (New York: Palgrave, 2002); and Parsons, Eleanor of Castile. The

historiography of English queenship has usefully challenged periodiza-

tion and the master narrative, as well as the interrogated sources and para-

digms such as “public and private.” See Kimberly A. LoPrete, “Historical

Ironies in the Study of Capetian Women,” in Capetian Women, pp. 276–80

[271–86].

12. John Carmi Parsons “Family, Sex, and Power: The Rhythms of Medieval

Queenship,” in Medieval Queenship ed. John Carmi Parsons (New York:

St. Martin’s Press, 1993), pp. 1–2 [1–12]; LoPrete, “Historical Ironies,” in

Capetian Women, pp. 272–73.

13. For example, the tenth-century Leonese princess Elvira, and Sancha, sister

of Alfonso VII. See Lucy K. Pick, “Dominissima, prudentissima: Elvira,

First Queen-Regent of León,” in Religion, Text and Society in Medieval

Spain and Northern Europe: Essays in Honor of J. N. Hillgarth, ed. Thomas E.

Burnham et alia (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Medieval Studies, 2002),

pp. 38–69; Roger Collins, “Queens-Dowager and Queens-Regent in

N O T E S 179

Tenth-Century León and Navarre,” in Medieval Queenship, pp. 79–82

[79–92]; Reilly, Alfonso VII, pp. 139–41; Luisa García Calles, Doña

Sancha, hermana del emperador (León: Centro de Estudios e Investigación

“San Isidoro,” 1972).

14. See, however, the essays in Queenship and Political Power, ed. Earenfight,

as well as the studies mentioned below.

15. Bernard F. Reilly, The Kingdom of León-Castilla under Queen Urraca, 1109–

1126 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1982); Therese Martin,

Queen as King: Politics and Architectural Propaganda in Twelfth-Century Spain

(Leiden: Brill, 2006); Barbara F. Weissberger, Isabel Rules: Constructing

Queenship, Wielding Power (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota

Press, 2004); Peggy K. Liss, Isabel the Queen: Life and Times, rev. ed.

(Philadelphia: Pennsylvania University Press, 2004); Theresa M. Vann,

“The Theory and Practice of Medieval Castilian Queenship,” in Queens,

Regents, Potentates, ed. T. M. Vann (Dallas: Academia Press, 1993), pp.

125–47.

16. Núria Silleras-Fernández, Power, Piety, and Patronage in Late Medieval

Queenship: Maria de Luna (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008); pp.

41–50; Earenfight, “Maria of Castile, Ruler or Figurehead: A Preliminary

Study in Aragonese Queenship,” Mediterranean Studies 4 (1994): 45–61;

also Theresa Earenfight, The King’s Other Body: María of Castile and the

Crown of Aragon (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2009).

17. As an example of the theoretical potential of this material, see Earenfight,

“Without the Persona of the Prince: Kings, Queens, and the Idea of

Monarchy in Late Medieval Europe,” Gender and History 19 (2007): 1–21.

18. Antonio Lupián Zapata, Epitome de la vida y muerte de la Reyna Doña

Berenguela, primogenita del rey D. Alonso el Noble (Madrid: 1665); Enrique

Flórez, Memorias de las reinas católicas de España, 3rd ed., 2 vols. (1761, repr.

Madrid: Aguilar, 1959); Fray Valentín de la Cruz, Berenguela la grande;

Enrique I el chico (1179–1246) (Gijón: Ediciones Trea, 2006); “Berenguela

la Grande: una mujer excepcional,” in Vicenta Márquez de la Plata and

Luis Valero de Bernabé, Reinas medievales españolas (Madrid: Alderabán

Ediciones, 2000), pp. 163–81; Georges Martin, “Berenguela de Castilla

(1214–1246): en el espejo de la historiografía de su época,” in Historia

de las mujeres en España y América Latina, ed. Isabel Morant (Madrid:

Cátedra, 2005), pp. 569–96; Martin, “Négociation et diplomatie dans la

vie de Bérengère de Castille (1214–1246). La part du facteur générique,”

e-Spania: Revue interdisciplinaire d’études hispaniques médiévales 4 (December

2007; online March 2008). URL: http://e-spania.revues.org/index562.

html; Accessed October 31, 2008.

19. Joseph F. O’Callaghan, “Origin and Development of Archival Record-

Keeping in the Crown of Castile-León” in Discovery in the Archives of Spain

and Portugal: Quincentenary Essays, 1492–1992, ed. Lawrence J. McCrank

(New York: Haworth Press, 1993), pp. 3–18.

20. Emma Falque Rey, “Introducción,” Lucae Tudensis, Chronicon mundi, ed.

Emma Falque Rey (Turnhout: Brepols, 2003) Corpus Christianorum.

N O T E S180

Continuatio Medievalis v. 74. T. 1, pp. vii–viii; Peter Linehan, “Dates

and Doubts about don Lucas,” CLCHM 24 (2001): 205 [201–17].

21. Rey, “Introducción,” CM, pp. xviii–xxi; Bernard F. Reilly, “Bishop

Lucas of Túy and the Latin Chronicle Tradition in Iberia,” The Catholic

Historical Review 93:1 (October 2007): 768 [767–88].

22. CM, praefatio, p. 4.

23. Reilly, “Bishop Lucas,” 771–72.

24. For Rodrigo Jiménez de Rada, see Lucy K. Pick, Conflict and Coexistence:

Archbishop Rodrigo and the Muslims and Jews of Medieval Spain (Ann Arbor:

University of Michigan Press, 2004), especially chapter two, “Conquest

and Settlement,” pp. 21–70. See also the numerous works of Peter

Linehan, cited throughout.

25. Peter Linehan, “On Further Thought: Lucas of Tuy, Rodrigo of Toledo

and the Alfonsine Histories,” in The Processes of Politics and the Rule of Law:

Studies on the Iberian Kingdoms and Papal Rome in the Middle Ages, ed. Peter

Linehan (Variorum Collected Studies Series) (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2002),

p. 417 [415–36]; Reilly, “Bishop Lucas,” 769.

26. Linehan, “On Further Thought,” p. 427; see also Peter Linehan, History

and the Historians of Medieval Spain (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1993), pp.

298–99; Peter Linehan, “Don Juan de Soria: Unas Apostillas,” in Fernando

III y su tiempo (1201–1252), ed. José Manuel Nieto Soria (León: Fundación

Sánchez-Albornoz, 2001), pp. 375–93; Francisco Javier Hernández, “La

corte de Fernando III y la casa real de Francia. Documentos, crónicas,

monumentos,” in Fernando III y su tiempo, pp. 103–55.

27. Chronica latina regum Castellae, in Chronica hispana saeculi xiii, ed. Luis

Charlo Brea et alia, Corpus Christianorum Continuatio Medievalis 73

(Turnhout: Brepols, 1997); The Latin Chronicle of the Kings of Castile,

English trans. Joseph F. O’Callaghan (Tempe, AZ: Arizona Center for

Medieval and Renaissance Studies, 2002), pp. xxviii–xxx.

28. Derek Lomax, “The Authorship of the Chronique Latine des Rois des

Castille,” Bulletin of Hispanic Studies 40 (1963): 205–11; O’Callaghan, Latin

Chronicle, pp. xxxiii–xxxv.

29. O’Callaghan, Latin Chronicle, pp. xxxiii and xxxvi.

30. Alfonso X, Primera crónica general de España que mandó componer Alfonso el

Sabio y se continuaba bajo Sancho IV en 1289, ed. Ramon Menéndez Pidal

(Madrid: Editorial Gredos, 1955), 2 vols.

31. Linehan, History and Historians; Linehan, “Unas Apostillas,” in Fernando

III y su tiempo, pp. 375–93; Hernández, “La corte de Fernando III,” in

Fernando III y su tiempo, p. 115.

32. William Chester Jordan, Louis IX and the Challenge of the Crusade

(Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1979).

33. Reilly critiques these trends in “Bishop Lucas.”

34. Martin, “Berenguela,” in Historia de las mujeres, p. 589.

35. The field of study of medieval motherhood, both as an experience and as

a religio-cultural construct was inaugurated by Clarissa W. Atkinson, The

Oldest Vocation: Christian Motherhood in the Middle Ages (Ithaca, NY: Cornell

N O T E S 181

University Press, 1991); this work was quickly followed by a series of more

specialized studies appearing in collections such as Sanctity and Motherhood:

Essays on Holy Mothers in the Middle Ages, ed. Anneke B. Mulder-Bakker

(New York: Garland, 1995); and Medieval Mothering, ed. John Carmi

Parsons and Bonnie Wheeler (New York: Garland, 1996).

36. Carlos Estepa Díez, “Curia y Cortes en el Reino de León,” in Las Cortes

de Castilla y León en la Edad Media 1, ed. Carlos Estepa Díez (Valladolid:

Cortes de Castilla y León, 1988), pp. 23–103; Joseph F. O’Callaghan,

The Cortes of Castile-León, 1188–1350 (Philadelphia: University of

Pennsylvania Press, 1989), p. 15. For the effect of these developments on

women, see Dillard, Daughters of the Reconquest.

37. Esther Pascua Echegaray, Guerra y pacto en el siglo XII: la consolidación de una

sistema de reinos en Europa occidental (Madrid: CSIC, 1996), pp. 288–317;

Ana Rodríguez López, La Consolidación territorial de la monarquía feudal

castellana: expansion y fronteras durante el reinado de Fernando III (Madrid:

CSIC, 1994), pp. 137–39, 197–98, 313–22.

38. The famous polemical debate between the twentieth-century histo-

rians Claudio Sánchez Albornoz and Américo Castro over the funda-

mental characteristics of medieval Spain drew scholarly attention to the

explanatory power of convivencia, problematizing especially its potentially

static view of medieval Spanish culture. For recent discussions of the

meaning and use of the term, see the work of Lucy Pick, Thomas Glick,

Jerrilynn Dodds, and María Judith Feliciano, cited throughout, espe-

cially in Chapter Six. See also David Nirenberg, Communities of Violence:

Persecution of Minorities in the Middle Ages (Princeton: Princeton University

Press, 1996), p. 9. Brian Catlos challenges the usefulness of the term,

arguing instead for the idea of “convenience” to understand the relations

between Christians and Muslims in the Crown of Aragon, but his argu-

ment is based on the very particular economic and social relations that

existed in the Ebro valley. Brian A. Catlos, “Contexto y Conveniencia

en la Corona de Aragón: Propuesta de un modelo de interacción entre

grupos etno-religiosos minoritarios y mayoritarios,” Revista d’Història

Medieval 12 (2001–2002): 259–68.

39. Penelope D. Johnson, Prayer, Patronage and Power: The Abbey of La Trinité,

Vendôme, 1032–1187 (New York: New York University Press, 1981), pp.

11–13; Erin L. Jordan, Women, Power, and Religious Patronage in the Middle

Ages (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006), pp. 61–84, articulates very

well the clear link between religious patronage and secular power, as does

Silleras-Fernández, Power, Piety, and Patronage, pp. 115–37.

40. Gabrielle M. Spiegel, “Genealogy: Form and Function in Medieval

Historical Narrative,” History and Theory 22.1 (Feb., 1983): 43–53;

“History, Historicism, and the Social Logic of the Text,” Speculum 65.1

( Jan., 1990): 59–86.

41. Crónica Ocampiana, pt. 4, fol. 387v; La Traducción gallega de la crónica gen-

eral y de la crónica de Castilla, ed. Ramón Lorenzo (Orense: Instituto de

Estudos Orensanos Padre Feijóo, 1975), 2 vols., v. 1: ch. 502, p. 732; Lupián

N O T E S182

Zapata, Epitome de la vida y muerte de la Reyna Doña Berenguela, pp. 33–47;

Juan de Mariana, Historia de España in Obras del Padre Juan de Mariana,

2 vols. (Madrid: Real Academia Española, 1950), v. 1, pp. 350–51; The

French scholar Le Nain de Tillemont also claimed Blanche’s seniority; see

Hernández, “La corte de Fernando III,” in Fernando III y su tiempo, p. 113.

42. Ernst H. Kantorowicz, The King’s Two Bodies: A Study in Medieval Political

Theology (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1957). See also, Theresa

Earenfight, “Partners in Politics,” in Queenship and Political Power,

pp. xiv–xv, [xi–xvii], citing Kantorowicz.

43. This was not a given. For Queen Urraca, and her sexual conduct while an

unmarried queen, see Reilly, Queen Urraca, especially pp. 46–47.

44. Lois L. Huneycutt, “The Creation of a Crone: The Historical Reputation

of Adelaide of Maurienne,” in Capetian Women, p. 30 [27–44], citing

Achille Luchaire, Histoire des institutions monarchiques de la France sous les

premiers Capétiens, 987–1183, 2nd ed., 2 vols. (1891 repr. Brussels: Culture

et Civilisation, 1964), v.1, pp. 133–34 and 183–85, and Andrew W.

Lewis, Royal Succession in Capetian France: Studies in Familial Order and

the State (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1981), pp. 21, 43,

and 54–55.

45. Earenfight, “Partners in Politics,” in Queenship and Political Power, pp. xiv,

xv, and xvii.


47. CM, praefatio, p. 4.

48. DRH 9.5, pp. 295–86.

49. Alfonso IX 1, p. 92; Élie Berger, Histoire de Blanche de Castille, reine de France

(Paris: Thorin et fils, 1895), pp. 30–31.

50. Flórez, Las reinas católicas, v. 1, pp. 449–50.

51. Shadis, “Blanche of Castile,” in Capetian Women, pp. 142–46.

52. Louis IX, Gesta Sancti Ludovici Noni, auctore monacho sancti Dionysii anon-

ymo, RHF 20, p. 46.


54. Sordello, “Lament for Lord Blacatz,” The Poetry of Sordello, ed. and trans.

James J. Wilhelm (New York: Garland, 1987), p. 109. Sordello’s reference

to Louis’s loss of Castile is fascinating, but inexplicable; perhaps, he was

vaguely aware of the nobles who approached Blanche and her husband

Louis about the Castilian throne. See Chapter Four.

55. Sordello, “The Instruction in Honor,” The Poetry of Sordello, trans.

Wilhelm, p. 203.

56. CM 93, p. 332.

57. DRH 9.17, p. 300.

58. Weissberger, Isabel Rules, especially Chapter One, “Anxious Masculinity,”

pp. 1–27.

59. Ana Rodríguez López, “Sucesión regia y legitimidad política en Castilla

en los siglos XII y XIII. Algunas consideraciones sobre el relato de las

crónicas Latinas castellano-leonesas,” Annexes CLCHM 16 (2004): 21–41.

60. Robert Fawtier, The Capetian Kings of France, trans. Lionel Butler and

R. J. Adam (London: Macmillan, 1960), p. 28; see also Jordan, Women,

N O T E S 183

Power, and Religious Patronage for a discussion on the relationship between

perceptions of women’s power as potentially real but always anomalous,

pp. 33–34.

1 Mothering Queenship: Leonor of England,

Queen of Castile 1161–1214

1. Queens who did not become mothers might be forced to overcome that

deficit by refiguring their rhetorical position vis-à-vis the king. Thus,

Queen Edith, wife of Edward the Confessor, recast herself as a chaste

daughter-figure to the saintly king, “glossing over a barren union.”

Stafford, Queen Emma & Queen Edith, p. 47. Much later, María of Castile,

queen of Aragón, was neither a mother nor a regular sexual partner nor

a fictive daughter to her husband Alfonso V of Aragón. María could

refer to a powerful extended family, and the particular institution of

the queens-lieutenant of Aragón to secure her political role. Earenfight,

“Absent Kings” in Queenship and Political Power, pp. 40–47, and Earenfight,

“Without the Persona of the Prince,” 4–6.

2. Robert de Torigny, Chronica, in Chronicles of the Reigns of Stephen, Henry

II, and Richard I, ed. Richard Howlett, 4 vols. (1882, repr. Weisbaden:

Kraus Reprint, 1964), v. 4, p. 303. See also Miriam Shadis and Constance

Hoffman Berman, “A Taste of the Feast: Reconsidering Eleanor

of Aquitaine’s Female Descendents,” in Lord and Lady, pp. 182–85

[177–211].

3. Alfonso VIII 1, pp. 185, 787–89, and 793; Joseph F. O’Callaghan,

History of Medieval Spain (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1975),

pp. 235–39.

4. W. L. Warren, Henry II (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1973),

p. 223.

5. Vann, “Castilian Queenship,” in Queens, Regents and Potentates,

pp. 128–29.

6. Alfonso VIII 1, pp. 188–90; Flórez, Las reinas católicas, v. 1, p. 504; Robert

de Torigny, Chronica, p. 247.

7. Alfonso VIII 1, p. 192b provides a photograph and transcript of this char-

ter of arras.

8. Alfonso VIII 2: no. 148.

9. Dillard, Daughters of the Reconquest, pp. 47–51. Castilians (and the Leonese)

were slower to adopt the changes described by Diane Owen Hughes for

the rest of the Mediterranean, although the reasons why—possibly a longer

retention of partible inheritance—remain unclear. “From Brideprice to

Dowry in Mediterranean Europe,” Journal of Family History 3:3 (1978):

262–96.

10. Dillard, Daughters of the Reconquest, pp. 27, 47, and 69; Simon Barton, The

Aristocracy in Twelfth-century León and Castile (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge

University Press, 1997), pp. 54–55.

11. Blanche’s dowry came from her uncle John of England as part of his

settlement with Philip Augustus in the Treaty of Le Goulet. Although

N O T E S184

Urraca was likely dowered by her husband, Afonso of Portugal, no arras

agreement exists for her.

12. Documentos de Jaime I de Aragón, ed. Ambrosio Huici Miranda and María

Desamparados Cabanes Pecourt, 5 vols. (Valencia: Anubar, 1976), v. 1:

no. 27; see also Jesús Lalinde Abadia, “Los pactos matrimoniales cata-

lanes,” Anuario de historia del derecho español 33 (1963): 188–91 [133–266].

13. Dillard, Daughters of the Reconquest, p. 48.

14. Alfonso VIII 1, p. 192b.

15. Alfonso X, Fuero real, ed. Azucena Palacios Alcaine (Barcelona:

Promociones y Publicaciones Universitarias, 1991), p. 65; see also Dillard,

Daughters of the Reconquest, pp. 69–70, and Barton, Aristocracy, p. 71.

16. Alfonso X, Las siete partidas, trans. Samuel Parsons Scott, ed. Robert

I. Burns, S. J., 5 vols. (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press,

2000), 4.11.7, pp. 933–34. Although Alfonso X described the theory and

practice of dowry, he noted that it “rarely happens because women are

naturally greedy and avaricious.” Partidas 4.11.3, p. 932. A more logical

explanation would be that even by Alfonso’s day, legal custom still fol-

lowed the old ways.

17. Alfonso VIII 3: no 769.

18. Alfonso VIII 2: no. 278; see also Alfonso VIII 1, pp. 802–3; Reilly, Alfonso

VII, pp. 37–38, 45, and 206.

19. In 1188, Leonor was recognized as “Lady of Peñafiel.” Documentación

del monasterio de Las Huelgas de Burgos, ed. José Manuel Lizoain Garrido,

10 vols. (Burgos: Ediciones Garrido y Garrido, 1985), v. 1 (1116–1230):

no. 18.

20. Gesta Regis Henrici Secundi, Benedicti Abbatis: The chronicle of the reigns of

Henry II and Richard I A.D. 1169–1192; known commonly under the name of

Benedict of Peterborough, ed. William Stubbs, 2 vols. (1867, repr. Wiesbaden:

Kraus Reprint, 1965), v. 1, p. 139; Alfonso VIII 2: no. 279.

21. Alfonso VIII 2: nos. 277 and 278.

22. Gesta Henrici II, p. 144; Alfonso VIII 1, pp. 810–11.


24. Alfonso VIII 1, pp. 834–35; CL 14, p. 48.

25. Echegaray, Guerra y pacto, p. 301. González points to a rumor of Alfonso’s

interest in Gascony as early as the reign of Richard I (1188–98), supplied

by the poet Bertran de Born. Alfonso VIII 1, p. 866; “Miei Sirventes

Vuolh Far Dels Reis Amdos” in Los Trovadores: historia literaria y textos,

ed. Martín de Riquer, 3 vols. (Barcelona: Editorial Planeta, 1975), v. 2:

no. 138, pp. 734–36. Although the date is uncertain, the sirventes surely

indicates anxiety about Castilian intervention in France.

26. CL 17, p. 51; Echegaray, Guerra y pacto, pp. 319–20.

27. CL 17, p. 52.

28. Alfonso VIII 3: no. 1030; see also no. 765.

29. Foedera: conventiones, litterae, ed. Thomas Rymer, 3 vols. (London: Record

Commission, 1816–1830), v. 1, pt. 1, p. 94.

30. Alfonso VIII 1, p. 195, n191.

N O T E S 185

31. Alfonso VIII 3: no. 674. No contemporary charter or chronicle evidence

attests to Mafalda’s life, although she appears in La traducción gallega, v. 1,

ch. 503, p. 733. The only other evidence for her is a very late, possi-

bly postmedieval tomb inscription in the “old” cathedral of Salamanca,

asserting that Mafalda died in 1204 “as yet unmarried” [finó por casar en

Salamanca el año de 1204].


33. Alfonso VIII 2: nos. 373, 374, 377–82, 386–90, 399, 419, 442, 472, 499,

520, 522, 524–31, and 533–36. Charter no. 537, dated December 1189,

notes Alfonso ruling with his son Fernando, signaling the infante’s

birth.

34. Alfonso VIII 2: nos. 373, 374, 377–82.

35. Alfonso VIII 2: nos. 520, 522, 524–31, 533–36.


37. Alfonso VIII 2: no. 549; Francisco Simón y Nieto, “La nodriza de doña

Blanca de Castilla,” Bulletin Hispanique 5 (1903): 5–8.


39. Alfonso VIII 3, p. 865.

40. For contemporary discussions of the benefits of mothers’ milk, see

William F. MacLehose, “Nurturing Danger: High Medieval Medicine

and the Problem(s) of the Child,” in Medieval Mothering, pp. 3–24, and

Atkinson, The Oldest Vocation, pp. 59–61.

41. For example, Documentación del monasterio de San Juan de Burgos, 1091–

1400, ed. F. Javier Peña Pérez (Burgos: Ediciones J. M. Garrido Garrido,

1983): no. 49.

42. Alfonso VIII 2: nos. 165, 168, 248, and 249.

43. See Alfonso VIII 2: nos. 5, 7–15, 17–19, and 21–23; and Reilly, Alfonso VII,

“Annotated Guide to Documents,” nos. 817, 821, 837, 842, 881, 883–84,

and 892–93.

44. Dillard, Daughters of the Reconquest, pp. 76–77.


46. Simon R. Doubleday, The Lara Family: Crown and Nobility in Medieval

Spain (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2001), pp. 38–43;

Barton, Aristocracy, Appendix 3: no. 17.

47. Felipe-Gil Peces Rata, Paleografía y epigrafía en la catedral de Sigüenza

(Sigüenza: Gráficas Carpintero, 1988), p. 51; also Charles Rudy, The

Cathedrals of Northern Spain (Boston: L.C. Page, 1905), p. 338.


49. Julio González, Regesta de Fernando II (Madrid: CSIC, 1943): no. 37, and

pp. 129–30, 457, and 460–66.


51. Vann, “Castilian Queenship,” in Queens, Regents and Potentates,

pp. 134–35.

52. In 1175 the English brothers Richard and Randulph, canons at the cathe-

dral of Salamanca founded a church there dedicated to Becket. Pablo

Núñez Paz et alia, Salamanca. Guía de arquitectura (León: Colegio Oficial

N O T E S186

de Arquitectos de León, 2002), p. 89. See also Documentos de los archivos

catedralicio y diocesano de Salamanca, siglos xii–xiii, ed. José Luis Martin et

alia (Salamanca: Universidad de Salamanca, 1977): no. 74. Other early

examples of the Becket cult include a cathedral chapel in Burgos endowed

around 1202, and a church in Toro, by 1206. Tancred Borenius, St. Thomas

Becket in Art (1932; Reprint Port Washington, NY: Kennikat Press, 1970),

pp. 48–51; See Documentación de la catedral de Burgos, 1184–1222, José

Manuel Garrido Garrido, ed. 4 vols. (Burgos: Ediciones J. M. Garrido

Garrido, 1983), v. 2: no. 363.

53. Angel González Palencia, Los mozarabes de Toledo en los siglos xii y xiii, 3

vols. (Madrid: Instituto de Valencia de don Juan, 1926–28), v. 1: no. 326;

Alfonso VIII 2: no. 215; Alfonso VIII 3: no. 797.

54. The Great Roll of the Pipe, ed. Pipe Roll Society (1955, repr. Nendeln,

Kraus Reprints, 1974), v. 25, p. 47; v. 26, p. 89; v. 27, p. 49; v. 28, p. 61;

and v. 29, p. 81; also vols. 30, 34, 36, and 37; Alan B. Cobban, The Medieval

English Universities: Oxford and Cambridge to c. 1500 (Berkeley: University

of California Press, 1988), pp. 29–30 and 33; H. G. Richardson, “The

Schools of Northampton in the Twelfth Century,” English Historical

Review 55 (1941): 597 [595–605].

55. See Chapter Two, n7.

56. Alfonso VIII 3: no. 769. Italics added.


58. Alfonso VIII 3: no. 769; Dillard, Daughters of the Reconquest, p. 100.


60. Compare Rose Walker’s argument that Alfonso VIII was primarily respon-

sible for the foundation of Las Huelgas, inspired by the old Castilian-

Leonese institution of the infantado—lands set aside for royal women who

were dedicated to God. “Leonor of England, Plantagenet queen of King

Alfonso VIII of Castile, and her foundation of the Cistercian abbey of

Las Huelgas. In imitation of Fontevraud?” Journal of Medieval History 31

(2005): 346–68.

61. Alfonso VIII 3: no. 551; see also Shadis, “Piety, Politics, and Power,” in

Cultural Patronage, pp. 203–4.

62. Las Huelgas 1: no. 12; DRH 7.33, p. 255; PCG 1006, p. 685.




66. Alfonso VIII 3: nos. 885 and 887; See also Alfonso VIII 3: nos. 886, 917,

and 923.


68. For example, Alfonso VIII 3: no. 887.

69. Notably those recorded in the Libro Tumbo in the Archivo del Palacio Real,

Documentación del Hospital del Rey de Burgos, 1136–1277, ed. María del

Carmen Palacín Gálvez and Luis Martínez García (Burgos: J. M. Garrido

Garrido, 1990): nos. 30 and 31.

70. Hospital del Rey: nos. 38–43.

N O T E S 187

71. Hospital del Rey: no. 44.

72. Hospital del Rey: nos. 60, 61, and 64.

73. In 1232 the abbess of Las Huelgas, who administered the hospital,

requested confirmation of a real estate transaction from Fernando and

Berenguela, and asked that they seal the charter; Hospital del Rey: no. 155.

In 1240 Berenguela confirmed a private sale to the Hospital; Hospital del

Rey: no. 217.

74. DRH 7.34, p. 256; CM 4.84, p. 324. González acknowledged without com-

ment that one charter calls the hospital “de la reina Leonor.” Alfonso VIII

1, pp. 610–11. Amancio Rodríguez López criticized the assumptions of

earlier historians, but supposed that it was logical that Alfonso VIII was the

hospital’s founder, nonetheless. El real monasterio de las Huelgas de Burgos y el

hospital del Rey (Burgos: Librería del Centro Católico, 1907), pp. 79–84.

75. Earenfight, “Partners in Politics,” in Queenship and Political Power, p. xvii

on the inequalities inherent in monarchy.

76. Along with an alférez (standard bearer) and aguacil (a judicial official),

Salazar y Acha asserts we are unlikely to see a chancellor among the

queen’s staff, although Leonor did have one, as did Berenguela. Jaime de

Salazar y Acha, La casa del rey de Castilla y León en la edad media (Madrid:

Centro de Estudios Políticos y Constitucionales, 2000), p. 56.

77. Salazar y Acha, Casa del rey, p. 183; Luciano Serrano, El mayordomo mayor

de Doña Berenguela (Madrid: Tipografía de Archivos, 1933).



80. Alfonso VIII 2: no. 314; Alfonso VIII 1, p. 254.

81. Las Huelgas 1: nos. 8, 17, 18, 43, 50, 77, 85–87, 89, and 91. Las Huelgas

nos. 53, 56, 66, and 71 were all confirmed by “Guillelmus et Martinus de

la Regina.” González believed these were references to the queen’s men.

Alfonso VIII 1, p. 256. Another of Leonor’s followers included Álvaro

Rodríguez, Alfonso VIII 2: no. 412.

82. Cf. Vann, “Castilian Queenship,” in Queens, Regents and Potentates, p. 136.

In 1202 charter from Toledo mentioned Aparicio, the queen’s “man,”

probably her official agent, possibly her chamberlain. In 1203, Aparicio

represented Leonor in purchasing a house in Toledo. Alfonso VIII 2: no.

721; González Palencia, Mozarabes de Toledo, pp. 267–68.

83. Shadis and Berman, “A Taste of the Feast,” in Lord and Lady, pp.

182–84.

84. Partidas 2.6.1, p. 299. Vann, “Castilian Queenship,” in Queens, Regents

and Potentates, pp. 125–26, and p. 146. But see also Parsons, Eleanor of

Castile, pp. 9–10, and n12.

85. Brigitte Bedos Rezak, “Women, Seals, and Power in Medieval France,

1150–1350,” in Mary Erler and Maryanne Kowaleski, eds. Women and

Power in the Middle Ages (Athens, GA: University of Georgia Press, 1988),

pp. 61–82.

86. ACT A. 2.G.1.5; Los cartularios de Toledo, ed. Francisco J. Hernández

(Madrid: Fundación Ramon Areces, 1985): no. 186; Alfonso VIII 2: no. 542;

N O T E S188

Elizabeth A. R. Brown, “Eleanor of Aquitaine Reconsidered: The Woman

and Her Seasons,” in Lord and Lady, pp. 20–27 [1–54]. Certain elements of

Leonor’s seal—the full female figure holding the f leur-de-lis are found in

many queens’ seals. Rezak, “Seals,” in Women and Power, p. 64.

87. Rezak, “Seals,” in Women and Power, p. 77.

88. Rezak, “Seals,” in Women and Power, p. 76 (on hunting birds); Brown,

“Eleanor of Aquitaine Reconsidered,” in Lord and Lady, pp. 23–24 (on

the dove).

89. Jesús María Muñoz y Rivero, “Signo Rodado en los documentos reales

anteriores a don Alfonso el Sabio,” Revista de Archivos, Bibliotecas y Museos

2 (1872): 189–90, 222–25 and 270–74; ACT A. 2.G.1.5; Hernández, Los

Cartularios: no. 186; Alfonso VIII 2: no. 542.

90. Muñoz, “Signo Rodado,” 274.

91. Medieval authorities on rhetoric, contemporary with Leonor, specified

that beautiful hands with smooth skin and long white fingers were ele-

ments of feminine beauty. “Furthermore,” wrote Matthew of Vendôme,

“in praising women, one should stress their physical beauty. This is not the

proper way to praise a man.” Art of Versification, trans. Aubrey E. Galyan

(Ames, IA: Iowa State University Press, 1980), p. 43. Kim M. Phillips,

“The Medieval Beauty Myth: An Aesthetics of Virginity,” Medieval Life 5

(Summer, 1996): 10–13.

92. For example, in the Primera crónica general, the queen spurred the construc-

tion of Las Huelgas “por los muchos ruegos”—by many requests: PCG

1006, p. 685. In another instance she agreed with the nobility to inter-

cede with her husband over the war in León, but her words of agreement

or intervention are not recorded; PCG 1004, pp. 682–83.

93. “Un Sirventes Ai En Cor a Bastir,” Riquer, Los trovadores 1: no. 96, pp.

539–40.

94. Manuel Mila y Fontanels, Obras de Manuel Mila y Fontanels, ed. C. Martínez

and F. R. Manrique, 2 vols. (Barcelona: CSIC, 1966), De los trovadores

en España, v. 2, p. 112; Walter T. Pattison, “The Background of Peire

D’Alvernhe’s Chantarai d’aquest Trobadors,” Modern Philology 31(1933):

19–34.

95. Mila y Fontanels, Los trovadores, v. 2, p. 126; see also Castigos para celosos,

consejos para juglares, trans. Jesús D. Rodríguez Velasco (Madrid: Gredos,

1999), p. 94.

96. Rodríguez Velasco, Castigos para celosos, p. 94, n5.

97. On the political and moral legitimizing message of the ciclatón, or ciclatun,

“a heavy fabric made of silk and precious metals, either gold or silver,”

of probably Andalusí manufacture, see María Judith Feliciano, “Muslim

Shrouds for Christian Kings? A Reassessment of Andalusi Textiles in

Thirteenth-century Castilian Life and Ritual,” in Under the Inf luence:

Questioning the Comparative in Medieval Castile, ed. Cynthia Robinson and

Leyla Rouhi (Leiden: Brill, 2005), pp. 127–31 [101–31].

98. Rodríguez Velasco, Castigos para celosos, p. 90; also Carlos Alvar, ed. La

poesía trovadoresca en España y Portugal (Barcelona: Editorial Planeta, 1977),

pp. 70–74.

N O T E S 189

99. María Jesús Gómez Barcena, La escultura gótica funeraria en Burgos (Burgos:

Diputación Provincial, 1988), pp. 194–96.

100. PCG 1024, p. 708.

101. Berger, Blanche de Castille, p. 43, citing Philippe Mousket, verse 27145;

Chronique rimée de Philippe Mouskes, ed. Baron de Reiffenberg, 2 vols.

(Brussels: M. Hayez, 1838), v. 2, p. 548.

102. Sancho IV, Castigos e documentos para bien vivir, ed. Agapito Rey

(Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1952), p. 133.

103. In the early twentieth century, Fidel Fita showed the relationship of

the story to the legends surrounding Rosamund Clifford, the real-life

mistress of Henry II, and suggested the introduction of such a nar-

rative in Castile through troubadour poetry. In the Castilian version,

Leonor took Eleanor of Aquitaine’s place as the betrayed wife. Fidel

Fita, “Elogio de la reina de Castilla y esposa de Alfonso VIII, doña

Leonor de Inglaterra,” BRAH 53.4 (1908): 418–25 [411–30]. See also

Alfonso VIII 1, pp. 26–49; and Pilar León Tello, Judios de Toledo, 2 vols.

(Madrid: CSIC, 1979), v. 1, pp. 40–42.

104. David Nirenberg, “Deviant Politics and Jewish Love: Alfonso VIII and

the Jewess of Toledo,” Jewish History (2007): 21 [15–41].

105. For example, the work of Lope de Vega ( Jerusalén conquistada [1609]

or Las paces de los reyes y judía de Toledo [1617]). In the twentieth cen-

tury, a more sympathetic version of the tale was told by the German-

Jewish novelist Lion Feuchtwanger. In Raquel: The Jewess of Toledo,

Feuchtwanger builds on the themes of Raquel’s beauty and intelligence,

and Alfonso’s compulsion: Leonor is cast as a villainess, inspired to cold-

heartedness by her mother, Eleanor. Lion Feuchtwanger, Raquel: The

Jewess of Toledo, trans. Ernst Kaiser and Eithne Wilkins (New York:

Julian Messner, 1956) [German title: Die Jüdin von Toledo: Roman

<Pacific Palisades, CA: 1954>].

106. Crónica ocampiana, pt. 4, fol. 387v. “E demas matol los fijos varones e

houo el regno el rey don Fernando, su nieto, fijo de su fija.” Sancho

IV, Castigos, p. 133. See also Traducción gallega, 1: 491, p. 717; Nirenberg,

“Deviant Politics,” p. 34, nn4, 5.

2 Documenting Authority: Marriage Agreements

and the Making of a Queen

1. Stafford, Queen Emma & Queen Edith, p. 60.

2. The Treaty of Le Goulet, which described Blanche’s dowry in France,

provides a comparison in both form and content, standing out as a for-

mal treaty. Layettes du tresór des chartres, ed. Alexandre Teulet et alia, 5

vols. (1863–1909, Reprint Nendeln: Kraus Reprints, 1977)1: no. 578.

The designation of the Treaty of Seligenstadt (Berenguela and Conrad’s

marriage agreement) as a treaty is historiographical: the purpose of

the document was to contract a marriage; it made no other political

arrangement between Frederick I and Alfonso VIII. Alfonso VIII 2:

no. 499.

N O T E S190

3. Infante Fernando was twenty-one years old when he died, and only one

attempt to find a bride for him is known. His parents sought to betroth

him to a Danish princess, who rejected the marriage in favor of the

cloister. See M-H. Vicaire, Saint Dominic and His Times, trans. Kathleen

Pond (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1964), pp. 46–48 and 53–55; Jordan of

Saxony, On the Beginnings of the Order of Preachers, ed. and trans., Simon

Tugwell, O. P. (Dublin: Dominican Publishers, 1982), ch. 2, pp. 4–5.

4. John Carmi Parsons, “Mothers, Daughters, Marriage, Power: Some

Plantagenet Evidence, 1150–1500,” in Medieval Queenship, pp. 66–68

[63–78].

5. Conrad was the fifth son of Frederick Barbarossa and Beatrice of Burgundy,

and approximately seventeen years old in 1187. In 1191, he became Duke

of Swabia and died in 1196. The Chronicle of Otto of St. Blaise paints a

picture of an uncouth and easily led young man. Die Chronik Ottos von

St. Blasien und die Marbarcher Annalen, ed. and German trans. Franz-Josef

Schmale (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1998). The

Iberian chroniclers do not say much about him. The one modern com-

mentator on this marriage says only that Conrad met an evil end, fittingly

in the arms of a woman he tried to ravish. Peter Rassow, Der prinzegemahl:

ein pactum matrimoniale aus dem jahre 1188 (Weimar: Hermann Böhlaus

Nachfolger, 1950), pp. 84–85.

6. Evelyn S. Procter, Curia and Cortes in León and Castile, 1072–1295

(Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1980), p. 77; Joseph

F. O’Callaghan, “The Beginnings of the Cortes of León-Castile,” American

Historical Review 74.5 ( June 1969): 1512–13 [1503–1537]; O’Callaghan,

Cortes of Castile-León, pp. 16–18; Alfonso VIII 2: nos. 467–71. These meet-

ings also had a significant impact on the alliance system throughout

Iberia. Echegaray, Guerra y pacto, pp. 292–93.

7. Gonzalo Martínez Díez, “Curia y cortes en el reino de Castilla,” in Estepa

Díez, Curia y Cortes, pp. 140–42. O’Callaghan believes that despite the

dating of the contract in Germany, “it obviously was prepared at San

Esteban in 1187.” O’Callaghan, “Beginnings of the Cortes,” 1512–13.

However, the form of the document differs from typical Castilian char-

ters; the possibility of its preparation in Germany should not be dismissed.

Peter Rassow, in his study of the charter, points out the ambiguity inher-

ent in the very form of the charter and leans toward preparation in

Germany. Rassow, Prinzegemahl, pp. 14–15. The nobility of Castile still

may have confirmed the agreement, however: cortes were often called to

ratify marriages.


9. Alfonso VIII 2: nos. 467–71.

10. Alfonso IX 1, pp. 35–51; O’Callaghan, Cortes of Castile-León, p. 16.

11. CL 11, p. 44; PCG 997, p. 677; See also DRH 7.24, p. 246. Even earlier,

Alfonso VIII recorded Alfonso IX’s obeisance in royal charters for some

time, dating his charters from the time of the cortes when he knighted

Alfonso. Alfonso VIII 2: no. 505. This continued through 1190, when

N O T E S 191

sometime after October 14, 1190 the formula ceased to be used (along with

mention of Berenguela’s betrothal to Conrad). Alfonso VIII 2: no. 560.

12. Alfonso VIII 1, p. 706; for the 1158 treaty between Fernando II and Sancho

III, see González, Fernando II: no. 1, pp. 241–43; Echegaray, Guerra y

pacto, p. 291.

13. Teofilo Ruiz, “Unsacred Monarchy: The Kings of Castile in the Late

Middle Ages,” in Rites of Power: Symbolism, Ritual and Politics in the Middle

Ages, ed. Sean Wilentz (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press,

1985), p. 125 [109–144]. See also Linehan, History and the Historians,

p. 595.

14. CL 11, p. 43. Thirty-two years later, González notes, a charter referred

to this curia as one in which “the king of Castile handed over his daugh-

ter in marriage to the king of León” [A tempore curie que fuit Carrione,

quando rex Castelle tradidit f iliam suam nupti regi Legionis]. Alfonso VIII

1, pp. 706–707, n19. A charter given by Alfonso IX in 1188 places him

at San Zoilo of Carrión as well: See Alfonso IX 2: no. 10 (1188 June 27,

Carrión); Julio A. Pérez Celada, Documentación del monasterio de San Zoilo

de Carrión, 1047–1300 (Palencia: Ediciones J. M. Garrido Garrido, 1986),

v. 1: no. 60. Although it gives the precise date and location the char-

ter does not mention Alfonso’s reasons for being in Carrión. Alfonso

was accompanied by the archbishop of Compostela and bishops of León,

Oviedo, and Salamanca, as well as at least four major nobles of his realm,

who all confirmed the charter. The chancery of the Castilian king is

silent about this matter, González supposes, because it consisted of cler-

ics who would have been opposed to a canonically forbidden marriage.

Alfonso VIII 1, pp. 706–7. On the other hand, as Lomax pointed out, Juan

of Osma’s distaste for consanguineous marriages led him to identify them

assiduously. Lomax, “Authorship,” 205–11.

15. Cf. Alfonso VIII 1, p. 203.

16. Alfonso VIII 1, pp. 707–8. González’s collection indicates the dates and

duration of this curia. On July 4, 1188 Alfonso VIII’s chancery noted

the knighting of Alfonso IX. On July 28, there is notice of the mar-

riage of Conrad and Berenguela, which presumably had occurred in the

interim, as well as of Alfonso IX’s knighting (Alfonso VIII 2: nos. 505 and

506). The Chronica latina states that it was scarcely two months after the

knighting of Alfonso that the marriage of Berenguela and Conrad took

place. CL 11, p. 14. Generally, Juan of Osma is very precise about details

of agreements and chronology, suggesting access to court records. See

Lomax, “Authorship,” 207–8.

17. CL 11, 44.

18. This process contrasts with the establishment of an earlier hereditary

queen, Urraca of Castile-León (1109–1126). Reilly, Queen Urraca, pp.

14–44. Reilly cites the Crónica anómina’s assertion that Alfonso VI desig-

nated Urraca as his heir in a public forum, but no official, public, recorded

declaration of her right to succeed survives. Reilly, Queen Urraca, p. 56;

Reilly, Alfonso VI, p. 352.

N O T E S192

19. The cases of Alfonso X, Sancho IV, and Fernando IV and their daughters

will be discussed below.

20. Alfonso VIII 2: no. 499. Leonor and Berenguela’s apparent witnessing may

be one reason why the treaty is argued to have been prepared in Castile.


22. Ruiz, “Unsacred Monarchy,” p. 109; Linehan, History and the Historians,

pp. 427–30. Much later, the Siete partidas stated that kingship could be

achieved through marriage. Partidas 2.1.9, p. 274.

23. “secundum usum et consuetudinem Alemanie,” Alfonso VIII 2: no. 499.

German law and practice regarding wives, widows, and property rights

for the thirteenth century is understudied. For earlier periods, see

Suzanne Fonay Wemple, Women in Frankish Society: Marriage and the

Cloister 500–900 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1981);

see also Jerold C. Frakes, Brides and Doom: Gender, Property and Power in

Medieval German Women’s Epic (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania

Press, 1994), pp. 54–64.

24. Rodríguez López, Consolidación, p. 156.

25. Berenguela later exacted this same promise from Álvaro Núñez de Lara,

when he became regent for her brother Enrique I in 1215. DRH 9.1, pp.

281–82; PCG 1025, p. 709.


27. Alfonso VIII 1, pp. 207–8.

28. Rassow, Prinzegemahl, pp. 53–54. It should be pointed out that Alfonso’s

dynasty was relatively new.

29. Reilly, Alfonso VII, pp. 110–12, on the negotiations for this marriage,

which was not intended to last.

30. Rassow, Prinzegemahl, p. 57.

31. Rassow, Prinzegemahl, p. 73, citing only Otto of St. Blaise, c. 28. See

Chronik Ottos, p. 82.

32. DRH 7.24, p. 246. The Primera crónica general states that Conrad wished to

dissolve the marriage upon his return to Germany. PCG 997, p. 677. The

editor of Otto’s chronicle suggests that Conrad instigated the betroth-

al’s dissolution, between 1190 and 1193. If proven, this would suggest

that Conrad became disenchanted by a match that seemed unlikely,

after Infante Fernando’s birth, to bring him a crown. Procter, Curia and

Cortes, pp. 75–76. See Chronik Ottos, p. 83, n71, which refers to a letter to

Archbishop Gonzalo of Toledo, explaining Conrad’s resistance. I cannot

find this letter. By August 1192, Martín López de Pisuerga was arch-

bishop of Toledo: if such a letter was written, it was probably to Martín,

and not Gonzalo. Juan Francisco Rivera Recio, Los arzobispos de Toledo

(Toledo: Diputación Provincial, 1969), pp. 35–38.

33. James A. Brundage explains, “Divortium in canonistic language meant

either a declaration of nullity (that a valid marriage had never existed) or

else permission for a married couple to separate and establish indepen-

dent households, but not to remarry.” James A. Brundage, Law, Sex, and

Christian Society in Medieval Europe (Chicago: University of Chicago Press,

1987), p. 371.

N O T E S 193

34. Rassow, Prinzegemahl, pp. 74–75; DRH 7.24, p. 246.



37. Roger of Howden, Chronica Magistri Rogeri de Houdene, ed. William Stubbs,

4 vols. (1869, Reprint Wiesbaden: Kraus Reprint, 1964), 3, p. 100; D. D.

R. Owen, Eleanor of Aquitaine: Queen and Legend (Oxford: Blackwell,

1996), p. 84; Regine Pernoud, Eleanor of Aquitaine, trans. Peter Wiles

(New York: Coward-McCann, 1968), p. 216; Ralph V. Turner, “Eleanor

of Aquitaine in the Governments of Her Sons Richard and John,” in Lord

and Lady, pp. 80–81 [77–95]; Jane Martindale, “Eleanor of Aquitaine and

a ‘Queenly Court’?” in Lord and Lady, pp. 423–39.

38. Rassow, Prinzegemahl, pp. 81–82.

39. What can be reconstructed of the Castilian court’s itinerary in this period

does not suggest a visit to Navarre, but it is an itinerary full of lengthy

gaps. Alfonso VIII 2: nos. 555–63.

40. Prinzegemahl, p. 85.

41. As Rassow notes, “Almost a generation after these events, when the agree-

ment would seem to be a dead letter, it finally achieved its real and highest

logical political meaning in terms of its own attributes as the arbiter of

throne-succession for the Castilian royal house.” Prinzegemahl, p. 87.

42. CL 33, p. 76.

43. Martin explains Berenguela’s “reservation” of her rights both when she

gave up the regency of Enrique I and at the time of her own succession in

1217. “Négociation,” 10, 12; see next chapter.

44. As noted earlier (n18), no surviving document affirmed Urraca’s right to

rule.

45. Procter suggests that this document served as the source for the “princi-

ple” or “statute” that in the event there is no male heir, a daughter should

inherit or rule. Procter, Curia and Cortes, pp. 177, and 192–93; Vladimir

Piskorski, Las cortes de Castilla en el período de tránsito en la edad media a

la moderna, 1188–1520, Spanish trans. C. Sánchez-Albornoz (1897, repr.

Barcelona: El Albir, 1977): Appendix 1, pp. 196–97. See also the declara-

tion of Enrique III in 1402 that his daughter María should be his recog-

nized heir. Las cortes, Appendix 4, pp. 200–202.

46. For Sancho, see Procter, Curia and Cortes, p. 176; Pedro López de Ayala,

Crónica del rey don Sancho el Bravo, in Crónicas de los reyes de Castilla, ed.

Cayetano Rosell, 3 vols. (Madrid: Ediciones Atlas, 1953), v. 1: ch. 1 and 2.

47. López de Ayala, Crónica del rey don Fernando Cuarto, in Crónicas de los reyes

de Castilla 1: ch. 19.

48. Alfonso VIII 3: no. 622; Alfonso IX 2: no. 79; PL 214:611; Alfonso VIII

1, pp. 712–14; Alfonso IX 1, pp. 65–66; Flórez, Las reinas católicas 1,

pp. 332–33.

49. CL 14–15, pp. 45–50; DRH 7.24, p. 246.

50. Joseph F. O’Callaghan, Reconquest and Crusade in Medieval Spain

(Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2003), pp. 62–64; Alfonso

IX 1, pp. 83–85; Echegaray, Guerra y pacto, pp. 293–94.

51. Echegaray, Guerra y pacto, pp. 296–97.

N O T E S194

52. CL 15, p. 50.

53. CM IV, pp. 323–24.

54. DRH 7.31, p. 253.

55. DRH 7.31, p. 253; see also Flórez, Las reinas católicas 1, p. 464. Later, the

Primera crónica general suggested a conspiracy between the queen and the

nobles, and that the omnes buenos foresaw that the marriage ultimately

would be dissolved, but that meanwhile the birth of heirs who could poten-

tially unite Castile and León would more than offset this unpleasant pos-

sibility. Perhaps, however, the authors of the Primera crónica general were

reading later events into an earlier history; for at the time of his marriage to

Berenguela, Alfonso IX had three children by his first wife, Teresa, and had

proceeded to treat his first son, Fernando, as his heir; thus his children by

Berenguela were potentially removed from inheriting the throne of León.

This Fernando died in 1214; his death possibly “naturalized” the direct line

of inheritance to Fernando III for the compilers of the Primera crónica general.

PCG 1004, p. 682. Roger Howden does not mention Leonor’s interference

in the marriage, but rather says that Alfonso VIII acted with the pope’s

blessing as he forced Alfonso IX to divorce Teresa of Portugal and marry

his own daughter instead. Howden, Chronica 3, p. 90. The Chronica latina

does not mention Leonor’s possible involvement.

56. See Lois L. Huneycutt, “Intercession and the High Medieval Queen: The

Esther Topos,” in The Power of the Weak: Essays in the History of Medieval

Women, ed. Sally-Beth MacLean and Jennifer Carpenter (Champaign:

University of Illinois, 1995), pp. 126–46; John C. Parsons, “The Queen’s

Intercession in Thirteenth-Century England,” in Power of the Weak,

pp. 147–77.

57. Howden, Chronica 3, p. 90. I have found no texts of Celestine’s condem-

nation or approval of the marriage. González suggests that he was inf lu-

enced by his prelates in Spain, who desired peace and thus supported the

marriage. Alfonso IX 1, p. 100.

58. Alfonso IX 1, p. 95.

59. The Latin phrase is “et propter nupcias datis donationibus que tante dom-

ine competebant.” DRH 7.31, p. 253; Berenguela’s arras, discussed below,

was drawn up in 1199. Rodrigo’s report suggests there may have been an

earlier dower agreement which is no longer extant; see below.

60. DRH 7.31, p. 253; PCG 1104, p. 683.

61. Alfonso VIII 1, p. 724. Mariana imaginatively suggested that Leonor’s

intercession and pleadings were directed at convincing her daughter to

go along with the scheme. Historia de España, p. 332.

62. Las Huelgas 1: no. 43.

63. Alfonso VIII’s donation to the monastery of Santa María de Tórtoles

included as patrons Alfonso, Leonor, Fernando, “Queen Berenguela,”

Urraca, Blanca, Constanza, and Sancha. Alfonso VIII 3: no. 674. See dis-

cussion of this charter in Chapter One, n54.

64. This document may be misdated; the addition of a daughter Sancha

and exclusion of Mafalda (if she existed) may suggest a forgery. If the

N O T E S 195

document is misdated, perhaps by a year or so, it is all the more intrigu-

ing for its implications for Berenguela’s status either as a new mother in

January 1198 or as a newly endowed bride in January 1200. Alfonso IX’s

discernable itinerary for the years 1198–1200 offers no particular sugges-

tion that the royal couple may have been visiting Castile, which does not

mean, of course, that Berenguela could not have gone without him.

65. Alfonso VIII 3: no. 681; Alfonso IX 2: no. 135. Hereafter the later edi-

tion, from the collection of documents from the reign of Alfonso VIII of

Castile, is cited.

66. Alfonso VIII 3: no. 681. Specifically, they were the following castles

and towns: in Galicia, San Pelayo de Lodo, Aguilar de Mola, Alba de

Bunel, Candrei, Aguilar de Pedrayo; in the Tierra del Campo, Vega,

Castrogonzalo, Valencia, Cabreros, Castro de los Judíos de Mayorga,

Villalugán, and Castroverde; in Somoza, Colle, Portella, Alión, and

Peñafiel; in Asturias, Oviedo, Siero de Oviedo, Aguilar, Gozón, Corel,

La Isla, Lugaz, Ventosa, Miranda de Nieva, Buraón, Peñafiel de Aller,

and Santa Cruz de Tineo, as well as Astorga and Mansilla. See Rodríguez

López, Consolidación, pp. 139, 148.

67. See the discussion of Innocent III’s claims below, and the next chapter

for discussion of the Treaties of Cabreros and Valladolid. Perhaps it is

an irony of history that the principle that “there should be no marriage

without endowment (ne sine dote coniugium fiat)” had its origins in

Visigothic law before it found its way into canon law. Dillard, Daughters

of the Reconquest, pp. 46–47.

68. They were Rodrigo Pérez de Villalobos, Pedro Ferrández de Benavides,

Gonzalo Rodríguez, Gonzalo Ibánez, Osorius Ibánez, Ferrando García,

Nuño Rodrigo, Sebastián Gutiérrez, Pedro Peláez, Pelayo Gordon,

Pelayo Subredina, Álvaro Díaz, and Fernando Núñez.


70. For example, Gonzalo Rodríguez held Valencia for the queen in 1212.

See below, and next chapter. See also Rodríguez López, Consolidación,

pp. 160–61.


72. “Et si illam captam tenuerit aut ei tam malam continentiam habuerit

que sit preter rationem, et hoc emendare noluerit sicut mandauerit rex

Castelle aut eius uxor.” Alfonso VIII 3: no. 681. One wonders what evil

treatment would have been considered within reason.

73. I am grateful to Professor James Brundage for guidance on the legal-

ity of such “ill treatment beyond reason.” Brundage himself chooses the

meaning of “repression,” or punishment in this case. James A. Brundage,

“Domestic Violence in Classical Canon Law,” in Violence in Medieval Society,

ed. Richard A. Kaeuper (Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 2000), p. 187.

74. In between his marriages to Teresa and Berenguela, Alfonso IX had a

noble mistress named Inés Iñiguez de Mendoza, with whom he had at

least one child. Alfonso VIII and Leonor may have been aware of her

presence; González says that the second marriage put a stop to that affair.

N O T E S196

Alfonso IX 1, p. 311. Alfonso IX fathered at least ten natural children with

a series of mistresses and barraganas. Some of these women are known to

us, and some may have had more status as Alfonso’s partners than is read-

ily apparent. See Flórez, Las reinas católicas v. 1, pp. 485–92. As González

put it, Alfonso did his part in the efforts to repopulate the kingdom,

fathering a total of nineteen children with six different women. Alfonso

IX 1, p. 309. It is unknown whether any of these children were born dur-

ing Berenguela’s tenure as Alfonso’s wife.



77. Constance M. Rousseau, “Kinship Ties, Behavior Norms, and Family

Counselling in the Pontificate of Innocent III,” in Women, Marriage, and

Family in Medieval Christendom: Essays in Memory of Michael M. Sheehan,

C.S., ed. Constance M. Rousseau and Joel Thomas Rosenthal

(Kalamazoo, MI: Medieval Institute Publications, 1998), pp. 325–47.

78. Demetrio Mansilla, ed. Documentación pontificia hasta Inocencio III (Rome:

Instituto Español de Estudios Eclesiásticos, 1955), no. 138.

79. Mansilla, Documentación pontificia, no. 196.


81. Howden, Chronica 4, p. 79.



84. John W. Baldwin, The Government of Philip Augustus, Foundations of French

Royal Power in the Middle Ages (Berkeley: University of California Press,

1988), pp. 80–86; Georges Duby, The Knight, the Lady and the Priest: The

Making of Modern Marriage in Medieval France, trans. Barbara Bray (New

York: Pantheon Books, 1983), pp. 189–206.



87. Fernando III, pp. 253–55; pp. 265–66; L. Auvray, Les Registres de Gregoire

IX, recueil des bulles de ce pape publieés ou analyseés d’après les manuscrits

originaux du Vatican, ed. Lucien Auvray, 4 vols. (1896–1908, repr. Paris:

Fontemoing, 1955), 1: nos. 267, 628. Centuries earlier, Visigothic can-

ons forebade royal widows to remarry in the kingdom of León, but it is

unlikely that this tradition inf luenced Berenguela and her sisters. Collins,

“Queens Dowager,” in Medieval Queenship, pp. 84–85 and 90.

88. Brundage, Law, Sex and Christian Society, p. 343.

89. Without presuming to identify any one of these sisters as lesbian, let alone

all three of them, Judith Bennett’s provocative formulation of “lesbian-

like” is helpful in thinking about the reasons women might not marry,

including the possibility that they did not want to. Judith M. Bennett,

“ ‘Lesbian-Like’ and the Social History of Lesbianisms,” Journal of the

History of Sexuality 9.1–2 ( Jan/Apr. 2000): 1–24.

90. In 1235, Jaume married Violant of Hungary, and eventually divided his

growing empire among her sons Pere and Jaume, reducing significantly

the inheritance of Leonor’s son Alfonso. Thomas N. Bisson, The Medieval

N O T E S 197

Crown of Aragon: A short history (New York: Oxford University Press,

1986), pp. 65–68.

91. See the next chapter for Berenguela. Likewise, Blanche carefully chose

brides for her sons Louis, Robert, Alphonse, and Charles. Her daughter

Isabelle resisted any attempt to marry her. See William Chester Jordan,

“Isabelle of France and Religious Devotion at the Court of Louis IX,” in

Capetian Women, p. 214 [207–33]; Sean L. Field, Isabelle of France: Capetian

Sanctity and Franciscan Identity in the Thirteenth Century (Notre Dame, IN:

University of Notre Dame Press, 2006), pp. 15–20 and 27–34.

92. Janet L. Nelson, “Medieval Queenship,” in Women in Medieval Western

European Culture, ed. Linda Mitchell (New York: Garland, 1999), p. 189

[179–208]. This idea is problematic, however, for it reaffirms the notion

of woman as vessel. Indeed, she was, but perhaps kings need to be under-

stood this way too, as placeholders for royalty, and stability.

3 1197–1217: The Limits of Power and Authority

1. André Poulet, “Capetian Women and the Regency: The Genesis of a

Vocation” in Medieval Queenship, pp. 108–9 [93–116]. On Blanche’s

regencies, see Berger, Blanche de Castille, pp. 46–203 and 313–69; and

Jacques Le Goff, Saint Louis (Paris: Editions Gallimard, 1996), pp. 99–127

and 194–99.

2. Castro, Curso da história da língua, pp. 197–202.

3. Zurita, Anales de la corona de Aragón 3, p. 68.

4. Alfonso IX 2: no. 109.


6. Fernando II’s sisters Sancha and Constance married the kings Sancho VII

of Navarre and Louis VII of France respectively. A half-sister, another

Sancha, married Alfonso II of Aragón. Alfonso IX of León had no sisters.

7. Lucas of Túy, Vita s. Martini legionensis, in Patrilogiae cursus completus.

Series Latina. Ed. J.-P. Migne. 1844–1855 (repr. Turnhout: Brepols,

1969), vol. 208: 17; See also Lucas de Túy, Milagros de San Isidoro, trans.

[Spanish] Juan de Robles (1525), ed. José Manuel Martínez Rodríguez

(León: Universidad de León, 1992), pp. 108–9. Lucas described the royal

couple’s devotion to Martín, PL 208: 17. In his Chronicon mundi, while

describing Berenguela’s patronage, Lucas did not mention Martín. CM

4.85, p. 326. On June 22, 1199, Alfonso IX excused all tributes from

estates belonging to the same chapel at Martín’s request. Alfonso IX 2:

no. 127.

8. Raymond McCluskey, “The Genesis of the Concordia of Martin of Leon,”

in God and Man in Medieval Spain: Essays in Honour of J. R. L. Highfield,

ed. Derek W. Lomax and David Mackenzie (Warminster: Aris & Phillips,

1989), pp. 26–27 [19–35].

9. Patrimonio Cultural de San Isidoro de León. A. Serie documental. 1/1.

Documentos de los siglos x–xiii: colección diplomatica, ed. Maria Encarnación

Martín López (León: Universidad de León, 1995): no. 168. This charter

N O T E S198

is nearly identical in content to Alfonso IX’s given on the same day,

although different wording confirms the use of a different chancellor.

Alfonso IX 2: no. 127.

10. John W. Williams, “León: The Iconography of the Capital,” in Cultures

of Power: Lordship, Status, and Process in Twelfth-Century Europe, ed.

Thomas N. Bisson (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press,

1995), pp. 234–36, 238–39 and 249–51 [231–58]. Linehan, History and the

Historians, pp. 210–14, 357–75, and 402–4.

11. CM 4.85, p. 326.

12. Colección documental de la catedral de Astorga II (1126–1299) ed. Gregoria

Cavero Domínguez and Encarnación Martín López (León: Centro de

Estudios e Investigación, “San Isidoro,” 2000): no. 939. San Isidoro con-

tinued to be a focal point of royal patronage. Patrimonio San Isidoro: nos.

174 and 175; Alfonso IX 2: nos. 159 and 162.

13. CM 4.85, p. 326.

14. María Luisa Bueno Domínguez suggested that Berenguela and Alfonso’s

1201 donation to the cathedral of Zamora was to reward Bishop Martín

for his efforts with the papacy on their behalf. Historia de Zamora: Zamora

de los siglos xi–xiii (Zamora: Fundación “Ramos de Castro,” 1988),

pp. 119–120. See also Peter Linehan, “Santo Martino and the Context

of Sanctity in Thirteenth-century León,” in Past and Present in Medieval

Spain, ed. Peter Linehan, Variorum Reprints (Aldershot: Ashgate, 1992),

p. 691 [689–97], and Linehan, History and the Historians, p. 253.

15. Diplomatic traditions, and not the relative power of the queen, go far to

explain Blanche of Castile’s absence from French charters. Shadis, “Blanche

of Castile,” in Capetian Women, pp. 137–61, and Nelson, “Medieval

Queenship,” in Women in Medieval Western European Culture, p. 201.


17. “[S]ub rege domno Adefonso cum regina castellana domna Berengaria.”

Colección diplomática del monasterio de San Vicente de Oviedo años 781–1200,

ed. Pedro Floriano Llorente (Oviedo: Diputación de Asturias, CSIC,

1968), v. 1: no. 367. Historian Alexandre Herculano asserted that Oviedo

uniquely objected to Berenguela’s marriage to Alfonso, and supported

the interdict. Alexandre Herculano, Historia de Portugal desde o començo da

monarchia até o fim do reinado de Affonso III, ed. David Lopes (Paris, Lisbon:

Livrarias Aillaud & Bertrand, 1915), p. 270. A charter from San Vicente

similarly described Teresa by her nationality. This may explain the cler-

ics’ insistence on Berenguela’s identity as Castilian—a near relative. San

Vicente de Oviedo 1: no. 348.

18. “Regnante rege Alfonso cum Regina domna Berengaria in Legione et in

alia multa terra.” Tumbo viejo de San Pedro de Montes ed. Augusto Quintana

Prieto (León: Centro de Estudios e Investigacion “San Isidoro,” 1971):

no. 254; see also no. 255.

19. Patrimonio San Isidoro: no. 178; Colección diplomatica del monasterio de San

Vicente de Oviedo: siglos xiii–xv, ed. Ma. Josefa Sanz Fuentes and Juan

N O T E S 199

Ignacio Ruiz de la Peña (Oviedo: Imprenta Gofer, 1991) 1.1 (1201–1230):

no. 3.

20. “Dei gratia Legionis atque Gallecie regina.” Alfonso IX 2: no. 181.

21. January 18, 1204 Zamora. Documentos del archivo catedralicio de Zamora

primera parte, 1128–1261, ed. José Luis Martín (Salamanca: Ediciones

Universidad, 1982): no. 61; Bueno Domínguez, Historia de Zamora: no.

112, p. 250.

22. María Vélaz’s grandfather was the powerful count Ponce Vela de Cabrera,

her mother the countess Sancha Ponce. Barton, Aristocracy, pp. 35, 284–85.

Villalobos was particularly important as one of the contested “frontier”

territories between Castile and León, and Rodrigo Pérez’s role as a go-

between should be seen in this light. Rodríguez López, Consolidación,

pp. 160–61, 167.

23. Archivo catedralicio Zamora: no. 52; Bueno Domínguez, Historia de Zamora:

no. 108.


25. Alfonso IX 1, pp. 18–26 and 50; González, Fernando II, pp. 69–70.

26. Documentos del monasterio de Villaverde de Sandoval (siglos xii–xv), ed.

Guillermo Castan Lanaspa (Salamanca: Ediciones Universidad de

Salamanca, 1981): no. 5. This charter was misdated to October 26, 1168;

Leonor and Alfonso married in 1170.

27. Sandoval: nos. 11, 15, and 16.

28. Sandoval: no. 24.

29. Sandoval: no. 32.

30. Sandoval: nos. 33–35 and 37; no. 39, dated October 26, 1204, is well

past the time when Berenguela returned to Castile. Sandoval monks

were not the only ones behind the times: documents from Carracedo

note Alfonso ruling with Berenguela in June and July 1204, and as late

as December 1205. Cartulario de Santa María de Carracedo 992–1500,

ed. Martín Martínez Martínez, 2 vols. (Ponferrada: Instituto Estudios

Bercianos, 1997), v. 1: nos. 194, 195, and 198. Although these charters

often acknowledge the local lordship of the former Leonese queen Teresa

of Portugal in Villafranca, several also acknowledge the reign of the

Castilians before the union of Castile and León in 1230. See Carracedo:

nos. 177, 210, 212, 229, 336, 349, and 350.

31. Sandoval: no. 43. Their majordomo, Gonsalvo Rodríguez and their merino,

García Rodríguez, are also named. A second document from 1208 men-

tions also Álvaro Nunez as alférez. Sandoval: no. 44.

32. Sandoval: nos. 45 and 48.

33. “Regnante rege donno Adefonso cum regina Helynore in Toleto et

in Castella. Regina Beregaria possidente Valentiam. Sub mano eius

Gundissalvus Roderici. Didacus Avas tenens motam Valentie. Villicus

Gundissalvus Roderici.” Sandoval: no. 50; also, no. 51.

34. Sandoval: nos. 56 and 57.

35. Alfonso IX 2: no. 135; Alfonso VIII 3: no. 681.

N O T E S200

36. Documentos de Salamanca: nos. 108, 110, 113, and 119. The known itin-

erary of the Leonese court suggests Berenguela and Alfonso were in

Salamanca six times between July 1197 and July 1204. Alfonso IX 2: nos.

113, 116, 130, 154, 155, and 169. See also El monasterio de Santa María de

Moreruela (1143–1300), ed. María Luisa Bueno Domínguez (Zamora: Caja

de Ahorros Provincial de Zamora, 1975): no. 36; “Regnante rege Alfonso

in Legione et in Galletia et in omni suo regno mandante in Salamanca sub

eius de Regina domna Berenguela,” dated 1200.



39. Dated tentatively 1202. Alfonso IX 2: no. 163.





44. Alfonso IX 2: nos. 183 and 185.

45. Alfonso IX 2: no. 189; Alfonso IX 1, p. 118.

46. “Regina domina Berengaria dominante Castrum Viride. Roderio

Roderici sub manu Regina castrum viride tenente.” Carta de vencion deci-

ertas heredades de Villafrontín. BN ms. 700 folio 240r.


48. AHN Sección Clero, Eslonza, Carpeta No. 967, charters no.1, 2, 12, 13,

14, 15, and 20 recognize Berenguela as “domina de Valencia,” (no. 1), or

“regnante regina berengaria in Valencia” (the rest). Berenguela’s lordship

in Valencia was also noted in the cartulary of Carracedo: Carracedo: no.

371. For Villalpando, see Cartulario de monasterio de San Pedro de Eslonza,

ed. Vicente Vignau y Ballester (Madrid: La Viuda de Hernando, 1885):

nos. 144, 145, and 149.

49. Aurelio Calvo, ed. San Pedro de Eslonza (Madrid: CSIC, 1957), pp. 117–18.

50. The conf lict with Algadefe and Santa Marina would have taken place

between 1217 and 1230, for Berenguela is described as “Queen of Castile

and Toledo,” and the petition is addressed to Alfonso IX, who died in

September 1230. The members of the commission are identified by their

first initials and patronymics, as well as their positions. “Abbot M. of San

Isidoro” was undoubtedly Martín, abbot from at least 1222 until 1247. See

San Isidoro: nos. 213 and 252. “R. Gutierrez, an archdeacon” was likely

Rodrigo Gutierrez, an archdeacon of León active in 1217. José María

Fernández Caton, Catálogo del archive historico diocesano de León (León:

Centro de Estudios e Investigación San Isidoro, 1978), C-11, pp. 230–32.

“F. Alfonso, a canon of León” has been identified as a “ juez del cabildo”

serving under Alfonso IX. Tomás Villacorta Rodríguez, El cabildo catedral

de León (León: Centro de Estudios e Investigación “San Isidoro,” 1974),

pp. 519–20, and no. 1.

51. Calvo, San Pedro de Eslonza, pp. 117–18, and no. 149.

52. Berenguela was consistently identified with the lordship of Valencia

throughout her life. Five years after she died, in 1251, Fernando III

N O T E S 201

confirmed a privilege that Berenguela had given to the alcalde in Valencia

around 1224. Fernando III 3: no. 831.

53. Documentos de la iglesia colegial de Santa María la Mayor (hoy Metropolitana)

de Valladolid, ed. Manuel Mañueco Villalobos and José Zurita Nieto

(Valladolid: Imp. Castellana, 1920): nos. 6, 7, 11, and 12. In 1230, the

“queen’s merino” was established in Valladolid, and although it is unclear

which queen—Berenguela or Beatriz—is referred to, it strongly indicates

the continued lordship for the queen in that city. Santa María la Mayor:

no. 28. See also Adeline Rucquoi, Valladolid en la edad media 1: Genesis de

un poder (Valladolid: Junta de Castilla y León, 1987), pp. 164–66.

54. Patrimonio San Isidoro: no. 231; Colección documental del monasterio de Santa

María de Carbajal, 1093–1461, ed. Santiago Domínguez Sánchez (León:

Centro de Estudios e Investigación “San Isidoro,” 2000): nos. 124 and

127.

55. Patrimonio San Isidoro: nos. 236–38, and 241; Carbajal nos. 128–30, 132, and

133; Fernández Caton, Catálogo Catedral León, BC-15, p. 411; Villacorta

Rodríguez, El cabildo catedral, p. 531.

56. Patrimonio San Isidoro: no. 256. Martin asserts that Berenguela ceded the

tenancy of León to Alfonso in 1238, but his evidence for this is unclear.

“Négociation,” 50.

57. The Castilian ad hoc approach to the problem may be compared with

the Aragonese development of the office of the queen-lieutenant; see

Earenfight, María of Castile, and Silleras-Fernández, María de Luna.

58. Either Alfonso or Constanza may have been born after Berenguela’s

return to Castile. Only the birth order of Leonor and Fernando is cer-

tain. González thought Leonor was probably born in the second half of

1198; calculating that Berenguela gave birth on an average of every fif-

teen months, he placed Constanza’s birth at the end of 1199, Fernando’s

at the end of June 1201; Alfonso at the end of 1202, and Berenguela

in 1204. Following Lucas of Túy, González states that Leonor died on

November 12, 1202. Fernando’s birth can be confirmed to some extent

by his first appearance in his parents’ charters in September, 1201, in a

gift to San Isidoro: Patrimonio San Isidoro: no. 174; Fernando III 1, p. 62,

nn3 and 4. González calculates Fernando’s birthdate based on the expres-

sions of his age in the Chronica latina and the De rebus Hispanie in July 1217.

Fernando III 1, p. 62, n6.

59. CM 4.85, p. 325; Alfonso IX 1, p. 421, n11.

60. Alfonso IX 2: nos. 156, 166 and 179.


62. DRH 8.13, p. 277.

63. At some point after Alfonso VIII’s death, Fernando returned to his

father’s kingdom, perhaps after the death of his eponymous half-brother

that same year, but more likely in 1215 or 1216; see below.

64. DRH 7.24, p. 247.

65. CM 4.84, p. 324. The first three castles were actually given to Berenguela

in 1209, and the second three in 1207. See below.

N O T E S202

66. Later, Lucas asserted that a number of the castles had been wrongfully

taken from the king of León and that as a gesture of friendship Alfonso

of Castile returned some of them to the Leonese, who destroyed them.

Alfonso VIII’s magnanimous gesture was also possibly one of domina-

tion, as he returned the castles to Alfonso IX following the battle of Las

Navas de Tolosa (1212), in which a sullen Alfonso IX had refused to par-

ticipate. CM 4.91, pp. 330–31. The exchange of castles was part of a larger

treaty between the kings of Portugal, León and Castile. Alfonso VIII 1,

p. 749. On the difficulty of negotiating the different perspectives of Lucas

and Rodrigo, see Reilly, “Bishop Lucas,” 786–88.

67. With one exception: Candrei in Galicia was later assigned to Alfonso IX’s

daughters Sancha and Dulce in 1217. Alfonso IX 2: no. 342; Echegaray,

Guerra y pacto, pp. 318–19.

68. Specifically, Alfonso of Castile endowed his grandson with the castles of

Monreal, Carpio, Almanza, Castrotierra, Valderas, Bolaños (de Campo),

Villafrechós, and two castles called Siero. Alfonso of León gave Fernando

Luna, Argüello, Gordón, Ferrara, Tiedra, Arbuey, and Alba de Aliste.

Alfonso IX 2: no. 205.

69. Some of Berenguela’s rents were to come from Benavente, Villafranca,

and Valcárcel from which the other former queen of León, Teresa of

Portugal also collected her income. Alfonso IX 2: no. 205. Other income

was derived from Astorga, Avilés, Mansilla, Oviedo, Ponteferro, and

whenever they would become “liberated,” the four castles of Toroño.

70. Alfonso IX 2: no. 205. These treaties, therefore, disinherited Alfonso IX’s

older son Fernando from his first marriage.

71. Roger Wright, El tratado de Cabreros (1206): estudio sociofilológico de una

reforma ortográfica (London: Department of Hispanic Studies, Queen Mary

and Westfield College, 2000).

72. Namely, the castles of Argüello, Gordón, Luna, Alba de Aliste, Tiedra,

Cabreros, Villalugán, Peñafiel, Almanza, and Portella. Alfonso IX 2:

no. 219.

73. Alfonso IX 2: no. 251. González says that this treaty was necessary because

of trouble caused by rogue knights, both Castilian and Leonese, along

the Castile-León frontier, and implies that Berenguela inf luenced the

outcome of the treaty in favor of the Castilians. Alfonso IX 1, pp. 129–31;

Echegaray, Guerra y pacto, p. 328; Rodríguez López, Consolidación,

pp. 166–67.

74. Patrimonio San Isidoro: no. 194. The document was also confirmed by

“Fernando Reyna” [Fernandus Regine] “Reyna” was possibly a matro-

nymic, but more likely “Fernando Regine” was one of the queen’s men.

75. CM 4.84, p. 324.

76. Patrimonio San Isidoro: no. 228.

77. In June 1227, a gift to the monastery of Carracedo recognized Berenguela

as the “lady of Villalpando,” [sennora de Villalpando]. Don Lope held the

tenancy of Villalpando from Berenguela, and Álvaro Fernández held it

from Don Lope. Carracedo: no. 324.

N O T E S 203

78. Rodríguez López, Las Huelgas de Burgos 1: no. 51; Las Huelgas 1: no. 93.

79. CL 18, pp. 52–53; DRH 7.35, p. 257.

80. CL 20, pp. 55–56; DRH 7.36, p. 258.

81. CL 20, p. 56.

82. CL 25, p. 64; CM 4.91, p. 331.

83. CL 31, p. 73. Martin sees this as another instance of Juan attempting to

reduce Berenguela’s role. “Négociation,” 7.

84. Alfonso VIII 3: no. 963. Italics added. Realizing he was ill, Alfonso VIII

confirmed and updated his will of 1204. Thus his previous intention

to have Leonor serve as regent and corule with her son remained valid.

Alfonso VIII 3: nos. 969 and 976.

85. Rodrigo was absent brief ly during the Fall of 1215, when he attended

the Fourth Lateran Council in Rome. See Pick, Conflict and Coexistence,

pp. 65–66; Linehan, History and the Historians, pp. 328–31.

86. DRH 9.1, p. 281. Doubleday argues that Rodrigo’s perspective was

skewed, as he received many royal favors that ceased when Berenguela

lost the regency. Doubleday also argues that the passage shows that “a

rather broad segment of the aristocracy was ill at ease with Berenguela’s

regency.” Lara Family, p. 53. It is unclear, however, whether it was

Berenguela herself, her gender, or regency that made the nobles uneasy.

87. CM 4.85, p. 326.

88. DRH 9.1, p. 281; Alfonso VIII 1, pp. 150–70; Doubleday, Lara Family,

pp. 36–38.

89. Doubleday, Lara Family, p. 52; CL 64, pp. 52–53.

90. Doubleday says that Berenguela granted Rodrigo jurisdiction over

Milagro. Lara Family, p. 53. The relevant charter is Alfonso VIII 3: no.

965, dated November 6, 1214, immediately after Enrique’s acclamation as

king. Enrique issued the charter which does not mention Berenguela, but

it may be correct to assume her inf luence here. Other privileges granted

to Rodrigo include Alfonso VIII 3: nos. 964 and 966–68.

91. Martin considers these impulses in the context of resistance to Berenguela’s

regency of Enrique I. “Négociation,” 8.

92. A husband might have provided Berenguela with the appropriate military

foil to her feminine identity, but any marriage under the circumstances

would have been seen as an attempt at a royal coup. Weissberger consid-

ers the legacy of this ideology for Queen Isabel in the fifteenth century;

even ceremonial sword-wielding was distinctly gendered. Isabel Rules,

pp. 44–47.

93. CL 31: p. 73. Enrique’s confirmation of his father’s testament, dated

January 18, 1215, is the first (and possibly only) charter issued by Enrique

to acknowledge his sister’s role. Alfonso VIII 3: no. 976.

94. ACT Z.9.M.1.2. described in Cartularios de Toledo, no. 358. This is the

only known extant seal belonging to Berenguela. One manuscript copy

of an 1198 charter describes Berenguela’s seal depicting the arms of León

on one side and a queen on the other. Fueros y privilegios (León), BN ms

6683, f. 82; Colección documental Astorga 2: no. 939.

N O T E S204

95. Rezak, “Seals,” in Women and Power, p. 73.

96. DRH 8.1, p. 282.

97. DRH 9.1, p. 281, and CL 31, p. 73.

98. DRH 9.1, p. 281–82. Archbishop Rodrigo says that he received the

promise of homage and fealty. It is not clear whether Rodrigo means

instead of, or as well as, to Berenguela. Juan of Osma does not mention

the archbishop. CL 31, p. 73. Archbishop Rodrigo’s revision of events

highlights his own role in Enrique’s government, as well as his loss of

power; it obscures Berenguela’s central role. For Rodrigo, an essential

point is that Álvaro and his men had reason to be considered “perni-

cious traitors.” Cirot, who edited the Chronica latina in the early part of

the twentieth century, interpreted the chronicler to mean that homage

was performed to Berenguela, but “entre les mains” of the archbishop:

Rodrigo acted as Berenguela’s appropriate, male proxy. See G. Cirot,

“Chronique latine des rois de Castille,” Bulletin Hispanique 19 (1913): 83,

n6 [2–101]. The text itself, however, does not demonstrate this.

99. CM 4.92, p. 332.

100. AHN, Codice L. 976 Tumbo de Sobrado, folio 77. González suggests

that the presence of such “personages” probably indicates an agree-

ment between the two kingdoms at this time. Extant documents reveal

Alfonso IX’s presence in nearby Benavente (March 7) and Astorga

(March 22), supporting this hypothesis. Alfonso VIII 1, p. 222.

101. Fernando III, p. 70.

102. Berenguela may have adopted this motto from Pope Clement III; it

appears on the papal bull recognizing the foundation of Las Huelgas

photographed in Valentín de la Cruz, El monasterio de Santa María la

Real de Huelgas de Burgos (Editorial Everest, S.A., León 1990). See also,

Muñoz y Rivero, “Signo rodado,” 224–25.

103. Psalm 142:10: “doce me ut faciam voluntatem tuam/ quia tu Deus

meus/ spiritus tuus bonus deducet me in terra recta.” Biblia sacra: iuxta

vulgatem versionem, ed. Robertus Weber and Roger Gryson (Stuttgart,

Deutsche Bibel Gesellschaft, 1969, 1994).

104. “Regnante rege Henrico cum sorore sua regina Berengaria in Toleto

et Castella.” Graciliano Roscales Olea, Monasterio de Santa María de la

Vega (cartulario e historia) (Palencia: Diputación de Palencia, 2000): no. 4;

Lupián Zapata, Epitome, p. 76. Lupián Zapata also describes a royal priv-

ilege dated May 6, given in Logroño, from Enrique acting “cum sorore

mea Regina Berengaria.” Epitome, p. 77.


106. Alfonso VIII 3: no. 981; DRH 9.1, p. 281.

107. Alfonso VIII 1, p. 227; Alfonso IX 2: nos. 334 and 340; Alfonso VIII 3:

no. 1005.

108. CL 23, p. 73.

109. Doubleday, Lara Family, p. 54.

110. DRH 9.1, p. 282.

N O T E S 205

111. CL 32, p. 73–74. Members of the Giron family had consistently func-

tioned as the majordomo at the courts of Alfonso VIII and Fernando

III. Ana Rodríguez López, “Linajes nobiliarios y monarquía castellano-

leonesa en la primera mitad del siglo xiii,” Hispania 53/3 n. 185 (1993):

845–46 [841–59]; Rodríguez López, Consolidación, pp. 148–50.

112. DRH 9.2, p. 282. Rodrigo named “Lupus Didaci de Faro, Gunsaluus

Roderici et fratres eius, Rodericus Roderici et Aluarus Didaci de

Camberis, Aldefonsus Telli de Menesis et alii nobiles.”

113. González believes that these were the places, rents, and services of

Valencia, Castroverde, Castrogonzalo, Bolaños, and Villafrechós given

to Berenguela in the Treaty of Burgos in 1207. Alfonso VIII 1, pp. 226,

n306. Her former husband, not her father, endowed Berenguela in this

treaty, although probably Alfonso VIII played a large part in obtaining

these grants for his daughter. Alfonso IX 2: no. 219.

114. Demetrio Mansilla, Iglesia castellano-leonesa y curia romana en los tiempos

del Rey Fernando: estudio documental sacado de los registros vaticanos (Madrid:

CSIC, Instituto Francisco Suárez, 1945), Appendix no. 1, p. 272.

115. DRH 9.2, p. 282.

116. DRH 9.3, p. 283.

117. CL 32, pp. 74–75; DRH 9.3, p. 283.

118. Furthermore, reigning kings generally were not assassinated in this

period. Doubleday, Lara Family, pp. 52, and 55–56. Lucas of Túy does

not mention this matter.

119. CL 32, p. 75.

120. CL 32, p. 75. Here Rodrigo differs on chronology, DRH 9.2, p. 282.

Doubleday says Berenguela’s “forces captured Autillo.” Lara Family,

p. 55.

121. DRH 9.3, p. 283.

122. DRH 9.3–4, p. 284.

123. CL 32, p. 76; also DRH 9.4, p. 284.

124. DRH 9.2, p. 283. González suggests that Berenguela may have called

Innocent’s attention to the marriage through bishops dispatched to the

pope. Alfonso VIII 1, p. 229. See also Luciano Serrano, Don Mauricio,

obispo de Burgos y fundador de su catedral (Madrid: Blass, S.A., 1922),

pp. 33–34, and Demetrio Mansilla, Inocencio III y los reinos hispanos

(Rome: Iglesia Nacional Espanola, 1953), p. 30, n30.

125. DRH 9.2, p. 283. Mafalda was known for her sanctity; her subsequent

reputation, which Archbishop Rodrigo helped to create, depended

upon her previous chastity. See Flórez, las reinas católicas, pp. 534–38.

Álvaro’s personal ambition goes unmentioned in the Chronica latina, and

this is another example of either Rodrigo’s privy knowledge or his spite.

Lupián Zapata’s spin was that Mafalda, having been promised a king,

was insulted when offered a mere vassal, and thus chose the convent.

Epítome, p. 84.

126. Alfonso VIII 1, pp. 233–36; DRH 9.3, pp. 283–84.

N O T E S206

127. What were these boys doing on the roof? Rodrigo says they were unsu-

pervised. DRH 9.4, p. 284. CL 32, p. 76, says that someone threw a

rock and accidentally wounded the king that way. A late source identi-

fies the unfortunate youth who threw the projectile as Iñigo Mendoza,

who had recently joined Enrique’s court. Colección de los primeros fueros y

leyes generales de Castilla, Manuscript, Hispanic Society of America HC

NS4/607, Folio 115 r. See Doubleday, Lara Family, pp. 56–57; see also

CM 4.92, p. 332. Enrique died on May 26, 1217; Latin Chronicle, p. 73,

n15; Alfonso VIII 1, p. 233, n340.

128. CL 32, p.76; DRH 9.4, p. 285 also. Enrique’s skull can be identified

among the royal bones at Las Huelgas because of the neat square hole

in it, the effect of trepanation. Victor Escribano García, “La calavera de

Enrique I de Castilla,” Boletín de la institución Fernán González 27 (1949):

250–64.

129. Alfonso VIII 1, p. 237, n335; Doubleday, Lara Family, pp. 55–57. Martin

also suspects Berenguela’s “friend” Bishop Tello of Palencia, in whose

court the accident purportedly took place. “Négociation,” 12.

130. CL 33, p. 76; DRH 9.4, p. 285; Fernando III 1, pp. 235–36.

131. This fits, however, with some modern historians’ assessment that Juan

of Osma sought to elevate Fernando at the expense of Berenguela. See

Martin, Hernández, and Linehan, cited throughout.

132. Rodrigo suggests that Alfonso suspected the real reason behind

Fernando’s departure, but was persuaded to let him go anyway. DRH

9.4, p. 285.

133. Shadis, “Blanche of Castile,” in Capetian Women, pp. 144–46.

4 The Labors of Ruling: The Mothering Queen

1. Janet L. Nelson, “Early Medieval Rites of Queen-Making and the

Shaping of Medieval Queenship,” in Queens and Queenship in Medieval

Europe: Proceedings of a Conference Held at King’s College April 1995,

ed. Anne J. Duggan (Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 1997), pp. 301–15;

Ordines Coronationis Franciae: Texts and Ordines for the Coronation of

Frankish and French Kings and Queens in the Middle Ages, ed. Richard

A. Jackson, 2 vols. (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press,

1995); John Carmi Parsons, “Ritual and Symbol in English Medieval

Queenship to 1500,” in Women and Sovereignty, ed. Louise Olga

Fradenburg (Edinburgh: University of Edinburgh Press, 1992),

pp. 61–65 [60–72].

2. Poulet, “Capetian Women and the Regency,” in Medieval Queenship,

pp. 93–116.

3. Jordan discusses the distinction between informal power, associated

generically with women, and authority, associated with men. Women,

Power and Religious Patronage, pp. 21–24, and 33–34.

4. Shadis, “Blanche of Castile,” in Capetian Women, p. 143.

5. CL 33, p. 77.

N O T E S 207

6. DRH 9.4, p. 285.

7. CL 33, p. 77; Rucquoi, Valladolid en la edad media, v.1, pp. 164–65.

8. CL 33, p. 77. The queen’s party was received in San Justo, but in nowhere

else in Castilian Extremadura; DRH 9.4, p. 285.

9. DRH 9.4, p. 285; CL 34–35, pp. 77–78; Doubleday, Lara Family, p. 57.

10. According to Rodrigo the houses were too crowded together, and the

streets were too narrow. DRH 9.5, p. 286.

11. CL 35, p. 78.

12. CL 35, 78–79; see also DRH 9.5, pp. 285–96; PCG 1029, p. 713.

13. “ . . . nolens destiture Castellam proprii regis solatio,” CL 35, p. 78.

14. CL 43, p. 85; Hernández, “La corte de Fernando III,” pp. 116–24,

and Linehan, “Apostillas,” p. 377, in Fernando III y su tiempo; Martin,

“Négociation,” 19–21.

15. DRH 9.5, pp. 285–286. Lucas emphasized not the drama of these devel-

opments but rather the good fortune in Fernando’s rule (fortune nonethe-

less guided by the king’s mother). CM 4.93, p. 332.

16. Martin, “Négociation,” 20.

17. CL 33, p. 76; DRH 9.5, pp. 285–86; CM 4.93, p. 332. O’Callaghan

believes the charter referred to was a separate charter, “not extant, it was

likely drafted during the curia of Carrión in 1188.” The Latin Chronicle,

p. 74, n3. See Chapter Two.

18. Both Juan and Rodrigo refer to Berenguela’s femininity or gender in

framing her “renunciation”; Martin, “Berenguela,” in Historia de las

mujeres, pp. 574–75; see also Martin, “Négociation.”

19. Martin, “Négociation,” 23.

20. DRH 9.5, p. 286.

21. But not a cortes precisely, given the irregularity of the meeting and the

partisan nature of the participants. Martínez Diez, “Curia y cortes,” in

Las Cortes de Castilla y León, p. 146.

22. DRH 9.5, p. 286; CL 36, p. 79.

23. CL 36, p. 94; DRH 9.5, p. 286.

24. CL 36–37, p. 80; see also DRH 9.6, p. 287.

25. CL 37, p. 80; DRH 9.6, p. 287.

26. DRH 9.6–7, pp. 287–88; CL 37, p. 80.

27. DRH 9.6, p. 286–87; CL 36, p. 79.

28. CL 37, p. 80; DRH 8.7, p. 287.

29. Michael Enright, Lady with a Mead Cup: Ritual, Prophecy and Lordship in

the European Warband from la Tène to the Viking Age (Dublin: Four Courts

Press, 1996), pp. 21–22, and 29–30 on the keeping and dispensing of royal

treasure and gifts.

30. DRH 9.7, p. 288, echoing CL 38, p. 80.

31. CL 38, p. 81. Archbishop Rodrigo enthusiastically repeated the story, as

did the Primera crónica general, stressing Álvaro’s humiliation. DRH 9.7,

p. 288; PCG 1031, p. 716.

32. CL 38, p. 81. Lucas of Túy only hints at Berenguela’s role in capturing

Álvaro and acquiring his castles; CM 4.94, p. 333.

N O T E S208

33. Crónica de la población de Avila, ed. Amparo Hernández Segura (Valencia:

Anubar, 1966), p. 40. Berenguela is the “fija del mejor señor que en el

mondo ovo e mas desventurado.” It is unclear why Alfonso VIII would

be characterized as unlucky, whether as the most unlucky ruler (e más),

or as the best ruler, albeit (e mas) unlucky, perhaps because of the deaths

of his sons. Here the Crónica prefigures the characterization of the sinful

and sonless Alfonso VIII in Sancho IV’s Castigos. See Chapter 1.

34. Crónica de Avila, p. 40. For the probable date, see Hernández Segura,

Crónica de Avila, p. 14. I thank Cynthia L. Chamberlin for sharing her

translation.

35. Exiled from Castile, Álvaro died soon after. Doubleday suggests that

Berenguela had Álvaro tortured in retaliation for his earlier mistreatment

of her follower, Gonzalo Rodríguez Girón; Lara Family, pp. 57, and 155,

n75, citing Alfonso IX 1, pp. 183–84.

36. Rodríguez López, “Sucesión regia y legitimidad política,” 41.

37. CL 40, p. 84 calls it as outright rebellion; See Fernando III 1, p. 139. On

the timing and nature of these rebellions, and the veracity of the letters

in the French archives despite their obvious problems, and the nature of

these disputes, see Ana Rodríguez López, “Quod alienus regnet et here-

des expellatur. L’offre du trône de Castille au roi Louis VIII de France,”

Le Moyen Âge 105.1 (1999): 101–128; Rodríguez López, “Légitimation

royale et discours sur la croisade en Castille aux XIIe et XIIIe siècles,”

Journal des Savants 1 (2004): 136–38 [129–63]; and “Linajes nobiliarios,”

850–52, 858; See also Hernández, “La corte de Fernando III,” in Fernando

III y su tiempo, pp. 110–19.

38. Layettes 2: nos. 1813–21 (improbably dated to 1226, the first year of Louis

VIII’s reign). In all, the Castilians included Rodrigo Díaz de Cameros

(Layettes, no. 1813); Gonzalo Pérez de Molina (no. 1814), Rodrigo González

de Orbaneja (no. 1815), S. Perez de Gavara (no. 1816), Álvaro González

de Orbaneja (no. 1817), Pedro González de Marañón (no. 1818), P. Díaz

(no. 1819), García Ordoñez de Roa (no. 1820) and G, count of Ferrara (no.

1821). Rodríguez López, “Quod alienus . . . ,” pp. 126–27. See also Berger,

Blanche de Castille, pp. 31, 33 and 35–36; Gérard Sivéry, Blanche de Castille

(Paris: Fayard, 1990), pp. 76–78; Doubleday, Lara Family, p. 63, n9; and

below. This maneuver had a historiographic impact as well. Lupián Zapata

defended Berenguela as the eldest, but others, such as Juan de Mariana,

thought Blanche had been cheated of her rightful inheritance. However,

Mariana finesses the point, acknowledging that Berenguela was the legit-

imate heir, having been twice declared so by her father. “Tratado apolo-

getico en defensa de mayoria de la Reina Doña Berenguela; y el derecho

que tuvo a los reynos,” in Lupián Zapata, Epitome, pp. 33–47; Mariana,

Historia de España, pp. 350–51. Hernandez, “La Corte de Fernando III,”

citing Le Nain de Tillemont, in Fernando III y su tiempo, p. 113.

39. Carlos Estepa Díez, “Frontera, nobleza y señoríos en Castilla: El señorío

de Molina (siglos xii–xiii),” Studia historica. Historia Medieval 24 (2006):

68–82 [15–86].

N O T E S 209

40. CL 38: p. 82; DRH 9.8, pp. 288–89.

41. Alfonso IX 2: no. 350 (November 26, 1217); See also DRH 9.9, p. 289.

42. AHN Sección Clero: Palencia, Nuestra Sra. de Benevivere, Carpeta 162,

no. 10.

43. For example, Crónica anónima de Sahagun, ed. Antonio Ubieto Arteta

(Zaragoza: Pedro Garcés Cariñena, 1987), p. 135.

44. Epistolae saeculi xiii e regestis pontificum romanorum selectae per G. H. Pertz, ed.

Carolus Rodenberg, 3 vols. (Berlin: Weidmann, 1883–94), v. 1: no. 762,

p. 662. Modern historians might prefer the term “queen mother” rather

than queen, but this is how Berenguela designated herself.

45. Brundage, Law, Sex, and Christian Society, p. 235; Atkinson, The Oldest

Vocation, p. 75.

46. CL 40, p. 82.

47. CL 40, p. 82; DRH 9.10, pp. 290–91. In 1222, Honorius III con-

firmed Beatriz’s dower: Demetrio Mansilla, ed., La documentación pon-

tificia de Honorio III (1216–1227) (Rome: Instituto Español de Estudios

Eclesiásticos, 1965): no. 411; See also Serrano, Don Mauricio, p. 45.

48. Serrano, Don Mauricio, pp. 42–43.

49. Linehan, History and the Historians, pp. 594 and 596–97.

50. Flórez, Las reinas católicas, v.1, p. 554, implies she buckled the swordbelt

on Fernando after he donned another “belt of knighthood,” but Rodrigo

uses the verb “deaccinxit.” DRH 9.10, p. 291. Rodrigo was present

and as a senior churchman may have inf luenced the liturgy. Cf. Ruiz,

“Unsacred Monarchy,” p. 124, and Linehan, History and the Historians,

pp. 593–95; and p. 595, nn123–24. Alfonso X forbid women to create

knights: “Moreover, the ancients held that an empress, or a queen, not-

withstanding she might inherit her dignity, had no authority to create a

knight, although she could request or command certain knights in her

dominions, who had the right to confer the order of knighthood, to do

so.” Partidas, 2.21.11. Alfonso X did not, however, forbid women from

un-buckling a knight’s belt and thus confirming his knighthood; he was,

however uncomfortably, fully aware of his grandmother’s precedent.

PCG 1034, pp. 718–19.

51. CL 40, p. 84. A charter dated December 12, 1219 from Burgos refers to

Fernando’s knighting and his wedding, but not the cortes. Fernando III 2:

no. 93. Both Juan of Osma and Rodrigo relate that the parliament was

attended by all nobles, lords, knights, and important men of the king-

dom. DRH 9.10, p. 291. From the presence of noble women, Evelyn

Procter assumes this cortes was purely ceremonial; Curia and Cortes, pp.

77–78. Given Berenguela’s usual presence, Procter’s characterization of

the cortes deserves review; later queens, such as María de Molina, partici-

pated in full, genuine cortes. Procter also notes that this was similar to the

parliament held at the marriage of Fernando’s sister Berenguela to Jean

de Brienne in 1224. The complement of estates present and the implied

expense suggests a working cortes was convened. Martínez Diez, “Curia y

Cortes,” in Las Cortes de Castilla y León, p. 146.

N O T E S210

52. DRH 9.10, p. 291; see also CL 40, p. 83.

53. Despite being sent to her grandmother’s care in León, María died as an

infant. Although Beatriz died in Toro and was buried in Las Huelgas,

María was buried at San Isidoro in León. Berenguela held León at the

time. CM 4.101, p. 340.

54. For example, Geoffrey of Beaulieu, Vita Ludovici noni, RHF, v. 20, p. 4;

See also Joinville, The Life of Saint Louis, trans. René Hague (London:

Sheed and Ward, 1955), 16.71, p. 41.

55. DRH 9.10, p. 290.

56. DRH 9.18, p. 300. The later Primera crónica general implies that Fernando

asked his mother to find his new bride; PCG 1048, p. 735.

57. Teulet, ed. Layettes 2: no. 1713; Berger, Blanche de Castille, p. 201; and Jean

Richard, Saint Louis, Crusader King of France, trans. Jean Birrell, abridged

and ed. Simon Lloyd (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press,

1992), pp. 32 and 56–57.

58. Berger, Blanche de Castille, p. 326, citing Matthew Paris, Chronica Majora,

ed. Henry Richards Luard 4 vols. (1872–83, Reprint: Wiesbaden: Kraus

Reprints, 1964): 3, pp. 327–28; see also Fernando III 1, p. 114. Fernando’s

seven sons left little likelihood that a future king of Castile would become

count of Ponthieu. Eventually, Fernando’s daughter Eleanor inherited the

county from her mother. Fernando III 1, p. 114; Teulet, Layettes, 2: nos.

2699–2700; Parsons, Eleanor of Castile, pp. 32–33.

59. Brundage, Law, Sex, and Christian Society, pp. 235–40 and 364–65.

60. Cynthia L. Chamberlin, “The ‘Sainted Queen’ and the ‘Sin of Berenguela’:

Teresa Gil de Vidaure and Berenguela Alfonso in Documents of the

Crown of Aragon, 1255–1272,” in Iberia and the Mediterranean World of

the Middle Ages: Studies in Honor of Robert I. Burns, S.J., ed. Larry J. Simon

(Leiden: Brill, 1995), pp. 303–21. On Juan Alfonso, see Fernando III 1,

p. 88; Mansilla, Iglesia castellano-leonesa: no. 53, p. 319; and Peter Linehan,

The Spanish Church and the Papacy in the Thirteenth Century (Cambridge,

UK: Cambridge University Press, 1971), p. 230.

61. Estepa Díez points out that no specific evidence ties the marriage of

Alfonso and Mafalda to the treaty of Zafra. However, the treaty, the

marriage, and the subsequent patronage of the monastery of Buenafuente

were all steps in the same process of the pacification of the Lara. We

should expect to see marriage play a role in these negotiations. “Frontera,

nobleza y señoríos,” 73. See also Hernández, “La Corte de Fernando III,”

p. 119.

62. On the peace of Zafra, see DRH 9.11, p. 292; CL 41, p. 84; and PCG

1035, p. 719. On Buenafuente, see María del Carmen Villar Romero,

Defensa y repoblación de la línea del Tajo en un lugar determinado de la provincia

de Guadalajara: monasterio de Santa María de Buenafuente (Zaragoza: Caja

de Ahorros de Zaragoza, Aragón y Rioja, 1987), pp. 20–21, and appen-

dix, no. 19; Fernando III 1, p. 88, and Fernando III 3: no. 703. See also

Rodríguez López, “Quod alienus . . . ” 122–23; and “Linajes nobiliarios,”

852. See also Doubleday, Lara Family, pp. 63–64. Estepa Díez says that

N O T E S 211

Alfonso sold the monastery to his mother-in-law who then converted

the institution into one for women; Estepa Díez does not appear to have

consulted Villar Romero. “Frontera, nobleza y señoríos,” 80.

63. Martin, Négociation, 44–46.

64. Fernando III 3: no. 533.

65. Fernando III’s legitimacy might have been the issue. Fernando III 1,

pp. 247–49. Innocent III had declared Alfonso IX’s children with

Berenguela illegitimate, but in 1218 Honorius III legitimized Fernando

as his father’s heir. Mansilla, Honorio III, no. 179, pp. 141–42. Interestingly

Alfonso IX made no plans for Alfonso de Molina, which would have

fit with tradition. Two generations earlier Alfonso VII intended to have

his sons Sancho and Fernando rule Castile and León separately. Reilly,

Alfonso VII, pp. 128–29, 134–38, and 144–45.


67. Alfonso IX 2: nos. 346 and 347; also nos. 372, 378, 411, and 523. Alfonso

acted “with the consent” of his daughters in a few important charters late

in his reign, in which the infantas also participated in the agreements

being made, including a fuero for the newly conquered town of Cáceres,

and two charters of agreement with the Order of Santiago. Alfonso IX 2:

nos. 596–97, 613, and 620. Earlier examples of infantas confirming come

from Urraca’s court, where her sisters Sancha and Elvira, and her daugh-

ter Sancha regularly confirmed royal charters. The latter Sancha was a

powerful presence throughout the reign of her brother Alfonso VII. His

daughters confirmed his charters in the last year of his life (1157), but

only one, Constanza, did so regularly in earlier years. Reilly, Alfonso VII,

pp. 139–41, 144, and 151. For Sancha see also, but with caution: García

Calles, Doña Sancha. That the practice fell into desuetude is probably due

to a lack of royal sisters in the intervening generation as well as the split

between Castile and León.

68. Alfonso IX 2: no. 350. Alfonso IX included his brother and mayordomo

Sancho Fernández in this agreement. Sancho Fernández died in 1220,

having fallen from favor after 1218. On Sancho’s potential as an heir to

the throne, see Alfonso IX 1, p. 187.


70. Alfonso IX 2: nos. 373 and 415. The king of Portugal was Sancha and

Dulce’s maternal uncle Afonso II. Charters between 1217 and 1230:

Alfonso IX 2: nos. 339, 372, 415–16, 435–36, 441, 547–48, 550, 613, and

620. Martin has pointed to the increased inf luence of the Portuguese at

Alfonso IX’s court in this period. “Négociation,” 29–31.

71. Alfonso IX 2: no. 620. An unpublished charter shows that Sancha and

Dulce were recognized as heirs outside of the king’s court: “Regnante

Rege dompno Alfonso cum filiabus suis infantibus dompna Sancia et

dompna dulcia in legion, gallecia, asturiis et Extremadura.” Madrid,

AHN Sección Clero, Catedral de Salamanca, carpeta 1881, nos. 17 and

18 [16 and 18 December 1223].

72. Fernando III 1, pp. 250–51; CL 42, p. 84.

N O T E S212

73. DRH 7.13, p. 247; CM 4, p. 325.

74. CL 42, pp. 84–85.

75. Jean had married Marie de Montferrat (d. 1219); their only daughter

Yolande, queen of Jerusalem (d. 1228), was the second wife of Emperor

Frederick II.

76. CL 42, p. 85, states that upon leaving, the infanta and her husband were

given a “generous gift” [munera larga] and commended to God.

77. Fernando III 1, p. 252, n94.

78. CL 42, p. 85.

79. CL 60, p. 103.

80. CL 60, p. 103.

81. DRH 9.14, p. 295.

82. DRH 9.14, p. 295; see also CL 60, pp. 103–4.

83. DRH 9.14, p. 296; CL 60, p. 104.

84. DRH 9.14, p. 296.


86. DRH 9.14, p. 296.

87. For example, Alfonso IX 2: nos. 607, 610, 618, and 619 (from 1229 to

1230).

88. CL 60, p. 104.

89. DRH 9.14, p. 295.

90. DRH 9.15, p. 296.

91. CM 4, p. 339; DRH 9.14–15, p. 296; see also Fernando III 1, p. 256.

92. DRH 9.14, p. 296.

93. CL 60, p. 104.

94. DRH 9.15, p. 296; Fernando III 2: no. 270. The Chronica latina echoes the

treaty almost verbatim, because it may have been the Castilian chancel-

lor, Juan of Osma, who prepared the treaty. CL 60, p. 104; Fernando III

1, pp. 504–9.

95. See Chapter 3, n. 68, p. 202.

96. Fernando III 2: no. 270.

97. Rodríguez López, “Sucesión regia y legitimidad política,” 31.

98. DRH 9.15, p. 297.

99. CM 4.99, p. 339.

100. Martin suggests that the women’s gender permitted the conf lict

to be resolved by negotiation instead of warfare—and a humiliat-

ing defeat for the Leonese who remained loyal to Sancha and Dulce.

“Négociation,” 35.

101. PCG 1036, p. 720; DRH 9.12, p. 292. But see Linehan, “Don Rodrigo

and the Government of the Kingdom,” CLCHM 26 (2003): 98–99

[87–99].

102. Mansilla, Iglesia castellano-leonesa: nos. 50, 52, 54, 62, and 63. For August

15, 1256, Louis IX’s chancellor Jean Sarrasin noted expenses in Paris

“pro fratre regis Hispaniae et pro universitate clericorum . . .” Tabulae

Ceterae, RHF 21, pp. 328b; Fernando III 1, p. 112.

103. Kristen died a few years later, but Felipe then married the Castilian

noblewoman Leonor Ruiz de Castro. Munch, Sancha, and Gayangos,

N O T E S 213

“La princesa Cristina de Noruega y el Infante Don Felipe, Hermano de

Don Alfonso el Sabio,” BRAH 74 (1919): 39–65; Regino Inclán Inclán,

“Sepulcro del Infante D. Felipe, Hijo del Rey Fernando III El Santo,”

BRAH 75 (1919): 143–84, especially Appendix 2: 169.

104. DRH 9.12, p. 292; PCG 1036, p. 720. Mansilla, Iglesia castellano-leonesa:

no. 57.

105. Mansilla, Iglesia castellano-leonesa: no. 71; Fernando III 1, p. 112;

Hernández, Cartularios de Toledo: no. 500.

106. Mansilla, Iglesia castellano-leonesa, p. 187, n192. Berenguela’s eponymous

granddaughter entered Las Huelgas as a child oblate in 1241. There is no

evidence that the elder Berenguela was behind this profession, although

it seems logical that she was involved in, and approved it. See Shadis,

“Piety, Politics and Power,” in Cultural Patronage, pp. 208–9; Gayoso,

“The Lady of Las Huelgas,” 92–116.

107. Chapter One provides a literary example of Leonor at court. See also

Procter, Curia and Cortes, pp. 19–21, 134, and 233–34; Earenfight,

“Maria of Castile, Ruler or Figurehead?,” 45–61.

108. Nelson, “Medieval Queens,” p. 200. Queens did sit in judgment in lit-

erature, however.

109. Lupián Zapata cites a cortes in 1239, which Berenguela attended. Epítome,

p. 132. He may be confused about the date of Fernando III’s marriage

to Jeanne de Ponthieu in 1237, when Fernando held a cortes to celebrate

the wedding. O’Callaghan, Cortes of Castile-León, p. 82.

110. CL 44, p. 87.

111. Libro de los fueros de Castilla, ed. Galo Sanchez (Barcelona: El Abir, 1981),

p. 3.

112. Crónica anónima de Sahagún, p. 139.

113. Colección de los primeros fueros, folio 115r.

114. Lisa Bitel, Women in Early Medieval Europe, 400–1100 (Cambridge, UK:

Cambridge University Press, 2002), p. 278; Huneycutt, “Intercession,”

pp. 126–46; Parsons, “The Queen’s Intercession,” pp. 147–77.

115. O’Callaghan, The Latin Chronicle, p. 125, n2; Fernando III 1,

pp. 132–33.

116. Mencia’s mother was Fernando’s half-sister, Urraca Alfonso, one of

Alfonso IX’s natural children.

117. CL 66, p. 108.

118. CL 66–67, pp. 108–9.

119. In the meantime, Berenguela also ameliorated the situation with Lope

Díaz, who recognized the king’s suzerainty over his castles, and received

them properly from the king through his bailiff. Berenguela promised

him this tenancy for fifty years, and Fernando confirmed Berenguela’s

promise. CL 66, p. 108. Martin suggests the women’s intervention

enabled the preservation of male honor. “Négociation,” 38–41.

120. “domine regine, matri mee, in principio regni me impendistis,” Fernando

III 2: no. 8 (Nov. 26, 1217).

121. AHN Sección Ordenes Militares, Ucles, Carpeta no. 311, nos. 10

and 11.

N O T E S214

122. One record of a sale between María Díaz and the monastery of Santa

María de Aguilar del Campóo notes the reign of Fernando “in Toledo

and in Castile and in León and in Galicia and in Cordoba with his

mother Queen Berenguela” in 1237. AHN Cleros 944B; Becerro mayor

del monasterio premonstratenses de Santa María de Aguilar de Campóo, 91r.

There are many, many more examples to be had; thus far out of a ran-

dom sampling of documents, I have noted similar “regnante” clauses

for 1218, 1222, 1224, 1234, 1235, 1236, 1237, and 1243. Regarding

Berenguela’s loss of power, see Linehan, “Apostillas,” in Fernando III y

su tiempo, pp. 389–90; and Linehan, “Don Rodrigo,” 95, 99.

123. Mansilla, Honorio III: no. 548; M. León Cadier, Bulles originals du XIIIe

siècle conserves dans les archives de Navarre (Rome: L’école française, 1887):

no. 23.

124. Epistolae saeculi xiii, ed. Rodenberg, v. 1: no. 762. Fernando wrote

to Gregory at the same time, including a claim to Fadrique’s impe-

rial inheritance. Rodenberg, Epistolae saeculi xiii, nos. 760 and 761. In

a highly speculative and provocative discussion, Martin suggests, fol-

lowing Linehan’s lead, that Berenguela may have been writing to the

pope to complain about her increasing ostracism at Fernando’s court.

Martin, “Négociation,” 50. Without greater evidence, it is uncertain

that Berenguela’s release of the tenancy of León and general retirement

were not due to her age and indeed the fulfillment of her life’s work.

125. Elaine Tuttle Hansen, “The Powers of Silence: The Case of the

Clerk’s Griselda,” in Women and Power, pp. 230–49; Michelle Freeman,

“The Power of Sisterhood: Marie de France’s ‘Le Fresne,’ ” in Women

and Power, pp. 250–64; Joan Ferrante, “Public Postures and Private

Maneuvers: Roles Medieval Women Play,” in Women and Power,

pp. 213–29.

5 “The things that please God and men”: Berenguela,

Conquest, and Crusade

1. CM 4.100, pp. 339–40.

2. Lucas authored De altera vita fideique controversies adversus albigensium errors

libri III between 1230 and 1240, and was deeply concerned about the

presence of heretics in León. Lucas of Túy, De altera uita, ed. Juan de

Mariana (Ingolstadt: Hertfroy, 1612). Evidence for large, organized

groups of heretics, however, is scanty. Javier Faci Lacasta and Antonio

Oliver, “Los estamentos eclesiasticos y las estructuras socials en los sig-

los xii y xiii,” Historia de la iglesia en España: la iglesia en la España de los

siglos viii al xiv, ed. Javier Fernández Conde, 2 vols. (Madrid: Biblioteca

de Autores Cristianos, 1982), v. 2, pp. 104–11.

3. PCG 1132, pp. 772–73.

4. Rodríguez López, “Légitimation royale,” 132–36.

5. Rodríguez López, “Légitimation royale,” 156–60.

6. O’Callaghan, Reconquest and Crusade, p. 10.

N O T E S 215

7. Blanche’s reaction, “when she heard that he [Louis IX] had taken the

Cross, as he told her, too, himself, she was as miserable as if she had seen

him dead,” is well known. Joinville, Life of St. Louis, p. 51. At the same

time, Blanche clearly supported crusading itself. Matthew Paris relates

that the queen took a vow as Louis’s proxy when he was seriously ill.

Probably she did not expect that he would fulfill the vow personally,

but rather would support a crusade financially. Paris, Chronica Majora 4:

pp. 397–98; Berger, Blanche de Castille, pp. 368–69.


9. Jonathan Riley-Smith, The First Crusade and the Idea of Crusading

(Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1986), pp. 18–25.

O’Callaghan, Reconquest and Crusade, pp. 31–32.

10. O’Callaghan, Reconquest and Crusade, pp. 24–27.

11. Bernard F. Reilly, The Contest of Christian and Muslim Spain, 1031–1157

(Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1995), pp. 211–12.

12. The protection was actually dated the day before the indulgence; Mansilla,

Honorio III: nos. 574–76.

13. Fernando III 1, pp. 279–82, citing Mansilla, Honorio III: nos. 148, 149, and

207; see also no. 155; Pick, Conflict and Coexistence, pp. 52–53.

14. Baldwin, Government of Philip Augustus, p. 80; James M. Powell, Anatomy

of a Crusade, 1213–1221 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press,

1986).

15. The historiography of analyzing the “religious content” of this territo-

rial conquest is explained by Peter Linehan, “Religion, nationalism and

national identity in Medieval Spain,” Studies in Church History 18 (1982):

166–67 [161–99].

16. Rodríguez López, “Légitimation,” 153.

17. James A. Brundage, “Prostitution, Miscegenation and Sexual Purity,” in

Crusade and Settlement, ed. Peter W. Edbury (Cardiff: University College

Cardiff Press, 1985), pp. 57–58 [57–64]; Riley-Smith, First Crusade,

p. 24.

18. Constance M. Rousseau, “Home Front and Battlefield: The Gendering

of Papal Crusading Policy (1095–1221), in Gendering the Crusades, ed.

Susan B. Edgington and Sarah Lambert (New York: Columbia University

Press, 2002), p. 38 [31–44].

19. Rousseau, “Home Front and Battlefield,” in Gendering the Crusades, pp.

31–44; James A. Brundage, Medieval Canon Law and the Crusader (Madison:

University of Wisconsin Press, 1969), p. 77.

20. James A. Brundage, “The Crusader’s Wife: A Canonistic Quandry,”

Studia Gratiana 12 (1967): 441 [425–41]. For Queen Marguerite, see

Joinville, The Life of Saint Louis, pp. 124–25.

21. Jordan, Louis IX, pp. 70 and 80.

22. Alfonso VIII 1, pp. 995–1071; Marcelino Menéndez y Pelayo, “El siglo

xiii y San Fernando,” in Estudios y discursos de crítica histórica y literaria,

ed. Miguel Artigas, 7 vols. (Santander: CSIC, 1940), v. 7. pp. 57–58

[47–61]; Pick, Conflict and Coexistence, p. 17. Pick contends that the battle’s

N O T E S216

significance lay not in the extension of territory, but in the reduction of

the Almohad army and the introduction of the crusading ideal in Spain

by Archbishop Rodrigo. Conflict and Coexistence, pp. 43–46. Echegaray

discusses the combatants as a “coalición cristiana” and contextualizes the

battle in the wider European ambit. Guerra y pacto, pp. 338–39.

23. Rodríguez López, “Légitimation,” 151–60.

24. Pick has argued most recently that it was “Rodrigo’s idea . . . to urge

Spanish participants to make the unusual move of thinking of them-

selves as crusaders while acting in the peninsula.” Conflict and Coexistence,

p. 37.

25. Linehan, History and the Historians, pp. 295–97.

26. This is a main premise of Pick, Conflict and Coexistence, building on the

work of Linehan, History and the Historians.

27. Alfonso VIII 3: no. 898. Alfonso’s lengthier letter to Pope Innocent III

confirms that Las Navas was a crusade, and discussed the papal indul-

gences granted to crusaders coming to Spain. Berenguela’s letter is much

shorter and appears to be an independent composition: there are no par-

allel phrases (excepting one referring to the king’s distribution of booty),

and a great difference in the number of casualties reported. Alfonso VIII

3: no. 897 (to Innocent III).

28. I am grateful to Theresa Vann for sharing with me in advance of publica-

tion a copy of her paper, “Our father has won a great victory: Berenguela’s

account of the Battle of Las Navas de Tolosa, 1212”; an earlier version of

this paper was presented at the conference, “Remembering the Crusades,”

Fordham University, New York: March 28, 2008. See also Hernández,

“La Corte de Fernando III,” in Fernando III y su tiempo, pp. 107–8.



31. CL 25, p. 62.

32. CM 4.90, p. 330.

33. DRH 8.10, p. 274. On the unreliable nature of medieval sources regard-

ing numbers, see O’Callaghan, Reconquest and Crusade, pp. 143–46.

34. Some historians have inferred that these were the female inhabitants of

Úbeda, which the Christians captured shortly thereafter. See Vann, “Our

father.”

35. Elena Lourie, “Black Women Warriors in the Muslim Army Besieging

Valencia and the Cid’s Victory: A Problem of Interpretation,” Traditio 55

(2000): 181–209.

36. Alfonso VIII 3: nos. 897 and 898. Rodrigo probably had access to these

letters—as well as his own memory—when he described the battle in the

De rebus Hispanie. He also described the huge amount of booty, and fur-

thermore emphasized the Castilians’ discretion in the acquisition of these

riches (in contrast to the Aragonese). DRH 8.11, p. 275; see also Pick,

Conflict and Coexistence, pp. 21 and 45. Arab historians, however, made

little distinction among the behavior of the Christian conquerors. Ibn Abi

Zar says that no prisoners were taken; Rawd al-Qirtas, trans. Ambrosio

Huici Miranda, 2nd. ed., 2 vols. (Valencia: J. Nácher, 1964), v. 2, p. 467.

N O T E S 217

The seizure of goods is confirmed by ‘al-Marrakuši: “Alfonso went out

from that place, after filling his hands and those of his companions with

riches and things belonging to the Muslims.” Abu Muhammad Abd al-

Wahid al-Marrakushi, Kitab al-mu ‘yib fi taljis ajbar al-Magrib, Lo admira-

ble en el resumen de las noticias del Magrib, in Colección de crónicas árabes de

la reconquista, trans. [Spanish] Ambrosio Huici Miranda 4 vols. (Tetuán:

Editora Marroquí, 1955), v. 4, p. 267.

37. Pick, Conflict and Coexistence, p. 21.


39. While Berenguela associated Thibault with the French, he was in fact

a Poitevin—at the time an English subject—and the son of a Spaniard.

Hernández, “La Corte de Fernando III,” in Fernando III y su tiempo,

p. 109.

40. Ruiz, “Unsacred Monarchy,” in Rites of Power, p. 116; Hernández, “La

Corte de Fernando III,” in Fernando III y su tiempo, pp. 108–10.

41. Alfonso VIII 1, p. 1072. O’Callaghan, Reconquest and Crusade, p. 78, n2.

Pick describes the “limited penetration of what might be called a recon-

quest ideology” in the aftermath of Las Navas, but as she also points

out, material circumstances were such that renewed or extended military

potential for all sides was severely limited. Conflict and Coexistence, pp. 46

and 58.

42. Fernando III 1, p. 278, n1.

43. Fernando III 1, p. 278.

44. Alfonso IX 2: no. 352. The main purpose of this treaty was to buy Alfonso

IX’s friendship after Enrique I’s death, by paying 11,000 maravedís

to him.

45. Ibn ‘Idarı al-Marrakus ı, Al-Bayan al-Mugrib Fi Ijtisar Ajbar Muluk al-

Andalus Wa al-Magrib in Colección de Crónicas Árabes de la Reconquista,

ed., trans. Ambrosio Huici Miranda, 4 vols. (Tetuán: Editora Marroquí,

1953), v. 2, p. 283; Fernando III 1, p. 285.

46. Mansilla, Honorio III: nos. 268 and 269. See also Fernando III 1, p. 283;

Pick, Conflict and Coexistence, p. 53; O’Callaghan, Reconquest and Crusade,

pp. 80–82.


48. Hugh Kennedy, Muslim Spain and Portugal: A Political History of al-Andalus

(London: Longman, 1996), pp. 261–62.

49. Rodríguez López sees this as a key moment in the historiography of

understanding the nature of Fernando’s independent and legitimate rule.

“Sucesión regia y legitimidad política,” pp. 25–26.

50. CL 43, pp. 85–86. Lomax supplies the date; Derek Lomax, The Reconquest

of Spain (Longman: London, 1978), p. 137.

51. Martin suggests that Juan’s reference to the Holy Spirit was the necessary

rhetorical device to invoke a power superior to Berenguela’s, initiating

Fernando’s emancipation from his mother. “Berenguela,” p. 581; but see

Reilly, “Bishop Lucas,” p. 783. Martin’s argument, which corresponds to

those made by Linehan and Hernández, cited throughout, derives largely

from an interpretation of Juan’s perspective on Berenguela as being

N O T E S218

oppositional. See Linehan, “Apostillas,” p. 383, n33, which also connects

this perspective to the historiography of Blanche of Castile’s relationship

with her son Louis, in particular the idea that he used the crusades as a

means to free himself of his mother’s dominion. See especially Jordan,

Louis IX.

52. O’Callaghan, Reconquest and Crusade, pp. 80, 82–83; Mansilla, Honorio

III: no. 209.

53. CL 44, p. 86. Italics added.

54. Reilly, Urraca, p. 124, and pp. 155–56; Dillard, Daughters of the Reconquest,

pp. 15, 29, and 75.

55. Indeed, Reilly cautions that the entire passage itself may be a “borrowed

set-piece.” “Bishop Lucas” 783.

56. CL 44, p. 87.


58. The conquests of Jaume I of Aragón in Valencia and the Balearic Islands,

and the extension of Portuguese rule in the Algarve must be considered

here as well.

59. DRH 9.13, pp. 292–93.

60. Pick, Conflict and Coexistence, p. 59.

61. Rodríguez López, “Sucesión regia y legitimidad política,” 25–26.

62. “Et la noble reyna donna Berenguela, su madre del rey don Fernando,

con amor et con bien querencia dese su fijo, queriendol estoruar de yr uengar

los tuertos que los moros le fazien, f izol consagrar a Dios, asi commo diz la

estoria, los comienços de su caualleria, et alongar por mas tiempo las

treguas que el auie puestas con los alaraues, et non le dexaua mouer por alla.”

PCG 1036, p. 720. Italics added.

63. DRH 8.12, p. 292.

64. Dillard, Daughters of the Reconquest, p. 24, citing Deuteronomy 24:5.

65. Kennedy, Muslim Spain, p. 262; Lomax, Reconquest of Spain, pp. 137–39;

Fernando III 1, pp. 289–91.

66. CL 46, p. 88; Fernando III 1, p. 294; Kennedy, Muslim Spain, p. 262;

Lomax, Reconquest of Spain, p. 137.

67. CL 44, p. 87; Fernando III 1, pp. 293–94.


69. Fernando III 1, p. 286; Mansilla, Honorio III: nos. 574–76.

70. Mansilla, Honorio III: nos. 148, 155, 207, 208, 209, 210, and 268. See also

Linehan, Spanish Church and the Papacy, pp. 8–17.

71. Chronicon de Cardeña, in España Sagrada: Theatro geographico-histórico de la

iglesia de España. Enrique Flórez et alia, eds. 2nd ed. (Madrid: A. Marin,

1747–1879), 51 vols., v. 23, pp. 373–74.

72. Kennedy, Muslim Spain, p. 264. Lomax, Reconquest of Spain, p. 139.

73. CL 49, p. 93; See also Ibn Khaldún, Histoire des berbères et des dynasties

musulmanes de l’Afrique septentrionale, ed. William MacGuckin Slane, et

alia, 4 vols. (Paris: P. Geuthner, 1925–56), v. 4, p. 234. Fernando III 1,

p. 304. Kennedy, Muslim Spain, p. 364.

74. CL 50, pp. 93–94. Italics added.

N O T E S 219

75. CL 50, p. 94.

76. Rousseau, “Home Front and Battlefield,” in Gendering the Crusades,

pp. 31–44.

77. Possibly, however, they ref lected the new “short-timer’s attitude” compli-

cating crusades elsewhere. See Laurence W. Marvin, “Thirty-Nine Days

and a Wake-up: The Impact of the Indulgence and Forty Days Service

on the Albigensian Crusade, 1209–1218,” The Historian 65.1 (Fall, 2002):

75–94; O’Callaghan, Reconquest and Crusade, p. 125.

78. Fernando III 2: no. 250; Bullarium Ordinis militiae de Calatrava, ed. Ignácio

José de Ortega y Cotes and Juan Francisco Alvarez de Baquedano

(Madrid: Marin, 1761), pp. 61–62.

79. Enrique Rodríguez-Picavea Matilla, “El Campo de Calatrava en la época

de Fernando III,” in Fernando III y su tiempo, pp. 369–73 [343–74]. For an

example of the association of the Campo de Calatrava with Berenguela,

see Juan Miguel Mendoza Garrido, “La organización del territorio cala-

travo en época de Fernando III. El caso de Bolaños,” Archivo hispalense:

revista histórica, literaria y artística 234–36 (1994): 335–50.

80. Kennedy, Muslim Spain, pp. 266–67.

81. CM 4.100, p. 339; Lomax, Reconquest of Spain, p. 145.

82. Lomax, Reconquest of Spain, p. 145.

83. CL 70, p. 112.

84. Fernando III 1, pp. 323–31.

85. The Chronica latina ends its narrative with the conquest of Córdoba and

Fernando’s triumphant return to his mother in Toledo. CL 74 and 75,

p. 118. In 1248, two years after Berenguela’s death, Fernando captured

the city of Seville.

86. CM 4.101, pp. 341–42.

87. CM 4.101, pp. 341–42; CL 74, p. 117; PCG 1047, p. 734; Lomax, Reconquest

of Spain, p. 146.

88. DRH 9.17, p. 300.

89. DRH 9.17, p. 300.

90. DRH 9.17, p. 300.

91. “Con tetas llenas de virtudes le dio su leche de guisa que, maguer que

el rey don Fernando era ya varon fecho et firmado en edat de su fuerça

conplida, ssu madre la reyna donna Berenguella non quedo nin quedaua

de dezirle et ensennarle acuçiosamiente las cosas que plazen a Dios et a

los omnes—et lo tienen todos por bien—et nuncal mostro las costunbres

nin las cosas que perteneçien a mugeres, mas los que fazie a grandez de

coraçon et a grandes fechos.” PCG 1047, pp. 734–35.

92. Jordan, Louis IX, pp. 116–22.

93. PCG 1074, p. 748.

94. Lomax, Reconquest of Spain, p. 151.

95. On the date of the composition of the Poema, see Colin Smith, The

Making of the ‘Poema de Mio Cid (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University

Press, 1983); Richard Fletcher, The Quest for the Cid (New York: Knopf,

1999). On booty, see Dillard, Daughters of the Reconquest, esp. p. 75. Pick

N O T E S220

discusses in detail Rodrigo’s preference for conquest over booty, arguing

that he was “for a long time out of step with his peers over the mat-

ter. Conflict and Coexistence, p. 17. On ritual purification, see DRH 9.13,

p. 294.

6 “Making Lament”: Death, Grief, Memory, Identity

1. Statuta capitulorum generalium ordinis cisterciensis, ed. Josephus-Marie

Canivez, 8 vols. (Louvain: Bibliothèque de la Revue d’Histoire

Ecclésiastique, 1933) 2: 1251, cap. 7.

2. Canivez, Statuta 2: 1252, cap. 5, p. 377. Blanche had been formally asso-

ciated in prayers with the Order in 1222 (Layettes 1: no. 1557, p. 556),

but this relationship had existed since her parents founded Las Huelgas in

the year of her birth. In 1244, she requested a memorial for her parents;

Canivez, Statuta 2: 1244, cap. 12.

3. Canivez, Statuta 2: 1251, cap. 7 and Statuta 2: 1252, cap. 5; cited earlier.

“Amicis” could also mean “relatives.”

4. Canivez, Statuta 2: 1252, cap. 6.

5. Canivez, Statuta 2: 1241, cap. 12. The Cistercians remembered Blanche

after her death; Canivez, Statuta 2: 1253, cap. 6.

6. Canivez, Statuta 2: 1243, cap. 9 (for Leonor); cap. 15 (for Constanza).




10. James S. Amelang, “Mourning Becomes Eclectic: Ritual Lament and the

Problem of Continuity,” Past and Present 187 (May 2005): 21–31 [3–31];

Elizabeth Valdez del Alamo, “Lament for a lost Queen: The sarcoph-

agus of Doña Blanca in Nájera,” in Memory and the Medieval Tomb, ed.

Elizabeth Valdez del Alamo and Carol Stamatis Pendergast (Aldershot:

Ashgate, 2000), p. 48 [43–80]; Rocío Sánchez Ameijeiras, “Monumenta et

memoriae: The thirteenth-century episcopal pantheon of León Cathedral,”

in Memory and the Medieval Tomb, pp. 270–71 [269–300]; José Filgueira

Valverde, “El ‘Planto’ en la Historia y en la Literatura Gallega,” Cuadernos

de studios Gallegos 4 (1945): 511–606.

11. Filgueira Valverde, “El ‘Planto,’ ” 514–16.

12. Partidas 1.4.44, p. 36.

13. Cited in Filgueira Valverde, “El ‘Planto,’ ” 564–67.

14. Amelang, “Mourning Becomes Eclectic,” 4.

15. Filgueira Valverde, “El ‘Planto,’ ” 557–59. This gendered distinction in

manners of grief was noticed by Christine Mitchell Havelock in “Mourners

on Greek Vases: Remarks on the Social History of Women,” Feminism and

Art History: Questioning the Litany, ed. N. Broude and M. S. Garrard (New

York: Harper and Row, 1982), pp. 51–52 [45–61]; and by Del Alamo,

“Lament for a Lost Queen,” in Memory and the Medieval Tomb, p. 48.

16. Patrick J. Geary, Phantoms of Remembrance: Memory and Oblivion at the

End of the First Millennium (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994),

pp. 53–54 and 63–68; plates 1–10.

N O T E S 221

17. Georges Duby, Women of the Twelfth Century, 3 vols; 2: Remembering the

Dead, trans. Jean Birrell (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1997),

p. 14.

18. DRH 7.36, p. 258.

19. CL 20, pp. 55–56.

20. DRH 7.36, p. 258.

21. Sánchez Ameijeiras, “Monumenta et memoriae,” in Memory and the Medieval

Tomb, p. 282 n7, and pp. 270–71; Del Alamo, “Lament for a lost Queen,”

in Memory and the Medieval Tomb, p. 52.

22. Vann, “Castilian Queenship,” in Queens, Regents and Potentates, p. 140,

citing Alfonso VIII 3: no. 884.

23. Riquer, Los trovadores 2: no. 216, pp. 1085–87.

24. DRH 7.36, p. 258.

25. PCG 1009, p. 688.

26. Much of Alfonso X’s first partida was a Castilian adaptation of canons

promulgated at the Fourth Lateran Council in 1215. See “Introduction

to the First Partida,” in Burns, ed. Partidas 1: p. liii.

27. DRH 8.15, p. 280. The Primera crónica general was less eloquent, perhaps

downplaying Berenguela’s unsanctioned behavior. PCG 1024, p. 708.

28. CL 28, p. 69.

29. DRH 8.15, p. 280.

30. DRH 9.1, p. 281. I am grateful to Dr. Lucy Pick for suggesting this line

of speculation to me.

31. Alfonso VIII 3: no. 769; CL 31, p. 73; DRH 9.1, p. 281.

32. Escribano García, “La calavera de Enrique I,” 250–64. Enrique’s remains

include bones from the skull and upper body, with a partially preserved

thorax separated from the lower body, which was intact and more suc-

cessfully embalmed. This suggests that the boy’s body was embalmed

soon after his death, probably within a day, but not soon enough to stop

the natural processes of decomposition, which normally began at the

upper part of the body, and would have been accelerated at the site of

the wound on the head. CL 32, p. 76, and CL 36, pp. 79–80; DRH 9.4,

p. 285, and DRH 9.6, p. 287.

33. CL 36, pp. 79–80; DRH 9.6, p. 287.

34. CL 36, p. 80; also DRH 9.6, p. 287.

35. PCG 1030, pp. 714–15.

36. Crónica del Fernando Cuarto, v.1, ch. 2, p. 132. Italics added. María per-

formed a similar act of charity and domination for her enemy Prince Pere

of Aragón. Crónica del Fernando Cuarto, v. 2, pp. 103–4.

37. Lupián Zapata, Epitome, p. 105. The Primera crónica general confirms his

dire poverty and burial at Uclés, but says nothing about Berenguela.

PCG, cap 1033, p. 717. Gonzalo Argote de Molina’s Nobleza de Andalucia

was first published in 1588. Argote de Molina himself cited “la general

Historia en el cap. 11 del lib. 4.” See Gonzalo Argote de Molina, Nobleza

de Andalucia, ed. Manuel Muñoz y Garnica (1866; Repr. Jaén: Instituto de

Estudios Giennenses, 1957), p. 124.

38. Traducción gallega 1, p. 778.

N O T E S222

39. Gómez-Moreno asserts that one sepulcher belonged to a daughter Leonor,

of whom I can find no record, whereas González assigns the tomb in

question to Sancho. Manuel Gómez-Moreno, El real panteón de las Huelgas

de Burgos (Madrid: CSIC, 1946), p. 11; Alfonso VIII 1, pp. 200–203. This

tomb is carved with a memento mori inscription dated 1194; Gómez Barcena,

Escultura gótica, p. 187; see also Walker, “Leonor of England,” pp. 366–67.

40. The tomb described as the infante Sancho’s depicts mourners, possibly

parents, but does not evoke lamentation or grief; Gómez Barcena, Escultura

gótica, p. 187. Compare the tomb of Blanca of Navarre; Del Alamo,

“Lament for a Lost Queen,” in Memory and the Medieval Tomb, pp. 43–79.

41. Alfonso VIII 3: no. 888; Las Huelgas 1: no. 109; Gómez Barcena, Escultura

gótica, pp. 187 and 193.

42. See Canivez, Statuta 2: 1222, cap. 9; Statuta 1: 1157, cap. 63.


44. Gómez Barcena, Escultura gótica, p. 194.

45. Kathleen Nolan, “The Queen’s Body and Institutional Memory: The

tomb of Adelaide of Maurienne,” in Memory and the Medieval Tomb, p. 249

[249–67].

46. Nolan, “The Queen’s Body,” in Memory and the Medieval Tomb, p. 252.

47. Shadis, “Piety, Politics and Power,” in Cultural Patronage, pp. 211–13; Terryl

N. Kinder, “Blanche of Castile and the Cistercians,” Commentarii cister-

cienses 27.3–4 (1976): 163 and 183 [163–88] and Armande Gronier-Prieur,

L’Abbaye Notre-Dame du Lys a Dammarie-les-Lys (Seine-et-Marne: Amis

des monuments et des sites de Seine-et-Marne, 1971).

48. Walker’s ideas about Alfonso VIII’s inspiration for the foundation of Las

Huelgas should be taken into account as well. Such potential inspiration

does not necessarily replace that of the queen, but rather may complement

it. Walker, “Leonor of England,” 346–68.

49. There is an apparent absence of artistic or funerary patronage during the

turbulent years of Enrique I’s reign and the first few years of Fernando

III’s rule. David Raizman has argued, however, that the unnamed patron-

ess behind the production of the later Morgan Beatus may have been

Berenguela. The manuscript’s unfinished state may certainly be attributed

to lack of funds in the early 1220s. On the other hand, the patroness, while

probably a royal woman, just as likely was the nun/infanta Constanza, or

the infanta Leonor. David Raizman, “Prayer, patronage and piety at Las

Huelgas: new observations on the later Morgan Beatus (m. 429),” in Church,

State, Vellum and Stone: Essays on Medieval Spain in Honor of John Williams, ed.

Therese Martin and Julie Harris (Leiden: Brill, 2005), pp. 235–74.

50. Francisco Antón y Casaseca, Monasterios medievales de la provincia de

Valladolid (Valladolid: Librería Santarén, 1942), p. 173.

51. Luis Fernández Martín, “Colección diplomática del monasterio de Santa

María de Matallana,” Hispania Sacra 25.50 (1972): 412 [391–35]; Canivez,

Statuta 1: 1217, cap. 33.

52. Antón y Casaseca, Monasterios medievales, p. 172. Fernández Martín,

“Colección diplomatica,” 385.

N O T E S 223

53. Antón y Casaseca, Monasterios medievales, p. 172. Beatriz, however, was

buried at Las Huelgas.

54. Antón y Casaseca, Monasterios medievales, p. 193. These tombs are cur-

rently housed at the Museu Nacional d’Art de Catalunya in Barcelona.

55. Rodríguez López, El real monasterio, p. 268; Flórez, Las reinas católicas, v. 1,

pp. 601–602.

56. For a full description of this tomb, see Gómez Barcena, Escultura gótica,

pp. 196–97; see also Del Alamo, “Lament for a Lost Queen,” in Memory

and the Medieval Tomb, p. 68, n19.

57. Berenguela’s initial tomb prepared at her death in 1246 indeed may have

been plain and humble, but the act of translation seems inconsistent with

the act of moving the body from one plain tomb to another.

58. Rodríguez López, El real monasterio pp. 141–42; Las Huelgas 2: no. 439.


60. Rodríguez López, El real monasterio, p. 169; Gómez-Moreno states that

the simple tomb attributed to Queen Berenguela, opened in this cen-

tury for study, contained two bodies; one well preserved (the queen) but

the other decapitated. Gómez-Moreno, El real panteón real, p. 30. One

wonders how he decided which body belonged to the queen: perhaps he

recognized her because she had managed to keep her head.

61. PCG 1030, p. 714.

62. Rodríguez López notes that three Constanzas (Queen Berenguela’s sister,

daughter, and granddaughter) and Isabel of Molina (another granddaugh-

ter) among others were all interred in tombs without surviving adorn-

ment. El real monasterio, p. 264.

63. The literature on the intersection of Christianity, gender, and embodi-

ment is vast, and growing: See, to begin, the work of Caroline Walker

Bynum, especially, The Resurrection of the Body in Western Christianity,

200–1336 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1995).

64. Parsons, Eleanor of Castile, p. 207.

65. Parsons, Eleanor of Castile, pp. 205–206. Division of the body was not

entirely unusual: Blanche of Castile, for example, left her heart to Lys

while her body was buried in Maubuisson. The division of Blanche’s body

between her two favorite foundations adds a new dimension to the prob-

lem of these patrons’ affirmation of their lineage and family future, since

it seemed to signify a kind of fracturing of one source of that lineage, the

mother herself. Yet, the patron’s purpose behind foundation was reiterated

by this act of disarticulation, emphasizing the roles of the nuns in caring

for the dead and on the patron’s love for a particular convent. That this

was effective as part of a greater program to establish lineage was borne

out by future generations’ continued use of both monasteries for the same

purpose. On the practice of the division of corpses, its origins and signif-

icance, especially for the royal family of France, see the work of Elizabeth

A. R. Brown, “Death and the Human Body in the Late Middle Ages,”

Viator 12 (1981): 221–70; “Burying and Unburying the Kings of France,”

in Persons in Groups: Social Behavior as Identity Formation in Medieval and

N O T E S224

Renaissance Europe, ed. Richard C. Trexler (Binghamton, NY: Medieval

and Renaissance Texts and Studies, 1985), pp. 241–66; and “Authority, the

Family and the Dead in late Medieval France,” French Historical Studies 16.4

(1990): 803–32. Brown argues that Blanche divided her body for “personal

reasons and not because of family ties,” but I suggest that family ties were

at the forefront of Blanche’s mind in establishing Lys and Maubuisson, and

that future members of the royal family chose burial in these places because

of those ties; Brown, “Authority, the Family, and the Dead,” p. 811.

66. CL 28, pp. 68–69.

67. PCG 1067, p.745.

68. PCG 1073, p.748.

69. Corpus medievale cordubense 1 (1106–1255) ed. Manuel Nieto Cumplido

(Córdoba: Publicaciones del Monte de Piedad y Caja de Ahorros de

Córdoba, 1979): no. 320.

70. Hernández, Los cartularios de Toledo: no. 450; “La Guardia, Villa del

Partido de Lillo, Provincia de Toledo–Datos Históricos,” ed. Fidel Fita,

BRAH 11.5 (Nov. 1887): no. 12, p. 408 [373–431].

71. Sources do not agree on the date of Blanche’s death, but Eudes of Rouen

records her burial at Pontoise on November 29, and states that he was

present. Odo Rigaldus, The Register of Eudes of Rouen, trans. Sydney M.

Brown, ed. Jeremiah F. O’Sullivan (New York: Columbia University

Press, 1964), p. 167. The Norman Chronicle dates her death to November

27, corresponding to Eude’s information about her funeral and burial;

E chronico Normanniae RHF t. 23, p. 214.

72. Louis Carolus-Barré, Procès de canonisation de Saint Louis (1272–1297):

essai de reconstitution, ed. Henri Platelle (Rome: École Française de Rome,

Palais Farnèse, 1994), p. 75; see Del Alamo, “Lament for a Lost Queen,”

p. 71, n62, for prayer and citations for liturgy. According to the chronicles

of Saint-Denis, however, Blanche had been at Melun when she became

so ill that death seemed imminent. Fully aware of this, she packed up

and made haste to Paris; only after her death was her body carried to

Pointoise. Chroniques de Saint-Denis, RHF, v. 21, pp. 116–117. At Paris,

Blanche put her affairs in order and made her will; Guillaume de Saint-

Pathus, Vie de Saint Louis, ed. H-François Delaborde (Paris: A. Picard et

Fils, 1899), p. 15.

73. Berger, Blanche de Castille, pp. 414–415; Primat, Chronique, trans. Jean du

Vignay, RHF, t. 23, p. 10; Canivez, Statuta 2: 1253, cap. 6.

74. Urraca’s will was revised by her husband Afonso II; Figanière, Memorias

das rainhas, Appendices 5 and 6, pp. 235–42.

75. If she had been a man, surely she would have been buried with a sword.

Later, Sancho IV was buried with his sword, created by Andalusi silver-

smiths. Feliciano, “Muslim Shrouds for Christian Kings?” in Under the

Inf luence, pp. 123–24.

76. Gómez-Moreno, El panteón real, p. 30, no. 19 [plate 64].

77. Olivia Remie Constable, Trade and Traders in Muslim Spain (Cambridge,

UK: Cambridge University Press, 1994), p. 180.

N O T E S 225

78. The Art of Medieval Spain, A.D. 500–1200 (New York: Metropolitan

Museum of Art, 1993), p. 108; see also Concha Herrero Carretero, Museo

de telas medievales: monasterio de Santa María la Real de Huelgas (Madrid:

Editorial Patrimonial Nacional, 1988), pp. 102–3.

79. Dorothy G. Shepherd, “A Treasure from a Thirteenth-Century Spanish

Tomb,” Bulletin of the Cleveland Museum of Art 65 (April, 1978): 111–34. See

especially the “technical note” that strongly suggests the clothes recov-

ered from Bishop Gurb’s tomb were manufactured in the same workshop

as Berenguela’s cushion, “A Treasure,” 130–32.

80. Cruz, Las Huelgas de Burgos, p. 50. Inventario de bienes muebles historico-

artisticos (base de datos Goya). Pillow: http://www.patriomonionacional.es/

PRESENTA/servicio/conser.htm. Servicios Culturales y de Investigación.

Conservación de Obras de Arte. Documento 4135 (Telas [pillow].

Patrimonio Nacional Collección TE, Inventory No. 00650512 (the pil-

low), and Patrimonio Nacional Colección MU, Inventory No. 00652178

(the door). http://www.patromonionacional.es. Accessed: October 15,

2007.

81. The Art of Medieval Spain, pp. 107–8.

82. Gómez-Moreno, El panteón real, pp. 53–54.

83. Feliciano, “Muslim Shrouds,” in Under the Inf luence, p. 118.

84. Sheila Blair and Jonathan Bloom propose one of several options for inter-

preting Christian responses to the sometimes religious and sometimes

decidedly secular scripts in items that ended up in church treasuries:

Christians were unable, or unwilling to read the texts, or, they simply did

not care. “From Secular to Sacred: Islamic Art in Christian Contexts,”

Sacred/Secular: 11th–16th Century works from the Boston Public Library and the

Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, ed. N. Netzer (Chestnut Hill, MA: Boston

College, 2006): 115–19.

85. Sheila Blair, explains that this text in particular was easy to weave and

often abbreviated. Private Correspondence: July 29, 2008.

86. Herrero Carretero, Museo de Telas, pp. 121–24.

87. Feliciano, “Muslim Shrouds,” in Under the Inf luence, p. 115.

88. Avinoam Shalem, Islam Christianized: Islamic Portable Objects in the Medieval

Church Treasuries of the Latin West (Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 1996),

p. 130.

89. George Ferguson, Signs and Symbols in Christian Art (1954; repr. London:

Oxford University Press, 1977), p. 23; Basilio Pavón Maldonada, Arte

toledano islámico y mudéjar (Madrid: Instituto Hispano-arabe de Cultura,

1973), pp. 219–23.

90. Jerrilynn D. Dodds, “Mudejar Tradition and the Synagogues of Medieval

Spain: Cultural Identity and Cultural Hegemony,” in Convivencia: Jews,

Muslims and Christians in Medieval Spain, ed. Vivian B. Mann, et alia (New

York: George Braziller with The Jewish Museum, 1992), p. 124.

91. Dodds, “Mudejar Tradition,” in Convivencia, pp. 126–27.

92. Gómez-Moreno, El panteón real, pp. 23–24, 30.

93. Constable, Trade and Traders, p. 180.

N O T E S226

94. Jerrilyn D. Dodds, “Islam, Christianity and the Problem of Religious

Art,” The Art of Medieval Spain: A.D. 500–1200, p. 32 [26–37]. Possibly

these goods were sold by Christian merchants who would receive booty

as part of their pay for participating in battles. Another source might be

the steady stream of Andalusi Christians and Jews who had emigrated

to the northern kingdoms under the Almohads; Juan Zozoya, “Material

Culture in Medieval Spain,” in Convivencia, p. 165 [157–74].

95. Shalem, Islam Christianized, p. 79.

96. Pick, Conflict and Coexistence, pp. 127–37; Nirenberg, Communities of

Violence, pp. 245–46.


98. Joinville, Life of Saint Louis, p. 36.

Conclusion A Perfect Friend of God

1. DRH 9:17, p. 300.

2. Linehan, Spanish Church and the Papacy, pp. 330–34. See also Cynthia

L. Chamberlin, “Unless the Pen Writes as It Should”; the Proto-Cult of

Saint Fernando III in Seville in the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries,”

in Sevilla 1248: congreso internacional conmemorativo del 750 aniversario de la

conquista de la ciudad de Sevilla . . . ed. Manuel González Jiménez (Seville:

Centro de Estudios Ramón Areces, 2000), pp. 389–18. Carolus-Barré,

Procès de canonisation de Saint Louis, p. 75. Daniel Papebroch, Acta vitae

S. Ferdinandi III in Acta Sanctorum: Mai: tome VII (1684; repr. Brussels:

Culture et Civilisation, 1969) pp. 280–14, especially pp. 385–86.

3. Jane Tibbetts Schulenberg, “Female Sanctity: Public and Private Roles,

ca. 500–1100,” Women and Power, pp. 102–125. Michael Goodich, Vita

Perfecta: The Ideal of Sanctity in the Thirteenth Century (Stuttgart: Anton

Hiersemann, 1982), p. 173.

4. Goodich, Vita Perfecta, p. 175, on the “new ideal of sainthood [which]

demanded works of social service.” Overall, Goodich found, female

saints in the thirteenth century comprised 25 percent of the total; among

women, a higher proportion of saints were royal, suggesting that visibility

was indeed a factor in identifying sanctity. The majority of these women

remained single, took holy orders if separated, maintained chaste mar-

riages or resisted marriage. Goodich, Vita Perfecta, Appendix, “Master

List of Thirteenth Century Saints,” pp. 213–41. Blanche of Castile’s

daughter Isabelle was a good example of such a woman. Field, Isabelle of

France, pp. 37–42 and 167–70.

5. Las Huelgas: no. 439.

6. Poulet, “Capetian Women and Regency,” in Medieval Queenship,

pp. 93–116.

7. Rodríguez López, Consolidación, p. 164.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Note: The bibliography which follows represents unprinted materials, those

sources most frequently cited in this study, those which refer explicitly to

Berenguela, or those sources which contributed most substantially to the

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Primary Sources: Unprinted Sources

Archivo Histórico Nacional, Madrid

Sección Clero

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Salamanca, Cathedral, Carpeta 1881

Sección Ordenes Militares

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Hispanic Society of America

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Manuscript, HC NS4/607.

Toledo, Cathedral Archive

ACT A.2.G.1.5

ACT Z.9.M.1.2

B I B L I O G R A P H Y228

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‘Abd Allah. See al-Bayyası

‘Abu al-Wahid b. Yusuf, 134

abdication, 3, 14–15, 17, 21, 98–99,

136, 163

Abu Yahya Zakariya, Almohad

vizier, 134

Adelaide of Maurienne, queen of

France, 161

Afonso, infante of Portugal, 4, 150

agency, 9, 11, 24, 41, 50

al-Andalus, 17, 81, 116, 124, 133, 135,

138, 141–45, 169, 170

Alarcos, Battle of, 48, 61

Alba de Aliste, 202nn68, 72

Al-Bayyası, 140–41

Alcobaça, 167

Alexander II, Pope, 126

Alfonso de Molina, 44, 70, 71, 82,

83, 99, 109, 145, 162, 201n58,

210nn61, 62, 211n65

Alfonso I, King of Aragón,

51, 197n6

Alfonso II of Aragón, 25

Alfonso IX, King of León, 2, 56, 59,

61, 76–80, 91, 92, 96, 99, 101,

107, 109, 114, 120, 143, 191nn14,

16, 194n55, 64, 195–96n74,

197nn6, 7, 8, 198n14, 200n36,

50, 204n100, 211nn65, 68, 70,

213n116

marriage to Berenguela, 2, 3, 20,

30, 52, 54, 59, 62, 64, 66–70, 76,

78–79, 83, 106

relationship to Fernando III, 82,

110, 194n55

relationship with Alfonso VIII,

53–54, 58, 61, 62, 190n11,

202n66

succession of daughters, 51, 95,

110–14, 211nn67, 71

Alfonso VI of León-Castile, 2, 51,

191n165

Alfonso VII, Emperor of

Castile-León, 2, 27, 30, 35, 56,

74–75, 111, 126, 178n13,

211n67

Alfonso VIII, King of Castile 2, 10,

24, 27, 33, 35–36, 38, 52–55,

57–58, 61, 64, 66–67, 69,

78–79, 87–88, 96, 107, 109, 143,

185n33, 189n2, 190n11, 191n16,

194n55, 195n74, 202nn66, 68,

205nn111, 113

and succession of Berenguela, 2, 33,

49, 54, 60, 100, 104, 208n33

as coruler with Leonor, 38, 42, 50,

76, 143, 203nn84, 97

claims to Gascony, 31, 184n25

claims to Navarre, 29–30, 59

crusades, 61, 86, 129–31, 133, 136,

150, 216n27

death of, 82, 86, 104, 133, 151,

155, 165

marriage to Leonor, 23, 25–26, 29,

52, 57, 67

patronage, 8, 36, 37, 40, 46–48,

160, 186n60, 187n74, 194n63,

222n48

Alfonso X, King of Castile-León 42,

57, 60, 107, 109, 116, 165

INDEX

I N D E X238

Alfonso X—Continued

and the Primera crónica general, 8,

40, 48, 139–40. See also Primera

crónica general

and the Siete partidas, 27, 44, 151,

184n16, 209n50

as Infante, 42, 82, 107, 120,

139, 145

Alfonso XI, 158

Alfonso Téllez, 93–94

Alfonso, Infante of Aragón, 4, 73,

171, 196n90

Algadefe, 81, 200n50

Almanza, 202n68, 72

Almohads, 61, 86, 129, 133, 134, 139,

143, 216n22, 226n94. See also

crusades; Muslims

Alphonse of Poitiers, 197n91, 166

Álvar Pérez, 118–19

Álvaro Fernández, tenant of

Villalpando, 202–3n77

Álvaro Núñez de Lara, 91, 98–99,

101–2, 120

as alferez, 87, 199n31

as regent for Enrique I 87–95, 119,

156–57, 192n25, 205n125

conf lict with Berenguela, 87–88,

93–94, 98, 101, 102–3, 137,

204n98, 207nn 31, 32

death of, 158–59, 208n35

Álvaro Rodríguez, “queen’s man”,

43, 187n81

Aparicio, “queen’s man”, 43, 187n82

Ardon, 83, 85

Argote de Molina, Gonzalo, 158,

221n37

Argüello, 83, 85, 202nn68, 72

arras agreements, 12, 20, 25–32, 38,

40, 43, 52, 55–56, 61, 63–67,

70, 74, 76, 78–80, 83–84, 96,

109, 113, 176, 183n7, 183–84n11,

194n59. See also Leonor of

England Leonor of Castile

Berenguela, Queen dower

dowry

Astorga, 76, 112, 195n66, 202n69,

204n100

Asturias (region), 28, 29, 77, 78, 91,

195n66

Augustinian Order, 162

Autillo, 94, 95, 98, 205n120

Avila, 43, 44, 102–3

Avilés, 202n69

Baeza, 140–41

Baños de la Encina, 141–42

barraganas, barraganía, 195–96n74.

See also Berenguela Alfonso

Barruelo, 77, 80

Beatriz of Swabia, Queen of Castile,

57, 81–82

death and burial of, 107, 108, 152,

162, 165, 210n53, 223n53

marriage to Fernando III, 108, 116,

117, 118–20, 129, 140, 152

patronage, 201n53, 209n47,

210n53, 223n53

tenancy of León, 85, 105–7

Belorado, 29, 102

Benavente, 113–14, 202n69,

204n100

Berengaria of Navarre, 31, 59–60

Berenguela Alfonso, 109

Berenguela, infanta, Lady of

Las Huelgas (daughter of

Fernando III), 5, 107, 116,

163–64, 113n106

Berenguela, Infanta of León, 70, 72,

82, 105, 110–12, 117, 201n58,

209n51

Berenguela, infanta, Lady of Las

Huelgas, (daughter of

Alfonso X ), 60

Berenguela, Queen of Castile

and León

Alfonso IX of León, and: divorce

from, 3, 26, 68–71, 199n30;

marriage to, 2–3, 20, 25–26,

30, 52, 54, 62–67, 194nn59, 61,

198n17; treaties with, 83–85,

I N D E X 239

104, 111, 119, 133–34, 202nn65,

69, 73, 205n113

as a grandmother, 116, 120, 163,

210n53, 213n106

as Queen of León, 63–66, 74–83,

85–86, 96

betrothal to Conrad of

Rothenburg, 2, 20, 27, 38,

51–59, 105, 119, 189n2,

190–91n11, 191n16, 192n20.

See also Seligenstadt, Treaty of

birth of, 32–33, 43, 104, 208n38

burial of, 163–64, 167–70, 174,

223nn57, 60

childhood, 32–34, 40, 50, 52, 54

correspondence, 94, 120–21,

129–33, 141, 146, 214n124,

216n27

crusade, and 21, 86, 124–25,

127–28, 129–33, 135–38,

139–40, 141–42, 144–47, 175

death, 145, 149, 165–66, 167

dispensation of wealth, 74, 79, 102,

123, 143–44, 154

Fernando III, and: corule with,

14, 82, 98, 104, 123, 124, 129,

138, 147, 150, 159, 161–62,

176, 187n73 (redo this entry);

establishment as king of Castile,

14–15, 98–103; establishment as

king of León, 112–15

historiography of, 7–9, 12, 15–20,

100–1, 138–40, 189n2, 203n83,

204n98, 206n131, 207n18. See

also femininity, masculinity

image and representation of, 1, 88,

91, 203n94, 204n102

kingdom of Castile, and: as heir to,

2, 20–21, 33, 38, 49, 55, 60, 64,

95, 97–98, 104, 208n33, 208n38;

as regent of, 3, 20, 44, 73, 86,

87–92, 93, 96, 119, 192n25,

193n43, 203nn86, 90, 91; civil

war in, 92–103, 205n120,

207n32, 208n35

lordship, 3, 64–66, 74, 78–80,

81, 83–86, 101, 200nn48,

50, 201nn52, 53, 56, 202n77,

210n53, 214n124

marriage of children, 3, 105–9,

111–12, 219n61, 210n56

mourning, 21, 151, 154–56, 157–59

patronage, 7–8, 12, 19, 20, 40, 41,

63, 69, 73–76, 80, 83, 87, 91, 96,

123, 142, 159–62, 174, 194n63,

197n7, 198n14, 210n61, 222n49

relationship with Rodrigo Jiménez

de Rada, 8, 87–88, 156, 173

relationship with sisters, 3–5, 61,

63, 94, 108, 129–33, 150

treaties with Muslims, 133, 134,

139

See also mothers, mothers and sons,

co-rule

Bernardo, bishop-elect of Segovia,

120

Bertran de Born, troubadour,

184n25

besamanos, 53

betrothal, 2, 20, 51, 52–54, 60,

63–64, 95, 106, 190n3. See also

Treaty of Seligenstadt

Blanca of Castile. See Blanche of

Castile

Blanca of Navarre, daughter of

Thibault, 109

Blanca of Navarre, wife of Sancho III,

29, 31, 35, 57, 222n40

Blanche of Castile, 3, 14, 32, 33,

71–74, 96, 97, 104

crusades, and 124–25, 128–33, 138,

147, 215n7

death and burial of, 165, 166–67,

220n5, 223–24n65, 224n72

historiography of, 5, 16–19, 34,

104, 174, 181–82n41, 208n38,

217–18n51

infant of Castile, 54, 61, 108, 110,

125, 132–33, 146, 150, 170, 174,

182n54, 197n91, 198n15

I N D E X240

Blanche of Castile—Continued

marriage, 3, 13, 31, 48, 70–71, 130,

183n11, 189n2

patronage, 149–61, 220n2, 194n63

regency, 4, 14, 71, 73, 97, 129, 138,

147, 149, 166–67

relationship with Louis IX, 9, 18,

107, 120, 217–18n51

widowhood, 71–72

see under Berenguela,

correspondence; relationship

with sisters

bodies,

division of, 165, 223–24n65

of the dead, 95, 101, 131, 151–57,

165, 167–69, 221n32, 223nn57,

60, 224n72. See also burial

of the king, 13, 51, 72, 165

of the queen, 13, 47, 164–65, 167,

223n60, 224n72

reproductive bodies, 13, 44, 164.

See also pregnancy

body politic, 10, 61, 72, 137. See

also cortes, kingdom of Castile

kingdom of León

Bolaños de Campo, 84, 205n113, 142,

202n68

booty, 129, 131–32, 141, 144, 146–47,

169–70, 216nn27, 36, 219–20n95,

226n94

breastfeeding as metaphor, 34, 145.

See also nurses, nursing

Brown, Elizabeth A. R., 223–4n65

Brundage, James, 128, 192n33,

195n73

Buenafuente, monastery of, 106, 150,

162, 210nn61–62

Burgos,

bishop of, 70, 99, 117, 137, 156. See

also Mauricio, bishop of Burgos

cathedral of, 60, 100, 104, 106,

162, 209n51, 185–86n52

city and region, 4, 25, 28–29, 35,

39–41, 43, 63, 93–95, 102,

116–18, 154, 160, 167–68

treaty of, 80, 83–85, 110, 119,

205n113

burial, 37, 75, 91, 96, 101, 131, 141,

151, 153–63, 165, 167–68,

210n53, 221n37, 223–24n65,

224nn71, 75. See also mourning,

tombs

Cabreros,

castle of 195n66, 202n72

treaty of, 80, 83–85, 100, 110, 112,

119, 142, 195n67

Calatrava, castle of, 132

Order of, 111, 142

Camino de Santiago, 11, 40

Campo de Calatrava (region), 142,

219n79

Candrei, 195n66, 202n66

canon law, 54, 58, 60, 64, 67, 71–72,

128–29, 191n14, 191n33, 195n67,

196n87, 221n26

canonization, 36, 166, 174, 226n4

Capilla, 140–42

Carracedo, 199n30, 200n48, 202n77

Carrión, 28–29, 91, 117, 137, 191n14.

See also cortes, of Carrión

Castigos para bien vivir, 48, 208n33

Castile-León

division of, 2, 111

unification of, 3, 8, 21, 64, 96,

113–15, 123, 124, 199n30

Castillo de Doña Berenguela, 142

Castro Cisneros, 95

Castro family, 36

Castro Gonzalo, 84, 195n66,

205n113

Castrojeriz, 28–29, 116

Castrotierra, 202n68

Castroverde, 34, 77, 79–80, 195n66,

205n113

Celestine III, Pope, 59, 61, 62, 194n57

Charles of Anjou, 166, 197n91

charters

arras charters, 12, 26, 27, 63, 183n7,

190n7. See also arras

I N D E X 241

as sources: indicating corule,

34–35, 37–38, 50, 76–78, 85,

104, 199n30, 211n71; nonroyal

charters, 35, 43, 74, 77–78, 80,

85, 88, 91, 104, 187nn73, 74,

82, 198n17, 199n30, 211n71;

patronage charters, 36, 37,

40–41, 63, 74–75, 88, 91, 162,

194n63, 197n9; royal charters,

7, 31, 35, 36, 37, 39, 40–41, 42,

44, 46, 50, 57, 60, 63, 74–77,

80, 82, 86, 88, 91, 100, 104, 111,

114, 117, 162, 187n82, 190n11,

191n14, 194n63, 197n9, 201n58,

203nn90, 93, 94, 209n51, 211n67

confirmation practice in, 35, 42,

86, 110, 191n14, 202n71,

202n74, 211n67

intitulation practice in, 33, 35, 80,

111, 119

witnessing of, 35, 46, 55, 63, 64,

66, 79, 85, 88, 91, 111, 192n20

chastity, 16, 51, 67, 95, 100, 107–9,

115, 183n1, 205n125, 226n4

Chronica latina regum Castella, 8–9,

31, 32, 54–55, 98, 102, 113,

118, 131, 137, 139, 140, 152,

155, 191n16, 194n55, 201n58,

204n98, 205n215, 212n94,

219n85. See also Juan of Osma

Chronicle of Otto of St. Blaise, 190n5,

192nn31–32

Chronicon de Cardeña, 141

Chronicon mundi, 7–9, 123, 139, 197n7

as source for the Primera crónica

general, 9. See also Lucas of Túy

descriptions of Berenguela in

Chronicon mundi, 8, 16, 19,

75–76, 83, 85, 87, 100, 114, 123,

197n7, 207n32

Cistercian Chapter General, 149–50,

160, 162

Cistercian Order, 4, 5, 12, 37, 39, 40,

77, 87, 109, 116, 146, 149–51,

159–62, 164, 166–67, 171, 220n5

civil war, 93, 96, 102–3, 137, 175. See

also rebellion

Coca, 98

Compostela, archbishop of, 68, 70,

191n14

Conrad of Rothenburg, 2, 20, 38,

51–59, 63, 105, 106, 189n2,

190n5, 190–91n11, 191n16,

192n32. See also Seligenstadt,

Treaty of

consanguinity, 3, 20, 60, 62, 75, 95,

106, 191n14, 198n17

as an impediment: 53, 60, 62

defiance of: 57, 60, 68, 59,

62, 118

papal objection to: 68, 95

consent,

regarding crusading: 128–29,

135–37

regarding marriage: 55, 58, 60,

67, 72

see under co-rule, charters

Constance of Castile, queen of

France, 197n236. See also

Constanza, daughter of

Alfonso VII

Constance of Sicily, 58–59

Constanza, daughter of Alfonso VII,

211n67. See also Constance of

Castile

Constanza, Infanta of Castile, nun

and Lady of Las Huelgas 3–5, 12,

16, 32–33, 61, 94, 116, 150, 163,

167–68, 170, 194n63, 220n6,

222n49, 223n62

Constanza, Infanta of León, nun and

Lady Las Huelgas 4–5, 70, 82,

116, 201n58, 223n62

conveniencia, 11, 181n38. See also

convivencia, tolerance

convivencia, 11, 168, 170, 181n38. See

also conveniencia, tolerance

Córdoba, 11, 19, 126, 141, 143–44,

214n122

cathedral of, 144, 166

I N D E X242

Córdoba—Continued

Christian conquest of, 123, 125,

140–44, 219n85

Great Mosque of, 144

Coria, 78

cortes, 10, 11, 53, 100, 117, 190n7,

207n21

and women, 11, 60–61, 106, 117,

209n51

of 1219, 106–7, 209n51

of 1224, 117, 138, 209n51

of 1237/39, 117, 213n109

of Carrión, 53–58, 60, 100,

190n14, 207n17

of San Esteban de Gormaz, 52–53,

190n11

corule, corulership, 10, 14, 20, 23, 34,

42, 50, 82, 97–98, 111, 143, 145,

147, 174–76

between husbands and wives, 25,

34–35, 38, 76–77, 41, 50, 82, 127

between mothers and sons 38, 85,

104, 120, 124, 127, 147, 166,

203n84, 214n122

Council of Clermont, 126, 128

Crónica anónima, 191n18

Crónica de la población de Avila, 102–3,

208n33

Crónica ocampiana, 49, 177n5

crusades,

Holy Land, 124–27, 141

Iberian, 86, 117, 124–27, 128, 138,

141, 167, 215–16nn22, 24, 27.

See also Las Navas de Tolosa;

Fernando III; kingship

indulgence, 61, 124, 126, 136–38,

141, 215n12, 216n27

papal protection, 124, 126, 141,

215n12

preaching, 86, 128–30, 136, 137

vow, 124–25, 128, 138–39, 141,

215n7

women in, 74, 127–29, 131, 137,

142, 174. See also Berenguela,

and crusades

Cuenca, siege of, 36

De altera vita, 7, 214n2

De rebus Hispanie, 8–9, 40, 126, 152,

173, 201n58. See also Rodrigo

Jiménez de Rada

Diego Avas, 78

Dillard, Heath, 35

divorce, 4, 26, 58, 61, 66, 71, 73, 96,

114, 192n33, 194n55

Dodds, Jerrilyn, 170, 181n38

Doubleday, Simon, 94, 95, 203n86,

n90, 205n120, 208n35

dower, 25–29, 38, 52, 55–56, 63–64,

67–69, 72, 83, 183–4n11,

194n59, 209n47. See also arras

dowry, 25, 27, 31–32, 55, 64, 67, 112,

183n11, 184n16, 189n2

Duby, Georges, 152

Dueñas, 28, 98

Dulce, Infanta of León, 110–15,

202n67, 211nn70, 71, 212n100

Earenfight, Theresa, 6, 14, 178n10,

179n17

Echegaray, Esther Pascua 53, 216n22

Eleanor of Aquitaine, 23–26, 29,

31, 37, 39, 59, 60, 161, 177n4,

189nn103, 105

Eleanor of Castile, Queen of England,

165, 210n58

Elvira, infanta of León, daughter of

Alfonso VI, 211n6

Elvira, nurse to Berenguela, 33–34

Elvira, queen-regent of León, 178n13

embalming, 156, 164, 221n32

Enrique I, 43, 150, 154

birth, 33

death, 20, 33, 91, 95–96, 98,

111, 133, 156, 206nn127–29,

217n44

reign, 2, 3, 20 41, 44, 60, 71,

73, 85–96, 104, 119–20, 133,

156, 175, 192n25, 193n43,

203nn90, 91, 93, 204nn98,

104, 222n49

relationship with Berenguela, 44,

60, 73, 86–89, 91–92, 94–95

I N D E X 243

Enrique III, 193n45

Enrique, infante of Castile, 107,

158–59

Eslonza. See San Pedro de Eslonza

Estefanía (nurse to Berenguela), 33

Eugenius III, 126

excommunication, 61–62, 68, 81, 93,

118, 160

exogamy, 57, 60, 108

Facinger, Marion, 5, 177n5

Fadrique, infante of Castile, 107, 120,

214n124

fazañas, 117

Feliciano, María Judith, 168–69,

181n38

Felipe, infante of Castile,

archbishop-elect of Seville, 107,

116, 212n103

femininity, 16, 19, 44, 46, 106, 121,

142, 145, 188n91, 203n92,

207n18

Fernando Alfonso, canon of León, 81,

200n50

Fernando García (León), 79

Fernando II, King of León, 2, 36, 80,

111, 191n12, 197n6

Fernando III, King of Castile-León.

See also Iberian kingship

accession to Castile, 3, 15, 98–101,

156–57

birth and youth, 38, 43, 64, 69–71,

80, 82–85, 91–92, 95, 98, 156,

201nn58, 63, 202n68, 206n132,

211n65

canonization, 174

children, 42, 107, 116, 120, 139,

140, 210n58

court of, 42, 109, 118–19, 152,

205n111, 213nn116, 119

crusades of, 123–44: initiation of,

124–25, 126, 128–29, 133–40,

217n51; siege of Capilla, 140–42;

siege of Córdoba, 125, 142–44;

146, 219n85

death of, 166, 167, 171

early rule of Castile, 3, 101–4, 117,

121, 133, 207n15, 222n49

inheritance of León, 3, 8, 88, 110,

112–15, 194n55

marriages of, 55, 57, 82, 105–7,

108, 176, 209n51, 210n56,

213n109. See also Beatriz of

Swabia, Jeanne of Ponthieu

masculinity, 19, 142, 144–45, 147

relationship with mother, 3, 9,

18–19, 81, 106–9, 115, 119, 120,

140, 144–45, 165–66, 217n51. See

also corule; Queen Berenguela

Fernando IV, 60–61

Fernando Sánchez, 88

Fernando, infante of Castile (son of

Fernando III), 107

Fernando, Infante of Castile, 33, 34,

38–39, 40, 50, 57–58, 78, 85,

96, 101, 150–54, 157, 160, 168,

190n3, 192n32, 185n33, 194n63

Fernando, Infante of León (son of

Teresa of Portugal), 82, 194n55,

201n63, 202n70

Fernando, son of al-Bayyası, 141

Flórez, Enrique, 7, 16–17, 163

Florián de Ocampo, 49, 177n5

Fontevrault, 37, 39, 160, 161, 171

Franciscan Order, 4, 158, 177n6, 171

Frederick I Barbarossa, German

Emperor, 38, 52, 55, 57–59, 105,

189n2, 190n5

Frederick II, German Emperor, 105,

212n75

fueros, 27, 74, 76, 79–80, 117, 211n67

ganancias, 26

García Fernández de Villamayor,

42–43

García Lorenzo, 89, 91

García Martínez de Contreras, 42, 44

Gascony, 31–32, 37, 184n25

Geary, Patrick, 152

gender

and authority, 3, 15, 20

and power, 10, 15, 20

I N D E X244

gender—Continued

and rulership, 56, 82, 106, 139, 157,

207n17

expectations and ideology, 6,

14–19, 50, 55, 87, 88, 101, 106,

113, 120–21, 145, 147, 144, 173,

203nn86, 92, 212n100

limitations, 5, 13, 33, 63, 82, 96, 99

See also femininity, masculinity, sex

and gender, women and military

culture

Gil, chancellor, 37, 43

Giron family, 91, 93, 205n111,

208n35

González, Julio, 57, 58, 62, 63,

184n25, 187nn74, 81, 191nn14,

16, 194n57, 195–96n74, 201n58,

202n73, 204n100, 205nn113,

124, 222n39

Gonzalo Núñez de Lara, 92

Gonzalo Pérez Manrique, lord of

Molina, 104, 109, 208n38

Gonzalo Rodríguez [Giron],

majordomo, 86, 93–95, 98,

199n33, 208n35

Gonzalo Rodríguez, tenant of

Valencia, 78, 195nn68, 70

Gonzalo, bishop of Toledo, 58,

192n32

Gordón, 83, 85, 202nn68, 72

Gregory IX, Pope, 120, 160, 214n124

Gregory of Sant’Angelo, papal legate,

58, 61

grief, 34, 50, 150–53, 155–56, 158,

160, 165, 171, 220n15. See also

mourning, llanto

Guillem de Burgued, troubadour, 46

Guillermo, abbot of Sahagún,

117, 121

Guiraut de Calansón, 153

Henry II, King of England, 23, 37,

189n103

and Fontevrault, 37, 39

and St. Thomas Becket, 35

arbitration between Castile and

Navarre, 29–31

marriage negotiation with Castile,

25–29, 31

Henry III, King of England, 108

Henry, King of Germany, 55, 58–59

Herculano, Alexandre, 198n17

Hernández, Francisco Javier,

206n131, 217n51

historiography. See Berenguela,

Queen of Castile-León Blanche

of Castile

Honorius III, Pope, 93, 120, 126–28,

136, 141, 209n47, 211n65

Hospital de la Regina/del Rey,

Burgos, 40–41, 50, 154,

187nn73, 74

Howden. See Roger Howden

Hyacinth Bobo. See Celestine III,

Pope

Ibn Hud, 118–19, 143

imperial claims and identity, Iberian,

2, 26, 56–57, 107, 117, 120,

214n124

infantado, 186n60

infertility, 49

inheritance, 2, 3, 6, 29, 31, 34, 40, 68,

72, 107, 115, 120, 174–75, 183n9,

196n90, 214n124

Berenguela and, 12, 95, 115, 164

Fernando and, 38, 83–84, 96, 110,

114, 194n55

See also hereditary queenship

Iñigo de Mendoza, 206n127

Innocent III, pope, 20, 64, 67–70,

83, 95, 127–28, 130–32, 195n67,

205n124, 211n65, 216n27

Innocent IV, Pope, 163, 174

intercession, 23, 50, 62, 75, 76,

103, 110, 115, 117–18, 188n92,

194n61

interdict, 68, 69, 198n17

Isabel, infanta, daughter of Sancho IV,

61, 158

I N D E X 245

Isabel, queen of Castile-Aragon, 6,

19, 173, 203n92

Isabelle of France, 197n91, 226n4

Isabel of Molina, 223n62

Jaume I, King of Aragón, 4, 14,

25–26, 52, 60, 70–71, 73, 109,

150, 171, 178n8, 196n89,

218n58.

Jean de Brienne, 111–12, 117, 140,

209n51, 212n75

Jeanne de Ponthieu, 82, 108, 116–17,

120, 129, 150, 165, 176, 213n109

Jerusalem, kingdom of, 111–12, 126,

128, 141, 212n75

Jocelyn, Bishop of Sigüenza, 36–37

John, King of England, 31–32, 37, 69,

183n11

Juan Alfonso, bishop of Palencia, 109,

210n60

Juan of Osma, author of the Chronica

latina, 7, 8, 60, 62, 85, 86, 94–95,

99, 100–2, 104, 105, 112, 118,

135, 139, 143, 155, 165, 191nn14,

16, 204n98, 206n131, 209n51

as bishop, 144

as chancellor of Castile, 8, 116, 114,

212n94

See also Chronica latina

Juan of Soria. See Juan of Osma

Kantorowicz, Ernst, 13

kingship, Iberian, 1, 20, 10, 14, 27,

34–35, 44, 76, 87, 98, 107,

124, 174

kingship, ideal, 108–9, 124, 129, 132,

133, 155–56, 165

kingship and crusades, 74, 124–25,

127, 129–32, 136, 175. See also

Alfonso VIII, Fernando III,

Louis IX, crusades

knighting, 54–56, 58, 88, 106–7, 140,

191n16, 209n51

and women, 56, 88, 106, 117, 137

Kristen of Norway, 116, 212n103

Lady of Las Huelgas, 4, 5, 116. See

also Constanza, infanta of Castile

Constanza, infanta of León, and

Berenguela, infanta of Castile,

daughter of Fernando III

lament, lamentation. See llanto. See

also grief, mourning

Lara family, 35, 36, 87, 104, 109,

210n61. See also Álvaro Núñez

de Lara

Las Huelgas of Burgos, Santa María

la Real, 4, 5, 39, 40, 43, 63, 85,

94, 106, 116, 150, 161–62, 171,

213n106

and convivencia, 167–68

as a royal mausoleum, 39, 91, 101,

154–57, 160, 162–64, 166–67,

206n128, 223n53

foundation and construction of, 37,

39–41, 48–50, 61, 161, 186n60,

188n92, 204n102, 210n53,

220n2, 222n48

See also royal mausoleums

Las Navas de Tolosa (Battle of ), 85,

86, 125, 127, 129–33, 146, 169,

170, 202n66, 216n27, 217n41

Lateran Council, Fourth, 203n84,

221n26

Le Goulet, Treaty of, 71, 183n11,

189n2

Le Nain de Tillemont, 181–82n41

León

bishop and see of, 9, 68–69, 191n14

city of, 7, 62, 75–78, 81–82, 112,

114, 143, 176, 201n56, 210n53,

214n124

kingdom of, 2–3, 8, 10, 18, 36, 53,

58, 61, 63–66, 68–70, 71, 73–78,

80, 83–84, 88, 91–92, 100, 104,

105, 110–15, 123–24, 127, 137,

147, 156, 176, 194n55, 196n87,

202n66, 211nn65, 67

Leonor Núñez de Lara, 36

Leonor of Castile, Queen of Aragon,

3–5, 13–14, 25–26, 33, 43, 52,

I N D E X246

Leonor of Castile—Continued

60, 70–74, 94, 150, 163, 167–68,

170–71, 178n8, 196n90, 220n6,

222n49

Leonor of England, Queen of

Castile,

birth and childhood, 24

corule with Alfonso VIII 26,

34–35, 37, 38–39, 50, 76, 77–78,

97, 143

death, 156, 165

dower, 25, 26–31, 38, 52, 67,

184n19

Gascony, and, 31–32

household, 24, 41–43, 187nn76, 81,

82, 199n33

intercession, 61–62, 194nn55, 61

marriage, 23, 24, 48, 57, 189nn103,

105, 199n26

motherhood, 14, 24, 32–34, 52, 57,

67, 160, 171

mourning, 151, 152–54

patronage, 24, 35–37, 39–41, 47,

49–50, 154, 160–61, 187n74,

194n63, 222n48

Plantagenet relations, and, 23,

31–32, 37, 39

regency, 39, 44, 86, 93, 104,

203n84

representations, 44–48, 50,

187–88n86,

Leonor Ruiz de Castro, 212n103

Leonor, infanta of Castile. See Eleanor

of Castile

Leonor, Infanta of León, 64, 69, 75,

82, 210n58

Leonor, infanta, daughter of

Fernando IV, 61

Liber de miraculis S. Isidori, 7. See Lucas

of Túy

limpieza de sangre, 49

lineage

elevation of, 7, 125, 154, 173

preservation of, 1, 2, 12, 13, 15, 23,

55, 87, 96, 100, 104, 105–6, 108,

110, 119, 139, 147, 155, 159, 162,

167, 223n65

royal attention to, 2, 12, 24, 35, 88,

98, 155

women and, 2, 12, 13, 44, 49, 55,

96, 97, 103, 105, 112, 159, 167

Linehan, Peter, 8–9, 106, 180n24,

206n131, 214n124, 216n26,

217–18n51

llanto, 151–55, 157–58, 165, 166. See

also mourning

Logroño, 28, 31, 204n104

Lomax, Derek, 191n14, 217n50

Lope Díaz de Haro, 93, 95, 98, 118,

213n119

Lope Díaz, tenant of Villalpando, 85,

202n77

Louis IX, King of France, 4, 55, 97,

108, 145, 165, 166, 171, 174,

182n54, 197n91

and crusade, 125, 127–29, 138,

215n7, 217–18n51

relationship with mother, 9, 18,

107, 128, 217–18n51

Louis VIII, King of France,

marriage to Blanche of Castile, 3,

4, 37, 48, 71, 73, 130

offer of Castilian throne, 104, 108,

149–50, 182n54, 208n38

See also Blanche of Castile; Treaty

of Le Goulet; Philip Augustus

Louis, prince of France (son of

Louis IX), 60

Lucas of Túy, 7–8, 62, 91, 115, 131,

144, 201n58, 202n66, 205n118,

207n15

as deacon of San Isidoro, 7

as bishop of Túy

relationship with Jiménez de

Rada, 9

See also Chronicon mundi

Luna, 83, 85, 202nn68, 72

Lupian Zapata, Antonio, 7, 158,

204n104, 205n125, 208n38,

213n109

I N D E X 247

Mafalda de Molina. See Mafalda

González de Lara

Mafalda González de Lara, 109, 162,

210n61

Mafalda of Portugal, 60, 95,

205n125

Mafalda, Infanta of Castile, 33, 61,

167, 185n31, 194n64

Mansilla, 113, 195n66, 202n69

Manuel, infante of Castile, 107

Marguerite de Provence, Queen of

France, 129

María de Castilla, Queen of Aragón,

6, 183n1

María de Luna, Queen of Aragón, 6

María de Molina, Queen of

Castile-León, 158–59, 173,

209n51, 221n36

María Vélaz, 77, 199n22

María, infanta of Castile, 107, 210n53

María, infanta, daughter of

Enrique III, 193n45

Mariana, Juan de, 194n61, 208n38

Marie, Countess of Ponthieu, 108

marriage

and Christianity, 26, 53–54, 58,

59–60, 61, 67–70, 95, 105,

107–9, 191n14, 192n33

as a source of power for women, 2,

13, 51–52, 55, 56, 70, 71, 72, 80

as a political strategy, 2–3, 10,

25–26, 51, 53–54, 57–58, 60,

62–63, 69, 83, 95, 105–6,

109–10, 111–12, 210n61

as a source for women’s history, 12,

20, 26, 51, 54–55, 70, 189n2

Martín González de Contreras,

majordomo, 42–43

Martín López de Pisuerga, archbishop

of Toledo, 192n32

Martín, abbot of San Isidoro,

1222–47, 81, 200n50

Martín, bishop of Zamora, 77, 198n14

Martin, Georges, 9, 16–17, 100,

110, 193n43, 201n56, 203nn83,

91, 206nn129, 131, 212n100,

213n119, 214n124, 217n51

Mary, Mother of God. See Virgin

Mary

masculinity, 16–20, 50, 106, 142,

147

Matallana, monastery. See Santa

María de Matallana

Matthew Paris, 17, 215n7

Maubuisson 159, 160, 162, 166, 171,

223–24n65

Mauricio, bishop of Burgos, 156. See

also Burgos

Mayor Alfonso de Meneses, 162

Mayorga, 113, 195n66

Medina del Campo, 28, 113

memorialization, 21, 39, 131, 149–51,

153–54, 159, 166–67, 220nn2, 5,

10. See also mourning

Mencia López, 118–19, 213n116

Mencia, abbess of San Andrés de

Arroyo, 86

Meneses family, 162, 223n54

mercy, 74, 93, 103, 118, 135, 158–59,

166, 173

military orders 87, 142, 146. See also

individual orders

Molina, 109, 150

Morgan Beatus, 222n49

Morocco, 4, 130, 133, 134,

151, 177n6

mothers, motherhood, 3–4, 14–15,

32, 80, 96

as teachers or models, 19, 23, 32, 50

expectation for queens, 1, 23, 32,

56, 73

mothers and sons, 18–19, 23, 50,

72, 96, 107. See also Berenguela,

Blanche of Castile; Leonor of

England; Louis VII; Fernando

III; Infante Fernando

mothers in lineage, 12, 15, 23, 57,

96, 107

practice of, 3, 33–34, 40, 41, 63,

105–15

I N D E X248

mourning, 40, 131, 151–60, 166–67,

171, 175, 222n40. See also grief,

memorialization

Muño Mateos, 103

Muño, 28, 101–2, 157

Muslims,

Christian alliances with, 3, 61,

118–19, 139, 140–41, 146

Christian attitudes towards, 9, 29,

61, 126–27, 135–36, 144, 146

Christian familiarity with, 146,

167–68, 170, 175, 115n3

See also al-Andalus, Morroco,

crusades, convivencia

Navarre, Kingdom of, 10, 25, 28–29,

31, 38–39, 57–60, 109, 120,

193n39

necropolises. See royal mausoleums

Nelson, Janet, 72, 117

Nobleza de Andalucia, 221n37

Northampton, studium generale, 37

Notre Dame la Royale. See

Maubuisson

Notre-Dame de Lys, 159, 160, 162,

171, 223–24n65

Nuño Pérez de Lara, count, 35–37

nurses, nursing, 33–34, 43. See also

breastfeeding, wetnursing

O’Callaghan, Joseph F., 8, 138,

190n7

oblation, 115–16, 213n106

Ocampo, Florian, 49, 117n5

Oviedo, 77, 191n14, 195n66, 202n69,

191n14, 198n17

bishop of, 191n14, 198n17

Palencia, 28, 67, 91, 95, 98, 101

pantheons. See royal mausoleums

Paredes de Nava, 118

Paris, 116, 212n102, 224n72

Parsons, John, 52, 177n4

patronage, 11–12, 24, 35–37, 63, 69,

87, 91, 123, 159–63, 164, 169,

171, 176, 181n39, 194n63, 197n7,

198n14, 210n61, 222n49, 223n65

literary and scholarly patronage,

7–8, 12, 46–47, 75, 96, 123, 152

women’s patronage, 4, 7–8, 11–12,

35, 37, 39–41, 49–50, 73–76, 80,

115, 159–63, 177n6

Pedro Ferrández de Benavides, 79,

195n68

Pedro González de Lara, 109

Pedro I, 170

Pedro, Infante of Portugal, 113

Pedro, infante, son of Sancho IV, 158

Peñafiel (Castile), 28–29, 184n19

Peñafiel (León), 202n72

Pere, Infante of Aragón, 196n90,

221n36

Philip Augustus, King of France, 58,

132, 133, 150, 183n11

Philip, Duke of Swabia, 58, 105

Pick, Lucy, 126, 181n38, 215n22,

216nn 24, 26, 217n41, 221n30

planctus, genre. See llanto

plans (troubadour). See llanto

planto. See llanto

Poema de mio Cid, 146, 218n95

Ponteferro, 202n69

Pontoise, 224nn71, 72

Portella, 195n66, 202n72

Pozuelo, 165

pregnancy, 13–14, 32–33, 37, 64, 82,

160. See also motherhood

Primera crónica general, 8–9, 40, 49,

139–40, 145, 154, 157–58,

164–66, 175, 177n5, 188n92,

192n32, 194n55, 207n31,

210n56, 221nn27, 37. See also

Alfonso X

primogeniture, 12, 104, 110

Procter, Evelyn, 60, 193n45, 209n51

queen-lieutenants, 6, 13, 183n1,

201n57

queens, as anomalies, 5, 17, 19, 97,

182–83n60

I N D E X 249

queens, hereditary, 5–6, 13, 23, 51,

72, 147, 164, 191n18. See also

Berenguela, Urraca, Isabel

queens, literary treatment of, 17–18,

46–48, 152

queens, married. See queens-consort

queens-consort, 5, 13, 23, 50, 73,

96, 51, 70, 71–72, 97. See also

individual queens

queenship, 3–6, 13, 14, 20, 21, 23–24,

25, 34, 35, 39, 41, 42, 47, 50, 51,

70–72, 74, 77, 80, 96, 97, 107, 125,

127, 144, 174–75, 177n4, 1278n11

and ritual, 21, 97, 98, 100, 158, 158

Iberian, 6, 14, 127, 173

idealization of, 44, 47, 154

See also individual queens;

rulership; mothers

Rachel, 24, 48. See also Raquel

Fermosa

Raquel Fermosa, 48–49, 50, 167,

189n105. See also Rachel

Rassow, Peter, 57, 59, 190n7, 193n41

rebellion, 21, 51, 103–4, 109, 113–14,

124, 139, 157, 208n37. See also

civil war

regency, 3, 4, 14, 20, 44, 59, 70, 73,

87–93, 96, 98, 104, 119, 138,

155–56, 175, 193n43, 203n86,

91. See also individual regents

remembering. See memorialization

reproduction, 1, 3, 12, 13–14

repudiation. See divorce

Rezak, Brigitte Bedos, 44

Richard I, King of England, 31, 37,

59, 150, 153, 184n25

Robert de Torigny, abbot of

Mont-Saint-Michel, 24

Robert of Artois, 166, 197n91

Rodrigo Díaz de Cameros, 93, 104,

208n38

Rodrigo Gonzalvo de Valverde, 94

Rodrigo Gutierrez, archdeacon, 81,

200n50

Rodrigo Jiménez de Rada,

Archbishop of Toledo, 8–9,

86–88, 91, 109, 113, 116, 117,

140, 154, 156, 162

author of De rebus Hispanie, 7–9,

16, 19, 39–40, 58, 62–63, 83, 89,

93–94, 101, 113, 144, 146,

153–54, 156, 173, 204n98,

205n125, 207n31. See also

De rebus Hispanie

as crusader, 8, 86, 126, 129, 134,

137, 146, 215–16n22, 216n24

Rodrigo Pérez de Villalobos, 66, 77,

80, 195n68, 199n22

Rodrigo Rodríguez de Giron, 91–93

Rodríguez López, Amancio, 163–64,

187n74

Rodríguez Lopez, Ana, 124, 139, 176

Roger Howden, 62, 68–69, 194n55

royal mausoleums. See Las Huelgas,

Fontevrault, Alcobaça,

Notre-Dame la Royale

(Maubuisson), Notre-Dame de

Lys, Westminster Abbey, San

Isidoro de León

Rueda, 83, 85

rulership, 14, 19, 51, 156, 175

female rulership, 2, 17, 55–56, 87

See also corule

Sahagún, monastery of, 56, 117, 121

Saint-Denis, abbey, 161 Chronicles of,

224n72

St. Isidore of Seville, 7

St. Martín of San Isidoro, 197n7, 75

St. Thomas Becket, altar (Cathedral

of Toledo) endowment of, 35–37,

44, 50

St. Thomas Becket, cult of, 35–37,

185–86n52

Salamanca,

bishop of, 191n14

cathedral of, 185nn31, 52

city of, 64, 78–79, 81, 84, 143,

200n36

I N D E X250

Salazar y Acha, Jaime, 42, 187n76

Salvatierra, castle 141, 142

Salvatierra, Order of, 79

San Clemente de Toledo, 37

San Esteban de Gormaz, 52–53, 190n7

San Isidoro de León, 7, 75, 76, 80, 81,

159, 198n12, 200n50, 201n58,

210n53

San Justo, 207n8

San Pedro de Eslonza, 74, 76, 77,

80–81

San Vicente, Oviedo, 77, 198n17

Sancha López, nurse to Infanta

Blanca, 33

Sancha Ponce, 199n22

Sancha, daughter of Alfonso IX,

95, 110–15, 202n67, 211n71,

212n100

Sancha, Infanta of Castile, daughter

of Alfonso VIII: d. 1184, 33, 160;

c. 1199, 33, 61, 194nn63–64

Sancha, Infanta of León, daughter of

Alfonso VI, 211n67


Alfonso VII, 197n6


Urraca I, 74, 178n13, 211n67

Sancha, nurse to Infanta Urraca, 34

Sancho Fernández, alferez of

Alfonso IX, 91, 99, 211n68

Sancho II, King of Portugal, 4

Sancho III, King of Castile, 2, 35, 57,

111, 191n12, 211n65

Sancho IV, King of Castile-León,

9, 48–49, 60–61, 158, 192n19,

208n33

Sancho VI, King of Navarre, 25,

28–31, 59, 224n75

Sancho VII, King of Navarre, 197n6

Sancho, infante of Castile, 32–33,

160, 222nn39, 40

Sancho, infante of Castile, archbishop

of Toledo, 107, 116

sanctity, sainthood, 164, 166, 171,

174–75, 205n125, 226n4

Sandoval. See Villaverde de Sandoval

Santa María de Aguilar de Campóo,

214n122

Santa María de la Vega, 91

Santa María de Matallana, 150, 162

Santa María de Tórtoles, 194n63

Santa María la Real. See Las Huelgas

Santa María, Valladolid, 100

Santa Marina, 81, 200n50

Santiago, Order of, 35, 64, 74, 111,

120, 211n67

seals, sealing practices: 44–46, 60,

88–89, 94, 100, 111, 187–88n86,

203n94. See also signo rodado

Segovia, 98, 102, 120

Seligenstadt, Treaty of, 27, 28, 29, 33,

38, 52–59, 60–61, 64, 67, 100,

114, 120, 189n2

sepulchers. See tombs

Seville, 116, 141, 143, 165, 167, 219n85

sex and gender, 13, 15–18, 55, 102,

121, 154, 171, 173. See also

gender, masculinity, femininity

sex and sexuality, 6, 14, 19, 47, 49,

67, 71–72, 33, 105, 107–9, 115,

182n43, 183n1, 196n89. See also

chastity, marriage

Siero de Riaño, 84

Siero, 202n68

Sierra de Guadarrama, 113

signo rodado, 44, 46, 91–92. See also

seals sealing practices

Sobrado, 91

Sordello, 17–18, 182n54

Stafford, Pauline, 51

Tariego, 28, 95, 156

Tello, Bishop of Palencia, 86–88, 93,

98, 156, 206n129

Teresa Fernández, countess, queen of

León: 35–37

Teresa of Portugal, queen of León:

59, 61, 76, 99, 105, 110, 113–15,

194n55, 199n30, 202n69

Thibault of Blazon, 133, 217n39

Thibault, King of Navarre and Count

of Champagne, 109–10

I N D E X 251

Tiedra, 202nn68, 72

Tierra del Campo (region), 64, 79,

195n66

Toledo,

archbishop, 8, 58, 70, 126, 137, 141,

154, 192n32. See also individual

bishops

cathedral and see 8, 9, 35, 36, 39,

75, 88, 116, 166, 187n82

city of, 24, 37, 39, 48, 86–87, 111,

113, 127, 132, 140–42, 144, 165,

187n82, 219n85

tolerance 146. See also convivencia

tombs, 7, 47, 152–53, 160–64,

166–69, 170, 174, 185n31,

222nn39, 40, 223n54, 56, 57, 60,

62, 225n79

Tordehumos, Treaty of, 61

Toro, 77, 113–14, 186n52, 210n53

Toroño, 202n69

Traducción gallega de la primera crónica

general, 158, 185n31

troubadours 17–18, 46–47, 152–53,

184n25, 189n103. See also

individual troubadours

Tudela, 31

Tumbo de Sobrado, 91

Úbeda, 118, 143, 216n34

Uclés, 158–59, 221n37

Urban II, Pope, 126, 128

Urraca Alfonsez, Queen of León, 77

Urraca Alfonso, natural daughter of

Alfonso IX, 213n116

Urraca I of Castile-León, 2, 6, 51, 72,

137, 182n43, 191n18, 193n44,

211n67

Urraca of Castile, Queen of Portugal,

3–5, 31, 33–34, 40, 52, 54, 61,

70–71, 73–74, 85, 150, 167, 170,

177n6, 183–84n11, 194n63,

224n74

Valcárcel, 202n69

Valderas, 84, 202n68

Valencia de Don Juan. See Valencia

Valencia, 78, 80–81, 84–85, 92, 114,

195nn66, 70, 200n48, 201n 52,

205n113

Valencia, kingdom of, 218n58

Valladolid,

city of, 15, 63, 81, 93, 98–102, 142,

158, 201n53

Treaty of 83–85, 110, 119, 195n67

Vann, Theresa, 36, 44, 130, 216n28,

Villalugán, 195n66, 202n72

Villafranca (León), 199n30, 202n69

Villafrechós, 79, 84, 202n68, 205n113

Villalar, 113

Villalobos, 199n22

Villalpando, 79, 83–85, 92, 113,

200n48, 202n77

Villaverde de Sandoval, 77–78,

199n30

Virgin Mary, images and associations

with: 62, 132, 144, 153, 163–64

virility. See masculinity

Visigoths, 2, 6, 34, 127, 195n67,

196n87

Walker, Rose, 186n60, 222n48

Weissberger, Barbara, 19, 203n92

Westminster Abbey, 165

wetnursing, 33–34. See also nursing

widowhood, 25–26, 39, 67, 70–72,

114, 192n23, 196n87

women and military culture, 10, 11,

56, 62, 66, 87–88, 97–98, 101–2,

106, 123, 128, 131–32, 137,

203n92, 209n50, 212n100

yantar, 83–84

Yusuf al-Mustansir, 134

Zafra,

fortress, 104

treaty of, 104, 109, 210n61

Zamora, 77, 78, 143 cathedral of,

198n14

Zapata, Antonio Lupián, 7, 158,

179n18, 204n104, 205n125,

208n38, 213n109