Nigeria: Benue State under the

shadow of “herdsmen

terrorism” (2014 – 2016)

(with update: 1 January – 31 August 2017)

Authors: Abdulbarkindo Adamu

Alupsen Ben

November 2017

Open Doors International / World Watch Research

www.opendoorsanalytical.org / research@od.org

Voice of the Martyrs Canada / www.vomcanada.com

1

Source: ACSAN, 19 August 2016, Waku, Guma LGA, Benue State, Nigeria

Nigeria: Benue State under the shadow of

“herdsmen terrorism” (2014 – 2016) (with update: 1 January – 31 August 2017)

Africa Conflict and Security Analysis Network (ACSAN) (Formerly NCSAN - Nigeria Conflict and Security Analysis Network)

Working Paper No. 5, Abuja, Nigeria, November 2017

Authors: Abdulbarkindo Adamu and Alupsen Ben

Commissioned by:

World Watch Research (WWR), Open Doors International, Netherlands

Voice of the Martyrs, Canada

No copyright - This report is the property of World Watch Research (WWR), the research department of Open Doors International. It may be used and distributed free of charge, but please always acknowledge WWR as the source.

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Contents Abstract ......................................................................................................................................... 4

Introductory notes ........................................................................................................................ 4

Objectives of the study ................................................................................................................. 5

Methodology ................................................................................................................................. 6

Limitations of the study ................................................................................................................ 7

Structure ........................................................................................................................................ 7

Chapter One: Conceptual clarification and the history of Benue State ................................... 8

Clarification of the term “herdsmen terrorism” ...................................................................... 8

Violence against Christian women and children ...................................................................... 9

The history of Benue State ..................................................................................................... 10

History of conflict in Benue State - contending perspectives and critical observation ......... 12

Chapter Two: Gaining a deeper perspective – understanding the ideological factors behind

the violent conflict in Benue State ................................................................................. 16

Differing perspectives on the conflict .................................................................................... 16

Recalling Islamic expansion in the past – links to Benue ....................................................... 18

Chapter Three: Violent conflict between Hausa-Fulani Muslim herdsmen and Christians in

Benue State – The Facts ................................................................................................ 22

Killings and other atrocities ................................................................................................... 22

Hausa-Fulani Muslim herdsmen in Benue: The nature of the attacks ................................... 23

Chapter Four: Violence against women and children .......................................................... 30

Displacement ......................................................................................................................... 30

Separation from family members .......................................................................................... 31

Physical injury and starvation ................................................................................................ 31

Abduction and sexual abuse .................................................................................................. 31

Trauma, emotional and psychological suffering of victims ................................................... 37

Chapter Five: Government negligence and inaction ............................................................ 39

Conclusion ......................................................................................................................... 42

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APPENDICES ...................................................................................................................... 44

Note on the empirical data gathered for the years 2014 - 2016 ........................................ 44

APPENDIX 1: Data on killings, damage and IDPs .................................................................. 45

Data set 1: Christians killed or injured (2014 – 2016) ............................................................ 45

Data set 2: Property destroyed/damaged: Houses, churches, mosques (2014 –2016) ........ 47

Data set 3: The number of displaced Christians in LGAs (2014 – 2016) ................................ 48

Data set 4: Camps for Christian IDPs in Benue State (2014 –2016) ....................................... 79

APPENDIX 2: Emergence of the “Movement Against Fulani Occupation” (MAFO) ................ 81

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Abstract The activities of the Hausa-Fulani Muslim herdsmen started surreptitiously in Benue State over

two decades ago. Successive governments have neglected the conflict and its victims, and where

action was taken, it was insufficient. Consequently, the constant atrocities committed by the

Hausa-Fulani Muslim herdsmen signifies persecution because of the targeted killing of a

particular religious group, and the destruction of their places of worship. Also, the continued

violence and the inaction of the government is suggestive of a deliberate agenda, championed

by the Hausa-Fulani Muslim herdsmen, to occupy an area considered as being dominated by one

ethno-religious group. This report provides an analysis of the atrocities in Benue where most of

the victims are Christians. The report particularly examines the gender perspective, looking at

the nature of abuse targeted at women and children.

Introductory notes The authors of this report acknowledge with profound gratitude both the sponsorship received

from Open Doors International for this study and the work of scholars who have written

extensively on previous conflicts in Benue State. Specific mention of gratitude goes to all who

participated in this study, especially those informants who offered their views on the atrocities

of the Hausa-Fulani Muslim herdsmen, despite all threats and intimidating consequences for

speaking clearly about the persecution of Christians. It is this grass-roots perspective which

makes this study stand out in comparison to others. The authors would also like to thank both

the research assistants for their diligence in collecting data for this study and the motorcyclist

hired for conveying team members to places many considered too insecure to go.

Throughout this paper, the data collected clearly points to Hausa-Fulani Muslim herdsmen as

being responsible for the persecution of Christian communities in Benue State. In some

communities, there have been instances of reprisal attacks by indigenous Christian communities

against the herdsmen. In this report, the phrase Hausa-Fulani Muslim herdsmen is used to

designate those responsible for most of the attacks against Christian communities in Benue

State in the period from 1 January 2014 through to 31 August 2017. However, the study is fully

aware that in most reports across northern Nigeria, the term Fulani herdsmen is also in use. The

choice of Hausa-Fulani Muslim herdsmen has been taken to accommodate the controversy

regarding the identity of those allegedly involved in the attacks, in both formal and informal

reports. It is also an effort to demonstrate that Muslim herdsmen have fought jihad and continue

to participate in Islamic militancy across Africa. However, it is not intended to target one

particular socio-religious or ethnic group.

For security reasons, the names of those interviewed cannot be published in this report. The

interviews were conducted with different categories of people considered as victims, witnesses,

policy makers, government officials, security personnel, religious leaders and influential

community leaders in Benue State. The report pays particular attention to the gender aspect of

the conflict. Hundreds of women (as well as boys and girls) were interviewed to ascertain the

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nature of the atrocities committed against, by or with them. Unfortunately, those considered as

perpetrators (either suspected, arrested or in custody) mostly declined to be interviewed. In

situations where it would have been possible to interview them to hear their own side of the

story, security clearance was not given to the authors of this report either by the Benue State

police headquarters or the army.

Furthermore, it is important to state that the data presented here is a conservative reflection of

the figures obtained by the Benue State Emergency Management Agency,1 Women

Environmental Programme and other research groups.2 This report is not intended to contract

established facts. The objective is to expand horizons and deepen understanding by covering

aspects which have hitherto been understudied, under-examined and neglected in scholarly

investigations.

Objectives of the study In the past three years, the World Watch Research team of Open Doors International has

comissioned reports to examine the violence caused by Hausa-Fulani Muslim herdsmen against

indigenous Christian communities in Nigeria’s Middle Belt region, particularly in Taraba and

Nasarawa states. In these reports, substantial analysis was provided showing both the religious

reasons for these conflicts and the effort being made by Islamic movements to dominate

Christian territories politically, economically and culturally. This current report looks at the

specific nature of the violent conflict caused by Hausa-Fulani Muslim herdsmen in Benue State.

It includes an analysis of the gender perspective of the conflict. Beside the kllings and the

destruction of homes and farmlands, women and young girls have been raped in 14 Local

Government Areas (LGAs): Agatu, Gwer East, Gwer West, Makurdi, Guma, Tarka, Buruku,

Katsina Ala, Logo, Ukum, Kwande, Oju, Obi and Konshisha. This implies that 14 out of 23 LGAs in

Benue State are currently affected by the conflict.

On 28 March 2016, a communiqué was issued by leaders of the three major ethnic groups in the

Benue State, the Tiv, Idoma and Igede.3 It bore the title: ‘‘On the Barbaric Killing and Wanton

Destruction of Property of Benue Indigenes by Fulani Herdsmen’’ and described the atrocities

committed by the nomads as “terrorism”. The considered opinion of the three ethnic groups is

that the activity of the Hausa-Fulani Muslim herdsmen has become a national threat, and it

should be regarded and treated as an act of “Islamic terrorism”. This reflects the desire of Benue

1 Benue State Emergency Managemen Agency - Report on the Internally Displaced Persons from the Crisis between

Cattle Herdsmen and Farmers in Benue State, 2014. Volumes 1 & 2. 2 Project Report on Conflict Mapping into Incessant Crises Between the Tiv Farmers and the Fulani Herdsmen in

Guma and Makurdi LGAs of Benue State, Nigeria and Multi-Stakehodlers Dialogue, available at: http://wepnigeria.net/works/REPORT%20OF%20CONFLICT%20MAPPING%20INTO%20INCESSANT%20CRISIS%20BETWEEN%20%20%20TIV%20FARMERS%20AND%20FULANI%20HERDSMEN%20IN%20BENUE%20STATE,%20NIGERIA.pdf.

3 IPN News, 2016: Tiv, Idoma and Igede Groups Urge The Fed Govt To Investigate The Benue Massacre, 29 March 2016, http://ipnnews.info/tiv-idom-and-igede-groups-urge-the-fed-govt-to-investigate-the-benue-massacre/, last accessed 12 May 2016.

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State’s population’s to dislodge the invaders from territories they have occupied and to reduce

the threat they pose to various Christian communities.

Even though the Hausa-Fulani Muslim herdsmen cannot be directly said to have strong political

influence within Benue State, it seems they are fighting to gain some socio-political influence in

a state that is predominantly Christian. The opinion of many citizens of Benue State is that

Hausa-Fulani Muslim herdsmen are seeking to invade and occupy territories in the state, with

the aim of spreading Islam, the ultimate goal being to undermine Christianity and the homeland

rights of indigenous Christians. This opinion would seem to be confirmed by the increasing

numbers of Hausa-Fulani Muslim herdsmen entering the state, as well as by the sharp increase

in the number of attacks against indigenous Christian communities in 15 LGAs.

The objectives of this study can thus be summarized as follows:

To examine the historical background to the violence caused by Hausa-Fulani Muslim

herdsmen against indigenous Christian farmers in Benue State.

To provide data on the killings and destruction of property (including churches

destroyed), carried out by Hausa-Fulani Muslim herdsmen.

To provide data on the gender aspect of the conflict - such as the abuse of children and

rape of women - and to examine how the perpetrators justify these acts.

To undertake an analysis of the violent conflict in Benue State, examining the religious

reasons for the conflict.

To explain how religious factors – in combination with socio-economic and political

reasons - trigger clashes between the Hausa-Fulani Muslim herdsmen and indigenous

Christian farmers in Benue State.

To examine the links between these conflicts and the weakening of Boko Haram in and

around the Lake Chad border area.

Methodology The research for this study was conducted primarily through the observation of events on the

ground, the extraction of information from security reports, official state documents (where

possible) and other reports provided by NGOs, civil society groups, religious communities and

traditional associations. It includes interviews with victims, policy makers, witnesses, community

and religious leaders, representatives of traditional communities and security officials. The study

also includes the use of historical literature to assess how Christianity and Islam co-existed when

they first arrived in Benue State. Site-visits to conflict zones revealed important data and

empirical facts. Civil society groups, NGOs, church organisations and governmental agencies

having direct or indirect involvement in the conflict were contacted and their documentation

thoroughly examined. Interviews, especially with Christians affected by the violence, were of

immense help in understanding the victims’ perspective of the conflict.

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Limitations of the study The security situation in some parts of Benue State made it impossible to reach certain areas.

Some informants nursed suspicions and as such were economical with the truth regarding facts

about the violent conflict in the state. It is suspected that not knowing the purpose of the

research made respondents reluctant to divulge information. Despite these limitations the study

made useful discoveries and can hence be regarded as a valuable contribution to research.

Structure This paper is divided into five main Chapters with three appendices containing data:

Chapter 1 provides a conceptual clarification of the drivers of persecution in the violent

conflict in Benue State. It also presents a brief history of Benue State as a background

study, including a brief historical account of conflict in Benue State.

Chapter 2 outlines the various perspectives that seek to explain the factors behind these

conflicts.

Chapter 3 offers a critical evaluation of the contending narratives, justifying the need

for deeper investigation.

Chapter 4 analyzes the current conflict in Benue State using the empirical evidence of

atrocities against indigenous farming Christian communities. The tables used in this

chapter are summaries of the longer more detailed data sets in Appendix 1.

Chapter 5 introduces the gender aspect and outlines the drivers of atrocities against

indigenous Christian farming communities in Benue State.

The research then concludes with the claim that there is a systematic targeting and

persecution of Christians in Benue State.

Two appendices are attached:

o Appendix 1 presents four sets of data for the period 1 January 2014 – 31

December 2016: Christians that have been killed or injured; Christian houses

and churches destroyed or damaged; the number of Christian IDPs per LGA and

the numbers of Christians in specific IDP camps. The first three data sets

correspond to the summary tables presented in Chapter 4.

o Appendix 2 is a brief note giving information on the emergence of the

“Movement Against Fulani Occupation” (MAFO).

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Chapter One: Conceptual clarification and the

history of Benue State

Clarification of the term “herdsmen terrorism”

In order to correctly understand the meaning of the term “herdsmen terrorism”, it is

first important to explain how terrorism is understood. According to Walter Laqueur,

“the precise definition of terrorism does not exist nor will it be found in the foreseeable

future”.4 This is probably because “one man’s terrorism may be another man’s

patriotism”.5 The FBI offers a more useful view, describing terrorism as: “the unlawful

use of force or violence against persons or property to intimidate or coerce … any

segment of the population in furtherance of political or social objectives”.6 Paul Pillar

goes on to identify four key elements of terrorism: It is premeditated, politically-driven,

publicity-seeking and employs ideological or religious justification.7 Three, if not all four

of these elements, are dominant in the conflict in Benue State.

Jocelyn Hollander observes that terrorists may refer to their violence as a form of

resistance8. Others, however, see it as a struggle for liberation and social justice9. The

term “herdsmen terrorism” is linked to how herdsmen use terror to fulfil the religious

obligation of jihad and to protect their way of life. In most places, herdsmen can be

perceived as people who are simply in constant search for greener pastures for feeding

their herds. They are seen as people whose life, survival and tradition is embedded in

the value attached to the herds, and the capacity they retain to protect their way of life.

Yet, historically, it must be taken into consideration that herdsmen in Africa have always

played an important role in Islamic jihad.10 Their actions show that their use of terror is

pre-meditated; it is ideologically driven and sometimes politically motivated, depending

on the place, time and socio-political context.

4 Laqueur W., Terrorism, London, 1977, p. 7. 5 Henry H.: Terrorism and Political Violence - Limits and Possibilities of Legal Control, New York, 1993,

p.7. 6 Griset P. and Mahan S.: Terrorism in Perspective, New York, 2003, p. xiii. 7 Pillar P.: What is Terrorism?, CIA’s Counterterrorist Center, 2014: http://mrfarshtey.net/whnotes/Terrorism.pdf,

last accessed 2 March 2014. 8 Hollander J. et al.: 2004. Conceptualizing Resistance, in: Sociological Forum (2004) 19(4), pp.

533-554. 9 Ramsey J.: Terrorism - The Trinity Perspective, in: Terrorism and Political Violence - Limits and Possibilities of Legal

Control, New York, 1993, p. 13. 10 Levtzion N. and Pouwels R.: The History of Islam in Africa, Ohio University Press, 2000, p. 2. Also cf. Boyd J. and

Shagari S.: The life and legacy of Shehu Uthman Dan Fodiyo, Macmillan Publishers, Oxford, 2003, pp. 1-13; Jubber N., Mali’s Nomads: Bulwark against Jihad, 2014, available at: http://www.worldpolicy.org/journal/fall2014/mali- nomads-against-jihad, last accessed 2 April 2016.

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Violence against Christian women and children There is no denying the fact that there are various forms of violence committed specifically

against Chrisian women and children. Gender as a concept differs from the concept of sex,

although they are used interchangeably. According to J. Ward, sex refers to the physical

differences between males and females, whereas gender refers to the different socially-

prescribed roles of males and females.11 Gender roles are defined by the context, allocated

through socialisation which may prescribe all aspects of social life ranging from access to

resources, societal and domestic responsibilities, and patterns of courtship. Gender roles may

change over time, but are reflections of long-standing assumptions that a society holds about

men, women, boys and girls. In this context therefore, violence is directed against women based

on their perceived subordinate status in society. It includes any act by males (or by social

institutions dominated by males) that inflict physical or psychological harm on women or girls

because of their gender, including harmful traditional practices targeting women such as honor

killings, acid throwing, female genital mutilation (FGM) and forced marriage. According to

Women Refugees Commission, about six out of every ten women experience physical and/or

sexual violence in various parts the world.12

Gender-based violence can be broadly classified into the following categories: Overt physical

abuse (including battering, sexual assault, at home or in the workplace); psychological abuse

(including deprivation of liberty, forced marriage, sexual harassment, at home or in the

workplace); deprivation of resources needed for physical and psychological well-being (including

health care, nutrition, education, means of livelihood); treatment of women as commodities

(including trafficking in women and girls for sexual exploitation).13

In violent conflict, gender-based violence is legitimized by belief systems, conflict strategies

and/or ideological motivations.14 According to a report by Jean D’Cunha, a technical advisor on

migration and trafficking, it is conflict situations or other humanitarian crises - such as the

current brutal conflict in Syria – that aggravates the risks to women and girls. “Women and girls

are especially defenceless against physical abuse and exploitation, rape and human

trafficking.’’15 Reports would seem to confirm this: According to an Amnesty International report

in 2006, acts of sexual violence against women in Guinea Bissau were perpetrated by Senegalese

soldiers at military checkpoints and in the barracks.16 UNICEF estimated that over 250,000

11 Ward, J.: If Not Now, When? Addressing Gender-Based Violence in Refugees, Internally Displaced and Post –

Conflict Settings, New York, 2002. 12 Women’s Refugee Commission, Gender Based Violence, 2013:

http://www.womensrefugeecommission.org/programs/gender-based-violence, accessed 22 September 2013. 13 Minnesota Advocates for Human Rights, 2003: http://www1.umn.edu/humanrts/svaw/advocacy/modelsessions/what_is_GBV.pdf, accessed 12 November

2013. 14 Arisi, R and Oromareghake, P. 2011. ‘Cultural Violence and the Nigerian Woman, African research Review, An

International Multidisciplinary Journal, 5(4):369-381, p. 369. 15 Jean D’Cunha, 2002. Trafficking in persons: a gender and rights perspective, EGM/TRAF/2002/EP.8, Report of

Expert Group Meeting, 18-22 November 2002 Glen Cove, New York, USA, http://www.un.org/womenwatch/daw/egm/trafficking2002/reports/EP-DCunha.PDF (accessed 12 March, 2016)

16 Amnesty International, Nigeria: Rape - The Silent Weapon, 2006: www.amnesty.org/en/library/info/AFR44/020/2006/en, last accessed 15 November 2013.

10

women in Sierra Leone were raped during the conflict there.17 The report re-issued by Open

Doors International in 2015 on gender-based violence in the context of Boko Haram illustrates

how hundreds of women and young girls have been abducted, abused and raped by alleged

Boko Haram members.18 From June 2014 to June 2016, Boko Haram used more than 200 female

attackers, killing over 1,000 people across four countries: Nigeria, Niger, Chad and Cameroon.19

The group has been responsible for more than 95% of female suicide bombings worldwide since

2014. Until now, violence against women and children has hardly been studied in the context of

the Hausa-Fulani Muslim herdsmen atrocities. This report on Benue State examines the violence

carried out by Hausa-Fulani Muslim herdsmen against Christian communities, including violence

related to gender, in the years 2014 -2016 (with an update for 1 January 2017 – 31 August 2017).

The history of Benue State Initially, the region was called Munshi province by the British until it was renamed in 1918 after

its dominant geographical feature, the river Benue, and the name Benue was officially

adopted.20 Benue became part of the Northern Province in the 3 region structure of 1954. After

independence in 1960, the military coups of January and July 196621 led to the civil war that

lasted from 1967-1970.22 The administration of General Yakubu Gowon dismantled the 3 regions

established by the colonial administration and created 12 states of the 3 regions, one of which

was the Benue-Plateau State. As an administrative unit, Benue State was created on 3 February

1976. It was one of the seven states created by the military administration of late General

Murtala Mohammed, which increased the number of states in the country from 13 to 19. Today,

Benue State is made up of a total of 23 Local Government Areas (LGAs) as indicated in the Table

1 below. This table also shows which LGAs experienced attacks in the years 2014-2016, where

each LGA headquarters is located and which ethnic group is dominant in each LGA.

17 United Nations, Background Information on Sexual Violence as a Tool of War,

http://www.un.org/en/preventgenocide/rwanda/about/bgsexualviolence.shtml, last accessed 12 March 2016. 18 Barkindo A. and Tyavkase B., 2013 (reissued 2015). Our Bodies, Their Battle Ground Boko Haram and Gender

Based Violence Against Christian Women and Children in North-Eastern Nigeria Since 1999 NPVRN Working Paper No. 1, Abuja-Nigeria, Commissioned by Open Doors International, Netherlands http://theanalytical.org/wp-content/uploads/2014/10/Boko-Haram-and-Gender-Based-Violence-against-Christian-Women-and-Children-in-North-Eastern-Nigeria-since-1999-2015.pdf.

19 Barkindo A. and Bryans S.: De-Radicalising Prisoners in Nigeria: developing a basic prison based de-radicalisation programme, in: Journal for Deradicalisation 17:1-25, p. 3.

20 Benue News Online: Historical Background of Benue, 2016: https://benuenewsonline.wordpress.com/historical-background-ofbenue/.

21 Luckman R.: The Nigerian Military - A Sociological Analysis of Authority and Revolt 1960-1967, 1971, pp. 269-270. 22 Nnoli O.: Ethnicity and Development in Nigeria, 1995, p. 131.

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Table 1:

The 23 LGAs of Benue State, listing their ethnic composition and administrative

headquarters

No.

Name of LGA Main ethnic group

Attacked/Not attacked by Fulani

Headquarters

1 Ado Idoma, Akweya attacked Igumale

2 Agatu Agatu attacked Ogbagaji

3 Apa Idoma, Abakpa Not attacked Ugbokolo

4 Buruku Tiv attacked Buruku

5 Gboko Tiv attacked Gboko

6 Guma Tiv, Jukun attacked Gbajimba

7 Gwer-East Tiv attacked Aliade

8 Gwer-West Tiv attacked Naka

9 Katsina-Ala Tiv, Hausa, Etulo

attacked Katsina-Ala

10 Konshisha Tiv Not attacked Tse-Agberagba

11 Kwande Tiv, Nyifon attacked Adikpo

12 Logo Tiv attacked Ugba

13 Makurdi Tiv, Hausa attacked Makurdi

14 Obi Igede Not attacked Obarike-Ito

15 Ogbadibo Idoma Not attacked Otukpa

16 Ohimini Idoma, Abakpa Not attacked Idekpa

17 Oju Igede Not attacked Oju

18 Otukpo Idoma attacked Utukpo

19 Tarka Tiv attacked Wannune

20 Ukpokwu Idoma Not Attacked Okpoga

21 Ukum Tiv attacked Sankera

22 Ushongo Tiv Not attacked Lessel

23 Vandeikya Tiv Not attacked Vandeikya

According to national census figures, Benue State had a population of 2,753,077 million in 1991.

By 2006, the census figure showed that the population had increased to 4,253,641 million with

an average population density of 99 persons per km2. This makes Benue the 9th most populous

state in Nigeria.23 Benue State is bordered by Nasarawa State in the north, Taraba State to the

east, Ebonyi and Cross River states to the south and Kogi State to the west. It is a region rich in

agriculture and the authorities like to refer to Benue State as the “food basket of the nation”.

Crops grown include potatoes, cassava, soya bean, guinea corn, flax, yams and beniseed. Crop

23 National Population Commission: 2006 Population and Housing Census, Population Distribution by Sex, State, LGA

and Senatorial District, Priority table, vol. III (2010): http://www.population.gov.ng/index.php/benue-state.

12

cultivation is the mainstay of the economy, engaging over 75% of the state farming population.

For instance, the state accounts for over 70% of Nigeria’s soya bean production. Benue State

also boasts of one of the longest stretches of river systems in the country with great potential

for a viable fishing industry, dry season farming through irrigation and for an inland water

highway. The vegetation in southern parts is characterized by forests, which yield trees for

timber and provide a suitable habitat for rare animals. The state thus possesses potential for the

development of viable forest and wildlife reserves. It is this fertility and rich natural endowent

of the state that continues to attract Hausa-Fulani Muslim herdsmen.

Benue State is largely defined by its Christian population and identity, followed by a tiny

percentage of adherents to ethnic-animist religions. Since census counts do not include religion

as a category, there is controvery over the number of Christians in the state. Some

commentators describe Benue State as a miniature Rome in northern Nigeria due to its large

Roman Catholic population and suggest that the Christian population could be as high as 97% of

the population, while others claim it is slightly higher than 88%. The presence of Hausa-Fulani

Muslim settlers, particularly in towns, has given rise to the presence of a small number of

mosques. The state contains a variety of ethnic groups: Tiv, Idoma, Igede, Etulo, Abakpa, Jukun,

Hausa, Akweya and Nyifon. The Tiv are the dominant ethnic group, occupying 14 Local

Government Areas, while the Idoma and Igede occupy the remaining nine LGAs.

History of conflict in Benue State - contending perspectives and critical

observation

Since the creation of the Benue region, the area has experienced different forms of violent

conflict. In the 1960s, most of the violent conflicts were linked to political power contestation.

The Benue Province which was first administered as an independent region from Akwanaja in

Nassarawa District in 1900, was later divided into a northern part (which was merged with Muri

province in 1901) and a southern part (which was merged with the Ogoja province and

administered from Obudu, currently Cross River State). Following the 1914 amalgamation of the

northern and southern protectorates, the Benue region became part of the Northern Nigerian

Government.24 The dominance of the Hausa-Fulani and their influence over the affairs of a

predominantly Christian territory became a source of bitter violent conflict. For instance, the

formation of the political parties in the 1960s ushering in the First Republic (following the period

of decolonisation) was marked with violent conflict in the Benue region. The Northern Peoples

Congress (NPC) was dominated by the Hausa-Fulani and committed to the spread of Islamic

agenda. The people of Benue chose to support the United Middle Belt Congress (UMBC) which

was founded by Joseph Sarwuan Tarka. The UMBC became a dominant party in the north, and

a bitter rivalry emerged within the Benue region between UMBC and NPC. This led to violent

conflict between the supporters of UMBC (mostly Benue indigenes) and NPC supporters (mostly

Hausa-Fulani and non-Benue indigenes). The violent conflict was referred to as “atem tyo” (head

breaking).25

24 Ahiante A.: Nigeria - Tiv, Jukun, a Catalogue of Crisis, All Africa 2001: allafrica.com/stories/200111050168.html. 25 ibid.

13

On 18 April 1989, a Fulani leader was murdered and the Tiv Christians of Benue State, who were

not in Benue but living in Akeleku town (Nasarawa State) were suspected. Although it was a

mere suspicision with no concrete evidence, reprisal attacks led to the killings of hundreds of

Benue people. The second and most devastating attack occurred on 12 June 2001, when

suspected Benue assailants murdered Alhaji Dr. Musa Ibrahim, who was a Muslim and Chief of

Azara town, at Ihuman village, which is dominated by Tiv Christians.26 In reaction to this

assassination there was widespread violence directed against the Christian Tiv living in Nasarawa

State, particularly in Awe, Doma, Obi, and Keana LGAs. The chaos involved “indiscriminate

reprisal attacks on the Tiv people and their property, and the corresponding counter-attacks by

the Tiv people”.27 According to Sylvester Ogoh Alubo, all other ethnic groups, including the

Alogo, Mada, and Migili, teamed up against the Tiv in Azara. At the end of the violence, over 74

people had been killed on both sides, with an inestimable value of properties destroyed.28 The

killing of the Tiv in Nasarawa State caused tense relations to develop among their fellow kinsmen

in Benue and the neighboring communities of Nasarawa State.

In recent years, there has been an increase in Hausa-Fulani Muslim herdsmen attacks against

indigenous Christian communities in Benue State. While there are no exact details about

numbers and types of weapons used in particular incidents, the most common weapons appear

to be handguns and machetes. However, a 2012 report states that raids by the police resulted

in the collection of more sophisticated weapons such as AK-47 and G3 rifles, Beretta and

Browning pistols and various types of ammunition.29 The victims of armed violence in Benue

State include students, politicians, farmers, women, children and the elderly. Large areas of

Benue farmland have been abandoned with consequences for the local area as well as the rest

of Nigeria. These attacks have traumatized many in the local population and have led to the

displacement of farmers fleeing their land for safer territory.

Preliminary investigations by Africa Conflict and Security Analysis Network (ACSAN) showed

that, through attacks carried out in a large number of states in the Middle Belt region, a total of

853 people lost their lives just in the period January 2014 - March 2014 alone.30 Since then,

many more have lost their lives in similar attacks. Of the 853 deaths mentioned above, i) Fulani

herdsmen claimed to have lost 214 people (in addition to 3200 cows); ii) an estimated 633 Tiv

people were killed (excluding women and children who died later in camps); six government

soldiers were also killed.31

26 Aper J.: Ethnic Conflict in Azara, Nasarawa State, in: Inter-Group Relations in Nigeria during the 19th and 20th

Centuries, edited by Akinwunmi, O. et al., 2006, p. 635. 27 National Institute for Policy and Strategic Studies: Research Reports on Conflict and Integration in Nigeria, Kuru,

Nigeria, 2003:, p. 25. 28 Alubo S. O.: 2006, Ethnic conflicts and citizenship crises in the central region, Ibadan: University of Ibadana, p.

142. 29 National Working Group on Armed Violence in Nigeria (NWGAV) and Action on Armed Violence (AOAV): The

Violent Road: An Overview of Armed Violence in Nigeria, Lagos, 2012, p. 30-31. 30 Adamu A. and Ben A., 2015. Migration and Violent Conflict in Divided Societies, Non-Boko Haram Violence Against

Christians in the Middle Belt Region of Nigeria, Working Paper 1, Africa Conflict Security Analysis Network (NCSAN) Working Paper No. 1, Abuja, Nigeria, World Watch Research, Open Doors International, Netherlands, p. 19-21.

31 The six soldiers were attached to the 72nd battalion in Makurdi were also in this period. Five of the soldiers were killed in Agatu in January 2014 killed in cross-fire, while a captain was beheaded in Guma LGA of Benue State.

14

In 2014, the Tiv Christians in Guma, Gwer, Gwer-West, Makurdi and other towns on the border

with Taraba State recorded approximately 458 deaths and attacks on over 350 communities

with their inhabitants now living in refugee camps. A Catholic priest in Makurdi and a

coordinator for the distribution of relief materials indicated that in the first six months of 2014

there had already been about 175 deaths in 34 villages attacked by invading herdsmen.

Additionally, the Christian Tiv in Guma, Gwer-West, Katsina-Ala, Kwande, Logo and Makurdi

LGAs of Benue State were displaced by marauding Hausa-Fulani Muslim herdsmen.32

The LGAs most badly affected were Guma, Gwer-West, Logo and Makurdi. In Makurdi LGA alone,

there were ten different camps for internally displaced persons in 2016. They included the

uncompleted Aper Aku Housing Estate North-Bank, St. Mary’s Primary School Daudu, Roman

Catholic Mission Primary School North-Bank, Army Children Primary School North-Bank,

Makurdi LGEA Primary School North-Bank, Makurdi LGEA Primary School Ahwa, Makurdi LGEA

Primary School Agan, Makurdi LGEA Primary School Low-Cost, Makurdi LGEA Primary School

Tyodugh and Makurdi LGEA Primary School Wurukum. At Makurdi LGEA Primary School

Wurukum, available records for the years 2014-2016 show that there were 542 family

households, with a population of 4804 persons sharing 12 blocks of classrooms, meant to

accommodate at most 50 pupils per class.33 This means there is a huge population living within

the confined space of the primary school premises. As a result, some of the deaths (particularly

of vulnerable women, children and the elderly) go unreported and unrecorded. The deaths are

indirectly a result of the violence since the displacement itself has been caused by the conflict.

However, the direct cause of death could also be linked to malnutrition, unhealthy environment

and lack of health facilities. One of those affected, who lost his only son, is sure that his child

would not have died of pneumonia if they had been at home.34

The pitiable living conditions at the LGEA Primary School Wurukum in Makurdi, the Benue State

capital, is a reflection of what has occurred in all the camps. Another priest of Makurdi Catholic

Diocese suggested that the only difference in the camps was the slight variation in the number

of displaced persons.35 ACSAN’s visit in July 2014 to Ugba and Anyiin (in Logo LGA) and Zaki Biam,

Kyado and Jootar (in Ukum LGA) confirmed the plight of the internally displaced persons in all

the camps. One interviewee believed that the number of internally displaced persons absorbed

into the homes of relatives, friends and well-wishers was much higher than those staying in

camps.36 One of the residents of the camps informed the team of ACSAN researchers that the

camps were not set up by the government; the internally displaced persons simply occupied the

primary schools which were empty due to industrial strike action by teachers. It is from this

scenario that the camps have emerged.37 The Diocesan Coordinator of Justice, Development and

Peace Commission of the Catholic Diocese of Otukpo confirmed that the data collected by the

32 For further details on the number of deaths and the displaced in the Benue Crisis cf. Benue state Emergency

Management Agency, Report on the 2014 Internally Displaced Perons From the Crisis between Cattle Herdsmen and Farmers in Benue State, 2014, Volumen I and II.

33 Unpublished Document concerning Internally Displaced Persons in LGEA Primary School, Wurukum, Makurdi, Benue State.

34 Interview with a resident of Agan village, Makurdi LGA, on 15 July 2014. 35 Interview with a Catholic priest of Makurdi Catholic Diocese, High Level area of Makurdi, Makurdi

LGA, on 15 July 2014. 36 Interview with a resident of Wurukum area of Makurdi, Makurdi LGA, on 15 July 2014. 37 Interview with a resident of Anyibee, Logo LGA, on 9 July 2014.

15

commission indicated that over 7000 people had been displaced from Agatu. Most of those

displaced came from Okokolo, Akwu, Ocholonya, Adagbo, Ugboku and Aila.

The nature and extent of the attacks, it appears, goes beyond the issue of contestation over

environmental resources and grazing fields and includes a designed plan to evict and occupy

Christian populated communities and villages. If this observation is correct, then it means that

the attack on Christians in the affected areas is an indication that the Hausa-Fulani Muslim

herdsmen’s continued attacks on Benue communities are driven by religious rather than ethnic

considerations.38 A security expert in Benue State claimed that the on-going Hausa-Fulani

Muslim herdsmen’s clash with sedentary farmers definitely has serious religious undertones.39

The institutional responses to these conflicts have been carried out by both state and non-state

actors. State responses include actions by the various security forces including the police, army

and navy. The state response to armed violence includes the following: deployment of security

forces to conflict areas for peacekeeping; relief responses, which involve the immediate and

short-term provision of relief items to victims of violence; the establishment of commissions and

panels of enquiry; government social programmes designed to stop hostilities and embrace

peace and tolerance; and the establishment of the Institute for Peace and Conflict Resolution

(IPCR) in 2000 to strengthen capacities for the promotion of peace through conflict prevention,

management and resolution.40 The state also inaugurated a Joint Task Force of the various

armed forces (police, army etc.) called Operation Zenda to combat crime. Local community and

religious leaders are equally conscripted into the state and local government security councils.41

Non-Governmental Organisations have also provided various seminars and programmes aimed

at educating society on the dangers of armed violence. Finally, there were various vigilante

groups set up by local authorities throughout the state to counter violence and crime, although

these were disarmed by the government in 2015.

Most of the responses listed above failed to address the situation because relief materials were

stolen, military staff complained of lack of salaries and sufficient weapons, and other institutions

set up to promote peace were starved of government funding.

38 Interview JDPC Coordinator, Adoka, Oturkpo LGA, on 23 October 2017. 39 Interview with a resident of Akpehe area of Makurdi, Makurdi LGA, on 15 July 2014. 40 See footnote 23. 41 Ibid.

16

Chapter Two: Gaining a deeper perspective –

understanding the ideological factors behind the

violent conflict in Benue State

Differing perspectives on the conflict It is important to mention that there is documentation available concerning historical violent

conflict in Benue State. Most of these conflicts revolved around the issues of land as well as

indigene-settler factors.42 It is not the intention of this study to re-examine these conflicts.43

However, in recent years, there has been a massive infiltration, invasion, and disruption of social

life in Benue State by the Hausa-Fulani Muslim herdsmen. Such disruption has led to a large

number of atrocities being committed by the invaders, and Solomon Mfa, a member of the

Movement Against Fulani Occupation (MAFO) describes the current situation as a “Fulani

occupation of Benue State”.44

The invasion by Hausa-Fulani Muslim herdsmen and their occupation of certain territories ,

especially in Alagbe in Agatu, Agasha in Guma, Yogbo in Makurdi and Agagbe in Gwer-west LGAs

in Benue State is understood differently by various people.

The first perspective is echoed by scholars such as Mvendaga Jibo and T. Varvar. Both emphasize

the primordial nature of Benue culture and how the people of Benue State, particularly the male

Tiv, are innately pulled towards conflict and violence.45 According to Jibo, it is this natural pull

that indicates why a male Tiv does not wish to see his neighbour excel. Anything, including

violence, will be done to block his neighbour from achieving fame, wealth, position, and

prestige.46

On the other hand, G. Hembe and Ujoh Fanan emphasize the socio-economic factors that they

perceive as underpinning the Hausa-Fulani Muslim herdsmen invasion of Benue in recent years.

Hembe’s analysis suggests that the conflict is substantially linked to the struggle for farmlands

and the exploitation of land related resources. He sees the conflict as also being related to the

mode of economic production and distribution practiced in the society. In Benue, the livelihood

42 Alubo S.O.: Citizenship Rights and Ethnic Contestations in Central Nigeria, in: Muazzam I. (ed.): The Citizenship

Question in Nigeria, Kano, Nigeria, 2009. Anifowose, R.: The Changing Nature of Ethnic Conflicts - Reflections on the Tiv-Jukun Situation, in: Babawale T. (ed.): Urban Violence, Ethnic Militia and the Challenge to Democratic Consolidation in Nigeria, Lagos, Nigeria, 2003. Egwu, S.: Contested Identities and the Crisis of Citizenship in

Nigeria, in: Nigerian Journal of Policy and Strategy (2004) 14:40–64. 43 Avav T.: Refugees in Own Country (The Tiv-Jukun Crises) 1990–93, Abuja, Nigeria, 2002. Agbe, J.:

Inter-Ethnic Relations between the Tiv-Udam and Tiv-Jukun, in: Inter-Group Relations in Nigeria during the 19th and 20th Centuries, edited by Akinwunmi, O. et al., Makurdi, Nigeria, 2006.

44 Authors’ interview with Fr. Solomon Mfa, parish priest, in Daudu, 18 August 2016, Guma LGA, Benue State on 18 August 2016. Information about MAFO can be found in Appendix 3.

45 Varvar T.A.: Traditional and Political Development among the Tiv - A Reflection of the Past One Hundred Years, paper presented at the Colloqium organized to mark the end of the Second and beginning of the Third millennium held 28 - 29 December 1999 at Benue Hotel Makurdi.

46 Jibo M.: Tiv Politics since 1959, Zaria, 1994, p. 196.

17

of most ordinary citizens (who are also mostly Christian), is most often focussed on land owned

by families and communities. Farming, hunting and fishing are practiced at subsistence level for

survival and day to day living.47 However, in recent years, the shrinking farmlands - caused by

population expansion, climate change and unsustainable farm practices - have meant an

increase in competition for land resources, and have signficantly contributed to the violent

conflict between the people of Benue and the Hausa-Fulani Muslim herdsmen.48

Moses Aluaigba views the Hausa-Fulani Muslim herdsmen invasion of Benue State from the

perspective of citizenship ideology. In recent times, questions have been raised in public

discourses on the subject of citizenship in Nigeria. In particular, the issue of discrimination

against Nigerians who live in places where they were not born or where their forefathers were

not born has been percieved as a major cause of conflict. Consequently, the arrival of the Hausa-

Fulani Muslim herdsmen into Benue is perceived as reviving this old and unsettled rivalry

between the indigene and the settler over socio-economic and enviromental resources. The

Nigerian Republic, like other African nations, has been blamed for its inability to accommodate

the various ethnic groups that exist in the country. Nigeria’s post-colonial policies have instead

caused further division, adding to the serious quarrels between its varied groups and leading to

yet more violent conflict.49

Researchers, policy makers and conflict analysts in Nigeria generally argue that the Hausa-Fulani

Muslim herdsmen invasion of Benue is caused and sustained by ethnic, socio-economic,

environmental and political factors linked to indigene-settler ideology. To some extent, these

explanations are valid. There is evidence of diminishing farmlands due to massive environmental

degradation. There is increasing competition among farmers, and between farmers and herders

over land resources. However, limiting these as the only factors that motivate the conflict

reflects a politically-correct perspective of the Benue conflict. Secondly, they represent the elite-

expert-consultant oriented opinions that sometimes marginalize and exclude the voice of the

ordinary victim of the conflict. Most importantly, their analyses have failed to consider the

religious components of the conflict. As mentioned earlier in Section One, Hausa-Fulani Muslim

herdsmen are generally perceived as people who are simply in search of a better environment

for caring for their sheep. They are mostly considered as people whose life, survival and tradition

is embedded in the value attached to the herds, and the capacity they retain to protect their

way of life. Yet, historically, it is necessary to emphasize the fact that herdsmen in Africa have

always played an important role in Islamic jihad.50 Their actions clearly demonstrate that their

use of terror is premeditated; it is ideologically driven and sometimes politically motivated

depending on the place, time and socio-political context.

47 Hembe G.N.: The Political and Economic Impact of Communal Crisis in Tiv land, paper presented at the workshop

on Communal Relations and Crises Management organized by the Ministry of Internal Affairs and Boundaries in conjunction with Aboki Holdings, held at the J.S. Tarka Foundation, Makurdi, 5-6 October 2000.

48 Ujoh F.: Population Growth and Land Resources Conflicts in Tivland, Nigeria, in: Resources and Environment (2014), 4(1):67-78.

49 Aluaigba M. T.: The Tiv-Jukun Ethnic Conflict and the Citizenship Question in Nigeria, Aminu Kano Centre for Democratic Research and Training, Bayero University, Kano, 2008, p. 10.

50 Levtzion N. and Pouwels R.: The History of Islam in Africa, Ohio University Press, 2000, p. 2. Also cf. Boyd J. and Shagari S.: The life and legacy of Shehu Uthman Dan Fodiyo, Macmillan Publishers, Oxford, 2003, pp. 1-13; Jubber N., Mali’s Nomads: Bulwark against Jihad, 2014, http://www.worldpolicy.org/journal/fall2014/mali-nomads-against-jihad, accessed 2 April 2016.

18

Recalling Islamic expansion in the past – links to Benue As noted in the World Watch Research report on Nasarawa State,51 the ideology linked to the

Hausa-Fulani Muslim invasion of Benue is based on the understanding that ‘‘Komai na Allah ne.

Ko wane fili na Allah ne, ba naku ba, ba na kafirai ba, na Allah ne”52 (Translation: Everything

belongs to Allah. Every piece of land belongs to Allah and not you; it is not for you infidels but

for Allah). Thus, with climate change, competition over limited resources and environmental

threat to the ways of life of the herdsmen, the use of terror and its religious justificiation has

been intensified, particularly in Benue. Herdsmen use terror tactics to conduct jihad, displacing

local communities from their land to make room for their herds, to occupy those lands and to

spread Islam. The phrase “everything belongs to Allah” reflects the Muslim understanding of

God. The Muslim God is seen as being the one true God, with no equal. Therefore, the

sovereignty of Allah is the foundation for all Islamic socio-political and economic systems, and

society must be governed in accordance with the Quran and the Sunna of the Prophet.53

On the basis of this ideology, the herdsmen’s use of terrorism and their participation in jihad in

Africa can be traced back to the time when Arab Islamic forces defeated the Byzantine Christian

army in the 7th Century and gained control over coastal North Africa, converting the nomadic

Berber tribes to Islam.54 It was these Berber-speaking herdsmen who helped to spread Islam

between Maghreb (North Africa) and Western Sudan (known to Arabs as Bilad al-Sudan, land of

the black).55 The Fulbe and the Somali herdsmen provided the main fighting forces for Islamic

jihads that were staged in 17th and 18th Century Africa. Uthman Dan Fodio, the founder of the

Sokoto caliphate in northern Nigeria, was himself a Fulani herdsman who promoted Islamic

jihad.56 Today, leaders of terrorist organizations across Africa, have nomadic backgrounds. For

instance, Iyad Ag Ghaly, the so-called “Lion of the Desert” and chief of Ansaru al-Dine, and

Mokhtar Belmokhtar, the one-eyed former AQIM (Al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb) commander

are all former herdsmen.57 Again, herdsmen make up a substantial number of the fighters

belonging to Islamic groups in Mali, Niger, Chad and other parts of Africa. This is reinforced both

by the migration of other herdsmen from across the Sahelian region as well as the contemporary

rise in the activities of terrorist organizations. These herdsmen use sophisticated weapons and

ammunition. In Nigeria, there is a resurgence of violent conflict and Islamic jihad perpetrated by

Hausa-Fulani Muslim herdsmen in majority parts of the Middle Belt region, particularly Kaduna,

Plateau, Taraba, Benue and Nasarawa States. Attemps to claim that these herdsmen have

nothing to do with Islam or Islamic jihad is incorrect, and a failed narrative that is likely to derail

any coherent government policy.

51 http://theanalytical.org/wp-content/uploads/2014/10/Nigeria-Investigating-common-narratives-

of-violent-conflict-in-Nasarawa-State-2016.pdf, pp. 39-41. 52 Interview with an Islamic scholar and a Hausa-Fulani Muslim nomad, Nasarawa Eggon, Nasarawa State, 3 July

2015. 53 Mawdūdi A. A., Political theory of Islam in: Islam in Transition - Muslim Perspectives, edited by Donohue J. J. and

Esposito J. L., Oxford, 2007, pp. 263-264. 54 Levtzion N. and Pouwels R.: The History of Islam in Africa, Ohio, 2000, p. 2. 55 Ibid. 56 Boyd J. and Shagari S.: The life and legacy of Shehu Uthman Dan Fodiyo, Oxford, 2003, pp. 1-13. 57 Jubber N., Mali’s Nomads- Bulwark against Jihad, 2014: http://www.worldpolicy.org/journal/fall2014/mali-

nomads-against-jihad, accessed 2 April 2016.

19

The historical background to this infiltration by Hausa-Fulani Muslim herdsmen and to the

nature of the violence in Benue can be found in the period 1804 -1856. Uthman dan Fodio (1754

– 1817) waged a jihad war and conquered the former Hausa states and the entire northern bank

of the River Benue, wrestling these areas from the hitherto animist Nupe, Nassarawa, Bauchi

and Zaria territories. These included the non-Muslim areas of southern Nigeria58 and the Middle

Belt region of Nigeria, especially southern Kaduna.59 The early British occupation of the then

Benue region in 1900 up until the 1950s witnessed the appointment of many Hausa-Fulani

Muslims in the region by the colonial government, brought in from the far north, to act as tax

collectors, judges, policemen, scribes and messengers. This not only led to the exploitation of

indigenous communities by Hausa-Fulani Muslim colonial agents in Benue, but also

demonstrated the abuse of power and privilege by the Muslim controlled government of

northern Nigeria before Independence.60 This resulted in the Haakaa and Nyambua riots which

took place in 1929 and 1939 respectively. It was an uprising among the Benue people against

the colonial administraiton and its agents. Hundreds of people, particularly indigenous farmers

were killed by the colonial agents. This resulted in two things: First, there was acute famine and

hunger because farmlands were affected, and second, the majority of the Tiv who occupied the

Benue region were forced to flee into the Muri Province (present day Taraba State)61 which was

already under a Muslim rule established in 1817.62

The period of decolonization leading up to Nigeria’s independence in 1960 saw the emergence

of regional governments. The Northern People’s Congress, the ruling party of northern Nigeria

was, among other things, guided by the vision of conquering central and southern Nigeria for

Islam. According to Muhammad Ribadu, a former minister in Nigeria’s First Republic, the political

conquest of the South was a religious obligation that the Northern People’s Congress, controlled

by Muslims, owed the world of Islam. He stated that the Quran would have to be dipped into

the Atlantic Ocean before the jihad could stop.63 This has two important implications: First, the

Islamic conquest of the south has to start from central Nigeria. Secondly, dipping the Quran in

the ocean is a strong symbolism for conquering and dominating all parts of the south for Islam,

including the ocean. Particularly Lagos lies at the edge of the Atlantic Ocean. This ideological

vision has guided various government policies since independence, such as the inclusion of

Nigeria as a member of the Organisation of Islamic Conference.64 As such, in post-independence

Nigeria, Islamic radicalization and the growth of intolerant and radical views both within

mainstream Islamic groups and ordinary Muslims increased at different levels. This became

apparent around the early 1970s, when the late Mohammed Marwa, widely known as

Maitatsine, began espousing radical Islamic views in northern Nigeria. This was to lead to

58 Laird M. and Oldfield R.A.K.: Narrative of an Expedition into the Interior of Africa by the River Niger in 1832, 1833

and 1834, London, 1834/1971, pp. 124-125, 232-235. 59 Nigeria-Usman dan Fodio and the Sokoto Caliphate:

http://www.mongabay.com/history/nigeria/nigeriausman_dan_fodio_and_the_sokoto_caliphate.html#ljf7j4lwA9HWhUIq.99, last accessed 24 August 2014.

60 Ahiante A.: Nigeria - Tiv, Jukun, a Catalogue of Crisis, AllAfrica, 2001: allafrica.com/stories/200111050168.html. 61 Ibid. 62 Nigeria-Usman dan Fodio and the Sokoto Caliphate, op. cit. 63 Ribadu M.: Minister Nigeria’s 1st Republic, in: New Breed Magazine January 1977, p. 10. 64 Salahudeen Y.: Nigeria's membership in the OIC - Implications of print media coverage for peace and national

unity, in: Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs (2007), 19 (2): 235-247.

20

massive riots in the northern city of Kano and resulted in the deaths of several thousand

people.65

Another phase came in the early 1980s, when the successful revolution of the Iranian people

against their Shah in 1979 led to a fresh awakening of radical Islamic tendencies in northern

Nigeria. The emergence of an Islamic government under the leadership of Ayatollah Khomeini

and the subsequent humiliation it meted out to the US provided inspiration to Muslims the

world over, and in particular the younger generation saw in Islam a viable alternative to the bi-

polar systems of Capitalism or Communism. The Islamist revival began in the 1980s, as young

Muslims, radicalized by the Iranian revolution, began introducing variants of Islam that were of

more radical disposition. Muslim youths believed that Christians were enjoying an advantageous

status in society and began to call for the establishment of an order that would recognise Islamic

law in some parts of the country. In short, they wanted a situation where the advantage allegedly

enjoyed by Christians (as a result of colonialism) would now be reversed. Fired by the success of

the Iranian people, various Islamic movements emerged, e.g. the Islamic Movement of Nigeria

and Nigerian Muslim Brothers, and Jamaatu Izalat al Bid’ah wa Iqamat al–Sumah (Group for the

Eradication of Innovation and Establishment of Tradition) which was inspired by the former

Grand Qadi of Northern Nigeria, late Sheik Abubakar Gumi. It was Sheik Gumi who declared that

an Islamic state in Nigeria would have to be constructed on the ashes of the existing state, which

had been built on jahiliya (a term meaning ‘ignorance’ used in reference to pre-Islamic Arab

society).66 The rhetoric of the Nigerian Muslim Brothers had a distinct quality of revolutionary

idealism found in the works of the Egyptian Sayyid Qutb.

A further phase of Islamic radicalization in Nigeria took place with the introduction of the Sharia

penal code in 12 states of northern Nigeria in 1999. While there had been calls for the imposition

of Sharia since the Second Republic (1979-83)67, the first major and practical step was taken in

1999, when the governor of Zamfara State in northern Nigeria, Ahmed Sani Yerima, introduced

Sharia law. Within three years of the introduction in Zamfara State, virtually all the states in

northern Nigeria had adopted this Islamic code of laws.68 By the early 2000s, Islamic

radicalization led to the emergence of Boko Haram which has since killed as many as 17,500

people (mostly Christians), displaced nearly 2.2 million people, and has destroyed hundreds of

churches.69

Another phase has been the resurgence of the Islamic infiltration, invasion and occupation of

local communities, farmlands and territories belonging to Christians in central and southern

Nigeria, beginning in 2011. This is particularly rampant in Kaduna, Nasarawa, Plateau and Taraba

states. Thousands of churches have been destroyed and thousands of Christians have been

killed, displaced or injured. Like conventional terrorist organisations, Islamic radical sects and

65 Alao A.: Islamic Radicalisation and Violence in Nigeria, Country Report 2009, p. 15. 66 Ibid. See also the official website of the Islamic Movement of Nigeria:

http://www.islamicmovement.org?biozakzaky.htm. 67 For brief information on the Second Republic, see: http://countrystudies.us/nigeria/29.htm, last accessed 9

November 2017. 68 Alao A.: Islamic Radicalisation and Violence in Nigeria, Country Report 2009, p. 19. 69 See: https://africacheck.org/reports/have-13000-people-been-killed-in-nigerias-insurgency-the-claim-is-broadly-

correct/, last accessed 11 October 2017.

21

jihadi groups, the ideology of the Hausa-Fulani Muslim herdsmen goes beyond the mere feeding

of sheep and the search for greener pastures. It is inevitably linked to the program of Dawah

(the propagation and expansion of Islam). It is based on the ideology mentioned earlier in the

phrase: ‘‘Komai na Allah ne. Ko wane fili na Allah ne, ba naku ba, ba na kafirai ba, na Allah ne”70

(Translation: Everything belongs to Allah. Every piece of land belongs to Allah and not you, it is

not for you infidels but for Allah). The use of the name Allah supports specifically the Islamic

concept of God, and the obligation for Muslims to do his will. In the context of the Hausa-Fulani

Muslim herdsmen, this will includes conquering territories for Islam and Muslims.71 This also

means, in theory and practice, the duty to ensure that Islam, the Quran and Islamic values

become the foundation for all socio-political and economic systems, if not immediately then in

the future. Consequently, this ideology has significantly aided the infilitration, invasion and -

what a source referred to as “the occupation” - of Benue by the Hausa-Fulani Muslim

herdsmen.72

70 Interview with Islamic scholar and a Hausa-Fulani Muslim nomad, Nasarawa Eggon, Nasarawa State, 3 July 2015. 71 Authors’ interview with a herdsman in Waku, Guma LGA, Benue State, on 18 August 2016. The herdsmen

confirmed that he moved from Mali to Kano, and eventually to Benue State. He and his colleagues intend to settle in Waku forever. At the time of this research, Waku village has been completely destroyed by Fulani attacks and many of the inhabitants have fled the area.

72 Interview with Fr. Solomon Mfa, in Daudu, Guma LGA, on 13 July 2016.

22

Chapter Three: Violent conflict between Hausa-

Fulani Muslim herdsmen and Christians in Benue

State – The Facts

Killings and other atrocities In Benue, attacks by the Hausa-Fulani Muslim herdsmen have become brutal. From Guma to

Daudu and Naka to Agatu, the emotional accounts given by the victims sometimes fail to

transmit the true extent of the atrocities committed. In Gwer-West, ACSAN researchers saw a

decaying corpse, held together by a Fulani rope tied around the hands, legs and neck. The skull

had been cracked by a swordblow. In some instances, local officials confirmed that the lack of

adequate security prevents them from locating and burying those who have been killed in the

attacks. A Muslim survivor of the February 2016 Agatu attacks interviewed in Makurdi,

confirmed how he was set free by the Fulani because he recited the Shahadah and the Fatiha

(Islamic article of faith and the first verse of the Quran).73 At a town hall meeting held in 2016

by (mostly) indigenes of Benue in Abuja, a senior traditional ruler from Benue State confirmed

on the sidelines of the meeting that the main concern of the Hausa-Fulani Muslim herdsmen ‘‘is

not about grazing. It is about a takeover of Benue State for the Islamic empire. They intend to

plant their flag like Boko Haram.”74 In fact, there are indeed parallels between the Hausa-Fulani

Muslim herdsmen and Boko Haram. Like Boko Haram, the Fulani are Muslim and their victims

are overwhelmingly Christians and non-Muslims. They cry “Allahu Akbar” (God is great) during

their attacks, and they leave horrendous atrocities in their wake.

There are suggestions that there is wide-scale collaboration between herdsmen, jihadists and

terrorists, all aiming to occupy Christian territory in fulfilment of long years of waiting with an

ambitious Islamic agenda. In Waku, ACSAN researchers met a young Muslim herder who

admitted he came originally from Mali, lived in Kano for some time before moving to join his

colleagues and compatriots in Benue.75 The former Inspector General of Police, Solomon Arase,

said: “Most of these herdsmen are not Nigerians. They are people from Mali, Chad, who came

into our system. So, that is why we have to be very careful. Our borders are very porous.

Predominantly our own herdsmen are law abiding people. But when people come from outside

with their cattle, we should not deny them entry because of ECOWAS protocols, good

neighborliness but, at the same time, we should not allow them to embark on criminal

activities”.76 This statement was heavily criticized by many segments of Nigerian society. Many

73 Author’s interview with Abubakar Adamu (pseudonym), Makurdi, on 18 August 2016. 74 George Okoh, 2016. Benue Groups Chide Buhari Over Handling of Fulani Crises in Benue, 2 April, 2016,

https://www.thisdaylive.com/index.php/2016/04/02/benue-groups-chide-buhari-over-handling-of-fulani-crises-in-benue/+&cd=1&hl=en&ct=clnk&gl=sg

75 Authors’ interview with a young herdsman, Waku, Guma LGA, Benue State, on 18 August 2016. 76 Oluwole, Josiah: Most troublesome Fulani herdsmen are not Nigerians, Premium Times, 13 February 2016,

available at: http://www.premiumtimesng.com/news/top-news/198366-troublesome-fulani-herdsmen-not-

nigerians-police-ig-solomon-arase-html.

23

felt that it was incomprehensible why the Nigerian authorities - under the guise of ECOWAS

protocol - should allow nationals of other nations to come and wreck innocent lives.

Hausa-Fulani Muslim herdsmen in Benue: The nature of the attacks According to the interviews conducted in different LGAs in Benue and the data collected and

presented in the summary tables below and in the corresponding and more detailed lists in the

appendices, Hausa-Fulani Muslim herdsmen have been killing Christians, destroying property

and driving Christians from their ancestral homes. Evidence suggests that Christians are being

particularly targeted for violence on the account of their faith. They are being uprooted from

their homes and neglected by the state government.

The tables below summarize the attacks on Christians in Benue State in the period 1 January

2014 – 31 December 2016. Table 2 shows the number of Christians killed or injured in specific

Local Government Areas (LGAs). Table 3 lists the number of Christian homes and churches

destroyed or damaged.

Table 2:

Estimated number of Christians killed and injured in LGAs under consideration (2014 –

2016)

LGA No. of Christians

killed No. of Christians

injured

Agatu 967 1051

Gwer-East 15 21

Gwer-West 772 264

Makurdi 494 248

Guma 1426 606

Tarka 52 16

Buruku 25 0

Katsina-Ala 91 0

Logo 204 721

Ukum 42 24

Kwande 72 6

Obi 34 0

Total for all LGAs listed above

4194 2957

Source: ACSAN fieldwork and data collected from Benue State Emergency Management Agency (BSEMA) and Young Professional Association in Makurdi.

24

Table 3:

Number of Christian homes and churches reported damaged or destroyed per LGA

under consideration (2014 – 2016)

LGA No. of thatched and tin-

roof Christian homes damaged or destroyed

No. of churches damaged and

destroyed

Agatu 7,663 4

Guma 63,718 5

Gwer-East

447 0

Gwer-West

37,416 7

Katsina-Ala

11,399 1

Kwanda 21,443 2

Logo 28,807 4

Makurdi 24,683 7

Total for all LGAs listed above

195,576 30

Source: ACSAN fieldwork and information obtained from documents made available by Benue State Emergency management Agency, Benue State Chapter of Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN), Benue State Chapter of Jamatul Nasril Islam in Makurdi.

In Table 3 it can be seen that more than 63,718 homes were destroyed in Guma in two years -

more than in any other LGA. The main reason for this is that Guma is one of the biggest LGAs in

Benue State. It has thousands of villages and one of Benue’s largest farming populations. It

should also be noted that Guma has been among the areas most attacked by Hausa-Fulani

Muslim herdsmen. Importantly, the Tiv cultural concept of a “home” differs considerably from

the Western understanding and mindset. In the culturual and rural setting of Benue State, a

single thatched room can be a home to a farmer and his family. Most of these homes are easy

and cheap to construct. Villages and communities are sometimes named after families who have

set them up, and some of the homes may have only one or two thatched rooms. The collection

of these single homes can form a community or a village. Most of the communities and villages

structured in this manner remain unprotected, and sometimes far away from security outposts.

According to the interviews conducted in different LGAs in Benue and the data collected and

presented in the summary tables above (and in the more detailed lists to be found in the

appendices), Hausa-Fulani Muslim herdsmen have used various tactics and strategies to kill,

25

injure, abduct and displace Christians from their ancestral homes. In fact, evidence suggests that

the sheer number of atrocities would not have been possible without a motivating ideology and

a conscious and deliberate plan to permanently evict indigenous Christians from their ancestral

homes.77 The deliberate plan is evident at three levels: The types of weapons used in Benue and

other states against indigenous Christian communities, the nature of the atrocities committed

by the Hausa-Fulani Muslim herdsmen and the instrumentalization of fear against Christians.

Interviews with victims, security officials and senior government functionaries reveal that the

Hausa-Fulani Muslim herdsmen are reportedly involved in transporting small arms into Benue

State using cows and donkeys. Sometimes these weapons are hidden in sacks of grain, beans

and rice transported on the back of donkeys as they move from place to place.78 Security officials

stationed at Naka also confirmed the use of dangerous and sophisticated weapons by the Hausa-

Fulani Muslim herdsmen.79 According to some military sources, some of the Hausa-Fulani

Muslim herdsmen use Hilux Jeeps and motorcycles to carry out their attacks. The weapons in

use include AK-47 assault rifles, homemade rifles, hand guns and Molotov cocktails.80 For

example, in Gwer West LGA, reports indicate that the Hausa-Fulani Muslim herdsmen normally

disguise themselves in military uniforms during the attacks and change back into their traditional

clothes afterwards. According to a local farmer in Gwer West who wished only to be named

Anjov, the attackers sometimes came up the River Benue using speed boats and usually returned

to neigbouring Nasarawa State using the same boats. By the time security forces were drafted

from Naka to the location, the attackers had completed the killings and destruction of properties

and had retreated.81 Because of the guerilla nature of the attacks, it was difficult for the villagers

to mobilize sufficient resistance.

In Waku, a police raid in November 2015 discovered a Hausa-Fulani Muslim herdsmen hideout

on the outskirt of the village, 100 kilometres from Guma town. Raids by the police resulted in

the collection of weapons including AK-47 and G3 rifles, Beretta and Browning pistols and

various types of ammunition.82 In Agatu, LGA an eye witness, described how the attackers

arrived at the village of Olegodege in the early hours of the morning “shooting indiscrimately

with sophisticated weapons that even the Nigerian security services did not have”.83 There have

77 Authors’ interview with Fr. Solomon Mfa, member of Movement Against Fulani Occupation (MAFO) Daudu, Guma

LGA, Benue State, on 19 August 2016. 78 Author’s interview with a victim attacked on farm in Lumbur, Ukum LGA, Benue State, on 2 June 2016. 79 Authors’ interview with soldiers stationed in Naka, on 5 March 2016. 80 Omitola, Bolaji: Between Boko Haram and Fulani Herdsmen - Organised Crime and Insecurity in Nigeria,

Department of Political Sciences, Osun State University. A paper presented at the 5th Institute of Security Studies Conference on Crime and Crime Reduction, 14-15 August 2014, Sandton, South Africa, p. 10-15.

81 Women Environmental Programme (WEP) Project Report: Conflict Mapping into Incessant Crises between the Tiv Farmers and the Fulani Herdsmen in Guma and Makurid LGAs of Benue State, Nigeria and Multi-

Stakeholders Dialogue, 2012, p. 28. 82 Authors’ interview of Waku community leader, 18 August 2016, Waku, Guma LGA, Benue State. 83 Authors’ interview with James Adole, Agatu, Benue State, 20 August 2016.

26

also been isolated and unconfirmed reports that the Hausa-Fulani Muslim herdsmen have used

chemical weapons while occupying villages in Benue State.84

This raises fundamental questions, which, although beyond the scope of this study, remain very

relevant. How do the Hausa-Fulani Muslim herdsmen acquire their weapons? Do they get

support from other extremist groups to further an Islamic agenda in Benue State? These

questions suggest a definite strategy behind the activities of the Hausa-Fulani Muslim herdsmen

and their Islamic agenda of expanding Muslim territory while feeding their herds. There is an

existing consensus that the proliferation of guns in Nigeria fuels violence. A 2015 resolution of

the United Nations Security Council expressed concern that illicit transfer, destabilizing

accumulation and misuse of small arms and light weapons in many regions of the world continue

to pose threats to international peace and security.85 The Small Arms Survey reported that in

the year 2007 the number of small arms and light weapons in Nigeria was estimated at lying

between 1 and 3 million.

A research fellow at the Nigerian Institute of Advanced Legal Studies, Helen Chuma Okoro,

stated (in her publication on the proliferation of firearms in Nigeria) that reportedly 80% of

weapons in civilian possession were illegally acquired due to strict regulations. The fact that this

data is outdated may mean that these figures are understated.86 Importantly, the understated

figures conceals how the Hausa-Fulani Muslim herdsmen acquire their weapons. In an interview

with the Nigerian Police Force (NPF) in Adamawa state, it was confirmed that a compromised

vigilante commander who was supposed to be fighting Boko Haram was arrested for supplying

arms, guns and ammunition to the Hausa-Fulani Muslim herdsmen in Taraba and Benue States.87

A recent security report indicates how a blacksmith known simply as “Sarpong”, who produces

cooking utensils in Kumasi, Ghana’s second largest city, has turned to making guns and local

weapons. He confirmed that most of his purchases were from foreigners, especially Nigerians.

Nigeria shares borders with countries affected by herdsmen migration and Islamic radicalism.

Nigeria has a border of around 1,500 kilometres with the Republic of Niger, 1,700 kilometres

with Cameroon, 90 kilometres with Chad and 850 kilometres of maritime border (with the

Atlantic Ocean). Recently, the Comptroller General of Customs, retired Colonel Hameed Ali,

sought the support of the Defence Intelligence Agency (DIA) to curb the influx of small firearms

across the over 4,000 kilometre borders of Nigeria. Disturbingly, many firearms used in the

84 See: Fulani invasion in Benue State and matters arising, Sahel Standard, 11 May 2015:

http://sahelstandard.com/index.php/2015/05/11/fulani-invasion-in-benue-state-and-matters-arising/, last accessed 28 October 2016. See also: Nigeria: Benue Attacks - Chemical Substances Now Used in Killing, Daily Trust, 3 April 2014: http://allafrica.com/stories/201404040209.html, last accessed 25 November 2016. Audu Sule, a member representing Agatu constituency in the Benue State House of Assembly accused the Hausa-Fulani Muslim hersdmen of using chemical weapons to wipe out Christian communities. This suspicion was strengthened by the accusation made by Christiana Alaaga, a member of the Federal House of Representatives from Benue State, which is an equivalent of a parliamentarian. She claimed that about fifteen corpses, which had been recovered from some of the villages in Benue State after an attack on 25 March 2014, had foam around their mouths but no bullet wounds. It is believed the Hausa-Fulani Muslim herdsmen used chemical weapons in at least two LGAs in Benue State, Guma and Gwer West. The chemicals are mostly discharged by guns, and can result in the deaths of hundreds of people. It is therefore understandable why Alaaga called on the security forces and the Nigerian goverment to conduct a thorough investigation into the matter.

85 Nigeria Watch, 12 March 2016: Illegal guns flooding Nigeria, fuelling violence: http://www.nigeriawatch.org/media/html/DT2016-03-12p4.pdf, accessed 4 November 2016.

86 Ibid. 87 Authors’ interview with security officials in Yola, Capital of Adamawa State on 23 August 2016.

27

Libyan war and other conflicts in surrounding countries have found their way into Nigeria

through these porous borders. Another dimension to the problem is in-country production, as a

large number of illicit guns are produced in Nigeria by gunsmiths and sold to persons without

licenses.88

While questions still remain unanswered about the types of sophisticated weapons used in

Benue, the nature of the attacks and the atrocities committed have raised very serious concerns.

The Hausa-Fulani Muslim herdsmen deploy fear as a tactic and thus ensure that victims are

traumatized in such a way that they do not wish to return to their homeland after fleeing. This

was confirmed by interviews carried out among victims living in refugee camps in Gwer-West,

Guma, Tarka, Ukum, Agatu and Logo. According to a community leader in Guma, the nature of

the atrocities are chilling and Hausa-Fulani Muslim hersdmen conduct them with arrogance and

impunity. There is a strategic calculation in their actions to ensure that victims are

psychologically damaged, forced to flee and permanently displaced due to the atrocities they

experienced. According to Thomas Nor, a victim who survived an attacked in Logo and now lives

in the UN assisted IDP camp in Guma, when Hausa-Fulani Muslim hersdmen arrive in a village,

they set houses ablaze, shoot sporadically in the air and kill anyone and anything that moves.

According to a Catholic priest who has ministered to thousands of Internally Displaced Persons

(IDPs) awaiting resettlement by the UN and Benue State authorities, the tactics used by the

Hausa-Fulani Muslim herdsmen can only be compared to the atrocities carried out by rebels in

the Liberian civil war.89 Some of the tactics used by the Hausa-Fulani Muslim herdsmen include

abduction, rape and other forms of assault on women and children.90 Another strategy used by

the Hausa-Fulani Muslim herdsmen according to some eyewitnesses (who request anonymity)

is the disembowelling of pregnant women, to ensure that both mother and baby are killed. On

the few occasions, when men are captured, it has been reported that their limbs are cut off and

they are then shot in the presence of their family. Sometimes, the family members are made to

run and are then shot at; those lucky enough to escape the bullets are pursued.91 What lends

credence to the perceived complicity of stakeholders from the Muslim north, is the silence and

inaction of the Federal Government of Nigerian in the face of the massive atrocities committed

against indigenous Christian communities in Benue State.

It has been possible to include in this report an update of further violence perpetrated by Hausa-

Fulani herdsmen beyond the period 2014-2016. Table 4 is based on ACSAN fieldwork and media

reporting and lists the killing of 139 Christians in the first eight months of 2017 (1 January 2017

– 31 August 2017).

88 See footnote 75. 89 Swiss S. et al.: Violence Against Women During the Liberian Civil Conflict, Letter from Monrovia (1998), 279 (8):

625-629. 90 Authors’ interview with Solomon Mfa, Daudu, Guma LGA, Benue State on 18 August 2016. 91 Authors’ interview with survivors and victims in different camps as listed in Appendix 1.

28

Table 4:

Number of Christian men, women and children attacked and killed in LGAs in the

period 1 January 2017 – 31 August 2017

Date in 2017

Village LGA Description of incident

Men killed

Women killed

Children killed

Total no.

killed

24 January

Ipiga Ohimini Fulani herdsmen attack92

20 8 0 28

2 March

Mbahimin Gwer West

Fulani herdsmen attack

8 1 1 10

11 March

Mkgovur Buruku Fulani herdsmen attack

7 0 0 7

12 March

Mkgovur Buruku Fulani herdsmen attack farmlands

7 3 0 10

12-20 March

Mkgovur Buruku Various attacks by Fulani herdsmen on village

35 10 5 50

28 March

Jato-Aka

Kwande Fulani herdsmen attack prison farm, killingTersoo Agidi

1 0 0 1

4 April Ikyoawen, Moor, Alaba and Nzaav villages

Kwande Sporadic attacks by Fulani herdsmen

8 2 0 10

21 April Tse-Igba Uke

Gwer West

Fulani herdsmen attack

3 0 0 3

8 May Tse-Akaa, Tse-Orlalu, Ugondo Mbamar District

Logo Fulani herdsmen attack 6 2 2 10

92 In this attack, it was reported that 2 Muslims were also killed.

29

16 June North Bank

Makurdi Fulani herdsmen attack rice farmers

5 2 0 7

10 August

Akpagodogbo

Otukpo Fulani herdsmen attacks

3 0 0 3

TOTAL. KILLED

103 28 8 139

Source: Media reports93 confirmed by ACSAN fieldwork.

93 For example, see: Umoru H., Herdsmen attacks, another Boko Haram - Senate, 1 June 2017,

https://www.vanguardngr.com/2017/06/herdsmen-attacks-another-boko-haram-senate/, last accessed 31 October 2017.

30

Chapter Four: Violence against women and children

Displacement In the 14 LGAs of Benue State affected by the Hausa-Fulani Muslim herdsmen’s killing of

Christians, varying numbers of Christians (including women and children) have been displaced.

ASCAN investigations have revealed that Guma, Logo and Makurdi LGAs have particularly high

levels of displacement of people. Table 5 shows the number of Christians displaced by the Hausa-

Fulani Muslim herdsmen attacks per LGA in the period 1 January 2014 – 31 December 2016.

Table 5:

Number of Christians reported displaced per LGA under consideration (2014 – 2016)

LGA

No. of Christian

men

No. of Christian women

No. of Christian children

Total number of Christian

IDPs

Katsina 1,433 246 223 1,902

Kwande 2,289 626 215 3,130

Logo 3,646 226 408 4,280

Makurdi 2,296 575 395 3,266

Agatu 1,781 321 240 2,342

Guma 6,967 415 846 8,228

Total for all LGAs listed

above 18,412 2,409 2,327 23,148

Source: Benue State Chapter of Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN), Benue State Emergency Management Agency (BSEMA), Men fellowship of NKST church, Redeemed Christian Church of God (RCCG), Minda Progressive Union and Justice, Development and Peace Commission (JDPC) of the Catholic Dioceses of Oturkpo, Makurdi and Katsina-Ala.

Women and children usually make up the largest number of those displaced. (It is a known fact

that social dislocation and displacement affect all gender groups of all ages, but the weak and

vulnerable members of society, namely the elderly, women and children suffer the most. In

many instances women and young girls have been subjected to sexual violence as indicated in

Tables 6-9 below. Families sometimes get split up and desintegrate, especially where there is an

absence of real parents. Children are often left without guardians for protection and young girls

and women are often forced into sexual trades.) However, in the case of Benue, an unusually

large number of men have been displaced for the following reasons: First, in most of the attacks

the men are the main target. They are viewed as protectors of the communities and when they

are killed, the communities are left defenceless. In the stated time-period, many men have been

able to escape before an actual attack has come. Secondly, more than 95% of the communities

are farmers, and therefore the men are forced to migrate to safer communities - away from

possible Fulani attacks - to sustain their subsistence mode of farming. Women are then forced

to remain in the community or move to IDP camps. Most of the men have migrated into border

31

areas between Nigeria and Cameroon, in places such as Lukti, Toungo, Naade and Gashaka, away

from the Fulani herdsmen, while women have remained either in villages or IDP camps in Benue.

Separation from family members In times of political violence and armed conflict, children of both sexes are often separated from

their parents. Children and weaker family members may get lost in the process of running away

from attacks, while others may be abandoned, unable to keep up. This is what happened during

the 1967-1970 civil war in Nigeria and in the reprisal attacks which followed after the killing of

the Ibo in the northern states of Nigeria in 1990. The consequence is that such children end up

being adopted (if found alive) while others end up growing up as slaves in the hands of their

masters. While this study cannot claim to have carried out extensive study on the separation of

children from their families occasioned by the conflict, there is substantive evidence that

children are being forcefully separated from their families.

Physical injury and starvation War affects children and adults of both genders. However, there is no denying that children

suffer more from malnutrition, hunger, starvation and diseases than adults. It is on record that

Igbo children were victims of malnutrition, kwashiorkor, diarrhoea and many diseases during

the 1967-1970 civil war. In some cases, the children suffered permanent injuries, losing legs or

other limbs, while others died due to lack of medical care. Some of these were evident at the

Daudu IDP camp in Benue state and Akunza IDP Camp in Nasarawa state as a result of the Hausa-

Fulani Muslim herdsmen’s attack on Tiv Christians revealed the full extent of starvation and

malnutrition that victims of this conflict are currently undergoing.

Abduction and sexual abuse During political violence and armed conflict, boys and girls suffer varying degrees of sexual

abuse. The situation in Benue State is no exception to this unfortunate development. The

following tables (Tables 6 - 9) list the number of women and children kidnapped, raped, sexually

abused or assaulted in the period 1 January 2014 – 30 September 2016. The lists are not

exhaustive and are all based on ASCAN interviews with victims and community leaders such as

Mzough U Tiv, Christian religious leaders, especially of the Roman Catholic, Nongo Kristu u Ser

ken Tar (NKST) churches and some Protestant churches, as well as leaders of local vigilante

groups in the affected areas.

32

Table 6:

Fourteen examples of gender-based abuse (GBA) through abduction in Benue State

over the period January 2014 – September 2016

Date of GBA

Place Category Description

1 24/04/2015 Gbise, Katsina-

Ala LGA

3 Christian

women abducted

These women were abducted

after an attack on the village that

claimed many lives. The attack

took place in the early hours when

the women had gone to the

stream to fetch water for house

chores. They were abducted from

near-by bush where the women

had been hiding from the

attackers.

2 07/10/2015 Abako, Katsina-

Ala LGA

1 Christian

women abducted

She was ambushed and abducted

while coming from the farm,

where she went in the morning to

collect yams for the family’s meal.

3 12/01/2016 Tse- Nule, Guma

LGA

1 Christian

women abducted

This woman was abducted after

her home was raided in the night.

Her husband was killed.

4 29/11/2015 Tse- Jonyi,

Guma LGA

1 Christian

women abducted

The village of Jonyi was attacked

by suspected Muslim Fulani-

Hausa herdsmen. During the

attack, a woman was abducted

from where she was taking cover

in nearby bushes.

5 23/03/2015 Oleje, Agatu

LGA

2 Christian

women abducted

The Hausa-Fulani Muslim

herdsmen kidnapped the women

on the farm. It is gathered from

the villagers that one of the

women, Eneh Ojika eventually

died in the hands of the herdsmen

2 weeks after the kidnap. Her

corpse was eventually found in the

bush and buried. The other

woman, simply identified as

Justina is nowhere to be found till

date.

6 09/05/2015 Ogam, Agatu

LGA

1 Christian

woman abducted

This woman was ambushed and

abducted on her way from the

stream where she had gone to

fetch water.

33

7 17/01/2016 Obaji, Agatu

LGA

1 Christian

woman abducted

This woman was ambushed and

abducted on her way from

fetching fire wood.

8 11/03/2016 Alokpa, Agatu

LGA

2 Christian

women abducted

These women were abducted

after night raid on the village of

Obaji by the suspected Muslim

Fulani- Hausa herdsmen.

9 27/06/2015 Ekaida, Agatu

LGA

1 Christian

woman abducted

This woman was kidnapped while

working on her maize farm.

10 30/02/2016 Shaorga,

Makurdi LGA

1 Christian

woman abducted

This woman was kidnapped while

returning from a neighbouring

village market.

11 08/01/2015 Orkpe, Makurdi

LGA

2 Christian

women abducted

These women were abducted

while fleeing an attack on their

village by the suspected Hausa-

Fulani Muslim herdsmen.

12 21/08/2016 Mbaayo, Tarka

LGA

1 Christian

woman abducted

This woman was abducted after

her home was raided in the night.

Her husband was killed.

13 13/10/2015 Binev, Buruku

LGA

1 Christian

women abducted

This woman was abducted after

suspected Hausa-Fulani Muslim

herdsmen attacked the Binev

community.

14 19/11/2015 Tyonongu,

Kwande LGA

1 Christian

woman abducted

This woman was kidnapped while

returning from an evening

Christian programme that took

place in Yogbo. Source: interview with Women Development Asociation in Makudi called Kasev Choor, officials of Catholic Women Association (CWO), St. Francis Catholic Church, Anum Parish; St. Theresa’s Catholic Church, Naka; Mzough u Kasev in NKST Church, Agagbe.

Table 7:

Fourteen examples of gender-based abuse (GBA) of Christian women through rape in

Benue State over the period January 2014 – September 201694

Date of GBA Place

Status

of the

victim

Description

1 25/05/2015 Asuku, Katsina-

Ala LGA

Married This woman was forcefully taken and

abused after an attack on the village

where she lives and farms. 5 herdsmen

raped her in one day.

94 Some of the victims of rape were unwilling to recount what they went through at the hands of the Hausa-Fulani

Muslim herdsmen. This is probably due to the stigma associated with rape; some of them are having difficulties in their marriages as a result of the rape.

34

2 07/12/2015 Bam, Guma LGA Widow This woman was gang raped when the

herdsmen stopped her fetching water in

the evening.

3 16/01/2016 Pakema, Guma

LGA

Married This woman was abused by herdsmen

who lay in ambush on a market road.

4 31/03/2015 Agagbe, Gwer-

West LGA

Married This woman was forcefully taken and

abused after an attack on village.

5 02/08/2015 Utim, Gwer-

West LGA

Married This woman was forcefully taken and

abused after an attack on village.

6 29/12/2015 Ologbagishu,

Agatu LGA

Married This woman was abused on the farm.

7 12/07/2016 Olegadekele,

Agatu LGA

Widow Muslim Hausa-Fulani herdsmen abused

this woman sexually after inflicting her

with injuries and cuts. Source: interview with Agatu progressive Women Union, officials of Catholic Women Association (CWO), Catholic Diocese of Otukpo, Officials of Women wing of Methodist and Anglican Communion church in Adoka; officials of Catholic Women Association (CWO), Catholic Dioceses of Katsina-Ala and Makurdi.

Table 8:

Twenty-one examples of gender-based abuse (GBA) of Christian women through

physical torture in Benue State over the period January 2014 – September 2016

Date of GBA Place

Status of

the

victim

Description

1 30/04/2015 Aganyi, Gwer-

West LGA

Widow This woman was forcefully taken and

kept in the bush by the Hausa-Fulani

Muslim herdsmen for 3 days during

which she was flogged with 21 strokes of

the cane 3 times daily.

2 04/09/2015 Mbalom, Gwest

East LGA

Married This woman was tied to a tree in the

bush and abandoned there for 2 days

without food. She was eventually rescued

by local hunters.

3 18/02/2016 Alegoga, Agatu

LGA

Married Hausa-Fulani Muslim herdsmen kept this

woman in the bush without food and

beat her with a cane for days.

4 15/03/2015 Kudi, Makurdi

LGA

Married Hausa-Fulani Muslim herdsmen kept this

woman in the bush without food and

beat her with a cane for days.

5 26/08/2015 Tiza, Makurdi

LGA

Married Hausa-Fulani Muslim herdsmen kept this

woman in the bush without food and

beat her with a cane for days.

6 08/01/2016 Iorza, Logo LGA Married Hausa-Fulani Muslim herdsmen kept this

woman in the bush without food and

beat her with a cane for days.

35

7 21/12/1015 Wachin, Logo

LGA

Widow Hausa-Fulani Muslim herdsmen kept this

woman in the bush without food and

beat her with a cane for days.

8 16/05/2015 Genyi, Logo LGA Widow This woman was tied in the bush facing

downwards and left. She would have

spent days in that position if the

community’s local vigilante group had

not heard her cries in the night and come

to the rescue.

9 13/01/2016 Ibav, Logo LGA Married Hausa-Fulani Muslim herdsmen kept this

woman in the bush without food and

beat her with a cane for days.

10 23/09/2015 Uge, Guma LGA Married Hausa-Fulani Muslim herdsmen kept this

woman in the bush without food and

beat her with a cane for days.

11 28/02/2016 Iye, Guma LGA Married This woman was forced to carry the

herdsmen’s cache of arms and follow

them trekking in the bush for days.

12 12/03/2015 Sumaka, Guma

LGA

Married This woman was taken by force by

herdsmen who used their guns to hit her

on the head and other parts of her body.

She was not shot probably only because

the herdsmen had run out of

ammunition.

13 19/01/2016 Anbua, Guma

LGA

Married This woman was taken by force and kept

in the bush by the Hausa-Fulani Muslim

herdsmen for days during which she was

flogged.

14 05/01/2016 Ella, Agatu LGA Married This woman was forced to carry the

herdsmen’s cache of arms and follow

them trekking in the bush for days.

15 30/08/2015 Okoloko, Agatu

LGA

Married This woman was forced to carry the

herdsmen’s cache of arms and follow

them trekking in the bush for days.

16 22/ 07/2015 Effu, Agatu LGA Widow Hausa-Fulani Muslim herdsmen kept this

woman in the bush without food and

beat her with a cane for days.

17 17/11/2015 Enahem, Agatu

LGA

Married Hausa-Fulani Muslim herdsmen kept this

woman in the bush without food and

beat her with a cane for days.

18 19/ 10/2015 Enogaje, Agatu

LGA

Widow This woman was forced to carry the

herdsmen’s cache of arms and follow

them trekking in the bush for days.

19 11/04/2015 Engila, Agatu

LGA

Widow Hausa-Fulani Muslim herdsmen kept this

woman in the bush without food and

beat her with a cane for days.

20 23/12/2015 Ojntele, Agatu

LGA

Widow Hausa-Fulani Muslim herdsmen kept this

woman in the bush without food and

beat her with a cane for days.

36

21 08/11/2015 Ehungba, Agatu

LGA

Married This woman was forced to carry the

herdsmen’s cache of arms and follow

them trekking in the bush for days. Source: Interview with the local branch of Women Development Asociation in Anyiin town of Logo LGA called Kasev kum, officials of Catholic Women Association (CWO), Catholic Diocese of Katsina-Ala, Officials of Kasev Ugondo Development Association, officials of Women Fellowship Wing of Dunamis Church, University school gate Makurdi, officials of Women Fellowship Living Faith Church Adoka.

According to Craddle (writing in 2007), it is common practice during armed conflict to have girls

and boys recruited for sexual purposes ranging from forced marriage, child sex slaves, early

marriage and rape, especially of girls. Table 9 gives examples of what some children from

Christian families have suffered at the hands of Hausa-Fulani Muslim herdsmen.

Table 9:

Nine examples of gender-based abuse (GBA) of Christian children in Benue State over

the period January 2014 – September 2016

Date of GBA

Place Category Description

1 22/08/2015 Bino village,

Guma LGA

Rape A 13 year old girl was gang-raped

and abandoned in the bush for

hours before local vigilante group

came to her rescue. (There are no

indications whatsoever that the

victim has been rehabilitated from

the trauma of this experience. She

is still living with hurtful memories

of this experience.)

2 24/02/2016 Gum, Guma LGA Torture A 10 year old boy, simply identified

as Terna, is reported to have been

whipped severely with different

sizes of cane and was abandoned in

a shallow pit, where he was

discovered and rushed to a private

clinic in the North-Bank axis of

Makurdi, the Benue State capital.

3 29/03/2015 Vaase, Ukum

LGA

Abduction and

rape

A 14 year old girl was kidnapped

after an attack and was taken to

the Sev-Av axis of neighboring

Taraba State where she was raped

and abandoned. She was

discovered in the bush and

returned to her family.

4 09/05/2015 Mbakyaa, Tarka

LGA

Torture and rape A 14 year old girl, simply identified

as Kpadoo, is reported to have

been tortured and gang-raped

when she was returning from the

37

stream where she went to fetch

water.

5 02/02/2015 Dusa, Logo LGA Abduction and

torture

A 12 year old boy was abducted

during an attack on Dusa and was

taken to Uzer axis of Logo LGA

where he underwent different

categories of torture, ranging from

psychological to physical.

6 17/07/2015 Ukpe, Gwer-

West LGA

Torture A 13 year old boy was captured

and tortured. The herdsmen

captured him while returning from

Idum village which they had

attacked earlier.

7 30/04/2015 Agoo, Katsina-

Ala LGA

Rape An 11 year old girl was gang-raped

and sustained severe injuries.

Medical attention was required to

save her life.

8 01/03/2016 Obishu, Agatu

LGA

Rape A 13 year old girl, simply identified

as Ada, was raped and abandoned

in the bush. Her cries attracted

attention and led to her rescue.

(She is still traumatized.)

9 20/05/2015 Okadu, Agatu

LGA

Torture A 10 year old boy was tortured and

tied in the bush where he died. The

signs on his corpse showed clearly

that he had been whipped

repeatedly. Source: interview with Founder and Chief Executive Officer of NGO “Uma hemba” in Anune, Tarka LGA; officials of Hyarev Development association in Guma; Secretary of Nongov Progressive Union in Agasha; staff officer, Social welfare department of Ministry of Woen and Social Development, Benue State Government, Makurdi.

At the time of writing (October 2017), the Nigerian government is still battling to rescue the

remainder95 of the 276 female students abducted from the Government Secondary School in

Chibok by Boko Haram on 14 April 2014. The details recounted by girls who have escaped from

Boko Haram captivity are truly awful. Paragraph 135 of the Beijing Platform of Action of the

Fourth World Conference on Women in 1995 condemns sexual slavery, rape, sexual abuse and

forced pregnancy (Population Reference Bureau, 1996). However, political violence and armed

conflicts continue to take a great toll on women, boys and girls and governments are not doing

enough to halt this trend. Meanwhile, the danger is that the psychological effects can be

devastating and life-long unless addressed.

Trauma, emotional and psychological suffering of victims Women, young boys and girls who suffer sexual abuse during conflict are left completely

traumatized. Aside from the physical health problems – injury, chronic pain syndrome, HIV/AIDS,

95 According to World Watch Monitor reporting on 15 May 2017, 102 Chibok girls have been released from captivity

so far: https://www.worldwatchmonitor.org/2017/05/82-chibok-girls-freed/, last accessed 12 October 2017.

38

permanent disability and a range of other health issues, the psychological effects of sexual abuse

are considered more serious and dangerous than its physical effects. The experience is

demeaning and affects the self-esteem of the woman or girl and boys, putting them at greater

risk of developing mental problems like depression, post-traumatic stress disorder, phobia,

suicide, and alcohol and drug abuse. Further emotional and psychological effects will likely

include mistrust, shame, guilt, fear of sexual activities, revenge and withdrawal from society.

Additionally, an important effect of political violence and armed conflict is the generation of fear

which produces great tension, anxiety and insecurity which can easily be manipulated by the

political class to their advantage. This is suspected of being the case in Boko Haram extending

the scope of their attacks to southern and eastern Nigeria. This generates psychological stress

and trauma in the minds of citizens across the country.

39

Chapter Five: Government negligence and inaction

The inaction of the Nigerian government towards Hausa-Fulani Muslim violence has allowed the

culture of impunity to grow. In the absence of government security, some local communities

decide to defend themselves against Hausa-Fulani Muslim herdsmen attacks. Critics have

blamed the government for using double standards.96 The government arrests, imprisons and

prosecutes members of the indigenous people of Biafra. The government has deployed military

forces against the Niger Delta Avengers. Yet, the government has refused to arrest or prosecute

Hausa-Fulani Muslim herdsmen. Instead, there appears to be a policy-framework underway to

establish grazing fields for the herdsmen. The Minister of State for Agriculture and Rural

Development, Heineken Lokpobiri, reaffirmed the government’s plans to establish cattle

ranches as a lasting solution to prevent the frequent clashes between herdsmen and farmers in

Nigeria. He spoke during a one-day public hearing organised by the Senate Committees on

Agriculture, and National Security and Intelligence.97 However, this is seen by many as tacit

endorsement of the plans of the Hausa-Fulani Muslim herdsmen by authorities of the Nigerian

government. Appointments into key offices, particularly key security offices that should protect

the lives and property of all citizens, are dominated by Hausa-Fulani Muslims. This is even more

worrying for Christians who are already victims of attacks by Hausa-Fulani Muslim herdsmen.

The first military deployment to the area since the beginning of the current conflict in 2014 was

made up of soldiers, mostly Hausa-Fulani Muslims who would be easily compromised, and Ibo

who could not speak the language of the area.98 In particular, the government’s appointments,

especially in the security sector, were mostly made up of Muslims from northern Nigeria. It

worth obersing that President Mohammadu Buhari is seen by many in this part of the country

as one who has masterfully configured the entire architecture of national security in the hands

of the northern Hausa-Fulani Muslims. According to a senior advocate of Nigeria, 88% of the

federal appointments into very significant security and national administration posts have been

for northern Hausa-Fulani Muslims, with only one coming from the southwest, who is also a

Muslim99, but making up the remaining 12%. Appointed northern Hausa-Fulani Muslims include:

The Inspector General of Police

Chief of Army Staff

Minister for Defense

Minister for Internal Affairs

National Security Adviser (NSA)

Director General, Department of State Services (DSS)

Commandant General, Nigeria Security and Civil Defense Corp (NSCDC)

96 Interview with a member of MAFO, Benue State, 23 November, 2016. 97 Premium Times, 11 May 2016, Herdsmen/farmers clashes: Nigerian govt proposes ranches, herdsmen insist on

grazing routes: http://www.premiumtimesng.com/news/headlines/203225-hersdmenfarmers-clashes-nigeria- govt-proposes-ranches-herdsmen-insist-grazing-routes-html, last accessed 7 October 2016.

98 Authors’ interview with Fr. Solomon Mfa, member of Movement Against Fulani Occupation (MAFO), Daudu, Guma LGA, Benue State, on 19 August 2016.

99 Asemota S. (Senior Advocate of Nigeria), Buhari’s discriminatory appointments against Non-Muslims, Simon Ateba News, 10 August 2016: https://www.simonateba.com/2016/08/10/buharis-discriminatory-appointments-non-muslims-solomon-asemota-senior-advocate-nigeria, last accessed 10 October 2016.

40

Chief of Staff

Aide de Camp to President

Chief Security Officer to President

Principal Secretary

Private Secretary to President

Protocol to President

Director General Customs

Director General of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC)

Director General, Nigeria Prisons

Director General, Immigration

Chairman, Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC)

Minister for Petroleum

Minister for Federal Capital Territory (FCT)

A complete list can be found on the Online Nigeria website.100 Meanwhile, the aforementioned

are critical for ensuring the security of lives and property as well as ensuring social security in

the country.

Many ethnic nationalities are not happy with these lopsided appointments that seem to favor

the Hausa-Fulani Muslims. Due to this dissatisfaction, the Ibo and Christian human rights group

“Kingdom Human Rights Foundation” (KHRF), took President Muhammadu Buhari and the

National Assembly to the Federal High Court in Abuja in March 2016 alledging “lopsidedness” in

the appointments of military, police, customs, immigration, prison and civil defence chiefs in the

executive arm of the federal government. In suit No. FCH/ABJ/CS/737/2015, the group claimed

that the present composition and appointments intentionally excluded the Ibo of southeastern

Nigeria and therefore did not comply with the federal character of Nigeria laid out in the

Constitution.101

In Benue State, an indigenous group known as the “Movement Against Fulani Occupation”

(MAFO) emerged to raise awareness about the atrocities of the Hausa-Fulani Muslim herdsmen

against Christian communities (see Appendix 2). These efforts by MAFO led to the introduction

of an Anti-Open Grazing and Establishment of Ranches Bill by the Benue State administration

under Governor Samuel Ortom. The bill received accelerated passage in the State House of

Assembly and passed into law in May 2017. If implemented successfully, there are hopes that

this could be a viable way out of the current crisis and a model for other states, since the

traditional way of grazing is clearly no longer sustainable. Details of the bill are outlined below.

Part of the law indicates that any person who contravenes the act shall be guilty and upon

conviction be sentenced to 5 years imprisonment with a fine of 1 Million Naira. Where damage

is done to crops, the damage will be evaluated and the manager of the livestock will be

100 Online Nigeria, 11 August 2016: NCEF Lists Discriminatory Appointments Against Non-Muslims, SaysBuhari Has

Islamized Nigeria, http://news2.onlinenigeria.com/headline/504723-ncef-lists-discriminatory-appointments-against-non-muslims-says-buhari-has-islamized-nigeria.html#ixzz4MRUDnGF3, last accessed 9 October 2016.

101 This Day, 9 March 2016: Group Alleges Discrimination in Federal Appointments, Drags Buhari, Others to Court, http://www.thisdaylive.com/index.php/2016/03/09/group-alleges-discrimination-in-federal-appointments-drags-buhari-others-to-court/, last accessed 8 October 2016.

41

compelled to pay compensation to the farmer. Movement of livestock on foot within the state

is prohibited. Any person who contravenes this shall be sentenced to one year imprisonment or

fined 500,000 Naira. Furthermore, any livestock owner or manager who carries firearms shall be

treated under the Nigerian penal code as a criminal. Ranches shall be established and shall

engage the services of security agencies, and anyone who steals a cow shall be sentenced to 5

years imprisonment or an option of fine - 100,000 Naira per animal. Any livestock found

wandering loose shall be impounded by the department of livestock. If the owner is not found,

the livestock shall be auctioned to the public and the proceeds deposited into the state

consolidated revenue account. Finally, the state intends to establish a special taskforce

responsible for enforcing the Anti-Open Grazing Law.102

102 Vanguard News, Governor Ortom Blows Hot and Signs Anti-Open Grazing Bill Into Law:

https://www.vanguardngr.com/2017/05/benue-gov-ortom-blows-hot-signs-anti-grazing-bill law/+&cd=1&hl=en&ct=clnk&gl=sg, last accessed 5 October 2017.

42

Conclusion

This report has examined the violence against Christians in Benue State carried out by Hausa-

Fulani Muslim herdsmen. The report has provided a socio-political and cultural context of Benue

State. Sifting through existing literature, the report has appraised the various reasons

accounting for the violent conflict in Benue State. As adduced by some experts, the reasons

include the innate aggressive nature of the people and the socio-political contestation for

economic and political power. The issue of environmental degradation and climate change are

also mentioned by some scholars as causative factors behind the conflict, since the large-scale

movement of Hausa-Fulani herdsmen is seen as a consequence of the desertification of the Lake

Chad Basin.

While not totally dismissing these factors, data gathered in the course of this report strongly

suggests that the violent conflict in Benue State is religiously motivated and is indeed a planned

persecution of Christians by Hausa-Fulani Muslim herdsmen. This position is substantiated by

different sets of data collected, namely on the killing of Christians, on the destruction of their

properties, on the burning of churches, and on gender-based atrocities against Christian women

and children that has left so many traumatized. The data indicates that the government would

seem to be complicit in the conflict judging by its inability to stop the attacks or even bring the

perpetrators to justice. For this reason, local citizens formed the MAFO movement to create

awareness and call the international community’s attention to the ongoing atrocities in the

State.

The authors of this report are of the opinion that the data gathered gives clear indications of

ethnic cleansing based on religious affiliation. That this should be taken seriously can be seen in

the threats made public in October 2017. On 23 October 2017, the National President and

Secretary of the Fulani socio-cultural association “Miyetti Allah Kautal Hore” called a press

conference in Abuja103, insisting that the convergence of herdsmen in the Benue valley between

November and February every year is historical and inevitable. They claimed that the Anti-Open

Grazing Law signed by Benue State Governor in May 2017 (and due to be implemented in

November 2017)104 was therefore denying the herdsmen their legitimate rights as Nigerians. The

association called on President Muhammad Buhari to stop the law, otherwise the herdsmen

would have to defend their rights and their lifestyle. The uncertainty following this press

conference has raised security concerns among local communities in Benue State. The current

atmosphere suggests that the indications of ethnic cleansing based on religious affiliation are

likely to become increasingly evident through further attacks targeting Christian communities.

The violent-conflict perpetrated by Hausa-Fulani Muslim herdsmen in Benue State is unique.

Benue State is a Christian dominated state, and it serves as the buffer between the Muslim

majority North and the Christian majority South. The domination and control of grazing routes

103 See: Abbas J., Fulanis must converge on Benue from November - Miyetti Allah, Daily Trust, 23 October 2017,

https://www.dailytrust.com.ng/fulanis-must-converge-on-benue-from-november-miyetti-

allah.html+&cd=1&hl=en&ct=clnk&gl=sg 104 See: https://buzznigeria.com/benue-anti-grazing-law-cattle-ranches/, last accessed 31 October 2017.

43

of Benue State by the Hausa-Fulani Muslim herdsmen will give them easy access to other

communities in the South. Again, it will further cement the domination of the territories of

minority Christian groups in the North. Importantly, the desire of the Hausa-Fulani Muslim

herdsmen to dominate Christian territories is also made clear by the constant attacks in other

states in the South such as in Ekiti, Abia, Enugu, Rivers and Anambra.

As stated above, the Benue State government has passed an Anti-Open Grazing Bill which should

come into effect in November 2017. It is by no means clear whether these measures will prove

to be a viable way forward for peace and a model for other states, since the Islamic ideology and

principle of darul Islam behind the whole conflict remains in place. A second factor to remember

is that most herdsmen are unwilling to be restricted to one confined zone for grazing. Such

restriction goes against the Islamic agenda to conquer, dominate and rule over Christian

territories. It is therefore essential that Federal and State governments recognize the Islamic

agenda at the root of this conflict and design strategies to counter the violent extremist and

intolerant ideology upon which the conflict feeds. The governments should promote the

principle of unity of the Nigerian Republic and avoid promoting the supremacy of one religion

(i.e. Islam) over and above other religions. Again, the relevant institutions must promote the

rule of law. All incidents where Hausa-Fulani Muslim herdsmen have carried out atrocities

against indigenous Christian communities must be investigated and prosecutions made. The

culture of impunity must be brought to an end. If there are foreign links supporting Hausa-Fulani

Muslim herdsmen activities, these must be investigated and exposed for further action to be

taken. Members of Christian communities are Nigerian citizens, and therefore equal protection

must be given to them.

Finally, there is compelling need for dialogue and genuine reconciliation between the warring

parties, so that enduring peace can be achieved in Benue State. In the meantime further

research is required for adequately assessing whether victims of gender-based violence have

received any psychological rehabilitation.

44

APPENDICES

Note on the empirical data gathered for the years 2014 - 2016

Examining the violent conflict in Benue State, the ACSAN team collected data on attacks from 1

January 2014 – 31 December 2016. The first appendix displays this data.

Appendix 1 is comprised of 4 sets of data. The first set indicates the number of Christians killed

or injured in 2014-2016. The second set enumerates the number of churches destroyed or

attacked. The third set examines the properties of Christians destroyed, which includes houses,

farm lands, shops and other valuable items. The fourth set scrutinizes the IDPs camps were

Christians are kept, and mostly without government support. Evidence suggests that Christians

are indeed being particularly targeted for violence on the account of their faith. They are being

uprooted from their homes and neglected by the state government.

Appendix 2 gives a brief note on the emergence of the “Movement Against Fulani Occupation”

(MAFO).

45

APPENDIX 1: Data on killings, damage and IDPs

Data sets 1-3 provide the detailed information upon which Tables 2-4 in the main section of

the report above are based.

Data set 1: Christians killed or injured (2014 – 2016)

LGA Town/village No. of Christians

killed

No. of Christians

injured

Agatu Okokolo 98 8

Egba 120 7

Obagaji 47 6

Usha 53 19

Ogwule-Kaduna 69 13

Oshugbudu 18 9

Enugba 4 2

Ogwule-Ogbaulu 8 1

Odugbeho 11 2

Adagbo 55 221

Aila 110 78

Aku 9 192

Abugbe 150 203

Osholonya 15 95

Ikwoukpanchenyi 150 182

Ikpele 50 13

Gwer-East Mbalom 15 21

Gwer-West Gbaange/Tongov 170 -

Mbachohon 274 -

Merkyen 157 -

Saghev /Ukusu 94 -

Sengev 77 -

Nyamshi - 230

Tyoughatee/Injaha - 34

Makurdi Fiidi 485 231

Mbalagh 9 17

46

Guma Mbayer/Yandev 154 34

Mbawa 141 46

Mbadwem 208 154

Uvir 172 28

Kaambe 119 16

Mbabai 140 28

Nzorov 214 247

Nyiev 157 53

Saghev 121 -

Tarka Mbayagber 13 6

Mbaayo 11 2

Mbakyaa 25 5

Mbakwakem 3 3

Buruku Mbaapen 7 -

Mbaapen 4 -

Binev 14 -

Katsina-Ala Mbayongo 56 -

Yooyo 13 -

Utange 22 -

Logo Mbagber 86 345

Tômbo 46 279

Ukemberagya/

Tswarev 72 97

Ukum Lumbur 17 9

Gbeji 22 11

Afia 3 4

Kwande Yaav 72 6

Obi Itogo 12 -

Odiapa 5 -

Okwutungbe 17 -

TOTAL 4194 2957 Source: ACSAN fieldwork and data collected from Benue State Emergency Management Agency (BSEMA) and Young Professional Association in Makurdi.

47

Data set 2: Property destroyed/damaged: Houses, churches, mosques

(2014 –2016)

LGA Town/village

Thatch-

roofed

Houses

Zinc-

roofed

Houses

Churches Mosques

Agatu Obagaji 244 1276 3 -

Ogwule

Kaduna 58 215 - -

Usha 388 2901 - -

Ogwule Ogba

ulu 37 904 - -

Enugba 18 809 1 -

Okokolo 58 639 - -

Oshugbudu 17 99 - -

Guma Nyieve 4035 1237 - -

Mbadwem 3216 3900 - -

Mbabai 5250 2485 2 -

Mbawa 286 350 - -

Kaambe 141 11 1 1

Uvir 7166 4597 - -

Saghev 1456 174 2 -

Ndzorov 7754 2976 - -

Mbayer-

Yandev 11566 7118 - -

Gwer Mbalom 380 67 - -

Gwer-West Senghev 8640 6160 3 -

Merkyen 2334 1126 - -

Mbabai 4648 3047 1 -

Gbange-

Tongov 286 350 - -

Nyamshi 2161 460 - -

Tyoughatee 4764 3264 3 -

Mbachohol 97 79 - -

48

Katsina-Ala Yooyo 1723 369 - -

Mbayongo 3016 989 - -

Mbajir 3582 1720 1 -

Kwande Mbadura 142 30 - -

Mbaikyor 18 47 2 -

Yaav 515 241 - -

Moon 14522 5928 - -

Logo Tswarev 3933 1004 2 -

Tombo 12157 3287 1 -

Mbagber 6808 1618 1 -

Makurdi Modern

Market 6269 2383 - -

Mbalagh 7405 4533 - -

Bar 3132 756 3 -

Agan 157 48 4 -

TOTAL 128,379 67,197 30 1 Source: ACSAN fieldwork and information obtained from documents made available by Benue State Emergency management Agency, Benue state chapter of Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN), Benue State Chapter of Jamatul Nasril Islam in Makurdi.

Data set 3: The number of displaced Christians in LGAs (2014 – 2016)

Katsina – Ala LGA

Electoral

ward105 from

which

displaced

Town/village No. of

men

No. of

women

No. of

children

Yooyo Asuku 93 3

80 children

displacedfrom

the different

villages in

Yooyo ward

Abuja-

Utenge

92 10

Imbufu 27 2

Chikera 67 2

Tyungu 1 0

Yooyo 3 0

105 This is the smallest political unit in Nigeria. LGA is a composition of many Electoral wards.

49

Shiapkev 1 0

Mbayongo Vingir 187 30

92 children

displaced

from the

different

villages of

Mbayongo

ward

Gbise 213 104

Kwaghaondo 170 30

Hemen 71 9

Gawa 30 5

Akwaza 3 4

Tse-Akwaza 19 13

Mbaji106 Abako 406 34

51 children

displaced

from the

various

villages in

Mbajir ward

Tse-Adi 13 0

Chepe 7 0

Adiagba 1 0

Abajir 1 0

Agbindah 1 0

Awakua 1 0

Atsaakaa 2 0

Agbavir 1 0

Auna 1 0

Tse-Kpindi 2 0

Adeelu 11 0

Ashwe 7 0

Agoo 1 0

Achin 1 0

Kwande LGA

Electoral

ward from

which

displaced

Town/village No. of

men

No. of

women

No. of

children

Mbadura107 Nyagba 1 0 Nil

Inyagba 4 1

106 Mbajir is a subclan of the Tiv. The settlement pattern is that of cluster of villages that share same kindred; hence

the high causalty figures. It is not the usual village setting that is often made of a number of families only. 107 In some of the places, there was massive relocation of the local populace to places of relative safety before the

Hausa-Fulani Muslim herdsmen came attacking. In such places, the causalty figures are very low.

50

Mbaikyor Jime Wou 1 0 Nil

Yengen 1 0

Tyuluv 1 0

Ityuluv 1 0

Jato-Ako 5 0

Yaav Mbapev 1 0

35 children

displaced

from the

villages under

Yaav ward

Waya 48 18

Mbanev 1 1

Inundugh 5 1

Indugh 1 0

Mbaigbe,

Waya 1 0

Div Market 1 0

Div

Mbajinadaan 1 0

Div 49 12

Moon Deban 141 28

180 children

displaced

from villages

under Moon

Ward

Anyiase 871 345

Mberev 12 2

Mbakutem 33 6

Bebeshi 66 8

Dura 265 78

Ahijo 7 1

Nzaav 115 28

Liba 101 14

Maav 1 0

Tse Yande 1 1

Jato-Aka 1 0

Turan 1

Mbesev 26 5

Agee 3 0

Tse Adaa 1 0

Akende 1 0

Torhileikya 230 24

Jorov 2 0

Uive 21 2

Ikyoawen 189 30

Gulen 50 13

51

Tse Isholibo 4 0

Imande 1 0

Waya 0 1

Ugbe 15 1

Guguu 6 4

Liba Market 0 1

Mbelive 2 0

Imande

Deban

0 1

Tse Panya 1 0

Logo LGA

Electoral

ward from

which

displaced

Town/village No. of

men

No. of

women

No. of

children

Tswarev Tse Ukoom 45 5

98 children

displaced

from villages

under

Tswarev

ward

Tse-Mough 3 0

Tse-Tyo-Ager 1 0

Tyo-Ager 1 0

Mbashir North 11 0

Ukemberagya 239 37

Gusa 1 0

Tse-Taakegh 2 0

Iorza 349 21

Ngaji 1 0

Wachin 1 0

Chembe 66 6

Jortar 1 0

Tse-Alagh 0 1

Iordye 2 0

Tse Agan 3 0

Tse Uza 13 0

Tse Agir 1 0

Tse Achwande 13 2

Tse Aku 1 0

Chia tse Dakar 2 1

Ibav 1 0

52

Tse Kaya 1 0

Tse Sha Or 1 0

Mbamondo

Ukem 36 4

Tse Ityu 4 0

Tse Adomga 2 0

Tse Ashiuma 4 0

RCM Shausu 0 1

Shausu 2 0

Atin 2 0

Tse Atin 1 0

Akwa 7 0

Tse Aboka 1 0

Achwande 10 0

Tse Shie 1 0

Tse Ape 1 0

Tse Abo 3 0

Tombo Mbazer 11 0

180 children

displaced

from villages

under Tombo

Ward

Tse Kyoifi 3 0

Mbatigwe 1 0

Tse Gyaase 27 1

Tse Getim 27 3

Mbajinge 1 2

Mbajinge-

Tombo 1 0

Tse Tavaku 5 0

Tavaku 3 0

Ikyungwa 9 0

Amaga 2 0

NKST, Tombo 1 0

RCM Tombo 1 0

Tse Baki 12 1

Tse Baakwe 7 0

Tse Ikyughul 17 0

Tse Gbatim 1 0

Tse Ikyoifi 7 0

Tse Anojir 1 0

Tse Gwatse 22 0

Tse Aban 1 0

53

Mbanyer 13 0

RCM Genyi 6 0

Tse Atoga 15 0

Tse

Mbanyiman 3 0

Ayilamo 433 24

Tse Ikur 4 0

NKST Tyogbihi 1 0

Tse Amaga 2 0

Tse Adatso 7 0

Genyi 122 6

Mbazer-

Mbanyer 3 0

Tse Gbough 5 0

Mbaakpa 3 1

Tse Anugwu 2 0

Tseke 1 0

Tse Akav 2 0

Tse Tseke 1 0

Tse Gbong 1 0

Tse Joyumol 1 0

Abichi 1 0

Tse Goji 3 0

Tse Answe 2 0

Ikyungwa 12 0

Tsukwa 1 0

Tse Ikyoga 1 0

Tse Mengel 1 0

Tiza 1 0

Mbavihi 1 0

Tse Shishi 1 0

Tse

Awetsuamo 2 0

Tse Guragba 1 0

Tse Apefan 1 0

Mbaza

Mbajinge 1 0

Tse Tyogbihi 1 0

Tyogbihi 1 0

Anungwa 1 0

54

Tse Anungwa 2 0

Mbazar

Mbavihi 1 0

Tse Boodi 1 0

Adagbe 1 0

Tse Uhwa 1 0

Tse Akau

Akpor 2 0

Udejugu 1 0

Tsenyer 1 0

Mbaikpur 141 22

Tse Ibor 24 1

Tse Nugh 17 0

Anyibe 75 2

Tse Ukpurur 23 2

Mbajuku 6 1

Tse Ugwu 6 0

Nyam Basham 10 0

Tse Akoom 5 0

Tse Gbakera 8 0

Tse Akaausa 5 0

Tse Mbaga 7 0

Tse Mkumaga 5 0

Tse Dzungwe 13 2

Tse Gbeleve 14 1

Tse Samo 6 0

Tse Mtam 7 0

Tse Ende 9 0

Gbeleve 56 1

Ukaakegh 6 1

Zaki Ahua 9 1

Ukaaker 2 0

Tse Uhembe 1 0

Tse Agah 2 0

Tse Jigam 2 0

Jigam 13 0

Nugh 1 0

Agah 8 1

Akaausa 11 0

Ashwe 8 0

55

Nyajo 7 0

Tse Nyajo 6 0

Poovule 8 1

Azage 2 0

Azayi 2 0

Azaye 7 0

Tse Takoo Azege 454 29

30 children

displaced

from villages

under Tse

Takoo

Tse Takoo 1 0

Tse Meeme 6 0

Uzer 11 0

Mru 1 0

Tse Igyuse 1 0

Msontyo 1 0

Ageva 4 0

Agbega 4 0

Mku 12 0

Tse Akpam 1 0

Mbadayo 1 0

Tse Utume

Butu 5 0

Tatse/Mserkor 15 0

Mserkor 1 0

Aernan Ageva 2 0

Swaki 4 0

Ayilamo 4 0

Tse Begi 26 0

Tombo 1 0

Mbagber Mbawar 641 21

Tse Azin 45 4

Tse Ajin 9 2

Bojande 20 0

Tse Timve 10 0

Tse

Kwaghmande 1 0

Tse Ifi 8 0

Tse Ifi Ajir 1 0

Tse Baki 10 0

Tsushima 14 0

56

Tse Akenawe 1 0 100 children

displaced

from villages

under

Mbagber

Tse Tyo Samo 1 0

Tse Samo 2 0

Tse

Ndioranyiin

East

1 0

Apaa Village 1 0

Agule 1 0

Tse Andugh 1 0

Tse Dwem 1 0

Bar Tse

Mbanyi 9 2

Tse Mbanyi 2 0

Tse Nomigo 7 0

Tse Bojande 1 0

Bar Tse

Nomigo 7 0

Bar Tse Sugh 19 11

Bar Tse Pir 5 0

Bar Tse Pirdio 34 2

Mbagber 47 3

Makurdi LGA

Electoral ward

from which

displaced

Town/village

No.

of

men

No. of

women No. of children

Modern Market Agboughul 68 502

250 children

displaced from

villages around

Modern

Market ward

Makurdi 21 0

Adaka 78 8

Nyiti 41 3

Agbede 2 0

Mbaku 121 2

Tse Ameche 15 0

Tombu Mbaku 2 0

Tombu 4 0

Tse-Ahor Mbaku 1 0

Tse Aho Ikyurav

Mbaku 1 0

57

Tse Dajo 29 1

Lower Benue 5 0

Tse Awen 18 0

Tse Ukyiindigh 3 0

Tse Mkil 13 0

Tse Uben 1 0

Opp. St. Augustine 1 0

Tse Mkir 2 0

Tse Ahoh 13 0

Mbaku Mbadur 2 0

Tse Anbaa Mba 1 0

Tse Mkir Mbaku 2 0

Mbamondu 7 0

Ikyonu Usha 6 0

Tse Shuul 1 0

Uzer Tse Agbede 1 0

Tse Agbede 2 0

Tse Tsebe 5 0

Tse Zezo 2 0

Shaorga 3 0

Orkpe 10 0

Tse Ahura 1 0

Hotel Desoces 1 0

Tse Kpanya 1 0

Mbakyiir 2 0

Onov Mba-Azo 10 0

Mbakuku 1 0

Tse Kwaghtese 8 0

Tse Okpe 18 0

Orkpe Mbaku 1 0

Tse Anbaa Kur 1 0

Kondu Usha 1 0

Tse Ishughul 1 0

Tse Sugh 1 0

Tse Tema Mbaku 5 0

Tse Kpiakaegh 1 0

Wadata 2 0

Tse Adeze 2 0

Modern Market 4 0

Tse Tyokula 2 0

58

Tse Adaka 4 0

Tse Nyiatu 1 0

Mbanyom Ning 1 0

Mbataough 1 0

Ningev 1 0

Gbamwuan Aso 2 0

Tse Ugah Chaver 5 0

Tse Ugah 9 5

Ugah Chaver 9 4

Tse Zayol 3 0

Adu Village 7 0

Ugah 1 0

Nanchir 4 1

Tse Ishol 1 0

Tse Usu 1 0

Ndor 13 0

Tse Anjua 6 0

Tse-Adinya 14 0

Tse Takpev 1 0

Tse Ageva 1 0

Zongo Akiki 2 0

Agbor 2 1

Kudi 1 0

Tse Uve 3 0

Tse Ata 2 0

Tse-Gbegi 11 1

Mbaorka 3 0

Tse-Apagher 15 1

Mbalagh 1 0

Ikyaior Mbalagh 2 0

Ikyaior 3 0

Tse Gyuse 4 0

Tse Adi 18 0

Tse Tyohemba 15 1

Uchen 9 0

Tyohemba 7 0

Tse Atsumbav 13 1

Tse Peke 2 0

Tse Ior 5 0

59

Mbalagh Shina 3 0

120 children

displaced from

villages and

towns under

Mbalagh

Tse Aonya 3 0

Tse Umanyi 0 1

Tse Adinya 34 3

Tse Igbakende 1 0

Ujuku Tse Ageve 1 0

Akete 1 0

Agula Mndo 2 0

Ikyaior 4 0

Tse Ndor 2 1

KM 10 Yogbo Rd 24 0

Ayoungo Yogbo Rd 6 0

Tse Abongu 5 0

Tse Gbegi 4 0

Tse Udghkyula 1 0

Tse Akina 4 0

Tse Chongu 12 0

Zongo Akiki 23 0

Tse Apahegh 1 0

Tse Gwabo 16 0

Tse Biam 1 0

Tse Ujiji 10 0

Kor Dorough 1 0

Tse Apurugh 1 0

Tse Yegh 6 0

Tse Aluka 2 0

Mbategh 2 0

Tse Ukpe 7 0

Tse Hwel Vai Tatyo 6 0

Tse Hwel 7 0

Mbalagh 4 0

Along NASME Rd 2 0

Taki 25 0

Tse Abongu 4 0

Tse Taki 4 0

Tse Unongu 7 0

Gwabo 2 0

Mbategher 1 0

Mbatoho 37 1

Yemeatse 5 0

60

Tse Ikyaaza Anor 4 0

Alah 1 0

Tse Igboughul 10 0

Nyijir 1 0

Mbakuhe 12 0

Makondu 3 0

Tse Agbeshi 27 5

Tse Ivah 3 0

Tse Agbehe 4 0

Iceabeghe 2 0

Gbem 1 0

Tse Gbem 1 0

Ala Mcha 1 0

Targule 1 0

Anter 37 0

Anter Extension 13 0

Tse Shawon 2 0

Tse Akenado 2 0

Udoh 1 0

Uker Akpum 1 0

Anter Galu 4 0

Anter Azaor 1 0

Anter Avindigh 2 0

Anter Tesnyam 1 0

Anter Gbakyaa 1 0

Anter Iorkyohol 1 0

Anter Ugber 1 0

Tse Iva Abeghe 1 0

Tse Akwa 15 0

Tse Ibume 21 1

Tse Iva 10 0

Tse Vaa 1 0

Ashina Bassa 12 0

Tsav 3 0

Tse Tsav Ayagwa 9 0

Tse Tsav 2 0

Onmbagbaka 3 0

Tse Jime 5 0

Mbabaigh 2 0

Mbateghel 13 2

61

Tse Anula 8 0

Tatyough 27 1

After Zongu 2 0

Tse Awen 1 0

Tse Agabi Mbabai 1 2

Mbabai 4 0

Mbagwen 26 0

Tse Akornyon 3 2

Tse Agabi 1 0

Tse Ajo 2 0

Tse Shima 4 0

Tse Jime Aloo 10 0

Tse Jime Tsav 6 0

Tse Iwen 3 0

Tse Shima Kya 3 0

Mbaghuen 1 0

Tse Juga 3 0

Tse Nyike 2 0

Tse Wengh 1 0

Tse Iwen Abaa 2 0

Tse Jovhyo 17 1

Kpeifi 1 0

Tse Agbo Mndo 5 0

Tse Ambe 13 0

Tse Kyer 1 0

Tse Kyer Anter 3 0

Tse Kumun 2 0

Tatyough Rd

Mbapen 4 0

Ajahar 8 0

Tse Aondoana Biam 1 0

Anter Gbem 2 0

Makondu 6 0

Mbaapen 24 0

Barhare 1 0

Anter Rd Mbaapen 1 0

Tse Alima 1 0

Tse Gbabo 1 0

Tse Iorungwa 1 0

Tse Agabe 1 0

62

Tse Igbaadam Via 3 0

Tse Abaaga 1 0

Tse Azu 10 0

Tse Mandaki 12 0

Sabongida Mbabai 4 0

Quarter 1 0

Tse Tingir Saagyo 7 0

Tse Aboh 3 0

Tse Mndo Anter 6 0

Tse Tingir 13 1

Tse Bako 1 0

Tse Nelem 1 0

Tse Nelem Audu 1 0

Tse Nyam 1 0

Tse Kyer 1 0

Tse Ushir 1 0

Tse Iortyer 3 0

Iortim 11 0

Tse Akanabo 1 0

Andema 6 0

Tse Andema 9 0

Tse Chia 1 0

Anter Tse Abo 3 0

Tse Aondo Anter 1 0

Chile Mbatoho 1 1

Tse Allah 3 0

Allah 6 0

Tse Awen 14 3

Tse Nyam 4 0

Chongu 9 0

Azongu 1 0

2 Mile Railway 1 0

Tse Joy 1 0

Tse Ayeli 16 0

Tse Humba 22 5

Tse Hongu 8 0

Tse Agav 12 0

Mbagwen Tse Agav 9 0

Tse Sherev 6 0

Chile 1 0

63

Tse Ugbela 1 0

Tse Apagher 3 0

Tse Anigen 1 0

Tse Adakor 3 0

Tse Anigir 1 0

Nyon 4 0

Orjir 6 0

Kudi 1 0

Tse Akaa 4 1

Two Mile 3 0

Ugukugh 0 1

Tse Udughkula 1 0

Along Yogbo Rd 1 0

Gbyidor 2 0

Mbaude 1 0

Tse Gbegi 6 0

Makurdi 3 0

Mbadeghi 7 0

Ikyaan 4 0

Aza Kyand-Via Zon 1 0

After Adeke Station 1 0

Adem 3 0

Adaka 1 0

Tse Kwaghbo 1 0

Anjov 1 0

Tse Anshimbe 1 0

Mbagbange Utur 1 0

Fiidi/Ikyurav 1 0

Tse Medugu 2 0

Aza 2 0

Anter-Mbalagh 1 0

Akaa House 1 0

Tse Igbaadam 2 0

Bar Adeke 6 1 25 children

displaced from

villages and

towns under

Bar/Mbadwem

ward

Tse Mtum 12 2

Tse Kwarghbo 44 0

Yagba Village 10 0

Adoki Village 4 0

Kaman House 2 0

64

Shingule Village 5 0

Kule Village 1 0

Agbuu village 11 0

Aoosu Village 15 0

Adem Village 86 0

Utur 3 0

Anshimbe Village 49 2

Apir Ugo Village 2 1

Adeke Railway 1 0

Makurdi 19 5

Mobal 9 0

Behind Adeke 1 0

Tse Chivir 8 0

Chivir Village 2 0

Tse Kwaghtamen 9 0

Mobile Barracks,

Makurdi 10 0

Utur Adem

Community 23 1

Adaka 8 0

Anjov Village 2 0

Konjiha 5 0

Uchen 44 0

Tyohemba Village 1 0

Naka Road 6 0

Angur Village 14 0

Mbatoona 5 0

Gyuse Village 1 0

Igbum Village 9 0

Pever Village 14 0

Nyiti 18 0

Tse-Igbum Adaka 3 0

Tse Anshimber 1 0

Tse Igbum 1 0

Mbazemba 14 0

Tse Kwaghbo 3 0

Tse Igboji 1 0

LGEA Orowa 9 0

Mbayongo 4 0

Behind UAM 10 0

65

Tse Amase 1 0

Makurdi North 1 0

Tse Injo 6 0

Agan LGEA Orowa 9 0 Nil

Behind UAM 10 0

Mbayongo 4 0

Tse Amase 1 0

Makurdi North 1 0

Tse Injo 6 0

Agatu LGA

Electoral ward from

which displaced Town/village

No.

of

men

No. of

women

No. of

children

Obagaji Inoli Agatu 26 1

75 children

displaced

from Obagaji

ward

Olegoteikwu 7 0

Olegoteikwu-

Gishu

13 0

Olegadekele 4 0

Olegoga 26 8

Obaji 47 3

Olegoja 5 0

Ogbagaju 1 0

River Line 8 4

Obishu 32 2

Ohelefu Gicho 13 7

Alokpa 46 5

Olegochohepo 4 2

Ordancheny 1 0

Ekaida 20 5

Olegechechofu 3 2

Oladekele 26 14

Ologbagishu 43 4

Ekwo 21 3

Okadu 6 1

Ogwule Kaduna Okadu 6 1 15 children

displaced Ekwo 22 4

66

Okpanchenyi 57 9 from Ogwule

Kaduna ward

Usha108 Olegodege 48 10 65 children

displaced in

Usha Ward

Usha Ward 22 7

Iyeluwa Oweto 8 0

Owetor 32 0

River Land Area 1 0

Iyeluwa 1 0

Obagaji 19 1

Olegambo 6 5

Ebete 37 2

Iga Gisau 8 0

Ogwumogbo 47 2

Oleje 38 1

Ikpele 82 19

Okpokpolo 23 1

Warri Agatu 11 2

Ogbai 18 6

Ejima Geche 56 1

Gegah 1 0

Ejima Gegah 2 0

Ogam 15 1

Ogam Agatu 6 0

Usha 16 1

Usha Ogwufa 1 0

Usha Agatu 9 0

Agatu 4 0

Otugolugwu 5 5

From unknown

location

21 20

Ogwule Ogbaulu Okpagabi 61 7 20 children

displaced

from Ogwule

Ogbaulu

Eguuma 56 12

Olegadapa 13 5

Ogwule

Ogbaulu

14 0

108 There were unconfirmed rumours of the forthcoming attack and so women and children were relocated away

from the community. Only a few stayed behind, which accounts for the lower number of casualties on their part than men, who stayed with the hope of defending the community.

67

Effu 11 0

Ehungba Engila 29 6 50 children

displaced

from Enugba

Ehungba 75 3

Ogbangede 33 20

Aso Rock 1 0

Echogolugwu 63 11

Ello 23 5

Okpagabi 0 1

Ojantele 0 1

Olegomakwu 29 2

Okokolo 72 22

Nahaim 6 0

Enahem 1 0

Ocholonya 50 1

Enogaje 57 25

Okokolo Olegomakwu 28 2 10 children

displaced

from Okokolo

ward

Okokolo 61 18

Nahaim 6 0

Enahem 1 0

Ocholonya 50 1

Oshugbudu Enogaje 57 20 5 children

displaced

from

Oshugbudu

ward

Olegidaka 10 0

Guma LGA

Electoral ward

from which

displaced

Town/village No. of

men

No. of

women

No. of

children

Nyiev Tse Tsule

Yelewata

2 0

85

children

Yelewata 207 15

Tse Sabo 7 1

Mbamar 17 0

68

Udei 71 1 displaced

from

Nyiev

ward

Tse Adaa 14 1

Tse Ivaan 5 0

Mbazeen 1 0

Udei North 1 0

Tse Umburga 5 0

Tsenongu 1 0

Tse Orashi 11 0

Tse 1 0

Tse Sule 5 0

Tse Dodorko 1 0

Tse Ugber 2 0

Tse Ikyon 1 0

Tse Igbakombu 1 0

Tse Ate Sugh 2 0

Orogbo 64 4

Tse Zayol Nor 5 0

Umburga 1 0

Tse Kyoon 4 1

Dudu Aseta

village

7 0

Dudu Village 2 0

Tse Gbera 2 0

Tse Iortyer 38 0

Ngban 3 0

Tse Hwar 4 1

Tse Pevkyaa 6 2

Abul Yelwata 37 2

Nyamor Yeltwata 15 0

Tse Dooga 2 0

Tse Ankping 2 0

Ankpin 3 0

Uchwe Yelwata

Uchwen 3 0

Tse Dakali 11 0

Tse Pem 15 0

Mbagune 7 1

Tse Ingbe 4 2

Tse Nule 21 4

Tse Dyegh 1 0

69

Tse Chwenke 13 0

Tse Zayol 23 0

Tse Orya 2 0

Tse Orshon 1 0

Tse Zegeshu 1 0

Tse Agur 3 0

Koraga 5 0

Mbaahenade 1 0

Tse Ame 1 0

Tse Peke 2 0

Tse Abaaga 2 0

Tse Atoko 1 0

Tse Akav 1 0

Tse Tarmena 1 0

Tse Agbadu 3 0

Tse Averga 2 0

Tse Agough 6 0

Tse Nyondu 3 0

Tse Anger 1 0

Tse Jonyi 3 0

Tse Anyam 19 1

Tse Magum 4 3

Anjev 1 0

Tse Lafia 7 0

Ishosu 4 0

Vambe Dogo 3 0

Magum 1 0

Mbanoughul 1 0

Tse Ihyo 1 0

Tse Sugh 1 0

Mbadwem Umenger 669 11

Tse Tyodun 16 0

Mbadwem 1 0

Torkpande 47 0

Tse Dagi 2 0

Tse Nyitse 11 6

Tse Kese 39 6

Asangabar 32 0

Anbua 14 0

70

Sumaka 12 0 205

children

displaced

from

Mbadwem

ward

Tarkende 4 0

Verior 1 0

Iye 1 0

Toishor Okoh

Village

6 0

Tse Oko 3 0

Brach Umenger 91 8

Amua 12 0

Bua 51 4

Tse Lor 10 0

Tse Tsekaa 1 0

Tsegbev 33 0

Tse Akumba 2 0

Tse Anhaa 22 0

Amuwua 6 0

Faasema 7 0

LGEA Tse

Dambee

74 8

Tse Iorhemen 27 0

Tarhemba 27 0

Uge 17 0

Iornyaa 1 1

Torkula 457 53

Kyase 18 1

Ingbiankyol 16 0

Beranyarbe 2 0

Tse Achikiri 1 0

Ngbiankyor 1 0

Achamser 6 1

Akuma 3 0

Asaatse 4 0

Chen Village 9 0

Gbihi 15 1

Tarlumun 10 0

Tse Zaan Zaan 1 0

Hungwa 5 0

Abughul 1 0

Tse Girgir 27 3

Tse Hila 32 1

71

Tse Ugo 14 0

Tse Angula 34 1

Angyom 16 2

Tsavbee

Compound

6 0

Tse Chiev 31 3

Ngunongu 4 0

Tse Shuul 1 0

Tse Akenyi 1 0

Tse Ingbiankyor 4 0

Zan Zan 6 0

Tse Kershio 3 0

Tse Hungwa 0 1

Tse Tyozua 12 0

Mbabai Tse Wula 63 13 185

children

displaced

from

Mbadwem

ward

Atongu 18 4

Uikpam 142 15

Jogo 1 0

Beeuke 3 0

Orayev 4 0

Tse Shirsha 22 3

Kaavine 2 0

Tse-Agbe Baki 4 1

Tse Tyodugh 8 0

Tse Aguh 2 1

Haaga 152 2

Gawon 6 0

LGEA Ate 82 0

Gwabo 2 0

Tse Agbor 7 0

Bino 19 2

Tse Wua 41 0

Tse Asase 4 0

Adi Village 1 0

Jande Village 14 1

Dongur 18 3

Tse Ate 1 0

Tse Dauau Kugya 56 0

Kamo 1 0

72

LGEA Atongo 1 0

Kanshio Village 29 5

Baar 1 0

Atongo Village 56 0

Ankpev Village 1 0

Waghgba Village 1 0

Tse Umande 59 0

Orkpen Village 127 4

Humbe Village 25 0

Pilla Village 2 0

Mbawa Yelwata 80 5 7 children

displaced

from

Mbawa

ward

Tse Gbaor 6 0

Tse Orngu 4 0

Tse Ahile 2 0

Kaambe Bank of River

Katsina

5 0 3 children

are

displaced

from

Kaambe

ward

Gberkon 1 0

Alige Mbagbaav 3 1

River Bank 1 0

Angorough 7 0

Alige 15 0

Angorough

Mbabu

7 0

Tsekpagher 11 0

Uvir Tse Abughur 127 1 193

children

displaced

from Uvir

ward

Asom 83 2

Tse Vembe 3 0

Tse Ashiakaa 38 4

Nyikwagh 2 0

Atsen 2 0

Tse Lough 3 0

Nevkaa 31 3

Igbe Village 9 2

Ukyongu 1 0

Tse Dugeri 9 0

Tse Bam 4 0

73

Tse Chia 1 0

Tse Igbe Atule 6 0

Waku Village 33 3

Aba Village 1 0

Aba House 1 0

Bam 12 0

Tse Wedikpa 21 0

Kondom 1 0

Tse Ado 100 5

Tse Aondo 2 0

Ukaa 22 0

Ungwa 8 0

Tse Atume 2 0

Tse Tunguguma 1 0

Ukule Compound 1 0

Aondoakaa 5 0

Ayayo Village 4 0

Tse Kookpa 4 0

Torkula 1 0

Tse 1 0

Ukaa Village 78 4

Kuje Village 2 0

Adinya Village 1 0

Uleve 1 0

Tse Uhor 1 0

Kaseyo 1 0

Tse Gum 1 0

Uvir Village 9 0

Uleva MKT 6 0

RCM Church

Iorshase

12 1

Uleva 28 7

Tse Tyoshior 1 0

Uleva Village 21 2

Tse Kwende 3 0

Pakema 48 3

Tse Koko 2 0

Tse Kwaghtser 2 0

Shitenger 30 13

Kaseyo 616 75

74

Yele 1 0

Yogbo 1 0

Akeja 1 0

Tse Wusum 5 0

Tse Kaliv 2 0

Usange 4 0

Mbadev 10 2

Tse Akenyi 40 6

Tse Nege 2 0

Tumbo 3 0

Abera 9 0

Tatyough Village 6 0

Ikponko 6 0

Uhuwe 3 0

Adagu 9 0

Tse Adi 2 0

Abagur Village 4 0

Tse Gwabo 1 0

Tse Nyam 1 1

Tse Zuur 18 2

Tse Ato 23 0

Ma-adenger 5 0

Tse Orvihi 42 0

Abagi 5 0

Iorshase Village 8 1

Tse Gum 13 2

Tse Kuje 2 0

Tse Uhor 2 0

Uluva 3 0

Idevah Market 2 0

Bogbande 2 0

Uyande 1 0

Usenda 359 17

Ortsa Village 33 0

Zungwe

Compound

32 0

Ayaga Compound 9 0

Terhemba

Compound

13 0

Uker 17 2

75

Gogo 7 0

Iortim 1 0

Aunde 5 0

Orkar 42 5

Kwaghsaa 3 0

Nyinongu 3 0

Iortyer Jigber 3 0

Tyohuna 4 0

Saghev Tse Yese 3 0 93

children

displaced

from

Saghev

ward

Tse Nyajo 13 0

Tse Akuji 7 1

Tse Kwaghnan 8 2

Tse Asanyi 3 0

Tse Kuji 4 0

Tse Ankyegh 5 0

Tse Teger 1 0

Usoughul 12 2

Tse Yiutsa 1 0

Tse Apebeen 2 0

Tse Dagbera 6 0

Tse Uzua 2 0

Amei 1 0

Tse Usoghul 9 2

Tse Igbua 1 0

Nyajo 13 0

Nongu 7 0

Tomatar 63 5

Tse Chahur 2 0

Tse Nongo 6 0

Tse Tamen 1 0

Tse Yagba 5 0

Zaki Aberem 1 0

Tse Nyam 2 0

Tse Atinge 1 0

Tse Awargh 1 0

Tse Choron 4 0

Tse Ucho Ugbe 10 0

Mbaor 1 0

Tse Agabi 3 0

76

Tse Akaamaa 8 1

Chahul 1 0

Tse Gbianger 2 0

Tse Uchichi 1 0

Tse Nyondu 2 0

Tse Aku 1 0

Tse Ikyuna 3 1

Tse Ayaav 1 0

Ukondu 1 2

Agenke 4 0

Tse Uchir 2 0

Tse Ankyer 1 0

Tse Chahul 2 0

Tse Awarga 1 0

Tse Ucho 2 0

Kwaghve 1 0

Tse Shiov Twar 1 1

Tse Tawar

Tomatar

1 0

Tse Gbanger 4 0

Tse Igbua Loko 1 0

Tse Nyiutsa Aan 1 0

Tse Ayughtse 1 0

Tse Mkovur 1 0

Tse Azer Dagbera 1 0

Tse Igbanger 2 0

Tseghem 59 8

Ndzorov Ako 3 0 75

children

displaced

from

Ndzorov

ward

Gbajimba 111 8

Tse Iyorhon 7 1

Tse Shishi 3 0

Mbadam

Mbaasar

16 0

Tom Atar

Tyokuna

2 0

Tyokuna 1 0

Tse Kondom 6 0

Tse Iwaya 4 0

Mbaasar 2 0

77

Tse Ashwa 1 0

Ormea 3 0

Tse Oriyeah 1 0

Iorkyaa 1 0

Tse Tyoveda 1 0

Tse Tyokuna 2 0

Tomatar 6 0

Ormegha 15 0

Mbaasar

Gbajimba

1 0

Ako Tse Ingyuran 1 0

Tse Ormeah 2 0

Angbaaye 2 0

Tse Shirsha 3 1

Mbabegha 17 0

Kwenev 11 0

Asede Gbajimba 3 0

Shamior 16 0

Iordye Junction 4 0

Tse Nzorov 1 0

Ndzorov 2 1

Mbamsor 1 0

Tom Anyiin 106 1

Imbesev 1 0

Tom Atar

Mbagen

1 0

Akaahena 2 0

Ahentse 15 0

Udugh 1 0

Anpo 1 0

Tse Udugh 3 0

Tse Gwa 6 0

Tse Bako 6 0

Tse Ahentse 1 0

Tse Tor 4 0

Agaku 1 0

Duwa 1 0

Tse Ukumbur 1 0

Tse Anshu 1 0

Iorndiir 1 0

78

Tse Anwo 6 0

Akor 10 0

Tse Iorhon 19 1

Tse Torkyaa 6 0

Mbagen 12 0

Kwaghngu 9 0

Tse Akaahena 29 0

Igbe Ashimbe 1 0

Tse Orduer 1 0

Dominic Agemu 0 1

Mu-Utim Abuku 1 0

Mun-Akeran Uhie 1 0

Akeran Uhie-Mu 1 0

Tse Ukumbur 1 0

Tse Tot Mbagera 1 0

Mbabese 4 0

Usenda 1 0

Apera 51 1

Tse Isherev 2 0

Tse Apera 2 0

Mbabegha

Mbaku

30 0

Nzorov 8 2

Kaakule 1 0

Tse Vembe 4 0

Tse Atu 12 0

Mbabese

Mbadem

1 0

Mbabese

Mbabegha

4 0

Ake Mbabegha 1 0

Tse Gyuse 9 0

Tse Yaagwan 3 0

Agbaka 2 0

Ako 6 0

Ako Mbabegha 5 0

Tse Tsav 1 0

Iordye 1 0

Tse Gberja 1 0

79

Mbabegha

Mbawa

19 0

Guma 1 0

Vembe 1 0

Mbakurem 1 0 Source: The entire information contained on Data Set 3 is obtained from Benue State Chapter of Chistian Association of Nigeria (CAN), Benue State Emergency Management Agency (BSEMA), Mens fellowship of NKST Church, Redeemed Christian Church of God (RCCG), Minda Progressive Union and Justice, Development and Peace Commmison (JDPC) of the Catholic Dioceses of Oturkpo, Makurdi and Katsina-Ala.

Data set 4: Camps for Christian IDPs in Benue State (2014 –2016)109

LGA Date Place Name of Camp No. of

Christians

No. of

Muslims

Gwer-

West

Feb. 2014 –

March 2015

Naka LGEA Primary

School Camp 10, 329 0

May 2014-

December 2014

Ukusu NKST

Saghev/Ukusu 12, 000 0

Guma May 2014 –

December 2015

Yandev Mbayer/Yandev

Community hall 28, 608 0

Tarka May 2014 –

December 2015

Wannune Central Primary

School 11, 030 0

Ukum May 2014 –

December 2015

Zaki-Biam NKST Primary

School 4, 091 0

May 2014 –

December 2015

Jootar NKST Jootar 3, 785 0

May 2014 –

December 2015

Kyado RCM Primary

School 5,332 0

May 2014 –

December 2015

Afia Afia Community

Hall 12,057 0

Logo January 2016 –

January 2017

Ugba LGEA Primary

School Ugba 5,227 0

January 2016 –

January 2017

NKST Church

Ugba 3,639 0

January 2016 –

January 2017

Tyoban NKST Primary

School, Tyoban 3,059 0

January 2016 –

January 2017

Mchia NKST Primary

School Mchia 2,873 0

109 The camps listed in Data set 4 were opened simultaneously in January 2016, following renewed attacks on

Christian communities in Logo LGA. The numbers listed are for the dates indicated. Most are still housing Christian IDPs in October 2017.

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January 2016 –

January 2017

Iorshager NKST Church,

Iorshager 2,082 0

January 2016 –

January 2017

Vaase LGEA Primary

School, Vaase 3,658 0

January 2016 –

January 2017

Mbagher Mbagher Camp 72,019 0

January 2016 –

January 2017

Tombo Tombo Camp 84,271 0

Source: ACSAN fieldwork and documents obtained from Justice and Peace commission of the Catholic Dioceses of

Makurdi and Katsina-Ala; Benue State Teaching Service Board, State Ministry of Education and NGO called Benue

Vanguard, located in Makurdi.

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APPENDIX 2: Emergence of the “Movement Against Fulani

Occupation” (MAFO)

The birth of MAFO was orchestrated by the necessity to do more than just weep with the victims

of the conflict but to take pro-active steps toward quelling the incessant killings perpetrated in

the savannah, with Benue as a focal point. The activities of Fulani herdsmen in Benue go back a

long way in history. However, the recent indiscriminate and incessant killings began to increase

around the year 2012 as attacks became increasingly co-ordinated and included the use of

sophisticated weapons. At this time, notable names like William Ukor, Chief Abomtse, Edward

Dooga, Dr. Sam Abah, Bishop Nathan Inyom and others began to write extensively seeking to

create an adequate response to the invasion.

Up until 2014 when Guma LGA was overrun by herdsmen and several lives and properties were

destroyed, many people had not realized that the issue had reached alarming and almost

uncontrollable proportions requiring urgent attention. The state goverment under Rt. Hon

Gabriel Suswam responded after the communities of Uikpam, Torkula, and other villages came

under intense attack. Villages along the main route to Gbajimba (a distance of well over 15km),

the headquarters of Guma LGA, were razed to the ground. When the governor was on an

assessment tour with the State Commissioner of Police and other security heads, they came

under gunfire attack from the herdsman. This incident gave the struggle prominence and

awareness grew of the serious security challenges confronting these communities. The state

government’s response to the crisis was to organize local vigilante groups to resist further

attacks by the Hausa-Fulani Muslim herdsmen.

More attacks were recorded at the close of 2014, a period preceding the 2015 general elections.

According to available records, more than 100,000 people were registered at the various IDP

camps across the state.110 According to news sources, over 1,000 lives were lost and properties

worth hundreds of millions were destroyed across the state (before the end of 2014).111

With a newly elected government in 2015 it seemed that all hope was lost. While the activities

of the herdsmen continued in the Benue communities (and increasingly spread beyond), the

quiet stance of the Federal Government of Nigeria raised suspicions that the government had

taken the side of the Hausa-Fulani Muslim herdsmen.

This development gave rise to a first meeting in March 2016 that lead to the founding of MAFO

to address herdsmen challenge. This meeting was referred to as "A strategic session of the pan

Tiv Idoma movement against Fulani occupation" and was held on 12 of March 2016 in Makurdi.

At the meeting, which was attended by over 200 people, the name “Movement Against Fulani

Occupation” (MAFO) was adopted. A leadership structure was also adopted and plans made for

a first protest to be held at the Benue State Government House (Benue Peoples House) and the

State House of Assembly. The aim was the government’s immediate intervention to protect the

lives and properties of the Benue people. MAFO received particular national attention when it

110 Comprehensive Register of Internally Displaced Persons compiled by the department of social welfare, Ministry

of Women and Social Development, Benue State government. 111 The Trumph Newspaper, 17 January 2015.

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took the Federal government of Nigeria to the ECOWAS court, demanding compensation for the

losses suffered at the hands of Hausa-Fulani Muslim herdsmen. Today, the movement has

spread over 15 LGAs within Benue State and has a membership base of over 5,000 with over

15,000 sympathizers.