A NEW D AWNTOWARDS

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Abhijnan Sarkar

A NEW D AWNTOWARDS

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After the Loksabha election, with a swaying win, UPA Government is back in action with all their surreptitious agendas, the agenda to subvert people's demands, the agenda to barter away the sovereignty of India to American Imperialism. The Lalgarh Movement has faced the reprisal of this 'democratically elected' government with dreadful consequences. This movement brought immense trouble for both UPA and the so-called Left Front Government by its inevitable defiance and resistance against the oppressive system and has exposed fraudulent mainstream politics. The people of Lalgarh stood up against state terror and brutality. They affirmed tribal rights to water, land and forest in the entire area. They also claimed community based rights to all forest produce which had been denied to them by the Colonial Forest Act of 1870. Their assertion of self-rule has clearly been anti-Imperialist in character. And all their actions were beyond the swathe of compromise, as they had rejected the politics of electoral parties. The heresy of Lalgarh marvelled the democratic sphere, and their stubbornness compelled CPI (M) and UPA (mainly Congress) to launch the Joint Operation, the “Common Minimum Program” as a post-election reunion of the two. Joint operation had started in Lalgarh for the 'great cause' to restore 'law and order', to demolish 'Maoists', akin to, and much more than, the assault on Nandigram in November, 2007. The ordeal of Lalgarh has been running undiminished, in retaliation to their heroic struggle for dignity and justice, yet it has been unable to break the spirit and determination of the people.

In the meantime, we also experienced the blatant knelt down of Indian entrepreneur and legislators in front of US secretary of State, Hillary Clinton. The envoy from the breeding ground of imperialist terrorism world over, was on an official tour to propagate 'democracy, defence and development'. The US, whose

representative vouched for democracy, has been bestially flouting democratic rights all over the world. The devil listening to the Scriptures! And the rabid custodians of 'law and order', top Indian businessmen like Mukesh Ambani, Ratan Tata, Jamshyrd Godrej all queued up to please peer of the evil empire. The capitalist and compradors are in dire need of peaceful hunting grounds to rejuvenate the sinking ship of capitalism. And to combat the burgeoning resistance from people, Indian ruling class has to collude with the ring master US. It is not surprising to know that the US satellites had been used to trace 'Maoists' in Lalgarh like it was the case in Sri Lanka against the LTTE. The World Master provides technical and logistical aid to its client states to quell all types of resistances to the reactionary establishments in various lands and continents.

After the unprecedented deployment of various combat forces, after one and half months of rumble, the Indian State has not been successful in “re-capturing” Lalgarh. 'Peoples Committee against Police Atrocities' is undauntedly organizing meetings, demonstrations and agitations breaching 144, against the brutality of combat force; even they are running a makeshift schools, like in Dharampur, in protest against seizing of school buildings by the state forces. Those who speculated 'the end of people's movement of Lalgarh' with the invasion of state forces totally misunderstood and underestimated the power of people. Mass movement like Lalgarh, which is distinct from Singur and Nandigram, has marked out the state as its enemy, and made all possible preparations to continue their battle against the monster using every form. It is a hard task to suppress them. Lalgarh has become the name of 'Resistance', may it become the name of 'emancipation'!

EDITORIAL

On behalf of the Committee for the Release of Political Prisoners, let us draw the attention of the International Community to a very urgent and pressing problem with which the democratic and progressive people of the Indian sub-continent committed to the people's cause are confronted. For the last several years, thousands of people have been arrested from Kashmir to Kanyakumari and from Gujarat to the regions of the north-east. Countless number of people have

been brutally tortured in custody, thousands had 'disappeared', many of them were being killed by security and paramilitary forces in fake encounters and the wounded rest, numbering several thousands sent to prison most of the time without any medical care and kept there virtually without trial for years, even decades together.

Most of these persons have been incarcerated because of the political ideology they stand for. They have been put behind bars because of their criticism of and uncompromising resistance against the policies of the repressive Indian State to evict them from their land and habitat, the selling out of the country's natural resources to foreign MNCs by the Union and local state governments; they have been arrested and subjected to humiliation and sadistic torture for their fight for the right of self-determination, as also for their struggle for the restructuring of the existing property relations and the creation of a better society based on fundamental democratic values.

Two sections of the people have been identified by the State as the main targets of its so-called 'war against terror'—the Maoists or the Naxalites whom the Prime Minister of India had in April 2006 described as the 'single largest threat to internal security' and the Muslims who are being portrayed by sections of the media as 'terrorists', and 'ISI agents'. The 'SIMI' (Student Islamic Movement of India) has been banned terming it as a terrorist organization. By consciously adopting this vilification campaign, the Indian state and the Union and state governments have been trying to extract a social sanction to do, like the witch-hunters in medieval Europe, whatever they wish, to them. They can be picked up without any warrant of arrest, tortured in custody, kept under illegal detention for days together, picked up in one place on one day and produced in court after many days and declared to be arrested at another place—all according to their own sweet will by trampling all democratic norms this very Indian state professes to uphold. Anyone who dares to speak out against the policy of the state in such regions as Jharkhand, Chhattisgarh, West Bengal, Orissa, Andhra Pradesh, Maharashtra, Bihar are potential Maoists, and branded as such.

Besides the Maoists and other Naxalites, and the Muslims, there are the Kashmiris, civil rights activists, Kamtapuris of north Bengal, Manipuris, Assamese, 'Greater Coochbehar' movement activists, Gorkhaland movement activists, Burmese freedom fighters, dalits, adivasis, members of women's organizations, Tamil prisoners and others. Some of the prisoners particularly in Tamil Naidu and West Bengal belong to parliamentary parties as well.

In the prisons, the living conditions are as bad as to beggar description. Bad diet, inhuman, totally unhygienic living conditions, torture and humiliation in various forms are what these prisoners face day in and day out. Once a person is released on bail, he/she is picked up again in another new case from the jail gate itself. There are many people who have been kept in prison for years together, many have been sentenced, some prisoners such as those accused in the Rajiv Gandhi murder case or in the Parliament attack case, have been sentenced to death. Long years of captivity have made many of them victims of psychological trauma, physical degeneration, mental breakdown and derangement. Some prisoners have already died unnatural deaths in prisons, some died after being released on bail. The legal process is also very long, frustrating and very much expensive and often unbearable.

The CRPP is committed to the task of raising its voice for the unconditional release of all these political prisoners irrespective of their political aims and methods of struggle. This is a gigantic task. We have undertaken this historic task and are committed to pursue it to the best of our ability. However, we sincerely need support from the International Community. Friends from afar, we need your moral, political and financial support. The issue of the unconditional release of political prisoners, we know, is a political issue and would have to be addressed at that level. On behalf of the CRPP, I appeal to our friends worldwide to raise the issue of political prisoners in the Indian sub-continent at the international level, in their own countries, to do whatever they think appropriate to put pressure on the Government of India to facilitate the process for the withdrawal of death sentences, draconian acts and of all cases pending against them—both under-trial and convicts—and the subsequent unconditional release of all of them now incarcerated in the

different jails of the country. Side by side, we also need your financial support, as the burden has already become unbearable and many things could not be done due to lack of funds.One need not have to be a Maoist to demand the release of the Maoist political prisoners; one need not have to be a Muslim to demand the release of Muslim political prisoners, one need not have to be a Kashmiri, or a Manipuri or a Kamtapuri to demand their unconditional release from prisons. One need not have to be none of them. One needs only to believe that there should be freedom to have one's own political views, to have the right to express those and practice that ideology in one's own way in the interest of the people. One needs to have the belief that the people, who have been fighting not in their self-interest, but in the interest of the people, cannot be made prisoners and should be set free unconditionally. This demand is a democratic demand and one which had and has been raised in all countries of the world time and again. The CRPP urges the International Community to raise this demand for the unconditional release of all political prisoners in the Indian sub-continent irrespective of their views and the methods of struggle.

Raise voice in favour of the unconditional release of all political prisoners now incarcerated in the Indian prisons

Suggested activities for campaign:

1.The issue of political prisoners has emerged as a major one in the Indian subcontinent given that thousands of activists, leaders and common people imprisoned basically for their political dissent to the policies of the ruling elite. India has the highest record number of political prisoners incarcerated in her prisons today than ever before in the last 62 years. We suggest that Solidarity Committees may be formed wherever possible to support the cause of political prisoners in the Indian subcontinent to raise voice demanding their unconditional release.

2.Thousands of political prisoners are languishing in prisons without legal aid, an advocate or trial or even without finding a way to contact their families. Funds can be raised to arrange legal aid to such prisoners. As it is difficult for organisations like CRPP alone to arrange funds for such a huge number of cases, we appeal to the International Community to help us in fund-raising.

3.Solidarity Actions can be taken up in the form of demonstrations in front of Indian Embassy / High Commission offices and organise conventions, meetings and signature campaigns wherever possible.

4.Profiles of political prisoners can be printed and circulated widely to show who these political prisoners are and what kind of work they did for the people, and their communities.

5.Letters can be written to the President, Prime Minister, Chairperson, National Human Rights Commission through Faxes, emails and telegrams.

6.Brochures, pamphlets, leaflets can be printed and distributed widely to create public opinion in support of unconditional release of political prisoners in the Indian subcontinent.

7.Indian Government doesn't recognise political prisoners as such. You could help us in our campaign by creating international opinion to pressurise Indian government to legally recognise political prisoners as such and act according to the international norms in this regard.In solidarity,

Amit Bhattacharyya 15 February 15, 2009Secretary General

Surendra Mohan Chief Advisor

SAR Geelani Vice President

Gurusharan SinghPresident Rona Wilson

Secretary Public Relations 185/3, Fourth floor, Zakir Nagar, New Delhi-110025

Committee for the Release of Political Prisoners (CRPP) An Appeal to the International Community For Support and Solidarity

State Human Rights Commission, the "turning of the blind eye" by the judiciary in the face of contempt of court by the police and the administration, the backtracking from the pre-election promises of release of political detenues and withdrawal of Armed Forces Special Powers Act and other such laws by the incumbent chief minister, political talks without the participation of Kashmiri representatives, are all facades of democracy being enacted in this territory.

The armed forces continue to violate all Supreme Court directives, guidelines of the National Human Rights Commission and Geneva conventions to be followed in the event of an armed conflict.

DETENTION OF KASHMIRI LEADERS:To demonstrate the functioning of democracy, like the earlier experiments in Punjab and the North-east, it was "proudly announced" by political participants", political pundits from Delhi and the Union government in Delhi and their blue-eyed boy chief minister Mr. Omar Abdullah that all political prisoners will be released. He has done exactly the opposite. Unabashedly. Veteran Hurriyat leader Syed Ali Shah Geelani, JKLF leader Yasin Malik (since released after nearly four months of house arrest), Huriyat Chairperson Mirwaiz Omar Farooq (who too has been placed under house arrest for long) other political leaders like Shabir Shah, Naeem Khan, Asiya Andrabi, Masrat Alam, Mushtaq ul Islam, Ashraf Shahrai, Bilal Siddiqui and hundreds of others have been detained under preventive detention laws, particularly the Public Safety Act. Instead of releasing prisoners, the new state government has filled in prisons in Srinagar and Jammu and there are affidavits by the administration that "jails are overcrowded."

The Committee also learnt that in order to create rifts between one section of the leadership with the other, the government has resorted to the policy of divide and rule in a rather vicious way. Shabir Shah has been detained for the death of Sheikh Abdul Aziz, though the whole world knows that last year, this leader was killed in full public view in the presence of thousands of Kashmiri demonstrators by indiscriminate firing by the security forces.

WHITHER DUE PROCESS AND RULE OF LAW:From our interaction with jail authorities, who denied us permission to visit the Srinagar prison to assess the living conditions there and to meet the detenues and from our talks with members of the Srinagar Bar Association, we learnt that this region, with such heavy presence of security forces is invariably "short of security forces for escort vehicles" to transport detenues to and from judicial complexes.

We learnt that a habeas corpus petition, which should be normally heard and adjudicated upon in days takes not less than a year to be disposed off. We further learnt that many lawyers who were human rights defenders have been killed and many have been attacked during the last years. The functioning of the judiciary, which allows the impunity through sheer negligence or inefficiency or even pressure demonstrates that there is no "rule of law" in Kashmir.

SADHBAVNA -FOR WHOM and WHERE?Since long the Indian Armed Forces have been touting their Sadhbhavna approach towards the citizens of Kashmir. This kind of approach has been spoken by the new political establishment too. To find out more, we chose to go to the worst affected area which could have been a bench mark for this programme. We visited Dardpora village, which has the unfortunate distinction of living up to its name. It is indeed a village of pain with more than 150 widows and 450 orphans. A majority of the men have died at the hands of

the security forces. We interacted with young and old widows whose pain and suffering has had no remorse and no rehabilitation package from the state.

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deliverance of justice, the cover-up campaign is still on by the administration. People suspected and circumstances bear this out that in case the SP is released on bail and the government continues to admit the nature of the crime, these two murders (rather three, as Niloufer was on the family way) is likely to become yet another statistical addition to the long list of people who have been killed with impunity by the security forces in Kashmir.

To rub salt on the wounds of the families and to brazenly demonstrate the high-handedness of the state, the government of the youngest chief minister has suspended from service Dr. Nighat, who sincerely followed the Hippocrates Oath, did not buckle under police and government pressure and who in the second postmortem declared that the two women were brutally gangraped, while those doctors who connived with the police and spoke lies continue to enjoy the patronage of the state. Nothing can be more shameful.

The brutal assault and murder of Bibi Amima in Dolipora in the dead of night, in her own house by a security force personnel, who came there to commit the crime with cover from his colleagues of the same unit, is another case of increasing assaults on women in this disputed territory.

Such cases of rape and harassment of women are now new. They have happened in the past in Kanun Paushpora Kupwara, Chak Saiyadpora Shopian and many other places where civil society and even may be media is not aware of.

The Committee is of the view that the security forces are using Rape as a weapon to suppress the spirit of revolt and rebellion of the people of Kashmir

and to exert their authority.

WHO RULES KASHMIR?

Streets, Bridges, cultivable lands, mountain rangers , schools , hospitals, cinema halls, orchards, houses and all other places of habitat have been occupied by almost every denomination of the Indian army and other security forces. According to a media report, more than 40,000 acres of cultivable land is under the control of various army and paramilitary units. At Trehgam we saw that the water resources of the town have been taken over by the army and clean drinking water is not available for the 17,000 odd inhabitants of the area. It is estimated that more than half a million gun-toting security men dot virtually every inch of the region. Kashmir is under siege. Every Kashmiri, conscious of his

rights and even willing to die, lives in a climate of fear.

The Committee closely observed the slogans used by army units. Sample a few: 1. Respect All, Suspect All, 2. Be Alert Be Alive, 3. Fighting for You and 4. Relax with CRPF. Likewise the names of army and paramilitary units too have been changed to browbeat the people. To show their prowess, we have units like the Rajwar Tigers. In the village Khaigam, the total number of inhabitants is less than 600, but there are four army units stationed in the area. The army units taunt men and women everyday, as the villagers had asked for their withdrawal. Clearly the nomenclature is meant to poison the minds of the people and to force their allegiance to the presence of the army in the region.

Civil administration is virtually non-existent and whatever is there is subservient to the Indian armed forces. The army in Kashmir is not in the "aid of civil administration" as is required by law but actually the political administration is at the mercy and beck and call of the deeply entrenched armed forces, who with the assistance of a plethora of draconian laws like Public Safety Act, Armed Forces Special Powers Act, Enemy Agent Ordinance and the like maim and kill with complete impunity. The newly elected government is merely a mask to shield and provide free run to the armed forces.

The daily movement of the troops in vast numbers from one part of the state to another as a public demonstration of power and authority of the army leaves nothing to the imagination as to who is running the affairs of this region. Political authority is totally under the jackboots of the army and the bureaucratic policy makers in Delhi who have abrogated to themselves the right to decide the fate of the people of Kashmir. Every maneouvre like the so-called "free and fair elections", the setting up of the toothless and near-absent

Committee for Release of Political Prisoners demands immediate demilitarisation of Kashmir and restoration of the rights of the people in consonance with the aspirations of the people of Kashmir.

Introduction:To understand the historical and cultural roots of the Kashmir problem;

To study and assess the ground realities of the life of the people of Kashmir -from the cities to the far-flung inaccessible areas;

To engage with the families of victims of gross and systematic abuse of human rights by the security forces -police, para military and military;

To gauge the extent of presence of the Indian armed forces and to measure the depth of impunity with which the Indian army operates throughout Kashmir, and

To decipher the social, cultural, religious and political layers of the Indo-Kashmir conflict and on the basis of that understanding to suggest postulates for the resolution of the conflict,

Members and activists of the Committee for the Release of Political Prisoners visited various parts of Kashmir in the last five days from 24-28 July 2009.

The members of the fact-finding team included academics, civil rights and political activists, namely,

Prof. S. A. R. Geelani (Vice President, CRPP), Prof. Sujato Bhadra (Vice Pres ident , CRPP), Prof . Amit Bhattacharya (General Secretary, CRPP), Prof. Ravindra Goel (Delhi University), Prof. Jagmohan Singh (Voices for Freedom), Shiv Nandan (civil rights activist), Kanwarpal Singh (Dal Khalsa) and Gopal Menon (documentary film maker).

The interim findings of the team and suggestions/demands are as follows:

THE SHOPIAN SHAME:Members of the team visited Shopian to confirm what was already common knowledge to every resident of the small town -that the young lady Niloufer and her first cousin Aaisa Jan were brutally assaulted, raped and killed.

We met the members of the family, the leaders of the Mushawarat Committee, the father of the two eye witnesses -Ghulam Maideen Lone and Ghulam Ahmed Lone (who were later detained by the Special Investigation Team and are still in their illegal detention), members of the Bar Association, Srinagar and residents of the town. We visited the scene of the crime alongwith the father and cousin of Niloufer and witnessed the spots from where the two women were abducted, raped and killed and from where their bodies were found. Each of the people who spoke to the team members repeated with tears in their eyes that the "men in uniform" committed the brutal act. They narrated to us as to how the SP of the area, Javed Iqbal Mattoo, conspired with a section of the doctors to destroy evidence, including forensic evidence, how he repeatedly threatened the women members of the victim family, how he dismissed the act by loudly repeating, "Aise wakye to hothe hi rahten hain".

People who saw on television, as did the team members were shocked to listen to the diatribe of the Inspector General of Police, the Divisional Commissioner, Srinagar and the state chief minister, Mr. Omar Abdullah shamelessly trying to dismiss it as a case of "drowning", knowing fully well that the water flowing in the stream where the bodies were found was not more than four to six inches deep. We learnt from the members of the Mushawarat Committee and Niloufer's father that the police is still attempting to shield the barbaric perpetrators and how the SP, who was arrested for destruction of evidence is not in a police lock-up but in the confines of a police officer's mess.

The inhuman, bizarre and blatant flouting of all norms of decent human behaviour and political boldness to speak the truth is apparent, even to the blind eye.

Unmindful of the agony of the victims' family and uncaring of the peoples resistance and concern cutting across party lines and caring two hoots for

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Return Kashmir

Withdraw Armed Forces and Return Kashmir to its People[A fact finding repoprt]

subscrription

Kashmir women demonstrating against the barbaric rape and killing

Budget not only merely depicts the detailed data of the past and coming year

of the economic activities of a government but also a concentrated expression of economic policies of the ruling classes and their government. The budget presented by finance minister Pranab Mukerji on behalf of the UPA government on July 6, 2009 in the parliament, for the year 2009-10, completely unveils the pro-feudal, pro-imperialist and anti-people economic policies. Pro-system and pro-ruling class economic experts have termed it as a developmental, pro-villager and peasant budget but the reality is that this budget is another step on the path of neo-liberalism.

In fact the 2009-10 budget is not an independent yearly budget but is part of the 11th Five Year Plan. The 11th Plan spans 1st April 2007-31st March 2012. This is the third one year budget of the 11 five year plan and the policies which determine it are an exact reflection of the economic policies which were behind the 11th plan. The economic development in the 11th plan was targeted at 9% and it was declared to be an inclusive one in which the developmental benefits would reach down to the common man and to make it happen maximum of private and foreign capital was to be attracted through liberalising various sectors of the economy. The first two budgets of the 11th Five Year Plan were planned according to this mantra and the same approach has been adopted in passing the current budget. To set the tone of the coming budget according to these needs Pranab Mukerji had delivered a speech in Lok Sabha on the economic situation just four days before presenting the budget, i.e., on July 2. In this commentary he drew a sketch of vast reforms in the financial sector. He suggested that the shares of all the public sector companies should be thrown open in the market and they should bring at least twenty five thousand crore of rupees every year and the government should sell all public sector undertakings which have no scope for revival. He stressed that control over the prices of petrol, diesel, sugar, fertilizers and medicines should be revoked. The foreign investment in the retail market should be welcomed and in the banking and insurance industry the FDI limit should be enhanced to 49%, that the government monopoly over railway, coal and nuclear electricity generation should come to an end. He also stood for 100% foreign investment in agriculture insurance. He advocated revocation of control over future trading on certain goods. Huge reforms should be brought in the labour, financial and basic structural sectors. Taxes like fringe benefit tax, commodity transaction tax etc. should be phased out. All the controls over trade in agriculture produce should be withdrawn. The deficit in state exchequer should be minimised and it should be brought under the law of state exchequer accountability and budget law.

So, in this economic analysis the finance minister put up proposals to open economic veins of various sectors of economy for foreign investment on a vast scale. It is to be noted that on the same day, i.e. on July 2, 2009 itself the government raised the prices of petrol and diesel by Rs. 4 and Rs. 2 respectively during the 'zero hour' and at the same time hinted at lifting control over the prices of petroleum goods. A day after, on July 3, 2009, one could see the impact of his economic analysis on the Railway Budget. Railway Minister, Mamta Bennerji, while unfolding a plan to speed up the privatisation of the railways, proposed the selling of high value railway lands to the private sector for building nursing homes, medical colleges, etc. This scheme of the government was hailed by Ficci, Asocham, and the share bazaar players. On the whole, the government intentionally tried to create such a conducive psychological atmosphere that the people should get ready to accept the bad effects of the “corporate budget”. The media too helped the government and supported the proposals contained in the economic speech by the finance minister for the year 2008-09 in a conscious way so that the 'reforms' are able to hoodwink the people. When the finance minister did not try to implement in the budget all his proposals enunciated in his economic speech and allocated more money for rural development sector, basic infrastructure, education and schemes for the programs meant for the marginal sections of society so that it looks like an “all inclusive” budget the corporate sector felt a bit discouraged. As a result, the economic index (which shows the mentality of the corporate sector) showed a decline of 870 points on 6th July 2009. The next day this index showed a little rise and again fell by 400 points the day after. After this the government gave many assurances to the corporate sector and share bazaar players kicking the index to 1500 points.

Anti-people Character of the Corporate World

Let us take a look at various points of the 2009-10 budget so that its corporate character is laid bare. It is for the first time that the budget of our country has crossed the mark of 10 lakh crore of rupees and it is estimated to be Rs. 10, 20, 838 crore. It is divided in two parts of non-planned and planned expenditures with 6, 95,689 crore and 3, 25, 149 crore of rupees respectively. Overall, there is a 36% increase from the previous budget. In this budget the rajsav deficit and raj koshi deficit are slated to be 4.8% and 6.8% respectively, a further increase from the previous budget. Giving the main reasons for enhanced expenditures in non-planned sector the finance minister said that it was because of the i) implementation of the proposals from Sixth Pay Commission ii) increase in aid for the food articles and iii) more interest payment due to increased fiscal deficit.

But one thing should be noticed that in spite of increased revenue deficit and fiscal deficit no extra taxes have been slapped on the corporate sector. Minimum Alternative Tax has been increased from 10% to 15% but only a few firms would come in its sphere as most of the firms already pay higher taxes (including surcharge and cess taxes) higher than this ratio. On the other hand, many steps have been taken to provide benefits to the corporate world.

Firstly, the tax exemption on the taxable income of export units existing in Software Technology Park of India, SEZs, Export Processing Zones and Free Trade Zones has been extended till 2010-11 to allow them enjoy more profits. Along with, under the Export and Guarantee Corporation, the period for reaping profits to has been extended till March 2010.

Secondly, the FBT, which was a major liability for the corporate sector has been abolished. With only this benefit to the corporate world the revenue deficit would come to the tune of 6,553 crore rupees which equals the total fiscal deficit for the years 2007-8 and 2008-9. This tax was exacted from the benefits and emoluments of the employees of the companies which the companies were bound to pay. This tax was introduced in 2005-06 and it was opposed by the companies vehemently. Now it has been withdrawn and this burden is beeing indirectly shifted on to the shoulders of employees, who benefited from it, by the government through various means.

Thirdly, the Commodity Trade Tax has been removed. This will lead to more profits for those who indulge in commodity exchange and future trading. The point is, through these exchanges the commodities like gold, silver and other valuable metals and agriculture produces are traded through future trading. There has been a great increase in this type of trading in these years and it has led to a sharp increase in the prices of these goods.

Fourthly, under this scheme, the government has made plans to put the pension fund at the mercy of stock market exchange players in this budget and the new Pension Scheme Trust has been given many favours to invest in private equity schemes. With these facilities to the Trust, the hard earned money of the employees will be subjected to the ups and downs of the market and this will put their future in danger.

Fifthly, the budget declares to continue the temporary rebates on taxes in the manufacturing sector under the name of fighting slowdown in the economy. This kind of rebate to the corporate sector amounted to Rs. 1, 28, 293 crore in the year 2008-9 only and this will definitely increase during this year. The absurdity of the situation is that the corporate sector shows no interest in passing on this enormous money to the consumers and this only affects the demand negatively.

Sixthly, the budget also encourages disinvestment to help the corporate houses. During his budget speech the finance minister declared that the “institutions of the public sector are the property of the nation and a part of this should be in the hands of the people.” He further said that when the capital market will show signs of recovery the government companies would issue IPOs. The disinvestment will involve scheduled government companies. He told that the government is singling out scheduled companies which are to be put under the scheme of disinvestment and these are those companies which are running at high profits. For this kind of disinvestment he gave the reason that this would generate more profits. He said that the government won't reduce its share in these enterprises below 51% so that the government control

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leading center-left regimes are not immune to the double shocks. Because they opted for a primary commodity export model they are especially exposed and vulnerable to the rapid fall in world demand and prices. While it is true that conservative fiscal policies allowed them to build up their foreign reserves, thus providing them with a partial and temporary cushion to weather the first wave of capital flight and to finance dollar-denominated debt, it should be remembered that the other side of the 'prudent fiscal policies' was the neglect of the social problems and economic diversification. Poverty reduction, through investment in productive employment, agrarian reform for landless peasants and the development of the internal market, in the medium run, could have lessened the impact of the crisis in the North.The attempts by Lula, Evo Morales and political leaders to pin the blame entirely on the crises in the imperial countries, ring hollow after years of their hobnobbing with the economic elite in Davos and focusing exclusively on trade and investment agreements with MNC, 'hot money' from Wall Street and betting on agro-mineral exports. The spread of the crisis in Latin America, from early 2008 onward, is playing itself out gradually. The high level reserves, the relatively high prices (despite the 70% decline from record prices), the temporary return of partial liquidity and the slight loosening of credit in world markets as a result of over $1.5 Trillion USD injection of public funds by the US and EU has slowed the fall into an inevitable recession. What is crucial however is not where Latin America's CLR stand at any given moment in time, but the direction they are moving and the inherent negative structural features, which are driving the economies toward a deep recession. As the reserves dwindle and as the agro-mineral elites disinvest in the face of declining prices, a serious negative multiplier effect sets in, battering satellite industries and driving dependent sectors into bankruptcy. Equally important, the economic recession is leading to deep and widespread state spending cuts. Given the fiscal conservatism built into the personnel of the key economic ministries and central banks, it is highly improbable that the CLR will reverse course and run fiscal deficits, increase large-scale, long-term public investments, restructure their economies and re-configure the social basis of public policy.By the end of 2009, Latin America's CLR will feel the full brunt of the world economic recession, precisely when its depleted foreign reserves will have further discouraged overseas and local capital investment. No long able to rely on its principle 'economic motor force', the agromineral elite to finance imports and lacking overseas investment and credits for its exporters and banks, Latin America's CLRs will be confronted with powerful pressures from below. Workers and employees losing their jobs, local banks facing bankruptcy, manufacturers closing plants and indebted consumers and mortgage holders with few assets to sustain demand and living standards will be on the streets clamoring for state intervention: From the left and from the right.Faced with the collapse of the 'heterodox model' of neo-liberal 'primarization' of the economy with 'modest social transfers', two options are possible for the CLRs: One would involve large-scale bailouts in order to save dominant financial-agro-mineral elites. The regime could try to impose the costs on the backs of the workers, urban poor, peasants and public employees through social cutbacks, firing of public employees, wage reductions and large-scale reductions in public investments. The second option would involve a revival of import substitution strategy including public investments in industry accompanying the nationalization of bankrupt banks and strategic economic sectors and large-scale shift in state policy from financing the bankrupt agro-exporters to co-operatives, family farms producing for the domestic market.The first option would, by necessity, require greater state repression, in the face of social resistance to cuts in living standards and would probably lead to the demise of the CLR regimes. The more reactionary right is in the 'wings' ready to seize power and confront the burgeoning social movements reacting to the crises.The second option would require a major shift in the internal class composition of the CLR regimes, a rupture with existing political allies and large-scale social mobilization of the 'popular classes'.The second option would depend on a fragile coalition of local business groups, manufacturers, debtors, trade unions, left parties and peasant movements – the emergence of a 'nationalist-populist' coalition (NPC) prepared to jettison the agro-mineral export model, to shelve overseas debt obligations and to pursue deficit financed economic recovery.However, under the stress of a prolonged world credit squeeze and recession, the linkages between big and small capital with labor and subsistence farmers and peasants may dissolve and lead to demands that go beyond 'Keynesian' capitalism to the socialization of the economy. The latter option will be favored by the prolonged and deepening nature of the world recession, the further decline in foreign trade, the drying up of private credit, the decline of living standards and the profound and widespread discrediting of capitalism clearly associated in the public mind with speculative excesses, financial collapse, lost savings and the bankruptcy of private firms.A final caveat: Though the world recession and financial collapse reveals that

rejection of agrarian reform, undermined the domestic purchasing power of millions of landless and subsistence peasants, rural laborers and small farmers. Tax subsidies and incentives, not progressive taxation, eliminated the possibility of rebuilding social services (public health, education, pension and social security programs), which could have expanded domestic production and investment. The CLR did not invest in a production grid linking complementary internal regions and economic sectors. The CLR's investments linked local domestic sites to ports connected to overseas markets.

The CLR strategies weakened their domestic markets relative to the big push toward exports thus avoiding structural changes. This emphasis on social payments was contingent on the performance of the agro-mineral export sector of the big bourgeoisie. Even their 'social transfers' have proved to be unsustainable. Without the meager poverty programs there is little to distinguish the CLR from their traditional neo-liberal predecessors.

During the boom in commodity prices several CLR regimes, namely Brazil and Argentina, diverted billions of dollars in earnings to early pay-offs of their debts to the IMF and other official lenders, claiming this 'freed' them to pursue 'independent policies'. In fact the IMF was very happy to re-capitalize their treasury while the levels of poverty continued at alarming levels and public facilities, like housing, transport, schools and hospitals deteriorated. While some aspects of foreign external debt declined, others, mainly private foreign debt in dollars and Euros, skyrocketed, encouraged by the CLR. Given the regimes' high domestic interest rates, foreign overseas borrowing by domestic businesses rose precipitously and foreign speculators, lenders and overseas subsidiaries of US and EU banks loosened lending standards. With the financial crash in the US and EU, foreign flows of capital dried up and short-term notes were called. Foreign inflows turned into massive outflows, driving down the value of the currency.

The Brazilian and Argentine stock markets fell by over 50% in less than 5 months (June-October 2008) and the credit crunch began to squeeze investment.

The crash in commodity prices, deeply affected state revenues as prices for copper declined by 60% (from $9,000 USD a ton in June 2008 to $3,900 USD in October 2008 and oil fell from $147 USD a barrel to $64 USD during the same period). What is worse, the decrease in the CLR's foreign debt was matched by a vast increase in domestic debt – that is borrowing from foreign banks' subsidiaries and local financial groups. The latter lent to the regimes by borrowing from overseas banks and thus the entire credit/finance chain continued to depend on private financial institutions in the US and Europe. Rather than reflect a break with the financial dependence of the past neo-liberal regimes, the CLR reproduced it via local intermediaries. Combined with the collapse of commodity prices, the financial crisis revealed the abject integration and subordination of the CLR to the empire-centered marketplace. The sustained fall in stock prices and the massive flight from local currencies to dollars revealed the entire precariousness and profoundly 'liberal' nature of the CLR economic policies.

The CLR regimes diverted the major part of their windfall profits to building up their foreign reserves to attract foreign loans, credit and investors and to cushion the effects of a downturn in the economy rather than in large-scale investments in human resources and the domestic market. As a result, the foreign reserves provide a temporary lifesaver in the face of the decline in revenues from export earnings. Nonetheless, the regimes are using the foreign reserves to keep afloat the private banking system and to pacify panic-stricken investors seeking to convert local currency into dollars and euros. As the reserves are depleted, the CLR are resorting to class-selective reactionary fiscal policies. Once again the negative impact of the financial panic reveals another negative ('liberal') component of the CLR strategy: its dependence on an unregulated stock market highly susceptible to any downturns in the valuations of commodities and commodity prices.

The CLR economic policies and the major private economic actors were deeply enmeshed in the world of speculation just as any 'neo-liberal' regime would be. The total absence of any popular movement oversight of the CLR policies was a result of their total exclusion from all governmental positions making economic decision (Central Bank, Ministers of Economy, Finance, Commerce, Industry, Agriculture and Mining). The claims of participatory democracy were revealed to be a total farce. Moreover, the CLR (with the partial exception of Venezuela) granted 'autonomy' to the Central Banks, eliminating Congressional oversight and facilitating closer ties between Central Banks and the private financial elite.

ConclusionAs the capitalist financial system crashes throughout most of the world and a global recession spreads from the imperial countries to Latin America, the

Budget 2009-10

Another Step in the Direction of Poverty through LiberalisationA.P. Singh

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5. Moved to replace dependence on the Western markets and ended Wall Street domination through the pursuit of regional integration;

6. Developed regional political and economic organizations like ALBA, UNASUR and

PETROCARIBE, which marked the construction of a new independent alternative regional economic architecture;

7. Promoted a new kind of participatory democracy in which the popular classes had a bigger direct say in the formulation of government policy;

8. Developed diversified markets, especially with Asia (China particularly), Europe and the Middle East based on greater economic independence, effectively 'decoupling' from the US economy and ending US 'hegemony';

9. Accumulated vast foreign reserves (tens of billions) based on promotion of an agromineral export strategy, thus creating long-term insurance against future downward movements i n t h e p r i c e s a n d d e m a n d f o r e x p o r t c o m m o d i t i e s ;10. Amassed large-scale budget surpluses through fiscal discipline and avoidance of 'populist' spending on large social and infrastructure programs;

11. Pursued policies favoring greater social equality of opportunity, pro-labor income policies, easy credit, increased consumer imports and increased spending on food programs for pensioners, children and the poor;

12. Formed public-private partnerships between the state and foreign multinationals replacing foreign domination by equal partners and increasing benefits to the home country.

According to the promoters of the 'center-left' regimes, the 'proof' of the progressive, sustainable and dynamic character of these regimes was demonstrated by the period between 2005-2007 where high growth, high income, budget and trade surpluses and repeated electoral victories were the norm.

End of an Illusion: 2008 the Year of Reckoning

The success claimed by the center-left regimes (CLR) and their apologists were based on an entirely false set of assumptions and temporary and volatile set of structural relations with regard to trade, investment and financial linkages. When the onset of the financial collapse and economic recession first struck the US and Europe, the first response of the CLR was to deny that the crisis would affect their economies. For example, President Lula da Silva of Brazil at first blamed the 'casino capitalism' of the US and claimed that the Brazilian economy under his rule was healthy, protected by large reserves and would be hardly affected. As the effects of the financial breakdown and economic recession in Europe and Wall Street deepened and spread to Latin America, the CLR regimes and their intellectual defenders adopted a different posture. On the one hand they sought to deflect all the blame to the US financial system and thus avoid facing the structural weaknesses of their economic policies. On the other hand some writers looked to some of the recent regional organizations, like Bancosur and ALBA, as alternative sources for salvation or as mechanisms to ameliorate the effects of the crisis. Neither the CLR nor their intellectual defenders have demonstrated any willingness to confront the structural weaknesses and vulnerabilities of their socio-economic strategies over the past half decade. More specifically the CLR and their defenders refused to admit that the claims of 'change', and construction of 21st Century Socialism was in fact built on illusory assumptions.

The spread of the crisis from the US-Europe to Latin America is a result of the CLR's continuities of the neo-liberal policies, the maintenance of the same ruling economic classes and the pursuit of economic strategies dependent on inflows of speculative capital, debt financing and the agro-mineral export

3elites .

Despite the rhetoric of '21st Century Socialism' (Chavez in Venezuela, Morales in Bolivia, Correa in Ecuador and Ortega in Nicaragua), 'independent model' (Lula Da Silva in Brazil), and the 'social-liberal' model (Bachelet in Chile and Vazquez in Uruguay), the abovementioned regimes retained and even deepened the principle structural features and policies of the neo-liberal model. They remained highly dependent on the global market: in fact they all accentuated its worst features by emphasizing primary goods exports (agro-mining commodities) to take advantage of the temporary spike in prices. As a result they vastly increased their vulnerability to external shocks. With the onset of the world recession in 2008, the collapse of demand put an end to the big trade surpluses and provoked a big slide in all the related economic factors: Foreign reserves plummeted. Government revenues based on export taxes declined precipitously. Local currency was devalued as both foreign and domestic investors fled to what they perceived as stronger currencies and safe havens.

All of the CLR based their development strategies on a strategic partnership between the nationalist capitalist class, the state and foreign investors

contrary to the populist-nationalist imagery of Western intellectuals. At the very onset of the financial collapse, foreign capital began its massive flight outwards and upwards driving down the stock markets in Brazil and Argentina by over 50% and forcing a de facto devaluation as local savers and investors converted local currency into dollars, euros and yen. With the onset of the recession in the real economies of the EU and the US, national capitalists and financial elites responded by reducing investment in the productive sectors anticipating a sharp decline in demand for their primary commodity exports. This provoked a multiplier effect in satellite and related domestic manufacturing and service industries.

The double exposure to financial shocks and world recession was a direct result of the one-sided export market policies pursued by the CLR. The leaders of the CLR paid lip service to 'regional integration' (ALBA, MERCOSUR, UNASUR), even setting up an entire administrative structure and initially investing marginal resources to the effort. The regional rhetoric was dwarfed by the ongoing and growing 'integration' in the world market, which remained the motor force of their growth. Given their deep involvement in the primary commodity boom, the regimes maximized the importance of markets outside of the Latin American region. With the downturn, even the regional integration scheme (MERCOSUR) faces disintegration as Argentina turns protectionist.

The temporary trade and budget surpluses were used to further deepen the primary sector expansion (expanding infrastructure to and from productive sites to shipping centers on the coast), increase the wealth of the agro-mineral elites, and encourage a huge influx of speculative investors who inflated stock valuations (doubling and tripling prices in the course of two and three years: Price/earnings ratios reached bubble proportionThe reactionary/retrograde model of the CLR, built on the 'primarization' of the economy and the boom in speculative investment, was ignored by almost all Western intellectuals who were dazzled by and chose to focus on marginal 'populist' measures: Lula's $30 dollar (45 Reales) monthly food basket for 10 million poor families (who became part of his electoral client machine in the Northeast); Kirchner's promotion of human rights and 150 Peso ($50 USD) monthly unemployment benefit; Evo Morrales cultural indigenismo and 'joint ventures' with the international oil and gas companies (falsely dubbed 'nationalization') and Rafael Correa's declarations in favor of 21st Century Socialism and increased social spending.

The ideologues of the CLR failed to analyze the fact that these marginal increases insocial spending took place within a socio-economic and political framework, which retained all the structural features of a neo-liberal economy. With the collapse of overseas primary commodity prices, the first reductions in government programs are directed at…the poverty programs that provided a fig leaf to the rapacious speculator-agro-mineral driven economic model. The entire 'left spectrum' ignored the fact that the balance of payments and budget surpluses, which funded social reforms, were dependent on the inflow of 'hot money'. The latter, by its nature, enters easily and flees rapidly, particularly in response to any adversity in their 'home market', not to mention in the face of a worldwide financial crash. Thus the already meager social measures adopted by the CLR were fragile to begin with, highly dependent on the volatile behavior of highly speculative capital and world markets.

The claim of the CLR that Latin America was de-coupling from the US market, through greater ties with Asia (China, Korea, Japan and India) and developing into a world power (as part of the BRIC bloc – Brazil, Russia, India and China) has been demonstrated to be false. Brazil's agro-mineral exports to Asia were highly dependent on world prices determined by demand from the US, EU as well as many other regions and countries. The deep world recession and credit collapse has profoundly affected Asia's exports to the US and EU, which, in turn, has led to a decline of Latin America's primary exports to Asia. None of the Asian countries can maintain their commodity imports from Latin America because they are not able to substitute domestic demand. The class polarities and class rigidities in China limit mass consumption.

Latin America did not 'de-couple' – it was part of a global chain, which tied it to the vagaries of the US and EU economies. The attempts by Brazil's President Lula to blame Brazil's crises on US 'casino capitalism' in order to deflect criticism from his policies of deep structural dependency on primary commodity exports and hot money is besides the point: The Brazilian regime's policies opened the door wide to the full adverse effects of the downfall of US speculative capital.

None of the CLR deviated from the neo-liberal 'export model' nor did they make any effort to dynamize the domestic market or mass consumption via redistributive policies. Industrialization was subordinated to commodity exports. Urban incomes between capital/labor favored profits over wages. Interest and royalties remained highly skewed in favor of capital thus weakening domestic demand. Support of the agro-export elite and the

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over them is maintained. Therefore, under the name of “participation of the people” the finance minister laid out the plan for privatisation of public sector companies. In fact, the common people have nothing to do in the share market. The government estimates show that this opening up of the public sector companies into the share market will generate Rs. 1,120 crore for the government in the current year while in the coming years this is likely to increase further.

Seventhly, in the name giving relief to the companies which earn up to Rs. 40 lakh per year the government has declared a uniform tax without discrimination. Before this the companies had to pay taxes on their incomes in the range of 2% to 12% as the income increased. Now every company will have to pay tax enblock at the rate of 8% over their incomes. This will put pressure on the smaller companies that had been paying tax below the figure of 8% while benefit those which were paying more than 8% and up to12% in taxes.

Eighthly, Pranab Mukerji has legalised the funding of various political parties by the private companies and the corporate world. Previously the corporate practice had been to fund the political parties through underhand methods and they were not given any rebate on this kind of funding. With this new system the corporatisation of the ruling class political parties will increase. Here it should be remembered that the finance minister has given so many facilities to the corporate world to increase their profit ratio and to prepare ground for more investment in the next financial year so that the process of inclusive development is furthered through public-private p a r t n e r s h i p ( r e a d : government-corporate ownership making way for full political control of the corporate world over the government).

The changes which the finance minister affected in the tax regime in this budget has also generated a big controversy. These change have increased the relief given to the commoners (senior citizens, women and the common tax payer) only marginally (to the extent of 10,000 to 15,000) in the realm of income tax but those who were earning more than 10,00,000 per year and paying a surcharge of 10% have been fully exempted from this. On the other hand, while the fringe benefit profit tax which the companies had been paying previously has been abolished, the employees' emoluments and facilities have been added to their incomes and this is being brought under the axe of income tax. Not only this, the un-rented houses, vehicles, drivers, credit card and club membership holding employees will have to pay taxes according to the prices of these facilities. The financial law which was passed on July 27th, 2009 stipulates that the employees will have to pay taxes on Employees Stock Option Plan and superannuation fund also.

In this way, many indirect taxes have been wrongly imposed on the population in this budget.

Due to depression in the world economy the industry dealing in gems, gold and other precious metals is facing a crisis. Hundreds of workers working in this field have committed suicides due to lay offs and non-availability of alternative jobs. But the budget has raised the border tax on gold and silver by two times and this increase will also be applied on those who bring gold or silver for personal keep. This will further lead to rise in prices of these metals and the gems-jewellery industry will further slump into crisis.

The service sector is slated to be further intensified as stipulated in this budget and the taxes which are imposed on the services will also include services provided by doctors, lawyers, rail and shipping, coastal cargo including the national and international waters. The direct consequence of this tax means that these services will become costlier leading further rise in prices of the goods thus carried and it will only affect the common people through further price rise in consumer goods.

Also, there has been a tax increase from 4% to 8% over the manufacture of certain goods barring a few essential goods. This will also lead to price rise steeply. To provide more profit opportunities to foreign capitalists the tax on commodities and minerals like cotton, wool, rock phosphate, bio-diesel, lcd panels for the TVs, and coarse rubies have been cut.

On the whole this budget symbolises tax cuts. When you see it you find a lot of cuts on direct taxes but the indirect taxes that affect vast population have been increased greatly. The finance minister boasted that the indirect taxes would generate Rs. 2000 crore as gross profits in this financial year. On the one hand the government has increased the limit of property tax from 15 lakh to 30 lakh, but on the other it has hinted at imposing tax on the payment which one would get after retirement. There are 4 crore affluent and very rich people in our country who can finance the whole budget but the government has no intention to bring their full properties and incomes under the purview of the tax system. If these rich people are brought under the tax system and the black Indian money kept in foreign is brought home many such budgets can be financed without any difficulties and deficits. But we cannot expect the government of the ruling classes to adopt such policies as they will only bleed the poor whit and make the rich more rich.

The Reality of Inclusive Development and Humane Budget

While presenting the budget the finance minister claimed that the growth rate would be kept at the rate of 9%, directives of this inclusive budget would be followed to generate one crore 20 lakh new jobs per year, the people living below the poverty line would be reduced by half till 2014, the agriculture sector will grow by 4%, the infrastructure of the country would be expanded and regulatory system would be strengthened, the social security system

would be expanded to give direct aid to the poverty s t r i c k e n p e o p l e , t h e education system would be reformed according to world standards and steps would be taken to ensure power security through a unified energy plan.

Let us analyse the practice of the government about these high sounding promises so as to know how serious the finance minister and his government are on this score.

As far as sustaining the growth rate at 9% every year is just a dream. The Indian economy has grown at 8.8% during 2003-2008 as per calculations of the state experts. But when the world recession hit the Indian economy the growth rate slumped to 6.1% (on current prices) in the year 2008-9. the government took many monetary and financial steps and issued packages to the tune of 1,80,000 crore to stop this decline but there was no apparent effect. Still the industrial growth is hampered and the exports continue to fall. The financial measures which this budget has taken up to bring the economic growth back on the track and reach the dream target of 9% is impossible to achieve. Non-governmental experts and institutions claim that the growth rate will remain in the 6-7% range.

The assertion that 1,20,000 new jobs will be generated through this budget is just a mirage when already various economic sectors are resorting to heavy lay-offs under the bad impact of world wide recession and dictates from the global imperialist institutions. The finance minister knows that he has to promise the unthinkable to hoodwink the people. Moreover, he did not tell the country that 1crore people have been retrenched in the past year only in the export sector of the economy and hundreds have committed suicides and thousands of people are on the brink of committing the death act as no job alternatives are left. In the last budget the government promised heavens and the essential and life sustaining goods soared to the skies, out of reach of the common people. Now the central government tries to project its job creating flagship program, National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme, in an inspiring way and had allocated Rs. 39,100 crore, and claimed that this was 144% more than the previous year. But the reality is that only 36,750 crore were spent and this year they have added 2,350 crore more than last year's allocation which is only an increase of 6.4%. This 100 day propaganda extravaganza which claim to feed the poorest of the poor feign not to know that stomach needs food for 365 days and not just only for 100 days in an year. That is, at the rate of Rs. 100 a day, the amount is merely Rs. 10,000 per year

Another Step in the Direction of Poverty

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The assertion that 1,20,000 new jobs will be generated through this budget is just a mirage when already various economic sectors are resorting to heavy lay-offs under the bad impact of world wide recession and dictates from the global imperialist institutions. The finance minister knows that he has to promise the unthinkable to hoodwink the people.

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enquiry into the Batla House 'encounter' has pronounced the Delhi Police innocent of any foul play. Interestingly, the NHRC's investigations into the police action on 19th September are based on evidences provided by those accused of encounter alone. The Commission's enquiry is based on the responses of the following officers of the Delhi Police:

1) R.P. Upadhayay, Additional Commissioner of Police, Vigilance;

2) Satish Chandra, Special Commissioner of Police (Vigilance), Delhi;

3) Neeraj Thakur, DCP (Crime & Rly.), Delhi;

4) Karnail Singh, Joint Commissioner of Police, Special Cell, Delhi.

The Commission did not even The Fact-finding reports of various civil rights groups including JTSG's Encounter at Batla House: Unanswered Questions, which is a damning indictment of the police version with corroborative evidence.

The Commission cites the post mortem reports of the deceased. While wounds suffered by the slain police officer has been provided with great detail such as the places in the body where bullet injuries were found, their impact, 'entry and exit points' etc. Even the injury suffered in the arm by injured Constable Balwant Singh carries all this information but the same treatment is curiously absent in the case of slain young men Atif and Sajid, whom the police claim to be 'terrorists'. It mentions the injuries and bullet entry wounds on Atif's and Sajid's bodies but refuses to consider the fact that Sajid had several bullet wounds on his forehead and head regions, which suggests he was shot while made to crouch or squat.

Further, in both Atif and Sajid's case, the postmorten report mentions 'several ante-mortem injuries including firearm wounds'. This only suggests that there were at least a few 'non-firearm wounds'. In what circumstances were these caused? The enquiry team provides us with no explanation. In the absence of any description, the suspicion that they could have been tortured before being encountered gets strengthened.

The weapons which killed Inspector Sharma, W/2 and W/3, according the Commission, belonged to no one in the police party, and were therefore quite obviously it concludes, the possessions of the slain youth, Atif and Sajid. The NHRC here places an implicit faith in the Delhi Police, and chooses to ignore what the civil rights activists have been saying from day one, that no panchnama or seizure list was prepared in the presence of any independent witnesses, as is procedurally required.

By ignoring all contrary voices, the NHRC has proved itself to be a propaganda arm of the state, and not the independent custodian of human rights of the country's citizens, as it was created to be.

"NHRC betrayed the trust of the people by completely denying the other party to be heard (in the Batla House encounter case). The report of the Commission is a sheer mockery of humanity," political secretary of Jamaat-e-Islami Hind and convenor of the CCIM Mujtaba Farooq told reporters.

The state relies on its armed power to build its political credibility killing with impunity. Chhattisgarh, Andhra, North East, Kashmir, Punjab have too prominently exposed it. Jaswant Khalra will be always remembered for exposing thousands of such cases in Punjab. Ultimately he fell to the bullets and torture of the state agencies. His body was never found. Every clue was destroyed and those who indulge in state terrorism are rewarded with honours like super cops and encounter experts. This biggest democracy of the world also has the distinction in suppressing and dishonouring the democratic voice of the people.

(Compiled from various sources)

Latin America is entering a period of profound economic recession, financial crises, collapsing stock market quotations, prices, deep devaluation of its currencies, growing unemployment, declining revenues and the prospect of a prolonged socio-economic recession. The economic breakdown, which is still unfolding, affects the entire political spectrum, extending from the far-right Uribe regime in Colombia to the social-liberal Chilean and Brazilian governments of Bachelet and Lula da Silva to the 'center-left' regimes of Evo Morales in Bolivia and Rafael Correa in Ecuador and even to the leftist government of Hugo Chavez.

1It is not surprising to see that rightist regimes , embracing neo-liberal doctrines and deeply enmeshed in free trade agreements with the US, following its path to economic collapse. The deepening crisis has affected, with equal or greater force, the so-called 'center-left' regimes of Brazil, Ecuador, Argentina, Bolivia and Nicaragua.

The uniformity of the collapse of Latin American economies raises important questions about the changes and claims of independence, decoupling and post-liberal models, which many regime leaders, ideologues and progressive US-European Latin American writers made over the past several years.

The collapse of what some writers have referred to as Latin America's 'pink tide' and other more exuberant publicists referred to as the new 'revolutionary regimes' (and other more prudent analysts called the 'post-neo-liberal' democracies) raises serious questions about the emergence of a new dynamic heterodox model no longer subordinated to the US.

The simultaneous economic crises in Latin America and US/Europe call into question the degree of structural changes that were implemented by the center-left Latin American regimes. More specifically, the breakdown focuses attention on the continuities in financial systems, trade patterns, productive structure and free trade policies with their predecessor neo-liberal regimes. The claims of 'de-coupling' put forth by the pundits of the center-left have been proven to be without substance.

Faced with the collapse of the center-left economies, their former ideological cheerleaders have alternated between a deafening silence and avoidance of any structural explanations, and/or to simply project 'blame' on the 'casino capitalism' of the US. The latter posture begs the question of the center-left regimes' domestic policies which opened their economies and made them excessively vulnerable to Wall Street speculation. Up to the recent collapse, the intellectual defenders of the 'center-left' had little to say about the Wall Street linkages, busying themselves with the temporary high growth rates, which they attributed to the 'new heterodox model'.

The problem avoidance and external finger pointing adopted by the ideologues of the 'New Latin American Left' reflects a fundamental misunderstanding or ignorance of what was really going on within these countries. They substituted emotional gratification at rhetoric flourishes and symbolic changes and privileged invitations to private soirees with the 'center-left' presidents over hard analyses of substantive policies and structural continuities. Disentangling illusions from reality is the first step to coming to terms with the existing collapse affecting the region and the disastrous consequences for the great majority of wage, salaried and informal workers and peasants.

The 'New Latin American Left' (According to Its Publicists)

Despite the extensive and, in some cases, profound differences in social structure, levels of economic development and sheer wealth among Latin

2America's 'center-left' regimes – their publicists, advocates and adversaries claimed they were breaking with neo-liberalism and pursuing a vastly different socio-economic model, a break with the past, a heterodox economic strategy which combined 'market' and 'state' in pursuit of what some claimed was 'Twenty-First Century Socialism'.

This line of argument defined the 'novelty' of the new center-left by identifying twelve areas of 'transformation' or change. The 'new center-left' ideologues argued that, in contrast to the previous neo-liberal regimes (NLR), the center-left regimes (CLR):

1. Adopted a new more socially responsive economic model that pursued 'mass inclusion', cultural diversity and social justice;

2. Put an end to 'free market neo-liberalism' and replaced it with a 'state-market model';

3. Began a process of 'social transformation' (Argentina), a 'democratic and cultural revolution' (Bolivia), 'twenty-first century socialism' (Ecuador), and a process of long-term high growth based on fiscal responsibility and social justice (Brazil);

4. Ended discrimination and exploitation of the indigenous people (Brazil and Ecuador) and empowered the Indian communities (Bolivia);

for an average family of five! This amount is just eyewash when the number of people who require jobs are counted. And even if the scheme is implemented with honesty the allocated amount falls very much short of the requirement. Moreover, in many states the labourers are already getting more than 100 rupees a day as daily wagers. The NREG Scheme is indiscriminate while setting the standards never taking into account the regional disparities and standard of living of the people nor other requirements than mere food, the medicines, the clothes, the education, houses and so on. Various labour unions in various parts of the country have been demanding at least 180 days of job guarantee for every (and not only one as the scheme stipulates) able person in the family and their wages attached to the price index and not just Rs. 100. But the rulers have turned deaf to this demand while presenting the budget. The intention in fact is to raise a political superstar for the fragile and poverty stricken country and its restless masses. Labouring classes as a whole have been kept out of the 'national asset' of the country as budget does not provide any relief to them while the capitalists and exporters have been given bailout packages. The finance minister only talks about social security of the unorganised sector workers but the there is no a single rupee allocated for this purpose in the budget.

'Gribi Hatao' has been a long standing slogan of the Congress Party, right from the times of JL Nehru, the first prime minister of India who pushed the Indian poor into the jaws of destiny in the name of tryst with destiny and later on it acquired crescendo proportions during the times of Indira Gandhi. Then there was a 20 point program during emergency (Sanjay times) and Rajiv's blind barging scheme into the 21 century, now we have Sonia-Rahul NREGS. Poverty of the masses has been a boon for the rulers for political corruption in the form of deception. Poverty multiplies and so do the poor. The national income grows enormously, the inflation slumps to negative but food and other essentials over which about a billion people live go out of reach. This kind of progress is again promised through the current budget cloaked in high sounding phrases.

The upliftment of the dalits has been an issue right from the time of independence and the congress has been projecting itself as a champion of their cause. But the Special Component Plan which is addressed to this task has seen a decline of planned expenditure from 7.05% to 6.43%. We know that the dalits constitute 16% of the society but they get a very small share of the budget. And much of this allocation is later diverted t the building of flyovers, bridges, highway community halls etc. in the name of providing facilities to this most oppressed section of society.

Our country has a 44,000 such villages where the population of dalits (scheduled castes) constitute more than 50%. This budget has taken up 1000 such villages for all round development. These villages will be given Rs. 10,00,000 each under a new scheme called Prime Minister's Adarsh Gram Yojna. How much development would come with this meagre amount can be the guess of anybody. A few streets would be laid with bricks and a few pillars or gates would come up declaring the great feat of the government for the dalits. Rest of the money would be drained in corruption and loot. Don't we know that after 62 years of independence 95% of the scheduled castes are living in abject poverty and degradation in spite of the entire hullabaloo and fanfare around this question?

This budget also addresses to the issue of development of the tribal areas under the 'Tribal Sub-plan' and a part of the budget has been allocated to it which is 4.10% while in the previous year it was 4.21%. We all know the money meant for tribals seldom reaches them. The government will spend on suppressing their revolts than for development.

The minorities share in this budget has been raised by 74% which is spent by the ministry concerned with the minorities' affairs. This most likely seems an election ploy for the coming elections for state legislatures in West Bengal and other states. The government has declared that that special attention would be given to build water, electricity, roads, education, banking facilities in minority dominated districts.

The budget also talks of providing 25 kilograms of rice and wheat per month at the rate of Rs. 3 per kg. to the families living below poverty line in cities as well as villages. Previously the BPL families were given 35 kg. of grain per month. This is done under the proposed food security law. For this purpose the budget has allocated only 52, 490 crore of rupees this time while

last year this was 43,627 crores. Yet millions go hungry in our land while most of the money and grain is drained in corruption and kala bazaar.

The supreme court has directed that the Integrated Child Development Services be made meaningful but merely 361 crore of rupees have been reserved for it. The poor children will continue to drop out from schools and sell small goods on the railway stations even in Delhi's all railway stations under the nose of the Supreme Court and the PM who is so eager to develop the economy as a dear one of the World Bank and his imperialist masters.

This budget also includes plans to raise education to meet world standards and for this purpose talks about providing interest free loans but the reality is that the government is all set to privatise and commoditise education and attract foreign investment in this sphere. If you have money you have education and if you don't have go to hell. The state has no responsibility to impart education to the future generation. Sakharta, the knowledge of alphabets, is sufficient for the common masses they have no need for knowledge.

The finance minister in his budget speech laid out a plan National Rural Health Mission for the rural masses. Though the total amount under this plan seems considerable but the budget cuts down spending on immunisation, disease control, and birth and child health insurance programs and also tried to lower down spending on general health programs. Common people already suffer from the pathetic situation prevailing in government health centres and have to go to the private clinics for even small ailments. With this cutting of funds for health programs the people will be forced to further rush to the private health clinics.

Ignoring Socio-economic Services

This budget has talks about taking care of social services but the reality is that this sector has been continuously seeing a decline of interest since 2007 on the part of government. In 2007-8 budget there were Rs. 12,020 crore spared for this while in the 2008-9 budget the allocation dropped to 11,940 and now it has further declined to 11,934 crore rupees. Similarly the mid-day scheme allocation in 2008-9 was 7,200 crore rupees but this time it has been downed to 7,014 crore rupees. One can see the decline in this field very clearly. Only the allocation for family welfare and water supply and hygiene system have seen an increase in percentage from the previous year starting from 2007-8 to 2009-10 the rest of the services have seen a decline in the increase of these services and some have even become negative. This percentage decline has happened especially in the services related with rural development and rural employment.

The Mirage of Agriculture Development

Ours is a country where about 70% of the population is dependent directly on agriculture and allied enterprises. But this sector of our economy has turned into a loss generating enterprise than a profitable economic activity for a great majority of the people. This has happened due to pro-capitalist and pro-imperialist policies of the government. This sector no longer is a life sustaining sector but has become a death hole. Most of the peasantry finds itself entangled in the vicious web of debt. The situation is so wretched that about 2 lakh peasants have committed suicide in the past 16 years. But the government is still continuing the same anti-peasant policies while serving the imperialist interests.

To keep the growth rate in agriculture at the rate of 4% the government, rather than policy change, is again suggesting agriculture loan as the main incentive which will further wrench the peasants in its inescapable deathly net. During 2008-09 the government had set Rs. 2,87,000 crore for agriculture loans. This time this has been increased to Rs. 3, 25,000 crores.

That is the death trap for the peasants has been further made deadly. Moreover, the government will provide loans up to Rs. 3,00,000 at 7% interest rate for smaller durations. The peasants who would be able to pay back in time would be exempted 1% of the interest. Under the loan waiver plan, the peasants having more than 5 acres of land now will have to clear 75% of their overdue debts debt by 31st December 2009. A special group has been launched for the peasants in Maharashtra who do not come under the loan waiver scheme so that the amount of debt which they owe to the mahajans is scrutinized. Along with this, the government has increased allocation of loans for drop irrigation system in this budget. But the budget has not cared a bit

More Impunity to the Already Criminalized SystemContd. from page 15

A NEW D AWNTOWARDS

Write to us at - towardsdawn@gmail.com

Another Step in the Direction of Poverty Contd. from page 4

Contd. to page 6

Latin American's 'New Left' In Crises As the 'Free Market' Collapses

-James Petras

Contd. to page 17

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to be killed in cross fire, but his back skin was severely bruised and peeled off. It appears as if he was tortured prior to being killed. Mohd Sajid (17) was a legal minor, and his post mortem reports reveal that he received multiple bullet injuries on his head. This would only be possible if he was sitting or kneeling, and was shot from above. There are just too many ambiguities which need to be resolved".

Arundhati Roy stated, "This is an extraordinary piece of work. It is really sad that the media, police and government are working in collusion with each other to break the foundations of our democracy.”

The questions raised by the report are thought provoking, she further says:

There were multiple bullet marks on the skull of Mohd Sajid, 17, which could be possible only if he was made to sit first and then shot in cold blood from above. Atif's back appeared to be skinned, as though he was dragged on a rough surface. Why then did the police claim that "there are no injuries on the bodies of Atif and Sajid except those inflicted by bullets"? (The Times of India, Oct 9, 2008).

More importantly, why are the post-mortem reports of Inspector Mohan Chand Sharma and Atif and Sajid not being made public?

The sketches of the suspects in the Delhi blasts, released by the police, do not match the descriptions of those killed. Did the police conduct a Test Identification Parade (TIP) by eyewitnesses before the burial of the slain 'terrorists'?

The police claimed that the 'terrorists' were armed with two AK-47s in Batla House. This has not been verified.

If they were firing in the air from the rooftop, as locals say, what was the motive behind it?

Legal requirements were blatantly flouted with regard to seizures. The police are required to prepare a seizure list of all items recovered from the site and it should be attested to by two public witnesses unconnected with the police. So why didn't the police do that on the spot?

Why didn't the police not show anyone the faces of the victims of the encounter killings?

Rashid Alvi, MP, Congress has reacted over this in a state managed way. "It is a welcome development and nobody should play politics over the encounter," he said

Prior to the enquiry the Delhi government had said that there was no need for a magisterial inquiry into the Batla House encounter. This the High Court had resented and ordered the national human rights commission to conduct an enquiry. The Court had also demanded to know from the government why it didn't adhere to National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) guidelines of holding magisterial inquiry in every encounter, saying adherence to NHRC guidelines shouldn't be left to “discretion of government.”

But the result of the High Court's concern has come to nothing and far from any satisfaction. It has belied all hopes of the democratic thinking people.

The nhrc had stated in status report to HC that its probe into the encounter was being hampered due to absence of a magisterial inquiry report. Besides post-mortem and inquest report, an inquiry report is the third pre-requisite for NHRC to proceed, it told HC, while urging it to issue directions.

Bit later the nhrc did not even bothered to listen the victims and concerned human rights organisation.

Along with killing of Atif Amin and Mohd Sajid the police claimed to have arrested Mohd Saif and Zeeshan from the Batla House area. Zeeshan was incidentally there in the market when he felt that he was trapped in the firing. For a safe passage he went to the police for securing protection but the police arrested him and declared him to be an Indian Mujahideen operative. The people around say that he had approached the police after seeking advice from someone on the phone, perhaps his mother, to what to do in that dangerous situation.

As has come out clearly the National Human Rights Commission's so-called

The Batla House Encounter which rocked the country in the wake of Delhi

Blasts last year continues to blot the polity with the NHRC coming in as its next victim. The NHRC has willingly received the blot coming out of the encounter guns by not even raising a single point over the brass version of the state gun-totters. It has condoned the police behaviour saying the police did not violate any human rights in killing Atif and Sajid, the promising young men who were trying to secure a career for themselves in this unsteady and atrocious world. Nhrc says that the police acted in self defence when fired upon by the youth from inside. The strange thing is that no institution of the state feels anymore the need to defend the even so-called democratic face of Indian democracy. NHRC, too is set up by the state to see into its undemocratic and atrocious doings, though deemed as an independent body for looking into human rights violations by the state it has acted otherwise now in the case of Batla House Encounter after it condoned the rapacious and rapist behaviour of the security forces and its vigilante groups in the notorious Salwa Judum campaign in south Chhattisgarh where it did not bother to listen to the complaints and petitions of various human rights organisations and activists concerning wide spread looting and burning of properties, killings and rapes of tribal people. Alas! the nhrc cannot help to condone the armed forces behaviour in the case of Sanjit's and a pregnant woman's murder in Manipur two months back which was painted by the police as an encounter but by some miracle was video graphed on a cell phone by some onlooker. The terrorism and criminalisation of police forces is increasing by the day.

When nhrc gave its verdict on the Batla House Encounter it seemed as if it was behaving on the behests of the police top brass and not as a human rights agency, even though set up by the Indian state itself. It was asked by the Delhi High Court to enquire about the controversial encounter and submit its report in two months as a number of human rights bodies and the Jamia Teachers' Solidarity Group (JTSG) had immediately challenged the media reports about the encounter on September 19, 2008. The High Court had seen independent reports brought out by various organisations including PUDR, JTSG and others. The nhrc, however, acted quickly and submitted its report right in the specified time of two months beating the record of usual enquiry commissions which take years to complete their tasks.

The quickness of the human rights commission earned it the ire of human rights organisations instead of kudos for it did not thoroughly go into the matter and just repeated the police version to corroborate the police demand that the reports that bring out reality demoralise the police force in their 'fight against terrorism'. Recently, Delhi Police filed an affidavit in the Delhi High Court, saying that a judicial probe into this case would demoralise the police force.

Of course, the nhrc has not betrayed the police administration. It acted as they had asked for. It did not bother to go through the independent enquiries, nor met the families of the victims in spite of them putting up requests for a hearing, it did not go to the place of encounter--4th floor flat of L-18 in the Jamia Nagar area, did not bother to take any efforts to contact the people living around and in L-18, and lastly, did nothing to study the post mortem reports of the two youth who were shot dead from point blank range.

"We are clearly of the opinion that having regard to the material placed before us, it cannot be said that there has been any violation of human rights by action of police," the Commission said in its 30-page report submitted in its report to the High Court.

The Commission after conducting the inquiry came to the conclusion that police action was protected by law and there was no human rights violation” and that the police action "is fully protected by law and there is no need for further inquiry in the case.”

It said "There is ample and sufficient material before us which leads to the conclusion that there was imminent danger to the life of members of police party".

Manisha Sethi of JTSG told Hardnews, "The Delhi police had stated that the occupants of L-18 at Batla house had been under surveillance since July 28. Then how did the Delhi blasts take place on September 13? The police have flouted many laws in its handling of the investigations. Atif Amin was alleged

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during this time while the poor of the slums would be bulldozed. For external security, 1,41,703 crore (which was 1,05,600 crore for the last year) have been secured for the year though there is no chance of any war with the neighbours as Pakistan is already engaged with its own subjects in a war, Lanka has just come out of a bloody and devastating war with the LTTE and China is busy containing its restive peasantry and the protesting multitudes of workers. And border maintenance will receive Rs 2,284 crore more than it already gets.

The government is afraid of the poor of the country it governs. The biggest threat is considered from the masses itself that is why it is gearing up the army to engage in internal wars.

The above analysis of the budget 2009-10 shows that the budget is totally anti-people and pro-corporate and imperialist world. It will fleece the pesants, workers and other labouring masses more to fill the coffers of corporate and imperialist sharks opening all veins for the foreign capital to suck the blood of the Indian people. We cannot hope for pro-people economic policies from the anti-people rulers. Hence, cannot expect a budget which can help the poor and exploited masses. It is only a mirage of a wish.

A.P. Singh (muktimarg@gmail.com)

for the demands of the peasants which ask for implementing long overdue land reforms, stopping the allocation of agriculture lands for SEZs and other ambitious projects, to ban all the Indian and foreign companies from indulging in all the activities concerned with agriculture, to provide simple interest loans to the peasants at the rate of 4% per annum and abolishing the compound interest system for the peasants. Nothing has been said by the FM regarding these demands of the vast masses of peasants. It should be noted that many peasant organisations and the Peoples Democratic Front of India had taken up these demands with the Prime Minister before the budget was presented but no such voice of the people was taken into account when the budget was prepared. Even the peasants had demanded that a separate budget for agriculture should be presented like the railway budget and at least 15% of the whole layout of the budget was demanded for agriculture. but this demand was not bothered. Had there been a peasant or agriculture budget comprising the fate of 70 % of the population the people would have been more able to understand the ulterior and demonic motives of the rulers. The budget, in fact, shows the contrast between people and the corporate and capitalist world siding totally with the latter. So you cannot call it a people's or humane budget. It is pro-corporate and pro-imperialist in a crassest way.

The Stress on the Development of Infrastructure and Private Investment in it

A new organisation going by the name of India Infrastructure Finance Company Limited has been launched to promote public and private investment in this field. At the same time there is a plan to launch “Takeout Financing Scheme” on the pattern existing in other parts of the world. This scheme is meant for providing channels for foreign investment through trading banks under the Public Private Partnership program. 60% of this investment will be returned back to these investors in 18 months. For this purpose this budget has reserved one lakh crore of rupees to initiate it. Moreover, this budget also promises (unfolds) a scheme to change the basic structure of cities, i.e. beautification, under Jawahar Lal Nehru National Beautification Mission. The budget has allocated Rs. 12,887 crore of rupees for this which is 87% more than the previous year. This means the city poor would be driven out of their slums with bulldozers, the livelihood of footpath shopkeepers would be destroyed for the sake of a 'nice' look and for laying down Rapid Transport System. Death and desperation will embellish the faces of citizens. Delhi and Bombay have had an experience of this so-called beautification in its worst forms. Now it will be the turn of other cities and towns to relive it. It won't just be a sight on the television for the rest of the country but a living experience. Watch out! The first cities to come under bulldozers would be Bagalore, Calcutta, Hyderabad and of course more of Delhi and Mumbai.

Along with, the national highways too will be further expanded and sprawled and there is 23% increase in this type of development allocation which will also involve private capital in a big way. 'Walk or drive on the road and pay the capitalist, this country does not belong to you' is the message from the rulers. The capitalists invest and they control the roads. There is no issue of the workers who build them.

The Increase in National Security Spending

The increase in national security is the biggest and unprecedented this time. Don't be fooled that China, Pakistan or Sri Lanka and Bangladesh are going to attack India and we need enhanced national security. No, it is to meet the internal danger against security. A government afraid of its own people which it claims to have elected it and given it reins to rule. Yes, the internal security allocation has received unprecedented increase so far. To curb the wrath of dying peasants, city poor and marginalised tribals the budget has allocated 37,299 crore of rupees to expand, train and arm police and paramilitary forces in latest weaponry and modern warfare within the borders of the country. The budgets have been impoverishing, dehumanising and marginalising the weaker and downtrodden sections of the society for a long time and the state needs to control the developing and expanding protests, resistances and revolts of those who have no stake in this system. The government is especially considering targeting the revolutionary forces which are fighting to overthrow this system of exploitation, oppression, penury and degradation. The security forces will have one lakh more houses

Batla House Encounter Report

NHRC Adds More Impunity to the Already Criminalized System- Mohsina Khatoon

Contd. to page 16

Another Step in the Direction of Poverty

the centerleft regimes were neither popular, nationalist, nor a break with neo-liberalism, this does not mean a near term turn to the left – for the simple

Contd. from page 5

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Contd. from page 18

Latin America

For Five Maharashtra Farmers Independence Day Becomes Doomsday When Indian Prime Minister Dr. Manmohan Singh was addressing the nation on occasion 63 anniversary of Indian independence and was assuring the drought hit farmers that UPA Govt. is addressing the agrarian crisis due to dry spell and shortfall in the monsoon rain, at the same time in remote part of vidarbha and marathwada in maharashtra five farmers were killing themselves due to sudden crop failure and acute distress due to huge debt. For them the Independence Day became a Doomsday.

In fact in the month of august more than 52 farmers in drought prone Vidarbha and Marathwada have committed suicide.Earlier around 2 million hector soybean sowing damaged due to dry spell in last two days 3.2 million hector cotton crop has started showing sign of fatigue and failure as pest attack ahs joined by mealy bug destroying the standing crop in central India ,the economic impact of cotton failure in rain fed are is huge if there is no monsoon herein after as most of part of rural

thVidarbha and marathwada has not received rain after 20 July hence the panic and farm suicides are being reported.

--Kishor Tiwari of Vidarbha Jan Andolan Samiti

The victims are :1, Bhakkan Jadhav in Yavatmal 2. Sapnil Dhumale In Amaravati 3. Sagar Ingole in Yavatmal 4. Devidas Suryawanshi in Nanded 5. Venkat Harkal in Parbhani.

…. the class instinct of our enemy, his class opinion, is always deserving of the

most serious attention of every class-conscious proletarian. (Lenin)

For almost a week the chatterati, the intelligentsia and the opinion makers of

all shapes and sizes were glued to their television sets and newspapers as one

of the worst incidents of state repression was unleashed on the people in the

garb of curbing, what has now become a journalistic lingo, the “naxal

menace.” Journalists and politicians were scurrying to and fro in all

seriousness. The latter to decide on the quantum of firepower to teach the

truant citizens the true meaning of democracy and the former to justify these

measures. If one were to look for an analogy one can easily find it in T20!!

The press (once known as the fourth estate) was the cheerleader as our

swashbuckling macho politicians decided to bang its poor citizens out of their

homes into the camps. As the events unfolded it was clear that even the worst

demagogues in history would be marveling at this display of cynicism of the

state and the fourth estate. The operation is still going on, the state has

achieved what it wanted to- a police regime. They now can fight the “menace”

politically at their leisure. The objective of this essay is not to analyze the

strengths and weaknesses of the people's movement. There can be and there

are differing opinions on the subject but one thing that cannot be denied is that

the movement was a spontaneous peoples' uprising against the arbitrary

strong-arm tactics of the state. We are concerned here with the role of the

press, a formation that is the self-proclaimed conscience keeper of the civil

society. It appears that this time the conscience of the conscience keepers was

bought dirt-cheap.

A political leader and a head of a government cannot be a saint; he cannot

even pretend to be a saint. He has to be feared and rather enjoy the awe that

springs from fear. These lines are not by some fascist thug hankering for a

dictatorial regime but an editorial article of the largest circulating English

daily of Kolkata The Telegraph (19 June 2009). The author apparently

exasperated by the snail pace of repression evokes Machiavelli to drum sense

in the not so strong Prince, Mr. Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee. The author finds

this 'inactive' ruler not fit enough to govern with an iron hand. In a remarkable

telescoping of history, the author suggests going back to medieval tactics of

coercion. Does it ring a bell, readers? Where have you heard before the

romanticized agony of a lost golden age? The one true culture, the Ram Rajya.

The author forgot to recommend the act of ' hanged, drawn and quartered'. But

this is an age that has been preceded by the gas chambers and napalm and

Agent Orange. Killing has become civilized. The author can be pardoned!!

He just needs the “political will” of the medieval despots combined with the

ruthless efficiency of modern army and weapons. He might as well have

asked for Hitler. Is it a coincidence that the author has recommended such a

prescription? Let us see.

Before Lalgarh took the political center stage the “liberal” press was euphoric

over the results of the Lok Sabha elections that saw congress retaining power.

The results were more dramatic in the case of Bengal as the “Red Bastion”

was cracked. Now, that the “Left” government had nothing Left (pun

intended) about it is a political truism. There seem to be only political naives

and lumpen-intellectuals that believe that a Marxist party heads the

government in Bengal. There are vested interests that want this view to be

propagated to deride the ideology. More about it later. The Telegraph in its

coverage of the results outdid itself. Even the lackeys of the “High

Command” of the AICC could not have done a better job in singing paeans to

the ultimate leader and the heir-apparent. Reams were destroyed to hunt for

the “revolutionary steps” that the leader has taken. One of them was the

NREGA, guaranteeing a rich 100 days work to the rural poor. Correct me if I

am wrong, but normal people have to feed, clothe and shelter themselves for

365 days a year. Maybe, people who rule over us and the conscience keepers

that govern our thoughts have different metabolic rates. Nonetheless, the

revolution was done. When the Home Minister declared his agenda and will

to fight the “naxal menace” the day was made for the faithful scribes. The

revolution was not devoid of its violent content after all. The spaces now

could be filled with attacks and counter- attacks and the readers would be

forced to buy and talk the newspaper every morning. After all, the papers have

to pay their overworked reporters a handsome salary!! So much for the

preparatory material. There can be no “informed” reporting without

prescriptions. Here is a sample:

Insurgency cannot be quelled with hands that are covered in kid gloves, and

the urge to be popular. The fear of being feared is stopping the government

from taking the action demanded by the prevailing situation.

George W. Bush, anyone? We have now the complete picture of the kind of

government this author wants. It has to be a police regime that has to crush the

people indiscriminately to put the fear of state in their souls. Their grievances

be damned!! In one stroke the issues of underdevelopment, poverty and

repression is swept under the carpet and out comes the strong leader. The

author is a little amnesiac here. He forgets that there was a certain slogan

majboot neta, nirnayak sarkar (strong leader, decisive government) by a

party that has riots, demolitions and pogroms in a long list of achievements.

Maybe the author was keeping his political options in case the next election

results are opposite to this time. The Fourth Estate needs its connections in the

rest of the three. After all they too have to survive the cutthroat competition in

the production and distribution of news. They can do with some facilitation in

the power circles!

The next day's editorial page was even more instructive. This time in the

realm of history. The piece deserves to be quoted in full for its sheer illiteracy

and humbug. It is a good example of the intellectual bankruptcy that plagues

journalism.

It would not be unfair to him and to the CPI (M) to suggest that his role models

are those who occupy a hallowed place in the pantheon of international

communism — Vladimir Ilyich Lenin, Josef Stalin and Mao Zedong. The

records of these 'heroes' in suppressing rebellion should be instructive

reading for Mr. Bhattacharjee — not that he is unaware of this history. To cite

a few instances. Lenin had no hesitation in ordering the troops in 1921 to

attack the rebellious Kronstadt sailors who at one time had been the most

steadfast supporters of the Bolsheviks. Stalin, during the great terror of 1937-

38, liquidated some two million people; he also had Leon Trotsky, his great

rival and critic, pursued across continents to have him eliminated in Mexico.

Mao's use of violence during the Cultural Revolution in China and at other

times has become part of revolutionary lore. Mr. Bhattacharjee is a claimant

to a rich legacy.

There is no point talking about the necessity of a scientific method in historiography to this wannabe historian of The Telegraph. It seems he has taken history lessons from the History Channel and Fox History. It is a matter of amusement and one that the readers should experience themselves. You go to any bookshop and just look for the hagiography on the Bolshevik Revolution and The Great Proletariat Cultural Revolution. They come dime a dozen. The alleged excesses, “the reconstructed events”, the first hand accounts of the victims and so on. None of these books, however, would go into historical events with their eyes and mind open. None of them would tell us what was the reason behind the suppression of the Kronstadt rebellion, the counter-revolutionary forces that instigated it in the first place. No one would tell us why Stalin was forced in the period of 1938-39 to collectivize agriculture so that the Revolution could be protected from the impending onslaught of the Nazis. No one would even tell us that the governments of Britain and the United States declined the offer made by Stalin to from an alliance against the Nazis because British and the US capital were reaping rich profits in the same Nazi dispensation that was committing the worse crime against humanity ever known in the history of mankind. That the Great Proletariat Cultural Revolution was the most significant qualitative step forward in continuing class struggle in a socialist society is again lost to our scribe-cum-historian-cum- hagiographer. But then we cannot accept historical sense from the busy author who has to oversee the publication of t2.

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In the Bidhan Sabha election of 2006, CPI (M) achieved their greatest victory, practically getting rid of the opposition. The effectiveness of social fascism was fully explored by CPI (Marxist). Subduing the dissent with subtle intimidation and captivating the middle class intellectuals, they could retain the chair with substantial authority. They also got the support of global capital and corporate media which were like the 'new feather to the crown'.

Mamata was in a quagmire at that time. Her aspiration to be the chief of Bengal was supposed to be a far flung dream. But suddenly the haste with which the West Bengal Government decided to hand over agricultural land to land sharks (like Tata, Salem Group, Real Estate Groups) fueled the uprising against forceful acquisition. They underestimated the emotion of farmer closely attached with agricultural land, and expected to quell the rage by deploying organized state machinery and police force. But they totally failed in their attempt. The defiant people foiled every invasion by the ruling party.

Mamata did not miss the opportunity to retrieve the lost ground. She utilized the blazing time and aggravated the resentment of people in elections. Though we did not hear a single word from her against the forceful land acquisition in Rajarhat, at the proximity of Kolkata, a decade ago. May be the social ignorance about that incident deterred her to stir a finger. Singur and Nandigram had marked a rippling effect in society, so this time she had to support it, irrespective of her political ideology.

Lalgarh movement and the problem of mainstream political opposition:Lalgarh movement hit the roof against the police atrocities. The police and CRPF unleashed a reign of terror in 35 villages encompassing the tribal belt of Lalgarh. The witch haunting for Maoists cost heavily to the tribal people. Chitamoni Murmu lost her eyesight, several others were brutally beaten.

The people of Lalgarh reacted spontaneously. They formed their own organization, that is People's Committee Against Police Atrocities (PCAPA). They did not allow any

political organization to be in command of the movement while any one from any political party can join the Committee only after putting down his flag.

This stringent condition of PCAPA was not at all remunerative for Trinamool, mainly Mamata. The committee structure and decision making procedure also was not familiar with the Trinamool or other parties where decision making process is totally autocratic. Especially for the party like Trinamool where Mamata is all in all. Realizing the fact that it was hard to control the movement (like Nandigram where the common forum 'Bhumi Uchhedh Protirodh Committee' was disbanded immediately after November carnage to champion Trinamool flag), Mamata kept herself aloof from the movement. Though she attended a meeting in Lalgarh in a commendation program

ndfor three committee martyrs, shot dead by CPI (Marxist) on 2 February 2009. Mamata was present there as an individual, without her party banner which was quite unprecedented. The inexorable character of the Lalgarh movement compelled her to bend to people's democratic aspiration.

There was an ample distinction between Nandigram/Singur and Lalgarh. Like Nandigram, Lalgarh movement also had to confront the invasion of CPI (Marxist) 'Harmad's (armed hordes) with the accord of police. But Lalgarh movement did not provide marketability to any mainstream political party. No opportunist had any room to make a political game of snakes and ladders regarding Lalgarh. No establishment could appropriate this movement. Lalgarh was not the fertile land to yield electoral benefit. It did not suffer from constitutional limitations. When all the electoral parties were busy mediating about Lalgarh with the administration, the defiant people of Lalgarh abhorrently rejected to make any compromise.

After the episode in February, Mamata distanced herself for a long period from the movement, till 'Operation Lalgarh' had started.

Operation Lalgarh: the hazy role of Mamata The state government opted for military solution to mitigate Lalgarh movement. They did not pay any heed to the people's demand. The character of the movement also became a matter of concern to State and Central both. West Bengal Chief Minister Budhyadev Bhattacharya went to Delhi to fetch 'consent' from the Home Minister P. Chidambaram and pleaded for joint operation with central force. Like Nandigram, the aim was to eliminate the Maoist 'virus'. As a whole, the operation was to suppress the historical people's upsurge in Lalgarh.

At the beginning of the joint operation Mamata alleged that the Lalgarh operation was a conspiracy of CPI (M) to distract attention from the ongoing violence and unrest prevailing in West Bengal after the Lok Sabha election. Post election scenario was traumatizing as both Trinamool and CPI (M) indulged in arson and killing opposition. The bloodshed that

pervades the politics of West Bengal was not the contribution of Maoists only. But Lalgarh operation was not contrived by CPI (M) only.

She claimed that she had not been consulted on joint operation! (TOI, June 26, 2009). Mamata has been the standing Rail Minister in UPA government. It is hard to believe that Congress will do such an important operation bypassing Trinamool or Mamata, at least in West Bengal. In our opinion, Congress, Trinamool and CPI (M), all yearned to quell the Lalgarh Movement as it was a challenge to every one of them.

Mamata tried to shroud her paltry role with some futile allegations against the connection between CPI (Marxist) and CPI (Maoist) because both of them were split up from erstwhile CPI! 'Maoists were none but dissident CPM cadre'. (TOI, June 26, 2009) She also alleged that the incident of Dharampur (where the plush house of a CPM strongman had been shattered and CPM

thparty offices were burnt down by PCAPA supporters) on 15 June was a well engineered drama by CPI (M) to justify police operation.

thThe voter turnout in Lalgarh on 30 April was below 13%. Though PCAPA had not made a call to boycott poll, people of Lalgarh stayed away from voting according to their conscience. From their experience they were aware of deceitful administration and 'Netas, and vowed not to allow the enemy, the State Police enter their area until administration accepts their demands. This was in agreement with the agenda of the Maoists. And Mamata exploited this democratic decision of people as a weapon to prove the link between CPI (Marxist) and CPI (Maoist), rather CPI (Marxist) and Lalgarh movement. (Though CPI (Marxist) and CPI (Maoist) are the arch rivals from political point of view, a s everybody knows well). In the Jhargram constituency, Mednipore, CPI (Marxist) candidate Dhirendra Nath Baske won by a convincing margin over the Trinamool candidate. 'Vote boycott in Lalgarh (also in Purulia) assisted CPI (Marxist) to accomplish the win.' If the rage of Lalgarh had gone in favour of Trinamool ballot box, then Mamata had something to say.

The simple arithmetic calculation does not indicate any sign of their claim. The margin of the wining candidate in Jhargram and Purulia would easily surpass the number of voters abstaining.

The theory that the Maoist is the B-team of CPI (Marxist) was inculcated by Trinamool machinery. We were stunned as we tried to communicate with general (and intellectual) Trinamool supporter on the issue of Lalgarh Operation. Squarely they repeated that all protesters in Lalgarh were Maoists and boycotting the election they emboldened CPI (Marxist). Asking them about the tyranny and persecution on innocent tribal people by security forces, we only received reticence.

Mamata was clearly eager to cash on the movement for electoral victory. A movement is legitimate only if it paves her way to the Writer's Buildings. People and protester are the step- goats in her ascent to the chair of the Chief Minister of West Bengal.

At the beginning of the joint armed operation she said that the PCAPA spokesperson Chhatradhar Mahato should be arrested long before. After one week of operation, under the shadow of the guns of security forces, around 30,000 people had fled their home (TOI, June 26, 2009) and CPI (Marxist) was trying to recapture the ground of Lalgarh closely trailing the route of the police, with the help of bike-gangs and armed cadres. Mamata saw the opportune moment again to use the Lalgarh situation for her electoral consolidation. She again started rumbling that 'CPI (Marxist) was trying to trap' Central in Lalgarh. 'CPM was using crackdown to recover its strategic advantage in Lalgarh'. 'CPM is using it (Lalgarh) to provide oxygen to Marxists (Maoists)' (TOI, June 26, 2009). What an analysis!!!

After three days, Mamata Banerjee had called upon Centre to call an emergency meeting to review the Lalgarh situation and declare the area as 'disturbed'. According to her, innocent villagers were being harassed by the armed forces and CPM men who are slowly infiltrating into the troubled zone. 'Only Central force should be sent there' (TOI, June 30, 2009). Does the Trinamool chief know what 'disturbed area' mean? Is not the repressive and autocratic role of the Army in Manipur, Kashmir revealed to Mamata? She was surely aware of the draconian 'Armed Force Special Power Act' in the 'disturbed' areas, but she had a definite intention behind the repeated demand of 'disturbed' area. Firstly, she could show off her fight against CPI (Marxist) goons (harmads), secondly if the 'rule of law' would be established by intimidation and atrocities, and if PCAPA leadership were compelled to abscond or apprehend, Trinamool would have the vacant space for march there. Mamata also could establish herself as the gracious queen of 'shattered Lalgarh', and could indent a footmark in the tribal belt. For the upcoming Bidhan Sabha election, these areas are very important to Mamata.

For the sake of electoral politics, joint operation or more draconian deployment of Army was very much necessary to Mamata. To curb the anti-state, anti-establishment, anti-hegemony character of Lalgarh, her aggressive leadership must be checked. Then Mamata can only initiate her populist politics of marketing Lalgarh.

When Watchdogs become Lap dogs: Lalgarh and the Press. -Mithilesh

Contd. to page 8

Contd. from page 8

Lalgarh Movement and Mamata

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not negotiate with the committee any more. And it was the state which started this war. Systemic and direct killing of people have continued with all other possible forms of violence in these regions for ages. The people are now fighting it back. Moreover, when the state does not use its official forces directly, it uses the unofficial contingents. These are the Salwa Judums, the Ranvir Senas, the Harmad Vahinis. Who did the rampage in Nandigram in November 10th? It was not the CRPF. The CRPF was rather acting as the

'saviour' of the people then. The killings, the rapes, the loots were all done by the unofficial contingent, the harmad vahini. They were assisting the state on 14th March, came center stage in November. The police did not have to 'dirty its hands' to 'recapture' Nandigram. The presence of Harmad Vahini is well known by now. They tried to encroach and terrorise the people and capture grounds from the committee. They failed miserably infront of the resilient masses. And the more trained official watchdogs of the state had to come forward in fighting these people. the people who condemn violence in straightjacket terms must understand these power balances first and then set their arguments. And these arguments have been countered by none other than Mao Tse tung himself way back in 1927. This is what he says in the Report on an investigation of the Peasant movement in Hunan:“then there is another section of people who say, 'yes, the peasant association are necessary but they are going rather too far'. This is the opinion of the middle-of-the-roaders. But what is the actual situation? True, the peasants are in a sense 'unruly' in the countryside. Supreme in authority the peasant association allows the landlord no say and sweeps away his prestige. This amounts to striking the landlord down to dust and keeping him there…at the slightest provocation they make arrests, crown the arrested in tall paper hats, and parade them through the villages, saying, 'you dirty landlord, now you know who we are'. Doing whatever they like and turning everything upside down, they have created a kind of terror in the countryside. This is what some people call 'going too far'…such talk might seem plausible, but in fact it is wrong. First, the local tyrants, evil gentries and lawless landlords have themselves driven the peasants to this. For ages they have used their power to tyrranise over the peasants and trample them underfoot; that is why the peasants have reacted so strongly. The most violent revolts and the most serious disorders have invariably occurred in places where the local tyrants, evil gentries and lawless landlords have perpetrated the worst outrages. The peasants are clear sighted. Who is bad and who is not…who deserves severe punishment and who deserves to be let off lightly…Revolution is not a dinner party, or writing an essay, or painting a picture, or doing embroidery; it can not be so temperate, kind, courteous, restrained and magnanimous. A revolution is an insurrection, an act of violence by which one class over throws another.”

The civil society must understand this. The CPM people who have been killed, expelled, fined, paraded with shoe-garlands are not any other 'individual'. They have their particular tainted histories. They are the agents and informers of a dangerous social fascist force or were local tyrants, evil gentries and lawless landlords who had tortured and terrorized people more than they could tolerate. And therefore it is futile to debate what should be the 'correct strategy tactics' of the movement sitting in Calcutta. The civil society must realise that however they may want it to happen, course of this movement will ultimately not be decided in the streets of Calcutta or in the comfortable corners of the Coffee House. The people who are fighting this brutal state machinery, in the streets, villages, jungles of Jungalmahal will be sole determinant of its strategies. They will determine the nature and future of this struggle. In the process if the people feel that the Maoists are deterring, degenerating or derailing the movement from its ultimate goal then they will isolate the

Maoists themselves. Like the people of Nandigram, majority of whom were CPM activists and yet they rose up in arms against their own party when it

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Coming back to the point, if Marxism was dead why make such a hue and cry about it. We never get to read a book saying Platonism is dead or for that matter Kantianism is dead. The specter of communism is still haunting our lumpen intellectuals that feed on the crumbs thrown by the profit mongers.

The author again reminds of the legacy of communism that Mr. Bhattacharjee is supposed to follow in the crushing of the Lalgarh movement. Our author wants complete destruction of the people; he has no use for ideologies and political positions. Baying for blood has a new connotation. Hannibal the cannibal, anyone? The rot runs deep than these two mere pieces. It is not a coincidence that this kind of journalistic writing is appearing. Economic fundamentalism leads to political fundamentalism that spills into various organs of civil society. Our bleeding heart journalists at The Telegraph are impotent to wield their promiscuous pens beyond the description of Blackberry or when they decide to clean up the mess in society their emotion filled eyes cannot see beyond Steve Waugh getting his hand dirty for a “cause”. It is not that they are myopic but what they see lies beyond makes them nervous in their boots. Like a true ostrich they bury their heads and wish that any radical peoples' movement does not snowball into something big. It is a question of their existence as a class.

A basic condition for the necessary expansion of political agitation is the organisation of comprehensive political exposure. (Lenin)

We come now to our tasks in this situation. It is not enough to criticize the bourgeois press for its lopsided reporting. They are doing what they have to do, to survive as a class. To expect from them an “objective” view is expecting a scorpion without stings. Our task is now to create an alternative media that would fight the bourgeois media ideologically as well as organizationally. One of the revolutionary tasks now is to educate the masses in Marxism and establish its decisive hegemony. There is a need to take books, literature, philosophy and science of Revolution to the people who need them most. This alternative media movement would not only be the bulwark of the alternative and progressive culture but also be a political organizer. To apply the revolutionary mass-line this creation of alternative media is of prime importance. The masses are now fed on unscientific superstitious beliefs by the mainstream bourgeois media that claims everyday to find some god or another in some inaccessible nook and corner. It also bombards us with images of a decadent culture that has now nothing productive about it much in the character of finance capital that it is depended on. This calls for a greater political consciousness amongst the activists that are committed to dismantle this yoke of capital and put in its rightful place- the garbage can of history. We would like to conclude the article by a quote of Bhagat Singh that reminds us of our revolutionary tasks:

The youth will have to spread this revolutionary message to the far corner of the country. They have to awaken crores of slum-dwellers of the industrial areas and villagers living in worn-out cottages, so that we will be independent and the exploitation of man by man will become an impossibility.

Mithilesh01@gmail.com

Lalgarh Movement and Mamata: The telltale of an opportunist

Wielding the slogan 'My mother, My land, My people', Mamata Banerjee led thTrinamool Congress made a clean sweep in West Bengal in the 15 Lok Sabha

Election. The Trinamool-Congress alliance has defeated Left Front in twenty eight seats out of forty two in West Bengal, which is the most convincing win against Lefts in thirty two years. Singur ignited the struggle against the model of imperialism-aided industrialisation. Nandigram resisted Chemical Hub at a huge price, and after that the so called 'red' bastion was ravaged by a number of people's movements. Rijuanur Rehman's death under highly suspicious circumstances—in fact, his body lay beside a railway line--made the citizen infuriated and there was a barrage of protests and agitations from the entire stratum of society. The silent upsurge against the corrupt ration dealers, which reminds one of the 'Food movement' of 1966, embodied the grouse and wrath of people against the reign of Left, particularly CPI (M). Mamata supported all these people's initiatives and moves against these pseudo-lefts, stood steadfastly against the fascist rule of CPI (Marxist), and thus, this being the most important thing, she consolidated her vote bank in the CPI (Marxist) citadel, in rural West Bengal. Her intransigent struggle against CPI (Marxist) has been recognized by the people of Bengal. Unanimously she turned out to be the most acceptable opposition leader.

But Lalgarh movement experienced an unusual, different attitude of Mamata Banerjee. The alacrity she had shown before to stymie CPI (Marxist) is totally absent this time. As a 'representative' of people, her reticence over state atrocities during 'Operation Lalgarh' made people astonished. After that, some moronic comments on the Lalgarh operation and Lalgarh movement put questions about her integrity with this movement, also her view on people's movement. The so-called 'facile and emotional' Mamata this time withheld herself like a matured minister (ruler!!!).

The fact is that the Lalgarh movement was neither directed under 'guided'by the Trinamool supremo nor did it veer towards compromise or electoral negotiation. The people of Lalgarh stalked their own way to establish people's power, challenging the state power, challenging all opportunism. If we look into the kernel of Lalgarh movement, we can easily identify many constraints for which Mamata could not identify herself with this movement.

Though we have the comprehensible perception about the parliamentary opportunists and power monger oppositions in bourgeois democracy, we just accentuate on the bankrupt electoral games of Mamata, through this people's movement of Lalgarh.

Rise of Mamata: Mamata Banerjee started her political carrier as a member of Congress. She caught the attention of society first in 1984, defeating CPI (Marxist) bigwig Somnath Chatterjee in Jadavpur Lok Sabha constituency. The ascent of Mamata as the main opposition to CPI (Marxist) is a long tale, but surely her exertion is noticeable. Unlike other Congress leaders, she maintained an anti-left, anti-corruption image. She fought CPI (M) from the front, left the Congress criticizing it as the B-team of CPI (Marxist), and built the Trinamool Congresss party in 1996. Despite the setback in the 2001 Bidhan Sabha election, she continued her 'crusade' against CPI (Marxist). Mamata took over the single point agenda of contending CPI (Marxist) and had made an impression as the 'fiery girl of Patuatola'( her birthplace).

After the Bidhan Sabha election 2001, Mamata faced the trouble time as CPI (Marxist) projected the 'new age left' leader Budhhadeb Bhattacharya as CM. The new Chief Minister became the blue-eyed-boy of the corporate world and media. Openly and brazenly he and his colleagues advocated for the investment of big capital, privatization, liberalization and SEZs. They tried to deceive people by raising the theory of 'switching from Agriculture to Industrialization', athough bluntly following the model of Globalization & Industrialization. The American ambassador David Malford praised Buddhadev at the 'best agent' of America in 2006.

Mamata did not have much to oppose the new economic policy unless the people of Bengal had started waging war against capital. Her war-cry against CPI (Marxist)-totalitarianism was daily feature in print and electronic media during the regime of Bhattacharya up to 2006. She had nothing to bother about the dreaded new economic policies. Moreover, the privatization process of Indian Railways had started with the green from the then Railway Minister Mamata Banerjee during the NDA regime.

CPI (M) and Mamata both belong to the same ideological background, serving the policy makers and ruling class, and striving and contending for Governmental Chair. It does not matter whether Mamata is a clean personality or not, whether she leads a simple life or not. The class position only determines the accountability of a politician. Otherwise all the embellishments is/are useful to conceal the truth and helpful to become despot.

When Watchdogs become Lap dogsContd. from page 7

Do not get deceived, it is not Sri Lanka or Chechnya, its Lalgarh in West Bengal

Contd. to page 14

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Democracy from the barrel of the gun?

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communist organisation they can not accept ban of any organisation but that CPI (Maoist), who have been declared as a 'terrorist organisation' are a nuisance and has to be defeated 'not only politically but also administratively' and hence the army operation. Maoist spokesperson Gaur Chakravarti was also booked under the notorious black law ULAPA, by the state police, despite initial verbal 'protests' to this law by these so-called 'Leftists'. The ideological shadow boxing between Congress and CPM finally came to a friendly end. The fascist forces declared their unity against 'terrorist' (read resilient people).The social fascist nature of CPM has been exposed to its hilt since Singur. We remember there too, how local CPM goons as well as the administration restricted people from going inside to the villages maintaining that they are 'outsiders'. In Singur station, while the anti-land grab movement was consolidating, people were asked of their identity proofs to ascertain that they are local residents and only after that they were allowed inside. In Nandigram on 14th March, media people were physically stopped from going to Nandigram so that the details of the carnage remain in dark. In Lalgarh too, the concerted attempt to restrict the carnage from being brought into public knowledge is blatant. Section 144 has been implemented in and around Lalgarh but A seven member all India fact finding team was stopped right in Medinipur town itself. One more team consisting of Medha Patekar, Anuradha Talwar, Sujato Bhadra and others was also stopped on the Highway to Lalgarh. One of its members, reputed film maker Gopal Menon was beaten up badly by the police and had to be immediately hospitalized with fractures and internal injuries. Attacks on media people also continue and media is restricted from going to the interiors where the brutality of army action is taking place. Recently the school children of Lalgarh protested boldly against the shameful act of the para-military to turn their schools into army camps. The children were not spared and beaten up with lathi and rifle buts. The police unambiguously declared that these students will be arrested if anymore protests are staged by them. The para-military has shot at and brutally lathicharged on people in processions and gatherings. The same CPM which had smelt the presence of CIA behind Lalgarh has asked the American and Israeli agencies to help them with satellite images of the jungles so that they can track the maoists. And understandably the agencies complied. Democracy and all its pretensions have therefore come to a complete dead end in Lalgarh. For the opposition i.e TMC too, Lalgarh is a conspiracy! A game-plan by CPM this time to, divert public attention form the mass support which the TMC has garnered in the Loksabha polls! Mamata Banerjee kept completely quiet till the first few days of the operation. After challenged by Kishanji, the PB member of CPI (Maoist) to take a position on all this, she was forced to open her mouth. In her self-styled animosity, she first proclaimed that there are no Maoists in Lalgarh and the entire para-military operation is a 'got up case'. In a few days she changed her stands to call it 'state terror' but took no position against the Central government which is an equal partner to this venture against the people, as she herself belongs to their cabinet. She had an emergency meeting with the finance minister in the airplane on her way to Delhi and she seemed 'satisfied' with his position. She after all is not happy with the people of Jnugalmahal at all, because according to her their entire vote boycott exercise was also a conspiracy with CPM to defeat TMC. In reality, TMC is also convinced that they can not make a dent in this entire people's movement and neither can they reap any electoral benefit from this as they did in Nandigram. Moreover, all the pre-electoral 'radical' posturing of TMC has by now been bridled by the magic of parliamentarian politics. They are one of the strongest partners of Congress in the centers and are bound to dance to their tunes. The place in the cabinet was enough to put an end to Mamata's pretension of 'pro-people misadventures', as the Congress might see it. The Congress, the biggest proponents of neo-liberal politics, has themselves brought SEZ to this country. Movements like Nandigram or Lalgarh to them are the biggest hindrance on their way to smooth implementation of SEZ and other neo-liberal agenda. So the Central Home Minister is equally hell bent on crushing any people's resistance to the state's model of 'development' as the state government. And Mamata Banerjee in no way can flout her master's orders. And that is the reason why, the TMC high command had to intervene and call off the vibrant movement in Khejuri, which had also called for police boycott in the same way as Lalgarh, after the police refused to arrest the CPM goons even after massive public arms haul from their residences. The people in Khejuri rightly questioned the police for not arresting these noted CPM harmads who were active in the Nandigram carnage on the 14th March and 10th November 2007 as well as the period in between. They had also tortured the people of Khejuri in all that period in various ways. The public outburst against these notorious goons was massive. They also started to protest against the police as the police did not arrest any of

these identified goons but instead, in front of the people and media, escorted them to safety. In fact the police came back to arrest the people who were taking part in the movement and blockading roads in protest. Inspired from the movement in Lalgarh the people in Khejuri also called for police boycott for a few days The Home secretary then threatened the people of Khejuri, calling their movement equivalent to one led by the maoists and warned them of major police action if the movement was not immediately called off. TMC high command intervened and flaunting their clout among the local people, forced the people to withdraw their movement. Thus one can not expect the TMC to support the genuine people's movement in Lalgarh which has boldly asserted against the state's model of 'development' as well as the state terror unleashed on them to safeguard and perpetuate such policies. The support that TMC extended to movements like Singur and Nandigram was solely aimed at garnering votes for the Loksabha polls and the upcoming assembly polls in 2011. Their position vis-à-vis Lalgarh, exposes their real class and political character completely. The third attack on the Lalgarh movement came from the ubiquitous 'civil society' of Bengal and India at large. The Civil society had registered almost unconditional support to the movements of Singur and Nandigram. Barring a few CPM sponsored 'intellectuals' the majority of social activists, human right activists, writers, painters, film makers, theater personalities, teachers and students extended their support at various levels for these anti-land grab movements. Most of them supported these movements from Calcutta, some went to these places to make brief visits, and some stayed on in these places to actively participate in these movements. For Lalgarh and Jungalmahal however, the support is neither unanimous nor unconditional from the civil society. A major section of the civil society is raising a lot of questions on the strategy and tactics as well as of the nature of this movement. The primary discomfort of the civil society is in open the presence of the Maoists in this region. Their discomfort enhanced when the CPI (Maoist) openly proclaimed its role in the movement. Such claims will ultimately kill the spontaneity of the movement, these intellectuals claim. Moreover, the majority of the civil society believes that the common people, the poor adivasis are being 'sandwiched' between the ruthless state on one hand and the gun-totting trigger happy Maoists on the other. According to them it is because of the presence of the Maoists, that the state has embarked on such a major and ruthless operation. Well, I am not a member or a supporter of the CPI (Maoist), but certain things must also be made clear to the proponents of these viewpoints. No mass movement could ever sustain itself in the long run on mere spontaneity of the masses. Lalgarh movement is a political movement with concrete agenda and maximum participation of conscious people who have tolerated poverty, underdevelopment, destitution, hunger and deprivation which is beyond the imagination of the urban elite self-proclaimed civil society, along with extreme forms of state terror and only after that they plunged into a conscious resistance. And yes these people also think. Their political convictions are far high and much more concretely embedded to the situations of reality than the self-styled Calcutta based political 'intellectuals' whose theoretical notions about mass movements have hardly ever reached the actual masses or has ever caused any substantial movement. The notion that these people are actually 'sandwiched' between these two forces has the underlying assumption that these adivasi people have no agency of their own, no consciousness and they can not think on their own either. Frankly this is a notion that elite urban so-called 'civil' Bengalis have cherished since the past one century, since the time they have considered themselves to be 'modernized and civilized' with the aid of the Her Majesty, the British Queen. In fact, in the imagination of these civil people, the proof of their 'civility' lies in the contrasting 'uncivilised' adivasis and their backwardness of thoughts and lifestyles. We should also remember that even in the Great Santal Rebellion of the 1857, the wrath of the resilient adivasis were directed equally against the erstwhile colonial state as well as the dikus, the predecessor of today's Bengali civil society, because of their exploitative and elitist roles. That these impoverished, illiterate, unconscious adivasis are fighting an organized movement without the help of any of the vote-minting political parties is something we, the 'civilised' intellectuals can not accept. We can not also accept the fact that these backward people are posing the most potent and assertive challenge to the social fascist CPM, whose misrule we all suffer but have not resisted it formidably till now. The civil society is condemning the use of violence and arms by both the state as well as the movement, particularly the Maoists. They condemn the killings of 'individual' CPM activists and also the humiliating punishments given to them by the villagers like parading them in garlands of shoes. They are appealing to both sides to restrain from violence and come to peaceful negotiation. It sounds great indeed. But the civil society must also get one thing very straight. This state machinery is here to crush this genuine movement of the people which is directed against its basic vision of 'development and nation building'. It will never give any space for negotiations. In fact the state is being very clear about that and the home secretary of West Bengal have declared with no ambiguity that the state will

central and state governments might not accept it, this is a political blunder on the part of the Indian state.

Third, the invocation of this draconian law, like other similar laws now in operation in other parts of the country, tramples down fundamental rights of the people that the Constitution of this very country professes to uphold. In fact, how would the powers-that-be in this 'land of the largest democracy' of the world would justify the imposition of this ban? The provisions of the UAPA are so draconian as to make a mockery of democracy. Unlike the law of the land, where the onus of proving the guilt of the accused lies with the government, here the onus of proving one's innocence lies with the accused, and the police forces do not have any responsibility at all. In fact, the democratic people of the country have always stood opposed to the imposition of ban on any organization— political or otherwise. I can distinctly remember that on the second day of the inaugural conference of the Committee for the Release of Political Prisoners(CRPP) held in New Delhi on March 31 to 1 April, 2008, we opposed the imposition of ban on the SIMI. On that day there was a proposal from the floor demanding the imposition of ban on the RSS. We, from the presidium opposed it. We strongly maintained that the CRPP was opposed to the imposition of ban on any organization; we were in favour of carrying on ideological struggles against such communal or other elements. How could we oppose the imposition of the ban on the SIMI, while at the same time raising the demand for banning another organization such as the RSS? The house agreed unanimously.

Fourth, history has proved time and again that such invocation of draconian laws and unrestricted terror thereby let loose on the people in the name of containing that 'enemy' would have an opposite effect. During the days of colonial rule, many revolutionary periodicals/pamphlets/books were banned by the British government. But were they able to contain the spread of revolutionary ideology by so doing? In China, during the Communist revolutionary movement, Communist Party literature was banned; but could the Communist movement be defeated by the imposition of that ban? This is simply because there is a social demand for such literature among the people, as these writings address certain questions which were burning issues and affected the vital lifelines of the people. When the state bans something, puts restrictions on the reading of literature of people's own choice, gags freedom of expression, the people, particularly the young generation, get more attracted to them. They would want to know why.

Fifth, as to the 'terror' tag, I would like to quote a few words from a letter written by K.G.Kannabiran, the eminent civil rights lawyer, presently All-India President of the PUCL and President of the Andhra chapter of the Committee for the Release of Political Prisoners(CRPP) to the Prime Minister of India. While opposing the ban, he remarked: “Maoist intervention or for that matter any political intervention on account of the failure of successive governments to perform their fundamental obligations could not be considered an act of terrorism and justify invocation of draconian laws”(www.expressindia.com, dt. 25 June 2009).

Democracy and ban can never go together. The democratic people and the democratic press should raise their voices against this draconian law, demand its withdrawal and the simultaneous unconditional release of Gour Chakraborty and all other political prisoners arrested since the promulgation of and under this draconian act.

amit_bh200405@yahoo.com

In the recent days, two important developments took place in the national scene—both of which have far-reaching implications. One, of course, is the battle for Lalgarh, which has been acclaimed by many as an advancement upon the struggle in Nadigram, and by some as the second to Naxalbari in importance. The second—that has some bearing on the Lalgarh movement also--is the banning of the CPI(Maoist) after it was tagged to the long list of what the central government described as 'terrorist organizations'. It implies that the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act, 2008(UAPA) would henceforth be applied to the members of the Maoist party or people sympathetic to their cause.

The Maoist party was banned on an all-India level with a 'terror' tag on 22 June 2009 and, henceforth, it came under the purview of the draconian UAPA. The banning of the Maoist party by the central government put the CPI(M) leadership in a dilemma. On that day itself, as if sensing that something like this is going to happen, both Prakash Karat and Biman Bose—the central and state leaders of the party—talked about political battle with the Maoists and opposed any attempt to put any ban on them. Ironically, on the very next day(23 June) after the ban was imposed, the West Bengal government toed the central government and declared it operative also in West Bengal. Biman Bose retracted and said that the state government had no option other than imposing the ban here also. The left-front partners who supported the joint military operation against the people of Jangal Mahal in the name of maiming the Maoists, opposed the ban, expectedly without any result. And Gour Chakrabarty, the person who had been officiating openly as the political spokesperson of the CPI(Maoist) for quite some time, was picked up on 24 June from a local TV channel in the midst of a discussion on the Lalgarh situation. He was booked under the UAPA—the first instance of such arrests since the ban was imposed(TOI, 23, 24 June 2009). How the Maoists themselves will react to this ban is for them to decide. On our part, we would like to state a few words about the political implications of this ban, and why it should be opposed by all democratic-minded citizens of the country.

First, by banning the CPI(Maoist), both the central and state governments have clearly admitted the fact that the Maoists are a formidable enemy to reckon with. This is a fact which they cannot deny.

Second, by banning them, they have done a very important thing which they can never acknowledge in public. That is, they have also admitted their own failure to combat them politically. The Naxalite/Maoist movement is the longest surviving revolutionary movement in the history of our country, having a history of more than four decades since 1967. Decades of brutal suppression through state terror, despite major setbacks, only increased their strength. They had raised certain fundamental questions on socio-economic condition, poverty of the people, hunger, malnutrition, death, negative impact of the Western model of development on our society and economy, plunder of the country's resources by foreign MNCs and the need for introducing a truly self-reliant, pro-people development model in our country. Many of these issues are being raised by social scientists, writers, political persons, intellectuals, retired and in-service bureaucrats over time. Even when Prime Minister Dr. Manmohan Singh described the Maoist movement as 'the greatest single threat to the internal security of the country since independence' in April 2006, he, apart from stating other things, also talked of 'walking on two legs'. Here the irony is that the Indian prime minister borrowed this phrase from no person other than Mao Tse-tung to deal with the Indian Maoists, although Mao used it to mean a totally different thing in a totally different historical context. Mao used it at the time of socialist construction. What he meant by 'walking on two legs' is to rely on both traditional and modern technology, to develop both the interior and the coastal areas, to develop both town and country and other things. While talking about the need to root out the Maoist 'virus'( he used this word later), he also admitted the fact that this movement was the outcome of socio-economic deprivation. Nobody can wish the Maoists away, as their movement--even if the method they adopt one might or might not accept—is the outcome of centuries of oppression, exploitation, humiliation and state-sponsored brutality. The reality is that the successive central and state governments had never cared to address these fundamental issues, never cared to fulfill their own fundamental obligations to the people. So by treating it solely as a 'law and order problem', it has only betrayed its utter inability to combat them on the political and socio-economic planes. By banning the Maoist party, both the central and the WB state governments, in fact, have admitted their own defeat in the face of this formidable enemy. Even if the

Democracy and Ban cannot go together-Amit Bhattacharyya

A NEW D AWNTOWARDS

Write to us at - towardsdawn@gmail.com

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Lalgarh Movement

VOL. 1 ISSUE 2 August- September 2008 VOL. 2 ISSUE 1 August - September 2009 A NEW D AWNTOWARDS

Due to unavoidable circumstances the serial article "Quiestion concering Tibet" part IV is not published in this issue. It will be continued as usual in the next issue.

VOL. 1 ISSUE 2 August- September 2008 VOL. 2 ISSUE 1 August - September 2009 A NEW D AWNTOWARDS

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A war is going on right now in the Jungalmahal of West Bengal. The state government jointly with the central government has declared war on its own people. Armed with the most sophisticated armory, with the help of satellite visions borrowed from American and Israeli agencies the well prepared war with thousands of para-military forces are going on with a lot of enthusiasm on the part of the state. They are 'fighting to recapture this area from its own people'. They are fighting to reclaim 'order', establish 'law' and reinstate 'peace'. They are determined in this mission and will do it at whatever cost of human lives. They will enforce 'peace' with whatever bloodbath it requires.

They christened the war as 'Operation Flush-out'. A desperate attempt by the state to 'cleanse/ sanitise' the entire Jungalkhand, of Maoists. The corporate media served its utmost best to package the entire operation with the most sensationalized visuals, running commentary, expert opinions by ex-army officials who depicted their past experiences of many such attempts to 'cleanse' areas of militants, they advised reporter at the warfront online to be careful of booby-traps set by the 'enemy' and so on. The operation is still on. The para-military kept 'cleansing' area after area. Burning down houses, brutally lathicharging on old people, women and children, ransacking their households, urinating and adding excreta and poison in their drinking water, stripping around 70-80 women naked in the pretext of check, molesting and raping them, burning down people's poultries, and arresting people randomly, the onward victory march of the thousands of security forces continues to 'restore law and order in the region'. Forcing people to shift into 'relief' camps is an old model. The state has replicated that too in the name of 'giving shelter and relief to people'. Destroy their livelihoods, and give them 'relief'. Haven't we seen that already in Kashmir, Chhattisgarh or in Tamil Eelam?

The 'victory' march of all-the-king's-men, the CRPF, BSF, state police, COBRA, was to rein the 'recalcitrant adivasis' of Lalgarh and other adjacent areas. But then armed forces' action is nothing new in Jungalkhand. Definitely not in this magnitude, but these areas have suffered sustained police terror coupled with the terror unleashed by CPM since the last ten years. Regular ransacking of houses in the names of 'checks and raids' took place in all the villages, at the wee hours of night. The police destroyed crops, beat up people brutally, forced women to undress to prove that they were really 'women', molested school girls in the names of body check, and so on. More than 2000 people have been illegally arrested so far to languish in jail for varied periods. Torture and arrests were common phenomena in all these regions for years. The brutal onslaught of the state, the regular assault on the lives and dignity of these people had been one of the most consistent experiences of the people, of men, women, old persons and children alike.

As consistent is the unimaginable poverty and underdevelopment. And it dates back to centuries. Most fundamental facilities like drinking water, minimum irrigation, rudimentary health services or communicable roads are missing in these areas. Electricity and education sounds like far-off fantasy here. It's been six decades since the so-called independence and people of these regions depend solely on rainfall to grow crops once a year. The government canal which was meant to provide irrigation water in the months when there is no rainfall remains dry throughout the year. The only time that it

gets water is in the monsoon! People live and die in hunger, disease, malnutrition. The pain, the poverty, the anguish, the deprivation, the destitution and deaths of these people never found their place among the glitterati news items of the corporate media.

Lalgarh became news only after the people decided to turn back, to protest against this decade old inhumanity. When the police atrocity knew no bounds after the attempt on the life of the CM in Shalboni in November 2008 by the CPI (Maoist). When Deepak Pratihar's pregnant wife was kicked on the stomach, when school children and old retired school master were rounded up as 'Maoists', when Chhitamoni Murmu lost an eye as a result of police torture. These people, impoverished, hungered, deprived for centuries finally rose up in revolt. Their limits to tolerance to the ongoing police torture finally broke down and it acted as the last straw to spark a widespread resistance. That marked the inception of one of the most historic movements in Indian history. The battle turned into a war. It was the final declaration of non-compliance to any more terror, deprivation, mal development or corruption. It is the avowal to fight back. An assertion of the wretched against the powers-that-be.

The fight back of the adivasi of Lalgarh has shaken the status quo badly. And therefore it generated a lot of debates, conspiracies, portrayals and explanations by all those who either justify or are in a comfortable/privileged position in this status quo. That included the ruling class, the bourgeoisie, the various parliamentary parties, the media and lastly the quintessential civil society. The Lalgarh movement right from the beginning was an assertive one. The adivasis participated in the movement in thousands and marched ahead with their traditional weapons, dug roads, virtually expelled police away from the regions, set up the People' Committee against Police Atrocities (PCPA) which virtually ran a parallel government. And there were the Maoists. For the last ten years these areas have been strongholds of the erstwhile CPI (ML) (People's War) and later on after the merger of the CPI (Maoist). All these factors combined, the movement was far more assertive, organized and politicized than even the anti-land grab movements in Singur and Nandigram. A section of the civil society who initially sympathized with the movement in November, tried to brand it as a 'spontaneous' uprising of the people against the sporadic state terror in Chhotapelia village. But the movement in Lalgarh was anything but spontaneous. Like state terror and underdevelopment the resistance of people in this region also has a history. The genesis of resistance dates back to the colonial period, to the great Santal rebellion which shook the mighty British Empire. The nostalgia of Santal rebellion reverberated throughout the Lalgarh movement. They threatened of calling a sarjoum girou or the general body meeting of the entire Santal population to declare war on the state. The last sarjoum girou took place in 1856 before the great Santal Rebellion. As the movement took pace, it spread like wildfire. The PCPA which was initially formed with the villagers of Lalgarh block spread to all the adjacent blocks of Shalboni, Goaltore, Ramgarh and moved across the district borders to Bankura and Purulia. It retained the same name in Bankura whereas in Purulia it was called Adivasi Moolvasi Janasadharoner Committee. The structure of PCPA is a highly democratic one consisting of three tiers, a

central committee, a zonal committee and village committees. The village committees comprised of ten members with five men and five women. The initial charter of the Committee was to fight police and CPM atrocities. However, soon it broadened its agenda and started doing developmental works. Things that governments of various hues had failed to do in the past 62 years were done by the people with collected money and voluntary labour in seven months. They constructed 20 km of roads, repaired and planted hand pumps, installed sub-marshal pumps, built a check dam, started two health centers which were lying completely dysfunctional in Katapahari and Belpahari, and even distributed government barren vest land among landless people. They also became vocal against three sponge iron factories near Lodhashuli that were causing massive pollution. In Purulia, the committee also started a co-operative to distribute seeds among peasants. The people consistently boycotted police and CPM. The Kalaimuri camp of the CRPF was demolished by ten thousand people once the CRPF contingent was forced to move out of it. The people discovered two thousand empty bottles of liquor from the camp! In June the police of Ramgarh station also withdrew.

The fight in Jungalmahal is therefore a clash between two systems: It is an organized battle against the system of oppression, exploitation, deprivation, the system that operates with the dictates of the neo-liberal policies, the system that trumpets its legitimacy in variant forms through the glitterati of the corporate media. Predictably the most formidable resistance to this system which we have accepted through our inaction came from the most deprived and impoverished people of the society. Lalgarh was different from the movement in Singur or even Nandigram. It did not make the mistakes of allowing the state inside like in Singur. Unlike both Singur and Nandigram, it also did not allow political parties to join the committee with their banners. In that way the committee could never become the fiefdom of any political party. But the most crucial difference between the movement in Lalgarh and that of Singur and Nandigram lies elsewhere. These anti-land-grab movements were a fight between state terror and status quo. The movement in Singur fizzed out once it became clear that the land allotted for the proposed car factory can not be retrieved. The movement in Nandigram was called off when the government withdrew its decision to acquire land from there. The Lalgarh movement is a much more forward looking movement with more progressive aim of breaking status quo and building a new society. The visions that were embedded in the alternative development that they undertook contain the seeds of such a people's system. The magnitude of state terror unleashed on the people is therefore far higher in Jungalmahal than it was in Singur and Nandigram. The state is far more brutal because it not only needs to crush the movement but also demolish this vision. Lalgarh must not become a model.

Different sections are consistently maligning the movement trying to delegitimise it. For the ruling party CPM, this is a clear ploy to destabilize a democratically elected government. They see TMC alliance with the Maoists yet again to dethrone a 'people's government'. Why else is the movement selectively killing CPM men, many of whom are also poor adivasis? This is a concerted attack on the 'left movement' in this country for them and predictably they also hold the Congress government responsible for it and also smell the invisible hands of CIA! What they conveniently try to hide behind the smokescreen of these brazen theories is the role of CPM led government in perpetuating and deteriorating the conditions of extensive poverty and underdevelopment in these regions. They also conveniently forget the police terror unleashed on the people for the last one decade to 'control' their grievances. Electorally CPM could retain the seats in these regions through massive rigging and due to lack of any consolidated opposition. They took that to be marker of people's support. Alienated from the masses the leadership is probably clueless about the wrath of the people incurred by CPM in this region. When we a team of JNU students visited Lalgarh, Ramgarh and Shalbon just before the operation started we could see the palpable anger and hatred among the masses for the CPM party. Village after village made no secret about the misrule and anger for CPM. The CPM cadres acted solely as agents and informers of police, they

said. They updated the police and their party high command about the political activities and propensities of the people. Before any election 30-50 people from every region who were supporters of various political parties other than CPM were rounded up as 'maoists' only to be released after elections were over. This was a blatant attempt to sabotage the electoral campaigns of opposition parties. In villages like Shijua, Madhupur, Dharampur etc there were regular attacks by the harmad vahini or the armed CPM goons. They usually came dressed in black, riding bikes. They zoomed along the village roads, ransacked and set houses on fire, beaten up people, molested women as police stood as mute spectators. In Madhupur, the Panchayat office was turned into a camp of the harmads. After November people set up armed resistance against these goons. A few of them like Jayanta Mahato were killed. A few others were paraded around the villages wearing garlands of shoes. Many CPM cadres gave public statement and left CPM to join the Committee. The ruling party is shocked by this vigorous outburst of people. Yet they refuse to recognize the decade long torture and humiliation they themselves have unleashed on these people which resulted into such violent reaction. The high point of the onslaught on CPM was when thousands of people gathered and in a jubilant mood demolished the house of Anuj Pandey the Local Committee secretary of CPM. The incident itself was symbolic of the mass anger of people against CPM, as was the palatial house of the absconding Pandey. Amidst the sea of extreme poverty, the regal house stood as a proud emblem of CPM's class rule, corruption and

misappropriation of developmental funds. The same Anuj Pandey flaunted his armed 'bodyguards' in front of the media during election. He was also the prime accused behind the killing of three members of the committee who died in open firing by the harmads in Khash Jongol on a mass meeting called by the PCPA in last December. His house which was built with an estimated cost of 40 lakhs was demolished to dust by the people. On the same day, Maoist leader Bikash gave an open statement in the media saying that they are indeed a part of this movement leading it from the front. Within a couple of days one student called Avijit Mahato along with two others were killed by the Maoists. Avijit Mahato, as reported even in mainstream media was an extortionist who regularly coerced money from people and vehicles with the full consent of the police. But they became 'martyrs' for CPM nationwide. They condoned these killings as well as the demolition of houses of CPM leaders and ransacking of party offices without acknowledging for once the tainted history of their cadres and leaders here. Their mouthpieces be it 'Ganashakti' or 'People's Democracy' condemned the attack on Anuj Pandey's house but could not publish its photo as it was blatantly evident of CPM's real class character.

After this chain of incidents the Home ministry of the state decided to plunge for a massive para-military action. Buddha scooted to Delhi to take refuge to its arch-enemy-turned-alliance Congress Home minister P. Chidambaram. He came back with arms, assurances and advices. The Central home minister provided the state government with contingents of CRPF, BSF and COBRA. Assured that it will co-operate in every possible ways to demolish these dangerous 'terrorist uprising which is a threat to the internal security of the nation'. And finally advised them to immediately get rid of the pretence of democracy and ban the CPI (Maoist), the roots of all the 'problems and provocations'. CM accepted the arms and assurances with gratitude, and ensured that it will consider the advice with utmost sincerity. The hitherto pretension of 'ideological differences' with Congress and CPM proudly broke down. The Joint Operation to curtail the movement started with a lot of zeal. The Home Secretary declared that the operation will continue till the entire region is cleansed of 'maoists'. They dropped handbills to the people to distance themselves from the maoists and co-operate with the army. Interestingly the handbill was written in Bengali as well as Alchiki script. One of the main demands of the adivasis in this region has been the recognition of this indigenous language and script, which remained unheeded till now. On the eve of the army operation the ruling class suddenly remembered that santhali speaking people exist here! The state made it clear that the Committee is a mass front of the Maoists and hence there will be no further negotiations with them. Arrest warrant was issued for Chhatradhar Mahato, and shoot at sight order was issued for the Maoist guerillas. The state government maintained a complete hypocritical stand over the issue of banning of Maoists. In round about reasoning they maintained that as a

LALGARH MOVEMENT: Defeating state terror, misrule and false

propaganda, it is a history in making

Contd. to page 12

The joint operation force in 'action' to bring back 'Law and Order' in Lalgarh

- Banojyotsna Lahiri

VOL. 1 ISSUE 2 August- September 2008 VOL. 2 ISSUE 1 August - September 2009 A NEW D AWNTOWARDS