negation in western kabylenegation in western kabyle (berber, afroasiatic) amina mettouchi...

Negation in Western Kabyle (Berber, Afroasiatic)

AminaMettouchi

[email protected]

SWL8, Paris Sept 5, 2018

Papers by Mettouchi referenced in this powerpoint are downloadable from http://llacan.vjf.cnrs.fr/pers/mettouchi/publication.html

Berber languages

•  Ejfhezirh

© Jérôme Picard / Danielle Bonardelle 2 Mettouchi – SWL8 - Sept 5, 2018

•  NegationsystemsinBerberarequitediverse(Mettouchi1996,2006,2009,2012)

– verbalnegativemarker•  preverbalnegativemarker(wər/ur/u/ul/ud/wəl…#ak#la),withoftenapostverbalelement(inafewvarieties,onlythepostverbalnegatorremains)•  mood-aspectasymmetries•  negativesubjectrelativizationforms•  cliticclimbing•  etc.

– non-verbalnegativemarkers•  existence/location•  ascriptive

3 Mettouchi – SWL8 - Sept 5, 2018

Variation in Mood-Aspect oppositions •  Aspect-MoodbaseformsinBerber

•  Boundpronouns


W. Kabyle

Western Kabyle & Tuareg (Tamashek): A-Cat-TAM asymmetry


W. Kabyle

For sources concerning

data other than Kabyle, see

references in Mettouchi

(2009a & b)

Non-verbal negations •  Verbalvsnon-verbalnegators

–  ascriptive/attributivenegation‘itisnotX’–  existentialnegation‘thereisnoX’


For sources concerning data

other than Kabyle, see references in Mettouchi (2009a

& b)

Kabyle (Western-Central)


Kabyle (Ait Idjer variety)


Structure of the clause •  Clitic-climbing

j-əfka=jas=t=idd3SG.M-give:PFV=DAT3SG=ABSV3SG.M=PROX‘hegaveittoher/him’ad=as=t=idd j-əfkPOT=DAT3SG=ABSV3SG.M=PROX 3SG.M-give:AOR‘hewillgiveittoher/him’ur=as=t=idd j-əfki (ara)NEG=DAT3SG=ABSV3SG.M=PROX 3SG.M-give:NEGPFV (POSTNEG)‘hedidnotgiveittoher/him’aɣrum i=s=idd j-əfkabread:ABS.SG.M REL.REAL=DAT3SG=PROX 3SG.M-give:PFV‘thebreadthathegavetoher/him’


For abbreviations and notes on categories see List of Glosses

idriməni=sj-əfka/idriməni=si-ʦʦak/idrimənara=si-ʦʦak/idrimənara=sj-əfkmoney:ABS.PL.M REL.REAL=DAT3SG 3SG.M-give:PFVmoney:ABS.PL.M REL.REAL=DAT3SG 3SG.M-give:IPFVmoney:ABS.PL.M REL.IRR=DAT3SG 3SG.M-give:IPFVmoney:ABS.PL.M REL.IRR=DAT3SG 3SG.M-give:AOR‘Themoneythathegave(/isgiving,usuallygives)(/willbegiving)(willgive)toher/him’idrimənur=sj-əfki/idrimənur=si-ʦʦakmoney:ABS.SG.M NEG=DAT3SG 3SG.M-give:NEGPFVmoney:ABS.SG.M NEG=DAT3SG 3SG.M-give:IPFV‘Themoneythathedidn’tgive(/won’tgive/won’tbegiving/isn’tgiving…)toher/him’argazi=sj-əfka-nidrimən/argazi=si-ʦʦak-nidrimən/argazara=si-ʦʦak-nidrimən/argazara=sj-əfk-nidrimənman:ABS.SG.M REL.REAL=DAT3SG RELSBJ.POS-give:PFV-RELSBJ.POS money:ABS.PL.Mman:ABS.SG.M REL.REAL=DAT3SG RELSBJ.POS-give:IPFV-RELSBJ.POS money:ABS.PL.Mman:ABS.SG.M REL.IRR=DAT3SG RELSBJ.POS-give:IPFV-RELSBJ.POS money:ABS.PL.Mman:ABS.SG.M REL.IRR=DAT3SG RELSBJ.POS-give:AOR-RELSBJ.POS money:ABS.PL.M‘Themanwhogave(/isgiving,usuallygives)(/willbegiving)(willgive)moneytoher/him’argazur=sn-əfkiidrimən/argazur=sn-ʦʦakidrimənman:ABS.SG.M NEG=DAT3SG RELSBJ.NEG-give:NEGPFV money:ABS.PL.Mman:ABS.SG.M NEG=DAT3SG RELSBJ.NEG-give:IPFV money:ABS.PL.M‘Themanwhodidn’tgive(/won’tgive/won’tbegiving/isn’tgiving…)moneytoher/him’


Negative asymmetries (Miestamo 2005) •  Constructionalasymmetry

–  «Symmetricnegativeconstructionsadd(a)negativemarker(s)tothecorrespondingaffirmativewithnofurtherstructuralchanges,whereasinasymmetricnegativeconstructionstheintroductionof(a)negativemarker(s)isaccompaniedbyfurtherstructuralchanges.»(Miestamo2005:52)

•  Paradigmaticasymmetry–  «Insymmetricparadigmsonefindsaone-to-onecorrespondence

betweenthemembersofaffirmativeandnegativeparadigms,whereasinasymmetricparadigmsthereisnosuchone-to-onecorrespondence.»(Miestamo2005:52)

•  Typesofasymmetry

–  inthefinitenessofverbalelements:TypeA/Fin–  inthemarkingofrealitystatus:TypeA/NonReal–  inthemarkingofemphasis:TypeA/Emph–  inthemarkingofgrammaticalcategories:TypeA/Cat

•  A/Cat/TAM•  A/Cat/PNG•  otherA/Cat


A-Cat-TAM asymmetry in W. Kabyle •  MANformsinnegativecontexts

– Almostnoaoristinthenegativedomain– Nopreverbs,onlythestandardnegatorur,oraspecialnegatorinthenegativeoptative


The negative MA domain in W.Kabyle •  Awər+[SA+AOR]:negativeoptative.(<1%)•  Ur+[IA+IPFV]:prohibitive.(<5%)(positiveimperative2.5%)

•  Ur+[SA+IPFV]:negativehortative,oath,negatedhabitual,future,potential,progressive.(30-40%)(positiveimperfective10-16%;ad+aorist15-30%)

•  Ur+[SA+NEG.PFV]:negativestatement(stativeordynamic),oath.(60-70%)(positiveperfective50-70%)

•  wəllˤəɦma+[SA+PFV]:oath(<1%)


Percentages above are from various spoken corpora, in various

genres, and are meant to give indications as to the frequency of the forms and their interpretation.

In pink : % within negative utterances

In orange : % within positive utterances of the ‘corresponding’ positive

forms.

14

AM forms in positive utterances

AOR

Ad + AOR

IPFV

PFV MAN FORMS in negative utterances

Awər + [SA+AOR]

Ur + [IA + IPFV]

Ur + [SA + IPFV]

Ur + [SA + NEG.PFV]

wəllˤəɦ ma + [SA + PFV]

The negative MA domain in W. Kabyle

Mettouchi – SWL8 - Sept 5, 2018

•  negativeoptative

•  prohibitive

•  negativehortative,oath,negatedhabitual,future,potential,progressive

•  negativestatement(stativeordynamic),oath

15

Awər + [SA+AOR]

Ur + [IA + IPFV]

Ur + [SA + IPFV]

Ur + [SA + NEG.PFV]


16

Contini-Morava(1989:179)‘’negative-affirmative asymmetry is a naturalconsequence of the pragmatic function of negativesentences in ordinary discourse. Because speakersgenerally try to avoid conveying superfluousinformation,negative sentences innaturaldiscourse—unlikenegative logicalpropositions—areusedtoreferonly to eventswhich a hearermight have expected tooccur.Sincenegatedeventsarealwayspotentialratherthanactual,thereisnoreasontoassumethatspeakersneed to convey the same information about them astheywouldinreportingactualoccurrences”


Analysis for W.Kabyle (Mettouchi 1995, 2009)

•  Aspect-Moodformshaveanabstractsemanticvaluethatisnottheonetheyhaveinpositiveutterances,butamoregeneralone,whichispragmaticallyactualized,differently,throughtheiruseinPositiveorNegativecontextsNB:thisisformallymarkedbytheA-Cat-TAMasymmetryofKabyle,butisgenerallytrueofthesemantic-pragmaticinterpretationofnegativevspositiveuterancesinnaturallanguages(cfContini-Morava1989)

•  OnlysomeoftheAMformsarecompatiblewiththepresuppositionaldimensionofnegativecontexts

•  ThenegativeparticleisamodifierofAMformsinthenegativedomaininthesamewayaspreverbsareinthepositivedomain–  e.g.NEGPFVinpositive=counterfactualhypotheticals;NEG+NEGPFV

=acknowledgeSITuationascontrarytoexpectations(reference-oriented)

–  IPFVinpositive=notcompleted(progressive,habitualetc.);NEG+IPFV=non-coïncidenceofcharacterizationofSITandactualsituation(evaluation-oriented)


Zoom on the Prohibitive •  Type1:Theprohibitiveusestheverbalconstructionofthesecond

singularimperativeandasententialnegativestrategyfoundin(indicative)declaratives.

•  Type2.Theprohibitiveusestheverbalconstructionofthesecondsingularimperativeandasententialnegativestrategynotfoundin(indicative)declaratives.

•  Type3.Theprohibitiveusesaverbalconstructionotherthanthesecondsingularimperativeandasententialnegativestrategyfoundin(indicative)declaratives.

•  Type4.Theprohibitiveusesaverbalconstructionotherthanthesecondsingularimperativeandasententialnegativestrategynotfoundin(indicative)declaratives

–  (AUWERA, VAN DER J. ET AL. 2005)


Quick overview across Berber •  Eithertheaspect-moodstemisdifferent•  Ortheorderofnegativeandpreverbisdifferent

•  And/orthepersonparadigmisdifferent(standardvsimperative)


Kabyle strategy for the Prohibitive

•  Imperative:AoristorImperfectivestem+imperativeaffixes

•  Prohibitive:NEG+Imperfectivestem+imperativeaffixes

20 you, don’t come with us ! Mettouchi – SWL8 - Sept 5, 2018

Kabyle Prohibitive

•  Aoristisexcludedfromprohibitive;prohibitiveinvolvesimperativePNGaffixes.– Type1:Theprohibitiveusestheverbalconstructionofthesecondsingularimperativeandasententialnegativestrategyfoundin(indicative)declaratives.• ButitistheIMPERFECTIVEimperativestemwhichisused(rareinpositiveimperatives)


Non-verbal negations •  Verbalvsnon-verbalnegators

–  ascriptive/attributivenegation‘itisnotX’–  existentialnegation‘thereisnoX’


Existential negation •  ulaʃ>urj-lliʃra(NEGSBJ3.SG.M-exist:NEGPFVthing)

–  univerbationbetweenStandardNegationandanotherwordasin27%ofNEG.EXSinVeselinova(2013)’ssample

•  Nodedicatedpositiveexistentialconstruction

•  ExistenceandLocation:differentconstructions

–  Existence:ulaʃ+nounintheabsolutestate(6)ulaʃ idrimən/NEG.EXS money\ABSL.PL.M/‘Therewasnomoney’.

–  Location:ulaʃ+absolutiveboundpronoun(+nounintheabsolute(beforethepredicate)orannexedstate(afterthepredicate))

(7)lkarlaʒ-agizik/ulaʃ=it/floor-tile\ABSL.SG.M-DEM.PROXlong_ago/NEG.EXS=ABS.3SG.M‘Thistiledfloor,intheolddays,itwasn’tthere’


Mapping (cf Veselinova 2013)

24

NEG.EX

NEG.LOC - TENSE

NONE

NEG.EMPHATIC

Rather prototypical, except for the lack of NEG.POSS function

(instead : standard verbal construction (verb sʕu, ‘possess’))

50%

33%

20%

16%

NEG.POSS

84%

% = in VESELINOVA’s sample


Ascriptive/attributive negation •  typicallyrejectsapresuppositionconcerningidentity,class

inclusionandpropertyattribution,withanoun(oranadjective)initsscope

•  butalsoconcerningthechoiceofacharacterizationinterms

ofquantity,time,manner…

25

Mettouchi – SWL8 - Sept 5, 2018 Note: ‘ascriptive’ and ‘attributive’ are labels, used interchangeably in this PPT

•  andrejectstheassociationofafocustoapresuppositioninnegativeclefts

•  it’sacontradictoryjudgement(inthesensethatitinvolvescompetingviewpointsonareferent,situation,etc.)


Corpus-based sample study

•  Proportions– 30mnconversation=60verbal/32non-verbal(64.5%/35.5%)•  Non-verbal=15existential/17attributive(47%/53%)

– 40mnnarratives=85verbal/65non-verbal(56.5%/43.5%)•  Non-verbal=42existential/23attributive(64.5%/35.5%)


Negation Types in sample spoken corpus

28

Narrative

Verbal

Existential

Ascriptive

Conversation

Verbal

Existential

Ascriptive


•  Verbalnegation:binaryoppositionbetweenNEGPFVandIPFV

•  Non-verbalnegation:binaryoppositionbeweenEXS.NEGandASCR.NEG

Semantics of negative predication in Western Kabyle

29

+ REFERENTIAL

Situation ‘is not the case’

Referent ‘is not there’ Referent ‘does not exist’

+ EVALUATIVE/JUDGEMENTAL

Characterization does not apply to the situation

Competing judgements about the situation/the referent

NEG + IPFV & Ascriptive NEG NEG + NEGPFV & Existential NEG


pre/post-verbal negators

30

la wr ak

ka/kîra

ʃi ʃ

Kabyle : UR … (ARA) Mettouchi – SWL8 - Sept 5, 2018

Postverbal modulation of negation

•  ConditionsofabsenceforKabyle:48%ofnegationsincorpus(Mettouchi2001,2009)– Uronly•  negativepolarityconstructions(indefinitenouns)•  oathsorpolemicalstatements•  negativecoordination•  negativesubordination•  negativerestrictiverelativization

– Araobligatory•  negativeconditionalclause•  negativeinformativeanswers/statements

31

UR only

UR…ARA


•  Uronly

–  negativepolarityconstructions(indefinitenouns)(12)ur j-ddi jiwn

NEG SBJ.3M.SG-accompany:NEGPFV one:ANN‘noonecame’

–  oathsorpolemicalstatements(13)wəlləɦ ur swi-ɣby_God NEG drink:NEGPFV-SBJ1SG‘IswearIdidn’tdrink!’

–  negativecoordination(14)uruli-njxxamən urt-rbiħtfəllaħtNEGgo_up:NEGPFV-SBJ.3M.PLhouse:ANN.PL.MNEGSBJ3.SG.F-improve:NEGPFVcultivation:ANN.SG.F‘neitherwerehousesbuiltnorwascultivationimproved’


–  negativesubordination(15)ttməslaj-ɣurfaq-ɣtalk:IPFV-SBJ.1SGNEGrealize:NEGPFV-SBJ.1SG‘Italkedwithoutrealizing(whatIwasdoing)’(unawares)

–  negativerestrictiverelativization(16)n-walaargazurn-ssinSBJ.1PL-see:PFVman:ABSNEGSBJ.1PL-know:NEGPFV‘Wesawamanwedidn’tknow’(unknown)

•  Araobligatory–  negativeconditionalclause

(17)maurn-ṛuħarasaxxam a=ɣʧʧ-nləwħuʃIFNEGSBJ.1PL-go:NEGPFVPOSTNEGtohouse:ABS.SG.MPOT=ABSV1PLeat:AOR-SBJ.3M.PLbeast:ANN.PL‘ifwedon’tgohomethewildbeastswilleatus’


– negativeinformativeanswers,orstatements(18)-anda=t?where=ABSV.3SG.M?‘whereisit?’-ur=t=id j-ufi ara.NEG=ABSV3M.SG=PROX SBJ.3M.SG-find:NEGPFVPOSTNEG‘Hedidn’tfindit’

•  Araanchorsthenegativestatementininteraction,itisa‘commonground’marker.– ara>kara>ɦarət,‘thing’–  itisalsotherelativizerforpotential/irrealisrelativeclauses(cfMettouchi2001forgrammaticalization)


Variation in Subject Relativization

•  ManyBerberlanguageshaveaspecialsubject-relativizationverbalformwhichhasfewerPNGdistinctionsthanstandardverbalconstructions

•  Thisformgenerallyhasaformallydifferentcorrespondingnegative


Subject Relativization forms

36

lla-n igad ur=t n-tˤtˤif exist:PFV-SBJ3.PL.M those_which NEG=ABSV3.SG.M RELSBJ.NEG-catch:NEGPFV ‘some people don’t go on with it (lit. there are those who don’t retain it (the tradition))’

argaz ur n-xəddəm fk=as tarˤuka ad j-lləm man:ABS.SG.M NEG RELSBJ.NEG-make:IPFV give:AOR:IMP=DAT3.SG distaff:ABS.SG.F POT SBJ3.SG.M-spin:AOR

A man who doesn’t work, just give him a distaff to spin (he’s not a real man)

Mettouchi – SWL8 - Sept 5, 2018 (proverb)

Conclusion on Western Kabyle •  Typologyofnegation:

–  A-Cat-TAMasymmetry–  ExistentialvsAscriptiveconstructions–  Type1prohibitivebutwithAMasymmetry(IPFV)–  Constructionalasymmetryinsubjectrelativization

•  Language-internalanalysis:thenegativedomaininWesternKabyleischaracterizedbytwotypesofpredications,manifestinverbalaswellasinnon-verbalpredications(Mettouchi(1995,2009)):–  non-occurrenceofaneventorsituation(NEGPFV/Existential)

–  disagreementabout/non-coincidenceofthecharacterizationofareferentorsituation(IPFV/Ascriptive)


References Auwera,J.vander&L.Lejeune.[2005]2013.Theprohibitive.InM.Dryer&M.Haspelmath(eds.),Worldatlasof

languagestructuresonline.Leipzig:MaxPlanckInstituteforEvolutionaryAnthropology.[FirstpublishedOUP,2005]

Contini-Morava,E.1989.Discourse-PragmaticsandsemanticCategorization:thecaseofNegationandtense-AspectwithspecialreferencetoSwahili.Berlin-NewYork:MoutondeGruyter

Miestamo,M.2005.Standardnegation:Thenegationofdeclarativeverbalmainclausesinatypologicalperspective(EmpiricalApproachestoLanguageTypology31).Berlin:MoutondeGruyter.

Veselinova,L.2013.Negativeexistentials:Across-linguisticstudy.Rivistadilinguistica25(1).107-145.*

Mettouchi,A.(2012)“Négation”(N.34).Encyclopédieberbèrevol.XXXIII(N-Nektiberes),Peeters(Paris-Louvain),pp.5392-5399.

Mettouchi,A.(2009a)“TheSystemofNegationinBerber”inNegationPatternsinWestAfricanLanguagesandbeyond,NorbertCyffer,ErwinEbermann&GeorgZiegelmeyer(eds),JohnBenjamins:Amsterdam-Philadelphia,287-306.

Mettouchi,A.(2009b)‘MoodandModalityinBerber’,inB.Hansen,F.deHaan&J.vanderAuwera(eds),ModalsintheLanguagesofEurope,MoutondeGruyter:Berlin-NewYork,431-456.

Mettouchi,A.(2006)“NonverbalandverbalnegationsinKabyle(Berber):Atypologicalperspective”inStudiesinAfricanLinguisticTypology,Voeltz,F.K.Erhard(ed.),JohnBenjamins,Amsterdam,pp.263–276.

Mettouchi,A.(2001)«Lagrammaticalisationdearaenkabyle,négationetsubordinationrelative»,dansTravauxduCerLiCOn°14,ColG.etRoullandD.(eds),P.U.Rennes,pp.215-235.

Mettouchi,A.(2000)«Accomplietnégationenkabyle»,dansMélangesoffertsàKarl-G.Prasse:Etudesberbèresetchamito-sémitiques,Peeters,Paris-Louvain,pp.281-293.

Mettouchi,A.(1996)“LanégationdansleslanguesduMaghreb,Synthèse”,dansLaNégationenberbèreetenarabemaghrébin,S.Chaker&D.Caubet(eds),L’Harmattan,Paris,pp.177-195.

Mettouchi,A.(1995).Aspectetnégation:recherched'invariantsetétudeénonciativedel'incidencedelamodaliténégativesurl'aspectenberbère(kabyle).Thèsededoctorat,UniversitédeParis3.


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