needs assessment – homeless families and teenage...
TRANSCRIPT
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Stoke-on-Trent City Council
Strategic Review
People Commissioning
October 2015 – May 2016
Homelessness
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Version Control:
Author Victoria Millns
File Name Strategic Review – Homelessness
Created September 2015
Last Edited
Number of Pages (incl. this one)
Version Revision Date Revision Description Author Sign-off
1.0 Oct 2015 – Feb 2016
First Draft Victoria Millns
2.0 April – May 2016 Second Draft – Inclusion of comments and feedback from consultation
Victoria Millns
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Contents:
1. Introduction: ......................................................................................................................... 4 1.1 Achievements since the last Strategy: .................................................................................... 5 1.2 Review Process: ....................................................................................................................... 6
2. Strategic Context: .................................................................................................................. 7
2.1 National Context: .................................................................................................................... 7 2.2 Local Context: ........................................................................................................................ 15
3. Statistical Profile – Stoke-on-Trent: ...................................................................................... 22
3.1 Demographic: ........................................................................................................................ 23 3.2 Economy: ............................................................................................................................... 25 3.3 Health: ................................................................................................................................... 26 3.4 Social Housing: ...................................................................................................................... 26 3.5 Private Sector Housing: ......................................................................................................... 27 3.6 Affordability: .......................................................................................................................... 28
4. Homelessness Trends: ......................................................................................................... 29
4.1 Current levels of homelessness: ............................................................................................ 30 4.2 Who becomes homeless?...................................................................................................... 34 4.3 Causes of homelessness: ....................................................................................................... 38 4.4 Youth homelessness: ............................................................................................................. 41 4.5 Multiple Exclusion homelessness: ......................................................................................... 43 4.6 Homelessness and Health: .................................................................................................... 46 4.7 The Impact of Welfare Reform in Stoke-on-Trent: ............................................................... 51
5. Homeless Prevention and Meeting Housing Need: ............................................................... 54
5.1 Homelessness Prevention Statistics: ..................................................................................... 54 5.2 Resources: Homelessness Prevention Fund: .......................................................................... 56 5.3 Resources: Housing Related Support Commissioning: .......................................................... 62 5.4 Additional resource within the city: ...................................................................................... 63
6. Future Homelessness: ......................................................................................................... 67 7. Executive Summary: ............................................................................................................ 69
7.1 Key emerging themes: ........................................................................................................... 70 7.2 Recommendations: ............................................................................................................... 73
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1. Introduction:
The Government requires all local authorities to empower communities and to plan for the needs of
the locality, making it critical that spending decisions in Stoke-on-Trent are based on robust evidence
of need and demand. It is also essential that resource funding is pooled effectively between partners
in order to develop value for money services that are cost effective and deliver quality outcomes,
which meet the priorities and aspirations for people accessing services in the city.
The Homelessness Act 2002 requires local authorities to carry out a review of homelessness within its
area every 5 years and to use those findings to publish a Homelessness Strategy in consultation with
other local partners and stakeholders. Stoke-on-Trent’s existing strategy was launched in 2011,
covering the five-year period to 2016. The strategy focused on the following key objectives:
Sustain low levels of homeless presentations and acceptances through the use of effective
prevention methods
Sustain the reduction in the number of households in temporary accommodation
Continue to understand the effect of homelessness on a wide range of individuals, and develop
appropriate techniques for tackling this
Develop effective and affordable supported housing accommodation options
Use bed and breakfast accommodation only as a last resort to prevent rough sleeping, through
continuing to develop more appropriate provision
End rough sleeping by working in partnership with local agencies to understand the multiple and
complex needs of those sleeping rough in Stoke-on-Trent
Develop innovative and flexible services by actively working with partners to seek out and learn
from good practice.
Due to this Government’s and previously the Coalition administration’s austerity measures
implemented since 2010, the City Council continues to operate within unprecedented financial
constraints and as such has to ensure that its resources are utilised to maximum effect and that it
can set a balanced budget within the significantly reduced funding available to it. This strategic
review of homelessness is compiled within this context of shrinking resources and increasing demand
for homeless services both locally and across the country.
On a positive note the Government have confirmed their continued support to maintain and protect
Homeless Prevention funding for local authorities in the November 2015 Spending Review. They
have committed funding through the Local Government Finance Settlement announced for the 2016-
2020 financial period. The funding levels are set to rise steadily over the 4-year period from £616,000
in 2016/17 to £620,000 in 2019/20. This review will help to ensure that this funding can be used
effectively, to develop and fund measures that will have the greatest impact for the vulnerable and
homeless households in the City.
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1.1 Achievements since the last Strategy:
The Homelessness Strategy (2011-2015) was developed in line with the city council’s ambition to
make Stoke-On-Trent a “working city”, as outlined within the former Labour administration’s
‘Mandate for Change’ programme. The strategy highlighted the significance of homeless prevention
together with the authority’s focus on the provision of timely and appropriate services to anyone
faced with a housing crisis. Since the strategy was published in 2011, there has been significant
progress made against the priority areas identified in its action plan:
The debt advice service, commissioned through the Homelessness Prevention Fund, was reviewed
to include greater focus on homeless prevention, including the provision of independent housing
advice
Specialist support services were commissioned jointly with Cooperative Working’s Community
Cohesion Team for Asylum Seeker and Refugees
Harbour House was commissioned to provide emergency housing for those people with no
recourse to public funds
Improved partnership working between Housing Services, Children’s Services and Commissioning
has led to the establishment of a Young Person’s Steering Group, which manages an action plan to
develop more effective services for young people and Care Leavers in the city. Joint initiatives
developed for young people across the city include;
- A Training Flat for young people on the edge of care to experience independent living prior to
being offered a formal tenancy;
- An emergency bed within the YMCA, which provides a short term option within a more
supported environment for young people at crisis point. This avoids the need for
inappropriate bed and breakfast accommodation;
- The adoption of the “Joint Policy and Guidance for the Provision of Accommodation for 16 and
17 year old people who may be homeless or require accommodation”, which sets out the
vision of creating a fully integrated approach with Housing Services and Vulnerable Children
and Corporate Parenting (VCCP) working together to get the best outcomes for young people
at risk of homelessness in Stoke-on-Trent
Outreach services for Rough Sleepers have been commissioned to ensure numbers of street
homeless people remain low, including the establishment of the Severe Weather Emergency
Protocol (SWEP) for winter provision
The Bond Scheme has been expanded from its original form to help overcome the barriers faced
by many people when looking to rent privately. The scheme provides financial resource to
support hardship and a further homeless prevention option within the private rented sector for
people at risk of homelessness
Links with Healthcare providers have been improved, including the pilot of a hospital discharge
protocol from the Harplands Hospital
There has been substantial work undertaken by the local authority and its partners to understand
the implications of welfare reform and how best to mitigate any issues facing the population
There has been a furniture provision service commissioned through the Homelessness Prevention
Fund specifically for the provision of furniture packs to homeless and vulnerable people in the city
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1.2 Review Process:
The aim of the review process is to understand the current state of homelessness within Stoke-on-
Trent in comparison to the national picture and to identify any changes that have occurred since the
last review back in 2011.
1.2.1 Data Collection and Analysis:
This strategic review analyses homelessness statistics and their context both at a national and local
level, in order to promote further dialogue to inform future development of the level and type of
support needed within the city for people facing homelessness. The ensuing recommendations from
this review will then combine to influence the key priorities to be addressed within the Stoke-on-
Trent Homelessness Strategy 2016 - 2020.
The data presented within this review has been extracted from a wide range of sources across
several departments within the city council, including Commissioning, Housing Services, Children and
Young People’s Services, Adult Social Care, Public Health, Cooperative Working and the Research and
Intelligence Team. Whilst statistics play a crucial role in profiling homelessness locally and
highlighting some of the key trends within the city, this report juxtaposes those figures with local and
national research around homelessness and its associated complexities, in order to provide a wider
context.
Homeless people are not a homogenous group, with their needs and life experiences rarely following
the same path. Within this report, the term homelessness includes people who are sleeping rough,
people who are living in hostels and temporary supported accommodation, statutorily homeless
households seeking assistance from the local authority1 and people who are deemed to be ‘hidden
homeless’, such as those who are ‘sofa-surfing’ at friends or relatives houses.
1.2.2 Service Mapping:
The review captures existing services, initiatives and resources available across the city, which are
currently assisting and supporting people who are experiencing or at risk of experiencing
homelessness.
1.2.3 Consultation:
Consultation has taken place throughout the production of this review. Effective consultation is
critical to the development of a robust and accurate Homelessness Strategy, as well as a vital
component in improving council services. The data presented within this review will produce several
key themes regarding homelessness in Stoke-on-Trent, which will in turn provide the focus point for
wider consultation. Essentially, key groups of people and agencies with a vested interest in
homelessness in Stoke-on-Trent will be asked to provide feedback around the validity of information
presented and the emerging themes, as well as their thoughts around the future direction of the
strategy.
1 Within the provisions of the Housing Act 1996, as amended by the Homelessness Act 2002
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2. Strategic Context:
The last decade has seen a much improved understanding of homelessness as a concept amongst
professionals across all sectors. Following vast amounts of research, there is a general consensus
that homelessness goes beyond simply a housing issue and that there are often several intrinsic links
with poor health, social exclusion and welfare reform that combine and escalate along the journey
into homelessness. There are several additional national and local policies that have influenced the
production of this Homelessness Review.
2.1 National Context:
Since the 2002 Homelessness Act, the general operation of front line homeless services has been
radically modernised, with services within both the public and private sector having placed a
substantial emphasis on the prevention of homelessness. However, in more recent years, having
emerged from a period of economic recession in 2009, but still facing the subsequent
implementation of widespread austerity measures, the challenge faced by the local authority is
beginning to evolve again.
In 2010, the newly elected Conservative and Liberal Democrat Coalition Government launched a 9
year programme of austerity measures that would seek to fundamentally reform the role and
structure of the state. In November 2010, the Department for Communities and Local Government
(DCLG) included within its business plan a mission to “oversee housing and homelessness policy in
England to support the most vulnerable and disadvantaged in communities”. A cross departmental
working group of Ministers from eight different Government departments was established in order
to help address the complex problems which cause people to lose their home.
2.1.1 No Second Night Out (2011):
The Ministerial Working Group’s (MWG) first report focused on rough sleepers and those at risk of
rough sleeping and was called a “Vision to end rough sleeping: No Second Night Out Nationwide”
(2011). The report recognised the need to tackle the broader issues that lead to homelessness in the
first place and reiterated the Government’s commitment to work together across departments and
with voluntary sector partners to end rough sleeping in England. The report also made a series of
commitments on improved access to healthcare and employment support for homeless people,
including early access to the Work Programme. Help was also promised to local authorities with
significant numbers of migrant rough sleepers to assist in reconnecting them with their home
countries.
The No Second Night Out model focuses on ensuring, via better intelligence and public awareness, a
rapid outreach response to people sleeping rough.
Homeless Link was made responsible for a new £20m Homeless Transition Fund, which was available
to the voluntary sector to help deliver strategic rough sleeper services within London. There was a
subsequent £8m made available to extend the initiative outside of the capital. Almost 200
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applications were received from charities across the country, with 41 projects awarded funds outside
of London to adopt the No Second Night Out standard.
In addition, Crisis was also granted £10.8 million to fund voluntary sector schemes to improve access
to the private rented sector for single homeless people.
2.1.2 Making Every Contact Count (MECC) (August 2012):
Following on from the “No Second Night Out” report, the second Ministerial Working Group report:
“Making Every Contact Count: A joint approach to tackling homelessness” was published in 2012 and
focused on early intervention and systematic change to prevent homelessness. The vision centres on
the principle that agencies will work together to make sure that everyone at risk of homelessness can
get the help they need, when they need it, to prevent them from losing their home.
The report sets out the Government’s commitment to make sure that every contact that a vulnerable
person or family makes with a local agency truly counts towards:
Continuing to tackle troubled childhoods and adolescence through interventions to turn around
the lives of the most troubled families (see 2.1.3 below) and by promoting innovative approaches
to youth homelessness
Improving health; including improving outcomes for homeless people with dual substance (drugs
and alcohol) and mental health needs and helping to ensure medical professionals who are
discharging patients, know who to approach for help to meet housing needs
Reducing involvement in crime through support to the Police and Crime Commissioners. Also,
improving offender access to private rented sector accommodation and measures to help those
on short sentences retain their tenancy
Improving skills, employment and financial advice through new housing demonstration projects
which help claimants budget and manage rent payments. Also a commitment to explore a
payment by results approach for those some distance from the labour market and piloting
community learning trusts
2.1.3 Troubled Families Programme (2012):
On 15th December 2011, during his speech at a Family Intervention Centre in Sandwell, Prime
Minister David Cameron officially launched the Conservative and Liberal Democrat Coalition
Government’s plans to tackle ‘troubled families’ in England. He announced that in 2010, £9bn was
spent on 120,000 families across the country, equating to around £75,000 per family. The Prime
Minister emphasised the significance of the fact that most of that money was being spent reacting to
the families issues rather than implementing long lasting resolutions, which together with other on-
going problems, was often leading to the children within the family repeating the cycle of
disadvantage2.
2 Prime Minister Cameron’s Speech (Dec 2011)
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The initial phase of the Troubled Families Programme (2012 - 2015) challenged local authorities
across the country to identify families within their locality, who were characterised by the following:
No working adult in the family
Children not being in school
Family members being involved in crime and anti-social behaviour and;
Cause high cost to the public purse
Following significant commitment and investment within the “Making Every Contact Count” report of
2012, the Troubled Families Programme placed a responsibility on local authorities to develop new
ways of working with whole families, which focused on implementing lasting change. Under the
scheme, the government offered up to 40% of the cost of providing extra interventions to work with
the families, equating to around £4,000 per family.
Following the initial three years of the programme, the second phase was launched in early 2015,
with the aim of helping up to 400,000 families with children under 5 years old, where there is also
experience of debt, drug and alcohol addiction, domestic violence and mental and physical health
problems. For this second phase (2015 - 2020), the financial resource available was reduced to
£2,000 per family.
2.1.4 Welfare Reform Act (2012):
The Welfare Reform Act (2012) introduced a wide range of reforms relating to the benefits and tax
credits system including:
The implementation of a Universal Credit to replace a range of means-tested benefits under the
previous system
The introduction of Personal Independence Payments to reform Disability Living Allowance.
The reformation of Employment and Support Allowance
The application of several Housing Benefit reforms including Local Housing Allowance (LHA) rates
inflating in line with the consumer price index instead of the retail price index and increasing the
age bracket for shared room Housing Benefit rate from 25 to 353
The imposition of penalty charges for people of working age under-occupying social housing
The responsibility shift for emergency financial provision for vulnerable groups (Community Care
Grants and Crisis Loans) from Job Centre Plus to upper tier local authorities
The Conservative and Liberal Democrat Coalition Government’s intention for the Welfare Reform Act
(2012) was to create incentives for people to get into employment by ensuring that ‘work always
pays’ and the presence of the ‘benefits trap’ becomes a thing of the past. The legislation was also
intended to protect the most vulnerable people in society.
3 This reform exempts people who have lived in a homeless hostel for 3 months and those offenders who are
subject to a MAPPA monitoring arrangement.
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2.1.5 Health and Social Care Act (2012):
The Health and Social Care Act received royal assent in March 2012 and was born out of a rise in
demand for health services, an increase in treatment costs and a recognised need for the
improvement and modernisation of the National Health Service. The Act established several key
legislative reforms including:
The establishment of statutory GP-led Clinical Commissioning Groups (CCGs). CCGs commission
the majority of health services for their local populations and empower professionals to
commission services for the benefit of patients and the local community.
A new focus for Public Health services saw the responsibility for the health of the local population
transferring to the Local Authority in line with the accountabilities they had already for schools,
town planning, transport and housing.
A duty on local authorities to establish Health and Wellbeing Boards. With membership spanning
councillors and directors from Public Health, Adult Social Care, Children’s Services and Housing,
the founding of Health and Wellbeing Boards locally, strengthened working relationships between
health and social care.
2.1.6 Localism Act (2012):
The Localism Act came into force in November 2012, and supports the improvement of local housing
options. The Act includes a number of key provisions in relation to homelessness:
Local Authorities are given the power to discharge their homelessness duty with an offer of
accommodation in the private rented sector;
Social housing tenure reform, which will allow social landlords to grant fixed term tenancies
with limited security of tenure;
The need for local authorities to set out their approach and response in a Tenancy Strategy;
Social Housing allocation reform which allows Local Authorities to set allocation policies
appropriate to the local area
Shortly after the Act received royal assent, the Homelessness (Suitability of Accommodation)
(England) Order 2012 came into being. This is the Statutory Guidance to which local authorities must
have regard when discharging (ending) their duties to homeless households by using private rented
accommodation. The guidance describes situations in which private rented housing should be
regarded as unsuitable.
2.1.7 The Gold Standard in Homeless Services: (April 2013)
In order to encourage local authorities and their partners to deliver the objectives highlighted within
the ‘Making Every Contact Count’ report of 2012, the Government set 10 local challenges which, if
adopted, should lead to all local homeless teams delivering high standards of service.
In April 2013, based on the 10 challenges, the Government announced a new support and training
scheme for homelessness services called the Gold Standard. The Gold Standard is designed to help
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local authorities deliver more efficient and cost effective homelessness prevention services. The
standard requires local authorities to pledge to strive for continuous improvement in front line
housing services through peer review, expert support and professional training. Participating
authorities benchmark against neighbouring authorities and learn from examples of good practice.
To achieve the Gold Standard status, local authorities need to meet a number of key commitments:
1. Adopt a corporate commitment to prevent homelessness, which has buy in across all local
authority services
2. Actively work in partnership with voluntary sector and other local partners to address support,
education, employment and training needs
3. Offer a Housing Options prevention service, including written advice, to all clients
4. Adopt a No Second Night Out model or an effective local alternative
5. Have housing pathways agreed or in development with each key partner and client group that
includes appropriate accommodation and support
6. Develop a suitable private rented sector offer for all client groups, including advice and support
to both clients and landlords
7. Actively engage in preventing mortgage repossessions including through the Mortgage Rescue
Scheme
8. Have a homelessness strategy which sets out a proactive approach to preventing homelessness
and is reviewed annually so that it is responsive to emerging needs
9. Not place any young person aged 16 or 17 in Bed and Breakfast accommodation
10. Not place any families in Bed and Breakfast accommodation unless in an emergency and then for
no longer than 6 weeks
REVIEW FINDING:
Stoke-on-Trent City Council has made a commitment through its executive leadership team to
achieve the Gold Standard. The Homelessness Strategy should ensure that a proactive approach
to preventing homelessness is continued in the city.
2.1.8 Care Act (2014):
The Care Act represents the most significant reform of care and support in more than 60 years,
putting people and their carers in control of their care and support.
One of the core principles underlining the 2014 Care Act is the promotion of wellbeing. The Act aims
to actively promote well-being and independence, supporting the delivery of person-centred services
which enables people to retain their independence as long as possible.
The Care Act stipulates that local authorities have a duty to meet service user needs rather than
having a duty to provide services. As everyone has individual needs, local authorities will not be able
to comply with the Act by providing a ‘one size fits all’ type of service. Instead they will need to put
the person at the centre of their care and/or support.
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The Care Act also recognises the importance of housing in determining health and well-being,
independence and interaction with the wider community. It states: “Housing plays a critical role in
enabling people to live independently and in helping carers to support others more effectively. Poor
or inappropriate housing can put the health and well-being of people at risk, whereas a suitable
home can reduce the needs for care and support , and contribute to preventing or delaying the
development of such needs”.
The local authority does not have a statutory duty to provide Housing Related Support services and
the Care Act Statutory Guidance (October 2014) 15.61 states that a local authority must provide or
arrange for the provision of services that contribute towards preventing, reducing or delaying the
needs for care and support.
REVIEW FINDING:
The Homelessness Strategy must highlight the importance of preventative support services,
which improve wellbeing and fully utilise community resources including universal services and
assets to prevent peoples’ needs escalating unnecessarily.
2.1.9 Welfare Reform and Work Bill (2015):
Three years into the welfare reform programme and new systems and policies are still evolving. In
the months immediately following the General Election in May 2015, the new Conservative
government acted swiftly to implement the proposals within their manifesto for further welfare
reform. In July 2015, the Welfare Reform and Work Bill was introduced to the House of Commons.
There are several main elements to the Bill, each of which has attracted significant focus from both
industry professionals and the media. In summary, the main components of the Bill are as follows:
Requirements for the Government to report to Parliament on an annual basis on progress
towards full employment, progress towards meeting an apprenticeship target of 3 million by
March 2020 and progress within the Troubled Families Programme.
Removal of most of the provisions of the Child Poverty Act 2010, including the four targets
around reducing child poverty and the duty to meet them by 2021. Instead, there is a new duty
on the Government to report annually on “life chances”, which is defined by the number of
children living in workless households, children living in long-term workless households,
educational attainment at age 16, and educational attainment at age 16 of children living in
“disadvantaged” households.
Measures to achieve around 70% of the pledged £12bn annual savings in welfare benefits. More
specifically, the Bill includes the following commitments:
- the lowering of the benefits cap, with differing figures for people within and outside of
Greater London
- A freeze on a significant number of benefits for a period of 4 years (2016 – 2019).
- Limiting the amount of Child Tax Credit (CTC) payable for families
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- Restriction of the number of children or qualifying young people for whom the child element
of Universal Credit is payable to two and removal of the higher rate for the first child in the
household.
- Abolition of the Employment and Support Allowance Work-Related Activity Component
Rents in social housing to be reduced by 1% per year for 4 years, resulting in 12% reduction in
average rents by 2021.
In response to the House of Commons’ Public Bill Select Committee’s request for input, a large
number of interested parties have submitted compelling written evidence in a campaign to make
fundamental changes to the components of the Bill. The evidence submitted is vast, but a common
theme emerging from the statements is that people who experience homelessness already live in
acute poverty and to make further reductions to their income will only serve to make their social
exclusion worse.
The Welfare Reform and Work Bill is currently progressing through Parliament and is scheduled to
become law before the next financial year in 2016.
REVIEW FINDING:
People who are already in acute poverty are predicted to be affected by further welfare reforms.
2.1.10 Temporary Accommodation:
The Housing (Homeless Persons) Act 1977 placed a duty on local housing authorities to secure
permanent accommodation for unintentionally homeless people in priority need. Authorities’ duties
towards homeless people are now contained within Part 7 of the 1996 Housing Act4. In performing
their duties to homeless people under Part 7 of the 1996 Housing Act (as amended), local authorities
are obliged to have regard for the Homelessness Code of Guidance for Local Authorities. The
Guidance was revised to take account of the changes made by the 2002 Homelessness Act and the
extension of the priority need categories.
If an authority is providing interim accommodation for a homeless household pending a decision on
their application under section 188 of the 1996 Act, the Guidance states that the use of B&B should
be avoided where possible.
If an authority accepts a duty to secure accommodation for a household that is unintentionally
homeless and in priority need, the accommodation provided must be ‘suitable.’ The Code of
Guidance provides the following advice for authorities on using B&B accommodation for discharging
a re-housing duty:
4 As amended by the provisions of the Homelessness Act 2002
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“Bed and Breakfast (B&B) accommodation caters for very short-term stays only and generally will
afford residents only limited privacy and may lack certain important amenities, such as cooking and
laundry facilities. Consequently, where possible, housing authorities should avoid using B&B hotels to
discharge a duty to secure accommodation for applicants, unless, in the very limited circumstances
where it is likely to be the case, it is the most appropriate option for an applicant. The Secretary of
State considers B&B hotels as particularly unsuitable for accommodating applicants with family
commitments and applicants aged 16 or 17 years who need support.”5
The Local Government Ombudsman (LGO) produced a report entitled ‘No Place Like Home’ in July
2013. The report identified a ‘worrying trend’ of young people and homelessness families being
placed in bed and breakfast and has issued five LGO reports on homelessness involving the
inappropriate use of bed and breakfast accommodation. The LGO considers bed and breakfast
accommodation as unsuitable and that councils must secure alternative accommodation within no
more than six weeks and has explicitly warned that the LGO may find fault even where a family has
spent less than six weeks in bed and breakfast if the LO is of the view that the council could have
moved an applicant sooner6.
2.1.11 Immigration Bill (2015/16):
In August 2015, the government proposed changes to the Immigration and Asylum Act 1999 to
enable the ‘reforming of support to failed asylum seekers and other illegal migrants’.
Currently, under section 95 of the Act, support is provided to asylum seekers and their dependents
across the UK, whose claims have yet to be determined and who would be destitute without support.
The way in which the Act is framed has also resulted in support being given to large numbers of failed
asylum seekers. Section 94(5) allows Section 95 support to be continued after an asylum claim has
been turned down, if the asylum seeker has a dependent child. Section 4(2) of the Act provides the
basis for supporting other categories of failed asylum seekers, such as those undergoing medical
treatment at the time of their negative decision.
The overall cost of supporting people within these provisions is substantial and has led to the
following proposed amendments to the Act:
Rebalance the support system so that failed asylum seekers and other illegal migrants have no
financial incentive to stay in the UK
Remove Section 4(2) support for failed asylum seekers, who make no effort to leave the UK at the
point their asylum claim has been finally rejected. Where there is a genuine obstacle for not
returning, then support will be offered until the obstacle is removed.
Section 4(2) support will continue to those whose asylum claim has been finally rejected, but who
have lodged further submissions to the Home Office and would be destitute without this support.
5 CLG, Homelessness Code of Guidance for Local Authorities, July 2006 16.28
6 See section 5.4.4 for more information around Stoke-on-Trent’s use of temporary accommodation and the
local challenges faced by the authority
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Section 94(5) currently provides a public subsidy for illegal migrants who could not leave the UK
as their claim has failed. The government proposes a similar approach to the one currently in
place for failed asylum seekers who do not have dependent children. This will result in a grace
period which will start from the day on which the claim is determined. The grace period is
proposed to be 28 days; this could be extended if there is an obstacle beyond their control
preventing departure from the UK.
Due to a limited understanding of English in many cases and the subsequent high likelihood of being
unable to complete any required paperwork, it is widely feared that the impact of the proposals will
result in significant numbers of people becoming homeless and destitute. Much of this activity is
anticipated to impact on the voluntary sector as well as local authorities.
REVIEW FINDING:
The Homelessness Strategy must ensure that the local authority and its partners adequately
address the needs of Asylum Seekers who face destitution in order to prevent increased levels
of street homelessness and poverty within this population
2.2 Local Context:
Over the last decade, the local authority and its partner agencies have produced a range of policies
and strategies with a view to minimising the impact of austerity and welfare reform as far as
practicable. Front line housing and homeless services in general, have followed the national steer
towards more robust homeless prevention and more extensive housing options for people in the
city. However, in line with the large scale governmental cuts being imposed upon the city council,
the overall strategic outlook is beginning to demand much more provider led innovation, value for
money and partnership working for the greater good of the population.
2.2.1 Stronger Together Strategic Plan (2016-2020):
The Stronger Together Strategic Plan sets out the vision, overarching priorities and objectives for the
Council for the next four years.
The Plan is rooted in the values that underpin the Stronger Together vision; working as ‘One Team,
with One Vision’ to deliver the best possible outcomes for our residents and the city. Extending and
cementing partnerships with organisations and groups across the city is at the heart of this
approach and holds the key to ensuring that all vulnerable households of Stoke-on-Trent are able to
fulfil their potential.
Table 1 shows how some of the key objectives have a direct link to homelessness and supporting
vulnerable people.
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Priorities: Strategic Objectives:
Support our residents to fulfil their
potential
Continue to increase the number of 18-24 year olds who gain
the skills necessary to secure a job of their choice
Protect and improve mental and physical health and wellbeing
Increase the number of people moving into work
Support our businesses to thrive,
delivering investment in our towns
and communities
Deliver an increase in the number of new houses of various
tenures
Deliver a transformation in the number of apprenticeships in
the city and in the council
Work with residents to make our
towns and communities great
places to live
Deliver a significant improvement in housing quality by
investing in homes and driving up housing standards
A commercial council, well
governed and fit for purpose,
driving efficiency in everything we
do
Deliver a customer focussed approach to service delivery and
transform accessibility of services
Support vulnerable people in our
communities to live their lives well
Enable and support more people to live independently and
safely
Improve quality of life, independence and choice for vulnerable
adults
Enable young people leaving care to live independently and
safely
Improve the health and wellbeing of vulnerable groups
Support residents to manage their money effectively,
improving uptake of benefits for those are eligible
2.2.2 Allocations Policy (2015):
Stoke-on-Trent City Council’s Allocation Policy includes information on how applicants to the Housing
Register will be prioritised and selected for an offer of housing. The local authority is committed to
ensuring that local people have access to quality advice and information about their housing options
in order to make the best decision to meet their housing needs.
The Policy explains that all applicants will receive bespoke housing advice and a Housing Need
Assessment will determine eligibility, qualification, community contribution and banding and will also
include a review of the household’s income and expenditure.
Table 1
17
The Policy includes 4 priority bands;
Band 1 – Urgent Need
- Urgent medical need;
- Severe overcrowding;
- Statutory homelessness;
- Exceptional welfare or health and safety needs or;
- Where failure to move to a particular area of the city would result in hardship to themselves or
others.
Band 2 – High Need
- Overcrowding - 2 bedrooms deficient;
- Ready to move on from supported housing or Approved Premises (including those leaving the
care of the city council);
- Medical grounds (given a high priority through medical assessment);
- Council tenants, who are under-occupying by two or more bedrooms;
- Health and Safety;
- Discretionary cases or;
- Housing needs (prevention cases)
Band 3 – Low Need with Community Contribution
- Other homeless categories;
- Welfare grounds;
- Hardship;
- Medical grounds (given a medium priority through medical assessment);
- Council tenants, who are under-occupying by one bedroom;
- Households interested in retirement properties with no other housing need;
- Overcrowding – 1 bedroom deficient
Band 4 – Low Need
- Other homeless categories;
- Welfare grounds;
- Hardship;
- Medical grounds (given a medium priority through medical assessment);
- Council tenants, who are under-occupying by one bedroom;
- Households interested in retirement properties with no other housing need;
- Overcrowding – 1 bedroom deficient
2.2.3 Tenancy Strategy (2013 – 2016):
The Localism Act 2011 provides a framework for social housing providers to offer new, more flexible
tenancy arrangements with the purpose of facilitating:
Better use of social and affordable housing to effectively address housing need
18
Better use of social and affordable housing to more effectively contribute to sustainable
community outcomes including in relation to work/employment
Increased local and customer accountability for the use of social and affordable housing
Stoke-on-Trent City Council’s Tenancy Strategy aims to ensure that local people have access to
housing that meets their needs and supports them to live active and independent lives, enabling
social housing providers to adopt a more flexible approach to letting properties.
A flexible tenancy is essentially a fixed term tenancy, which would normally be for a minimum of 5
years. During the course of the tenancy the tenants have the same rights and responsibilities as a
secure tenant, but the tenancy has an end date. At this point, the tenancy may be ended if the
tenant’s needs have changed, or the tenancy can be extended for a further 5 years.
2.2.4 Housing Strategy:
Stoke-on-Trent has a rich industrial heritage and continues to be a world leader in ceramics. More
recently, it has benefited from the development of an increasingly established service sector, which
is continuing to grow and that will form one of the mainstays for longer term employment and
training in the city. Housing growth, the progression of the Council’s approach to a balanced housing
market and creating innovative solutions to deliver new housing to the residents of Stoke-on-Trent
will be key elements of the new Housing Strategy.
The Housing Strategy will address the following high level priorities:
Support the growth of a balanced housing market;
Support employment growth with the right type of housing in the right areas;
Invest in high quality homes, neighbourhoods and services; and improve the social and economic
wellbeing of our communities
It will also cover the following key issues:
Increasing the number of new homes that are built in Stoke-on-Trent
Improving the areas economic competitiveness by attracting and retaining residents across all
income groups
Strengthening the housing market, delivering new homes and providing a stronger and more
balanced housing market
Addressing the vacant housing stock and bringing properties back into use
Increasing the choice of tenure, and considering the role of the private rented sector to help meet
the need for more affordable housing and the role it can play for providing high quality renting
options.
Providing a mix of specialist housing to meet the needs of an ageing population and increasing
student population.
19
REVIEW FINDING:
The Homelessness Strategy must reflect the Housing Strategy priority areas where appropriate
2.2.5 Health and Wellbeing Board:
Health and Wellbeing Boards are an integral part of the Government’s reforms to NHS, Public Health
and Social Care. Stoke-on-Trent City Council’s Health and Wellbeing Board includes partners
from health, social care and children’s services, city councillors and health watch, who work in
partnership to address issues of health, wellbeing and health inequalities across the local area.
The Board's key functions are:
To undertake a Joint Strategic Needs Assessment (JSNA)
To develop a Joint Health and Wellbeing Strategy
To ensure that the commissioning plans and activities of Clinical Commissioning Groups and the
City Council are consistent with JSNA and the Health and Wellbeing Strategy
To support development of Joint Commissioning, Integrated Delivery and Pooled Budgets
To assess needs for pharmaceutical services in its area, and publish a statement of its first
assessment and of any revised assessment
To encourage integrated working under the Health and Social Care Act
A number of themed sub-groups report to the board, covering the areas of Children and Young
People, Adults, and Crime and Disorder. In addition, the board has a number of partnership boards
to provide full stakeholder engagement and involvement on specific areas of work, such as Learning
Disabilities and Older People.
2.2.6 Joint Strategic Needs Assessment:
The key aims of a Joint Strategic Needs Assessment include:
To describe the local community's current and future health, independence and wellbeing needs.
It is a high level needs assessment that provides local commissioners with a wealth of quantitative
and qualitative data that clearly describes the key issues for the local population
To provide information so that commissioners are enabled to set strategic priorities and
formulate solutions for service delivery and redesign to reduce inequalities and improve health
and wellbeing outcomes
To highlight local issues based on the analysis of the available information. It identifies where
needs are not being met describing these as themes for action
To look at information and trends and provides an insight into the years ahead.
The health and well-being of individuals and populations across all age groups is influenced by a
range of factors both within and outside the individual's control. The JSNA comprises of a range
20
of reports which look in more detail at social and environmental factors, economic factors and
deprivation as they apply to the city7.
REVIEW FINDING:
The Joint Strategic Needs Assessment should reflect the needs of homeless people and rough
sleepers in the city
2.2.7 Co-operative Working:
Co-operative Working is a partnership between public and voluntary services, which offers a more
joined up and coordinated approach to supporting individuals and households. Instead of residents
accessing help from a variety of sources to address a range of problems, those with complex needs
will be assigned one key worker who will work with them to find solutions. This key worker will ‘pull
in’ expertise from other agencies including the police, fire service, NHS and the voluntary sector if
needed.
The benefits of the cooperative working agenda include service users only having to tell their story
once. From that point onwards, they should receive tailored support which meets their needs, at the
right time and in the right place.
Cooperative Working also seeks to improve outcomes for local neighbourhoods and increase value
for money for the taxpayer. It is also envisaged that public sector savings will come through reducing
the need for more costly interventions, such as court proceedings, A&E admissions or children being
taken into care. Over a three-year period, the programme is estimated to save the city council and
its partners in the region of £36 million.
REVIEW FINDING:
The Homelessness Strategy must place the vision of cooperative working at its core
2.2.8 Safer City Partnership:
The Safer City Partnership exists to deliver national crime; disorder and substance misuse strategies
at a local level and comprises Stoke-on-Trent City Council, Staffordshire Fire and Rescue,
Staffordshire Police, the National Probation Service, Staffordshire and West Midlands Community
Rehabilitation Company, and Stoke-on-Trent Clinical Commissioning Group. The Safer City
Partnership produces renewed delivery plans each year, in order to ensure programmes are
delivered in a structured and coherent manner. Each delivery plan focuses on the following core
strands: prevention, rehabilitative and resilient communities, enforcement and early intervention.
7 Joint Strategic Needs Assessment
21
The Safer City Partnership aims to:
Ensure people and communities in Stoke-on-Trent feel safer from the harm caused by violent
crime
Reduce the incidence of, and harm from, offending behaviour in the city
Reduce the prevalence of, and harm from, drug and alcohol misuse in the city
Reduce the incidence of, and harm from, antisocial behaviour within the city
Empower communities and build community resilience
REVIEW FINDING:
Homeless prevention services should be commissioned collaboratively to ensure that support
needs are met effectively using a joint approach and making best use of in-reach provision
2.2.9 Hardship Commission:
In 2014 Stoke-on-Trent City Council established a Hardship Commission to understand the nature
and extent of poverty-related hardship in the city. The Commission includes representatives from a
wide range of public, private and voluntary sector organisations. Its main aim is to investigate how
the government’s welfare reforms are affecting low-income households in the city and to look at
ways of protecting the most vulnerable residents. It reports its findings to the council-led Wider
Welfare Reform Group and the City Council’s Cabinet.
In February 2015, RRR Consultancy Ltd was commissioned by Stoke-on-Trent City Council to
undertake qualitative research into the needs of people in poverty-related hardship8. The purpose of
the research was to inform action to prevent and mitigate the impact of hardship on local people. In
order to ensure that the aims and objectives of the research were met a range of research methods
were adopted including a literature review, analysis of secondary data, focus group, and interviews
and case studies with people experiencing hardship.
The research report revealed that people experiencing hardship invariably accessed a wide range of
different agencies and services, with existing supported housing services and local advice agencies
providing invaluable support in a non-judgemental manner. There is recognition within the report
that there is a growing divide between the rich and the poor and that there are pockets of severe
deprivation across several areas of Stoke-on-Trent. The study reveals that hardship affects people
from different ethnic and social backgrounds in different ways and that it is essential to target early
interventions within those localities with the greatest concentration of poverty.
Based on lived experiences, one of the key recommendations within the report relates to the need to
change people’s attitudes towards those in hardship, rather than a critical need for extra resource.
The report recommends an Asset Based Community Development approach to tackling the issues
associated with deprivation, which essentially challenges the existing population of the city to ensure
the best use of existing resources rather than seeking to create new services. There is also an
8 ‘Qualitative Study of Poverty Related Hardship in Stoke-on-Trent’ (July 2015)(RRR Consultancy Ltd.)
22
identified need for clearer information as to what type of support is available and how to access it, as
well as which benefits people may be entitled to claim.
The research makes many recommendations relating to the need to take a more accessible and
holistic approach to service delivery in the city, which sensitively acknowledges the often complex
issues leading to hardship.
REVIEW FINDING:
The Homelessness Strategy priorities should reflect the findings of the Hardship Commission
report, specifically the importance of utilising existing resource more effectively and improving
the quality of information available to people experiencing hardship.
3. Statistical Profile – Stoke-on-Trent:
Stoke-on-Trent is ranked 14th most deprived local authority area in England9. In making this
judgement, several key domains are considered including; poor income levels, high levels of
unemployment, poor educational skills and training, poor living environments, poor health and high
crime rates in the area.
The common perception of Stoke-on-Trent as a poor-quality, post-industrial environment is
exacerbated by the abundance of traditional terraced properties and large post-war industrial
estates in comparison to the rest of the country. Furthermore, there are in excess of 4,800 empty
homes across the city and a large number of derelict industrial premises. The 2011 Census identified
a multitude of lower social groups resident in Stoke-on-Trent i.e. people in unskilled occupations and
those who have never worked or are in long-term unemployment, equating to 27% of the adult
population of the city, compared with 17% nationally.
Historically, the pottery industry employed as many as 70,000 people either side of World War II,
with more than 46,000 people engaged directly in the manufacture and decoration of; bricks,
pottery, tiles or glass. Current estimates suggest that there are now between 6,500 and 7,000
people in the industry. In 1931 more than 17,500 residents were engaged in mining and quarrying
and some 6,500 in metal production (Shelton Bar Steelworks). However, by 1991 these figures had
declined to 2,100 and 600 respectively and by 2001 both of these industries had disappeared from
the city’s landscape altogether10.
9 English Indices of Deprivation – September 2015
10 ‘City of Stoke-on-Trent Statistical Summary’ (October 2015)
23
Whilst Stoke-on-Trent is not unique in its suffering from significant industrial decline, other poor
economic and social structures, as identified in the Indices of Deprivation, combine to exacerbate the
problem locally.
Analysis of local poverty related hardship undertaken by Stoke’s Hardship Commission suggests that
there may be as many as 11,349 households within Stoke-on-Trent experiencing some form of
hardship, with a further 13,566 households exhibiting hardship characteristics. The report also
reveals that there are 9,150 households on the cusp of hardship within the city.
Risk taking behaviour and individual support needs are often implicated in a person’s homelessness,
but there is evidence to suggest that these factors are commonly rooted in the pressures associated
with poverty, hardship and other forms of structural disadvantage. Equally, social relationships can
be put under considerable strain when experiencing stressful financial circumstances.
On reflection, it could be reasonably surmised that many households in Stoke-on-Trent may be at a
greater risk of becoming homeless as a result of the pressures prevalent in the area in which they
live.
REVIEW FINDING:
Stoke-on-Trent has suffered from significant industrial decline, acute levels of poverty and poor
socio-economic structures, which combine to increase the risk of homelessness for the residents
of the city
3.1 Demographic11:
The population of Stoke-on-Trent peaked in the years either side of World War II, with the 1931 and
1951 census returns recording populations of 276,639 and 275,115 respectively. During the
subsequent 50 year period up to 2001, and in line with significant industrial degeneration in the city,
the population in Stoke-on-Trent declined by almost 35,000 people.
Official population mid-year estimates from 2014 tell us that the overall number of residents has
risen by around 4% since 2001, with around 251,000 people currently living in the city. Furthermore,
future projections indicate that the population will continue to increase, reaching c.266,300 by the
year 2037. Growth is anticipated to be concentrated in the over 65 age group, whilst the working
age population is expected to decrease.
There is a documented inclination for families and adults aged over 25 to move out of Stoke-on-Trent
into neighbouring localities, whilst the city generally attracts younger adults in - most likely drawn by
the two universities and the availability of affordable housing stock. Equally however, as people born
during the period after World War II begin to reach retirement age, there is also an increasing ageing
population in Stoke-on-Trent in line with national trends. The number of over 65’s in the city is
11
Figures cited from City of Stoke-on-Trent Statistical Summary (Oct 15)(extracted from ONS data)
24
currently estimated to be in the region of 42,000 people, equating to an approximate 7% increase
during the last decade. However, whilst the age profile of Stoke-on-Trent now largely reflects the
regional and national picture, there is evidence to suggest that the population locally is ageing at a
much slower rate than initially projected.
REVIEW FINDING:
The overall population is projected to increase over coming years and there is likely to be a
greater proportion of young people and those aged over 65 years than working age adults.
The 2011 Census revealed that 92% of Stoke-on-Trent residents at that time were born in the UK.
The number of non-UK born residents in the city more than doubled during the decade following the
2001 Census, rising from 3.7% of the total population in 2001 to around 8% by 2011. The city has
some well-established minority ethnic (ME) communities and according to the 2011 Census data,
almost 60% of the city’s prevalent Pakistani and Bangladeshi population were born within the UK.
There is no single accurate measure of international migration into and out of the city; however
there are data sources available, which can be used to draw the high level conclusion that
international migration into the city has increased significantly over the last 10 years.
Although arguably the most accurate source of information to monitor ethnicity within an area,
Census data can very quickly become dated due to the fluid nature of migration. Analysis of local
birth and death rates shows that currently, births outnumber deaths by almost 1000 per year in the
city, leading to an increase in ‘natural change’. Despite the combination of international migration
and ‘natural change’ recorded in the city, the population has only grown by around 10,000 since
2001, indicating that without international migration over the last decade, the population of Stoke-
on-Trent would have continued the downward trend observed following the end of World War II.
A number of international migrants entering the city each year are seeking asylum and acquiring
refugee status. Asylum is protection given by a country to someone who is fleeing persecution in
their own country. To be recognised as a Refugee and given 5 years humanitarian protection, you
must have left your country and be unable to go back because you have a well-founded fear of
persecution.
Asylum Seekers are primarily housed in ‘Initial Accommodation’ upon claiming asylum in the UK.
Following ‘Initial Accommodation’ they are then dispersed across the West Midlands. Dispersal
should be in line with agreed cluster limits of 1:200 of the population for each local authority area. In
line with the 2011 census, this puts the limit for Stoke-on-Trent at 1245. In June 2015, it was
reported that there were 625 asylum seekers in Stoke-on-Trent, placing the city at around half of the
cluster limit. Anecdotal evidence suggests that Asylum Seekers, who successfully apply for asylum
and become Refugees, tend to stay in the city if this is where they have been dispersed to.
25
REVIEW FINDING:
Levels of international migration into the city have helped to maintain the city’s population level
3.2 Economy12:
The 2011 Census revealed that 27% of the adult population within the city is in a low socio-economic
classification, which includes people in routine, unskilled occupations; those who have never worked
and those who are in long-term unemployment. This is almost 10% greater than the comparable
national average.
There are a total of 28,500 people living in the city who are claiming out of work benefits, which
equates to around 18% of the city’s working age population compared with 12% nationally. Amongst
those people claiming out of work benefits, 2% are actively seeking work and around 10% are
claiming Employment Support Allowance (ESA) or Incapacity Benefits locally.
There are 39,300 people within the city who are classed as ‘economically inactive’; including
students, people looking after their family or their home, people who are long-term sick and those
who are retired; collectively equating to around 16% of the total population of the city. However,
although described in official statistics as ‘economically inactive’, local people who are not in
employment still make an active contribution to the local economy and are arguably less likely than
the more affluent population to export their spending in other areas.
The socio-economic classifications published in the 2011 Census, which revealed an under-
representation of people with managerial, professional and technical occupations in the city, goes
some way to explaining lower than average wages in the area, with the average full time worker’s
weekly wage in Stoke-on-Trent amounting to around 12% below the national average.
Stoke-on-Trent has less than two-thirds the number of VAT-registered businesses per head of the
population compared with the national average. A disproportionately large number of the city’s
enterprises are still engaged in manufacturing and few in banking, finance and other high value-
added industries. The latest available data shows that just over a fifth of the city’s registered
businesses are engaged in real estate and business activities compared with one-third of all
businesses nationally.
On a more positive note, Stoke-on-Trent has a total of 113,200 people who are classed as
‘economically active’ and perhaps contrary to expectation, the city’s local economy has continued to
recover from the recession since 2009. Figures indicate that Stoke-on-Trent’s economy grew
significantly faster than the UK rate between 2009 and 2014, ranking it 17th out of 173 economic
areas during that period.
12
Economy figures are extracted from NOMIS official labour statistics (June 2015) & ‘City of Stoke-on-Trent Statistical Summary’ (October 2015)
26
REVIEW FINDING:
Just over ¼ of Stoke-on-Trent’s population is within a low socio-economic classification, with
higher than average UK numbers of people claiming out of work benefits and people earning
low wages. However, the economy in the city continues to recover well since recession.
3.3 Health:
Public Health England’s ‘Health Profile of Stoke-on-Trent’, published in June 2015, concluded that the
health of people in the city is generally very poor, with substantial inequalities in life expectancy
levels between the more deprived areas of the city and the more affluent areas.
Moreover, there are high rates of obesity and early death within the adult population due to stroke,
cancer, respiratory and heart disease and there is evidence to suggest that people in the city claim
incapacity benefits due to mental ill health at twice the national rate13.
Obesity levels amongst children and young people in Stoke-on-Trent are worse than in many areas of
the country. The city also carries a high incidence of young people being admitted to hospital with
alcohol specific issues, a significantly high rate of teenage pregnancy and a large number of women
who smoke whilst pregnant. This is reflected further in section 4.6 of this review, which breaks down
the most common reasons for admissions to hospital amongst the homeless population in Stoke-on-
Trent.
REVIEW FINDING:
Analysis of the health profile of Stoke-on-Trent presented within Public Health England’s report
shows that the majority of indicators mark Stoke-on-Trent as significantly worse than the
England average
3.4 Social Housing:
Stoke-on-Trent has a housing stock generally comprising large numbers of traditional terraced
properties and post-war local authority estates. During the 1980’s, there were almost 33,000 council
owned properties in the area; however following more than 30 years of ‘right-to-buy’ sales and stock
transfers to Housing Associations, there are now less than 18,700 council owned properties and
around 7,300 properties owned by local Registered Providers14 within Stoke-on-Trent.
In 2012, the Local Authority published the most recent council housing stock condition survey. Based
on a sample of 20% of all properties, the survey identified that 94.4% of all council stock met with the
13
Cited from ‘Making Welfare Work for Stoke-on-Trent’ (2013)(Brighter Futures & Citizen’s Advice Bureau) 14
Figures extracted from 2015 Live Data Tables: www.gov.uk
27
Decent Homes Standard and that in general, the stock is in good condition15. However, the report
also highlighted that due to the average age and profile of the stock, a significant investment will be
required for maintenance and improvements over the coming years.
There is no statutory requirement for local authorities to keep a Housing Register. However, Stoke-
on-Trent City Council believes that the presence of a register brings significant benefits for the
people of the city. The Housing Register provides a single point of access for council owned
properties and properties allocated to the council through Nomination Agreements with Registered
Providers. The council uses a banding system based on levels of housing need to determine a
household’s priority on the Housing Register, as explained within section 2.2.216.
There are currently 2,324 households on the Housing Register. Analysis of applicants on the Housing
Register reveals that the two most prevalent household profiles seeking social housing are;
Elderly people (over 55s) waiting for a one bedroom bungalow in band 4 and;
Single people waiting for a one bedroom flat in band 4.
The average length of time that applicants have waited on the Housing Register in these two
categories is 216 days and 193 days respectively.
There is evidence to suggest that applicants in band one (high priority), who are waiting for family
accommodation have the shortest average wait times. Furthermore, 2 and 3 bedroom houses
accounted for the highest number of allocations this year, which suggests that supply is equal to
demand.
Conversely, there are 556 younger people also on the Housing Register waiting for single bedroom
accommodation, equating to around a quarter of all applicants. There were only 150 allocations
made to this type of property during 2015 and the average wait that a single person in band 2 faces
for a one bedroom flat is just under 2 years. This highlights a shortage of this type of
accommodation within the city.
REVIEW FINDING:
Housing stock within the social sector is reducing, but the demand for single bedroom
accommodation is increasing. This demand is largely from people with low priority on the
Housing Register. Young people account for almost ¼ of those on the waiting list.
3.5 Private Sector Housing:
The total housing profile within Stoke-on-Trent comprises around 113,000 properties across all
tenures and around ¾ (76%) of those properties are within the private sector.
15
Cited from ‘Stoke-on-Trent City Council Housing Stock Condition Survey 2012’ 16
More detail on the city council’s priority banding system can be found here
28
Issues such as high levels of deprivation, low economic investment and low income levels have had a
major impact on the open housing market. Low household incomes have also led to limited
investment in homes leading to high levels of disrepair across the private sector. Although quality
varies across tenure depending on property type, age of property and location, generally speaking
the poorest quality housing exists within the private sector, particularly prevalent in the city’s older,
pre-1919, terraced stock, which dominates the inner urban core17.
The most recent Private Sector Stock Condition Survey18, which was completed in 2009, revealed that
housing conditions across the city had improved significantly since the previous survey of 2004, but
that overall property standards remained low compared with the national average. The number of
non-decent standard dwellings in the city was recorded as 49% of all properties in the sector
compared with 37.5% nationally.
According to the 2011 Census, around 59.5% of the city’s total housing stock is privately owner
occupied and just over 14% is within the private rented sector. As social housing becomes more
difficult to access, with higher demand and fewer properties available, the private rented sector is
emerging as an increasingly attractive option for many households despite its historic reputation as
expensive and insecure.
REVIEW FINDING:
As social housing becomes more difficult to access, with higher demand and fewer properties
available, the private rented sector is emerging as an increasingly attractive option (or the only
option) for many households despite its historic reputation as expensive and insecure.
3.6 Affordability:
The Strategic Housing Market Assessment (SHMA) (2014) revealed that Stoke-on-Trent needs an
estimated 261 affordable homes each year for the next 5 years to cover the existing backlog and to
meet current and projected need.
According to the Department for Communities and Local Government (DCLG) official published
statistics on gross affordable housing supply, Stoke-on-Trent produced 320 affordable homes during
the financial year 2014/15, increasing by almost 100 homes per year over the last 3 years.
House prices across Stoke-on-Trent vary significantly between wards. However, based on crude
affordability measures, (i.e. average household income against average house prices) the city has
some of the most affordable housing stock in the country, currently ranked in the ‘Lloyds Bank
Affordable Cities Review’ (2015) as the 11th most affordable place to live. The average house price in
Stoke-on-Trent is £102,500, equating to around 4 ½ times the average household income. The
average home in the UK exceeds 6 times the average household income.
17
Figures extracted from ‘Stoke-on-Trent Private Sector Empty Homes Strategy 2014-19’ 18
Private Sector Stock Condition Survey (2009)
29
The 2011 Census revealed that 22% of households in the city were renting in social rented housing.
This type of housing still provides the most affordable option due to sub-market rent levels; however
the cost of socially rented housing is feared to be on the increase.
Current data displayed in table 1, highlights that the average weekly rent in Stoke-on-Trent social
housing is commonly within the price range of some private rented property options, although the
top end of the price bracket for private rents is significantly more expensive than social rents,
reflective of the fact that private landlords have much more flexibility when setting their rent levels.
Bedrooms
1 Bed 2 Bed 3 Bed 4 Bed
Private Rented19 £62.50 - £100 £75 – 187.50 £81 - £196 £95 - £340
Social Rented £67.73 £77.55 £85.81 £97.83
Table 2 depicts Local Housing Allowance rates for Staffordshire North, as at April 2015. The data
indicates that in general, the private rented sector in Stoke-on-Trent can be a viable option for
people relying on Local Housing Allowance, as long as the landlord is willing to accept the Local
Housing Allowance as the level of rent for their property.
Bedrooms
Shared Accommodation Rate
1 Bed 2 Bed 3 Bed 4 Bed
£52.02 £80.55 £90.90 £109.32 £139.84
REVIEW FINDING:
In general, the quality of private rented accommodation is poorest within the inner urban core
of the city. However as quality varies significantly depending on which area of the city you
choose to live, inevitably so does the cost. This means that people facing homelessness, who are
already often in acute poverty, have far less choice within the private sector.
4. Homelessness Trends:
Tackling homelessness has been and continues to be a high priority both locally and on a national
scale and as feared, the combination of substantial welfare reform, austerity measures and a
struggling housing market is beginning to have a major impact upon homelessness levels across the
country. Over the last few years, a significant amount of research has been carried out into the
causes of homelessness, its effects and its associated complications in order to build a clear profile of
the situation and to better understand emerging trends. That said however, there is much more
work to be done.
19
Source: www.rightmove.co.uk - sample 600 properties to rent (houses, flats and bungalows) (Dec 2015)
Table 3
Table 2
30
4.1 Current levels of homelessness:
Homelessness has received increasing national media focus over recent years, with reports that more
and more people are facing a housing crisis in the wake of welfare reform. In order to monitor the
number of statutorily homeless households in the country, the Government collates local authority
figures on the number of households deemed to be unintentionally homeless and in priority need20.
Recent evidence from Crisis suggests that Government P1E homeless figures are in fact masking the
true extent of the problem, as the figures exclude those who are homeless, but do not approach the
local authority for assistance. A 2014 survey of local authorities in England revealed that 81% of
respondents (114 authorities) had placed a more pro-active emphasis on the prevention of
homelessness since 2010 and as such, had become increasingly reliant on more ‘informal’ responses
to homeless applications. Consequently, post-2010 homeless trends based purely on statutory
reporting methods should therefore be viewed with some caution21.
Chart 1 takes headline P1E data as a starting point to profile current levels of homelessness in Stoke-
on-Trent. The data demonstrates an overall increase in the number of official homeless approaches
to the city council over the past 5 years22.
Within the last few years, Stoke-on-Trent Housing Options Service has implemented proactive
changes to their administrative processes. These changes included officers ensuring that a full
homeless application was taken from anybody approaching the authority, who claimed to be
threatened with homelessness within 28 days; a process which had previously been unnecessary due
to effective triage and other homelessness prevention activities upon initial presentation. This
procedural change may, to some extent account for the severity of the increase in recorded
homeless applications during the financial year 2013/14, but even with this in mind there is clearly a
marked increase in the number of people approaching the authority for assistance.
20
P1E statistics 21
The Homeless Monitor (England 2015) – Crisis et.al. 22
Within the provisions of the Housing Act 1996, as amended by the Homelessness Act 2002
Chart 1
31
Chart 2 depicts statutory homeless decisions made by Stoke-on-Trent as a proportion of all
approaches for assistance. The chart highlights a decrease in the overall percentage of statutory
acceptances and a corresponding increase in the proportion of people deemed ‘not homeless’ or
intentionally so over the past few years.
To present a clearer picture of the extent of homelessness in Stoke-on-Trent, it is necessary to factor
in the number of rough sleepers in the area, as they may not be represented in the official statutory
figures. The ‘Rough Sleeper Outreach service’ is currently commissioned as a practical solution to
tackling rough sleeping in the city. Chart 3 depicts the number of referrals to the outreach service
since 2007.
Chart 2
Chart 3
32
The team works within the national definition of “rough sleeping”23 and works in partnership with
the Staffordshire Fire and Rescue Service, voluntary organisations and Local Authorities across North
Staffordshire.
Each year local authorities are required by Government to provide a count or an estimate of rough
sleepers that exist in each area. In November 2014 the estimate for Stoke-on-Trent identified that
there were 15 rough sleepers in the city, all of whom were known to the Rough Sleeper’s Team. In
November 2015, the estimate was 14, continuing a similar level of known rough sleeping in the city.
The estimates are verified by ‘Homeless Link’, which is the organisation providing support for the
Department of Communities and Local Government (DCLG) in this area.
A further key factor when measuring the extent of homelessness is the presence of ‘hidden
homelessness’. In July 2010, Crisis carried out a research project looking at ‘hidden homelessness’ in
England.24 For the purposes of the study, hidden homelessness is defined as ‘non-statutory homeless
people living outside of mainstream housing provision’, in other words; people who become
homeless but who find a temporary solution by staying with family members or friends, living in
squats or in other insecure accommodation. Within the report, there is conclusive evidence that
overall levels of homelessness are rising sharply in the UK. Council officials throughout the nation
provided accounts of people facing hardship due to sanctions; being unable to find a suitable home
on benefits; or being forced out of a local area.
One of the key messages to come from the report is that single homelessness and hidden
homelessness are synonymous. That is to say, being a single homeless person in the UK means you
are generally ‘hidden’ from support, advice and statistics. With this in mind, Stoke-on-Trent’s official
statistics reveal that of the 224 statutory acceptances made by the authority during 2014/15, 19% of
households were single.
In general, people who experience ‘hidden homelessness’ are a diverse group comprising many
different ages and nationalities. The Crisis research was based on a sample of 437 single homeless
people across the country, of which 55% were from a minority ethnic group. The report concluded
that people experiencing ‘hidden homelessness’ tend to fall into one of two categories:
People who could have exited homelessness promptly with the correct assistance, but instead are
at risk of joining the population of long-term homeless people with complex needs if their
homelessness endures or;
Vulnerable people with high support needs for whom a system of support exists (rough sleeper
teams, supported housing, hostels etc.), but who are not accessing this support.
23 ‘People sleeping, or bedded down, in the open air (such as on the streets, or in doorways, parks or
bus shelters); people in buildings or other places not designed for habitation (such as barns, sheds, car parks, cars, derelict boats, stations, or “bashes”)’
24
Reference: Crisis report – “The Hidden Truth about Homelessness” – July 2011 (450 people surveyed)
33
There has been night shelter provision available in the city in previous years and historically, people
have tended to abandon hostel placements in favour of a place within a night shelter. Reasons
behind such decisions may have included fewer restrictions around substance misuse and overall
behaviour, as well as a desire to avoid liability for service and rent charges.
During the winter of 2004, 74 people utilised the night shelter in Stoke-on-Trent. However, demand
for the shelter appeared to decline from 2006 onwards, as accommodation was being provided more
quickly through commissioned supported accommodation services, which met the needs of rough
sleepers for accommodation.
With the ‘hidden homelessness’ categories identified by the Crisis research in mind, there are
renewed concerns that rough sleeping is becoming more prevalent once again in the city, implying
that council commissioned supported accommodation services are no longer meeting the level of
demand and that re-instating a night shelter may be a way of combatting the problem. In view of
this, the city council has launched a street retreat scheme as a two month initial pilot. The scheme
will be closely monitored using Homeless Link’s PrOMPT toolkit,25 which is a resource designed to
identify opportunities to prevent rough sleeping.
There is evidence to suggest that people who may appear to be rough sleeping can in fact have
accommodation, but are experiencing extreme financial hardship mainly due to benefit sanctions
and substance misuse issues. In some cases, people have cited accessing provision where hot meals
are provided as a way of combatting isolation and loneliness rather than necessarily out of a need for
accommodation.
There is conclusive evidence to suggest that declines in official statutory homelessness may be offset
by increases in other forms of homelessness. However, even without definitive numbers relating to
the hidden homeless population locally, there is clearly an increasing presence of people who are in
need of assistance with accommodation issues in Stoke-on-Trent.
REVIEW FINDING:
The true extent of homelessness in Stoke-on-Trent is likely to include a substantial presence of
hidden homelessness. The local authority and its partners need to impose measures to
strengthen their understanding of the true extent of the situation, including working more
closely with faith groups and smaller agencies within the city.
REVIEW FINDING:
The Homelessness Strategy must seek to strengthen the provision of effective and meaningful
advice and assistance available to single homeless people within Stoke-on-Trent, in order to
minimise the presence and impact of hidden homelessness.
25
PrOMPT – Prevention Opportunities Mapping and Planning Toolkit
34
4.2 Who becomes homeless?
According to the UK Poverty and Social Exclusion Survey 2012, homelessness tends to be heavily
concentrated amongst young, underprivileged lone parents or single people, who are renting
accommodation within urban areas of the UK, a description which is largely synonymous with the
statistical profile of Stoke-on-Trent. The Crisis report “The Hidden Truth about Homelessness” adds
further weight to this categorisation.
4.2.1 Age:
According to official statistics, people with a statutory homeless duty in Stoke-on-Trent are most
commonly aged between 25 and 44 years old, which has been a consistent pattern over the last few
years. That said; it is noted that the age parameters set out in the national P1E statistics are not
evenly distributed and as there are a greater number of ages grouped in this category, it is perhaps
not surprising that this contains the highest proportion of people. Chart 4 displays current age
trends for Stoke-on-Trent in comparison to previous years.
In contrast, the number of people aged 24 and below has significantly decreased over recent years,
which reflects the national picture. This is likely to be attributed to improved preventative measures
imposed by local authorities for young people across the country. This is particularly relevant in
Stoke-on-Trent, as there are two specialist Housing Needs Officers in post, who work closely with
Children’s Services and are responsible for managing all young people and Care Leavers who are
threatened with homelessness in the city. The apparent decline in young people owed a statutory
homeless duty may also reflect the impact of the ‘G vs Southwark Judgement’ and the improved joint
Chart 4
35
working between Housing and Children’s Services over recent years26. Notwithstanding improved
practice, there is rising concern nationally that young people are being dissuaded from making
official homeless applications with local authorities27, which is a worrying scenario, given the
evidence that young people are facing particular hardship as a result of austerity measures and
welfare reform. The extent and impact of youth homelessness is explored further in section 4.4 of
this review.
Chart 4 also demonstrates a gradual increase in the number of people aged 45 - 59 and over 60, who
are owed a statutory homeless duty. It is true to say that that the city’s general population is ageing,
but it is also apparent from this data that the number of older people in the city, who are vulnerable
and facing homelessness is increasing.
REVIEW FINDING:
There is a decline in official statistics for youth homelessness, but increasing concerns that
young people are at most risk of hardship and becoming homeless in light of welfare reform and
austerity programmes.
REVIEW FINDING:
There has been a gradual increase in the number of vulnerable people aged over 60
4.2.2 Ethnicity:
According to the Office for National Statistics (ONS), the overall non-white British population in
England and Wales increased from 6.6m in 2001 to 9.1m by 2009, an increase of 37%. The national
increase is also reflected locally, with several well established minority ethnic communities in the
area alongside increasing levels of international migration into the city.
In 2012, the housing and homeless charity Shelter reported that “Black and minority ethnic
households are more than twice as likely to become homeless as white British households.” in a
summary statement regarding ethnicity and homelessness 28
Chart 5 indicates that in Stoke-on-Trent, the proportion of White29 people presenting to the local
authority as homeless is consistently far greater than any other ethnic background. Analysis of crude
statistics comparing ethnicity trends in the overall population of Stoke-on-Trent and ethnicity
representation within the official P1E returns suggests that either minority ethnic communities are
not as threatened with homelessness in Stoke-on-Trent as they are elsewhere in the country, or
26
The ‘Southwark Judgement’, made by Law lords in 2009, is a piece of case law which obliges Children’s Services to provide accommodation and support to homeless 16 and 17 year olds. Read the judgement in full here
27 Extracted from ‘Youth Homelessness in the UK’ – a study by the Heriot Watt University (November 2015)
28 A statement based on data from the Census 2011 and CLG homeless statistics.
29 Including White British, White Irish and any other White background
36
people from other cultures and ethnic backgrounds do not approach the local authority for
assistance as readily as their White cohabitants. The council needs to better understand the trends.
REVIEW FINDING:
There is a disproportionate representation of minority ethnic groups presenting to the local
authority as homeless. The local authority and its partners need to understand the trend.
4.2.3 Household Composition:
The information in chart 6 presents the family composition of those households being accepted as
statutorily homeless in Stoke-on-Trent according to official P1E statistics. The data indicates that
although numbers have reduced gradually between 2011 and 2014, single mothers remain the most
commonly represented household type amongst the statutory homeless population in the city. The
data also reveals that the last 12 months has seen a spike in the number of couples with dependent
children being accepted as statutorily homeless compared to previous years.
The trends highlighted within chart 6 largely reflect the fact that households with children are
automatically classed as high priority within the homelessness legislation in England, where single
people and families with no dependents need additional vulnerabilities in order to be owed a
statutory duty for assistance with housing.
Chart 5
37
Single households with no dependent children are becoming more common within the homeless
population as the impact of welfare reform begins to embed, as reported in the Crisis report ‘The
Hidden Truth about Homelessness’. With little legislative protection from local authorities, the
prevalence of ‘hidden homelessness’ will increase without the provision of effective advice and
support for this group.
REVIEW FINDING:
Single mothers and families with children dominate the official statistics in terms of household
composition; however evidence suggests that the official figures mask the true extent of
homelessness with a large presence of ‘hidden homeless’
4.2.4 Priority Need Categories:
According to official P1E statistics, the most common reason that people in Stoke-on-Trent are
classed as ‘priority need’ within the provisions of the Homelessness Act 2002, is the presence of
dependent children. This is demonstrated in chart 7.
Priority need as a result of mental illness and / or physical disability is relatively infrequent in terms
of the primary priority need category. However, in line with the suggestion that P1E figures in
isolation should be viewed with caution, it would be short sighted to assume that health reasons of
this nature are therefore not significant contributing factors to a household’s homelessness
circumstances. The P1E form itself only allows for one priority need category to be selected and
therefore does not take into account any other factors, which may have exacerbated matters further
for the household.
Chart 6
38
In 2014, Homeless Link published ‘The Unhealthy State of Homelessness’, which highlights the extent
to which people who are homeless, experience some of the worst health problems in society. The
findings from the report reveal that since 2010, there has been little improvement in the scale of
health problems faced by those who experience homelessness. The data reveals that 73% of
people30 reported a physical health problem, of which 41% said it was a long term problem. In
addition, 80% of people reported some form of mental health issue, of which 45% had a diagnosed
condition. Further information about the specific links between homelessness and health can be
found in section 4.6 of this review.
4.3 Causes of homelessness:
Nationally, almost 75% of all statutory homelessness over the past few years was attributable to the
loss of a tenancy within the private sector31. On a local level, P1E data recording the reasons for the
loss of last settled accommodation reveals a shift in trends. Historically, people being asked to leave
Home Office accommodation or friends and relatives being no longer able to accommodate have
been the two most common causes of statutory homelessness in Stoke-on-Trent.
Whilst both of these areas are still cited as dominant reasons for homelessness, analysis of the data
from the last 5 years shows that, in line with national trends, the termination of a private rented
sector tenancy has also become a key driver behind homelessness locally. This is shown in chart 8.
30
2,500 people contributed to the health audit. 31
‘Homeless Monitor – England’ (Crisis) (2015)
Chart 7
39
Other notable changes from the information in chart 8 include a significant increase in the number of
homeless people found to be homeless after being discharged from the armed forces in 2014/15.
Similarly, the number of people who have suffered a violent intimate relationship breakdown has
increased year on year over the last 5 years, accounting for 13% of all cases last year. This trend
reflects the reported increase in the prevalence of financial hardship within Stoke-on-Trent and the
fact that such hardship and poverty can often increase tensions and stress within relationships32.
The Head of Policy and Campaigns at Crisis, Katharine Sacks-Jones, recently observed that all forms
of homelessness began to rise in 2010, when there was a ‘toxic mix’ of unemployment, people
struggling on low incomes, a lack of affordable housing and benefit reforms, which essentially broke
the housing safety net that has, until recently, been a key part of the welfare state33.
32
‘Qualitative Study of Poverty Related Hardship in Stoke-on-Trent’ (July 2015)(RRR Consultancy Ltd.) 33
Sacks-Jones quoted from the article: “The homelessness crisis in England: a perfect storm” published 25 June 2014.
Chart 8
40
Whilst statutory homeless figures provide a useful indicator of why people are losing their
accommodation in the city, a recent study carried out in Stoke-on-Trent suggests that the true cause
of homelessness lacks a clear definition. In 2009, as part of the Economic and Social Research
Council’s programme of research into ‘multiple exclusion homelessness’, the Universities of Salford
and Lincoln were commissioned to carry out a two year research project investigating the lives of
people with experience of homelessness in Stoke-on-Trent. The subsequent report; ‘Losing and
Finding a Home’, explains how the complex interplay of situations and events can create social
conditions within which homelessness tends to occur. In other words, the exact cause of a person’s
homelessness is often rooted in a series of earlier events in that person’s life, rather than simply
through the act of being evicted from their home.
The research sought to delve deeper into the root causes of homelessness by carefully analysing the
influences and turning points in people’s lives. The findings revealed that the decline of industry in
the city has played a major role in the cause of homelessness in the city, but it is only one of many
factors. Each homelessness journey is unique. For some people, behaviours and actions resulting
from childhood trauma could be linked directly to episodes of homelessness many years later and for
others, changes to mental wellbeing have played significant roles leading up to a homelessness crisis.
Historically, and to some extent still today, broad assumptions are made as to why people become
homeless, placing accountability either with the individual themselves or with ‘society’. The ‘Losing
and Finding a Home’ report suggests that a personalised approach to tackling homelessness is
crucial. Moreover, there is a need for public and private sector services alike to develop a richer
understanding of how homelessness affects each household and how they place themselves within
society.
Several local services in Stoke-on-Trent adopt such ‘psychologically informed’ methods of support
within their ethos, with many more recognising the importance of this approach. During 2015, there
were 40 evictions recorded from accommodation based supported housing services in Stoke-on-
Trent and whilst this figure represents a relatively low percentage of all people using services, there
is still more work to be done around policy and reducing evictions.
REVIEW FINDING:
The cause of an individual’s experience of homelessness is often rooted in a series of earlier
events rather than a simple act of eviction. A psychologically informed approach is critical to
providing effective support and reducing unnecessary evictions from services.
41
4.4 Youth homelessness:
The picture for youth homelessness, whilst still forming part of the wider homelessness profile, can
sometimes present some slightly different trends to those identified for the adult population.
However, as within the general homelessness population, there is conflicting evidence as to whether
homelessness amongst young people is realistically increasing or decreasing. National statutory
homelessness statistics show decreasing numbers of youth homelessness, but conversely there is a
widely reported increase in the number of young people found to be rough sleeping in some areas of
the country. As previously stated, the decline in statutory homelessness could be offset by a rise in
other forms of homelessness and accurate data for exactly how many young people may be ‘hidden
homeless’ is currently not available.
Other recent research indicates that young people are three times more likely to have experienced
homelessness in the last 5 years than older members of the general UK population. In addition, there
is growing evidence to suggest that the link between age and homelessness could be explained by a
disproportionate experience of poverty amongst young people34. More than half of young people
nationally are reported to become homeless due to a relationship breakdown, mainly with their
parents. Furthermore, around a quarter of local authorities and two thirds of homeless agencies
across the country report that young people’s needs are becoming more complex year on year. This
reflects the findings of the local research into complex needs of 200735, which revealed that many
people’s journey into homelessness began before they were 16.
On average, 40% of young people in England are recorded as not being in training or education at the
point at which they become homeless. The national unemployment rate for young people is 16%,
which equates to four times the rate for the total population. Over recent years, families in the UK
have faced growing pressures with limited opportunities available for young people to access
housing and employment. Amongst those pressures are numbers of young people not in education,
training or employment; a lack of affordable accommodation; wide-ranging changes to the welfare
system and cuts to public spending on youth services.
In Stoke-on-Trent, trend analysis suggests that around ¾ of all young people approaching housing
and support services in the city are single and do not want to be housed with another person36. Local
data also indicated that around 40% of young people wanted to live in a supported housing
environment with a daytime staff presence and a further 18% feeling the need for more intensive
support. Although the Youth Homeless Monitoring Form data only accounts for young people
coming into contact with housing and support agencies and therefore may not represent the full
scale of young people facing homelessness in the city, the recorded prevalence of single young
people does reflect the Social Housing demand information presented earlier in this review.
34
Research report: “Youth Homelessness in the UK” - (November 2015) (Heriot Watt University) 35
Further details can be read in section 4.5 around complex needs in Stoke-on-Trent. 36
Reference to ‘Youth Homeless Monitoring Forms’ - All housing and support agencies coming into contact with young people across the city are encouraged to complete this online form.
42
The Youth Homeless Monitoring Forms suggest that the overall number of young people approaching
housing and support agencies within Stoke-on-Trent has generally decreased over recent years.
However, despite a fall in the overall figure, there has been a substantial increase in the proportional
representation of people aged 16 and 17 years old. Historically, the majority of young people who
approach agencies in the city reported that they were facing a homeless crisis for the first time in
their lives; however emerging trends are indicating that more and more young people each year are
homeless on more than one occasion.
Local reports also reveal that many homeless young people approaching housing and support
agencies in Stoke-on-Trent aspire to live independently, but with most stipulating the very fact that
they are young and homeless as a support need37. There are widespread concerns over the
difficulties that young people face in achieving this aspiration, largely due to issues around
affordability and accessibility of accommodation. It is feared that living independently in their own
home will become an even more unrealistic target for many young people in years to come. Further
information from the Youth Homeless Monitoring Forms shows that the main source of income for
the majority of the city’s young people is Job Seekers Allowance; however there are a significant
proportion of young people that have no income at all.
Changes to the Shared Accommodation Rate (SAR)38 within the welfare reform agenda have had a
substantial impact on young people nationally. In 2012, the SAR was extended to cover 25-34 year
old claimants, who had previously received enough Housing Benefit to pay for a one-bedroom self-
contained property. In addition, the Government reduced the rate set for Local Housing Allowance
(which the Shared Accommodation Rate falls under) from 50% to 30% of the local market rent,
leading to fewer privately rented properties being affordable for young claimants.
Research has confirmed that alongside changes to benefit entitlements, young people are also
disproportionately affected by sanctions compared with older claimants. This is supported by data
published by the Department for Work and Pensions (DWP) in 2014, which showed that 46% of Job
Seekers Allowance sanctions since October 2012 have been imposed on claimants aged 18-24,
despite this group accounting for only 25-30% of the total benefit caseload.
It could be argued that being ‘young’ is a substantial support need in itself. Ideally, the transition
from the parental home to independent living should be a process during which young people
become emotionally and physically comfortable with the concept39. Support is critical to the success
of that transitional process, particularly in cases where there are additional support needs identified
in the young person’s life.
There has been significant progress over recent years, both nationally and locally, to improve
homelessness prevention and outcomes for all young people who become homeless. Since 2008, St
Basil’s Youth Hub in Birmingham has worked together with the Department for Communities and
Local Government to produce Positive Pathway models for local authorities to use as a guide to
37
JSNA – July 2014 38
the Housing Benefit paid to claimants limited to renting a room in a shared house 39
Reference: ‘Young People’s Housing Transitions’ – Joseph Rowntree Foundation (2009)
43
developing effective services in line with key Government policy changes. In 2015, the latest Positive
Pathway Framework encourages the implementation of early help and effective planning for young
people, shifting local authorities’ focus towards promoting a better understanding of existing services
in the local area. In addition, the Pathway advocates an integrated local authority and service
provider response to all young people who experience homelessness. The Positive Pathway model
echoes the conclusions of the ‘Losing and Finding a Home’ report, which advocates the need for
existing services to adopt a personalised approach to tackling homelessness in order to provide the
most effective solutions.
The Positive Pathway Framework 2015 has been recognised by Stoke-on-Trent City Council as a
critical resource for developing young person services in the city and in 2012, the Stoke-on-Trent
Young Person’s Steering Group was formed to serve as the driver behind building more positive
outcomes for young people in the city. The group consists of both strategic and operational
representatives from across Housing Services, Children’s Services, Cooperative Working and
Commissioning. One of the key pieces of work being overseen by the group currently is a Strategic
Review of Accommodation available for Young People and Care Leavers, which will utilise the
guidance set out in the Positive Pathway Framework, in order to scrutinise current and future need
for accommodation based services for young people and Care Leavers across the city.
REVIEW FINDING:
Young people are facing increasing levels of hardship as a direct result of welfare reform and
austerity measures. There is poignant evidence to suggest that many people who become
entrenched in a cycle of homelessness and destitution, offending, mental ill-health and
substance misuse commonly begin their journey before their 16th birthday.
4.5 Multiple Exclusion homelessness:
Multiple exclusion homelessness is a severe form of disadvantage involving not only homelessness,
but also substance misuse, mental ill-health, involvement with the criminal justice system and ‘street
culture’ activities such as begging or street drinking. In light of increasing reports regarding the
impact of multiple exclusion homelessness, there is a heightened awareness in the UK that those
people with the most severe issues are often the most costly to both society and the ‘public purse’.
Evidence suggests that there are 58,000 people in England, who face overlapping problems of
homelessness, substance misuse and contact with the criminal justice system in any one year. In
addition, an estimated 55% of those people are also diagnosed with mental health issues40.
40
Figures derived from the Lankelly Chase Foundation (2015) Hard Edges: Mapping Severe and Multiple Disadvantage
44
Research carried out by the Joseph Rowntree Federation in 2011 explains how for many people, an
episode of homelessness goes far beyond simply a housing issue and if not quickly resolved, can
become the trigger for more complex needs and chaotic lifestyles, which in turn led to more
entrenched homelessness41. The findings of this and other research papers relating to multiple and
severe disadvantage, add further weight to the notion that both public and private sector services
need to deliver timely and effective service provision, which places the person at the centre of their
support.
In Stoke-on-Trent, as part of a local drive to reduce homelessness and rough sleeping, the city council
commissioned research by Sheffield Hallam University in 2007 to identify the housing needs of
homeless people with multiple and complex needs. The research focused on client groups known to
be particularly vulnerable to homelessness and/or rough sleeping, encompassing female street sex
workers, people with substance dependencies and people with a history of violence or offending
behaviour. The findings of the research, although conducted several years ago, are still poignant
today and many of the issues highlighted within the reports are unfortunately even more of a reality
in 2016.
The research from 2007 revealed that 40% of those surveyed (129 people) began their journey into
homelessness before reaching the age of 16. Many of the respondents described a transitional route
into homelessness, which frequently involved relying upon friends and relatives for accommodation
and almost 90% had slept rough at some stage. This is a concerning revelation when coupled with
evidence suggesting increases in levels of hidden homelessness.
The research report confirms the intrinsic link between complex needs and homelessness and that it
is necessary to understand how each of the contributing factors relates to each other. For example,
there is a reported inextricable link between drug use and sex work, with almost all of the street sex
workers interviewed during the research period (53) having entered into prostitution to fund a drugs
habit. Drug use and sex work also then have a direct bearing on a person’s housing circumstances, as
well as being a catalyst for further needs such as debt and experiences of violence.
In February 2014, the Big Lottery awarded funding to Stoke-on-Trent alongside 11 other local
authority areas across the country, to test alternative methods of support provision for people with
multiple and complex needs. The ‘Voices of Independence, Change and Empowerment in Stoke-on-
Trent’ programme (VOICES) seeks to challenge the existing system of support for people with the
most complex needs in the city. In addition, the programme strives to adapt service provision
according to people’s needs rather than people having to ‘fit’ into fixed service delivery models.
People with lived experience of multiple and complex needs can become experts in the way front
line services need to operate within the voluntary, statutory, and private sectors. An independent
‘Expert Citizens’ group, comprised of people with personal experience of complex needs, has helped
to drive the development of the programme in the city, with representation amongst strategic
groups to influence policy makers and challenge service delivery mechanisms within organisations. 41
Joseph Rowntree Federation report: Tackling Homelessness and exclusion: Understanding complex lives - 2011”
45
VOICES is not a support service, however the programme carries a supportive function within its
ethos. For example, it has adopted a ‘Housing First’ model as a crucial starting point for some of the
people it has been introduced to. Some people, even entrenched rough sleepers, have benefited
immensely from being moved in to a private rented sector property and then supported within that
environment, thus bypassing the use of hostel or supported housing services. The Voices
programme also reports significant benefits from the use of a ‘personal budget’, which is a pot of
money specifically allocated to enable service users to break down some of the barriers to their
progress into housing and independent living away from the streets. Examples of uses for ‘personal
budget’ has included food, clothing, mobile phones, rent deposits and furniture packages.
There is definitive evidence confirming that people living with multiple and complex needs regularly
encounter restrictive barriers within the support systems available to them. In addition to the
VOICES programme, the Cooperative Working agenda within Stoke-on-Trent City Council has
highlighted and challenged several barriers frequently faced by the customers they deal with. The
most commonly cited examples relate to there being insufficient capacity within a service to deal
with the service user’s needs and the service or support is unsuitable i.e. if a support service or
agency has a chargeable contact number rather than a Freephone number, they require too much
time to process a claim or they evict people too readily from their service without considering the
alternatives.
REVIEW FINDING:
There is a requirement for substantial flexibility together with fundamental systematic change
within agencies if people with high levels of need are to be successfully supported out of
homelessness. The Housing First model of support can be the most effective option for those
people with the highest complexities of need.
REVIEW FINDING:
Service providers should adopt the ethos of evictions as a last resort for people with multiple
and complex needs.
46
4.6 Homelessness and Health: Public Health England is eager to reduce the health inequalities associated with poor housing,
recognising that “bringing together health and housing is fundamental if we are to rise to the
challenge to improve the nation’s health”42.
In December 2011, the health of street homeless people hit the national headlines with research
indicating that homeless people die on average 30 years before the average age of the general
population.43 The Crisis policy briefing “Homelessness: A silent killer”, based on the interim findings
of research commissioned through Sheffield Hallam University, reports that homeless men and
women are dying aged 47 and 43 respectively, in significant contrast to the national average of 77
years of age.
The Crisis report reveals some key trends relating to mortality within the homeless population. The
report also highlights the fact that homelessness itself is a factor in poor health and death and that
homeless people are nine times more likely to commit suicide than the general population. Further
research found that substance misuse accounts for just over a third of all deaths amongst homeless
people and that 40% of homeless alcohol users believe their lack of stable accommodation to be the
main barrier to their recovery.44
The North Staffordshire Mental Health Inquiry Report published in June 201445 reinforces the
relevance of poor quality and insecure accommodation in relation to the onset of mental ill-health
and that for many; poor living conditions and lack of safety within their accommodation contributed
significantly to the deterioration of their mental health or their inability to recover.
In July 2014, Homeless Link published their second national health audit ‘The Unhealthy State of
Homelessness’, the first of which was produced in 2010. The report further evidences the costs of the
homeless population being unable to access effective treatment and support, reporting that 41% of
the respondents misused substances as a way of coping with their mental health issues. This finding
reflects on the experiences of people with multiple and complex needs, as detailed in section 4.5 of
this review.
In December 2015, the Homeless Link health needs audit was applied to homeless people in Stoke-
on-Trent. The audit, carried out by Brighter Futures, captured a snapshot health profile of a
concentrated sample of 70 homeless people in the city who were either street homeless, living in
hostels or sofa surfing. The results add further weight to the assertion that homeless people tend to
suffer greater levels of physical and mental ill health than members of the general population. In
addition, the required treatment and support is generally more difficult to access as a direct result of
the presenting complexity of needs.
42
https://publichealthmatters.blog.gov.uk/2015/10/21/bringing-together-housing-and-public-health/ 43
www.crisis.org.uk – National single homeless charity - News article from 21 December 2011 44
Information referenced from Homeless Link (2009) – “Drugs and Alcohol Policy Briefing” 45
Report produced by Brighter Futures – report includes real life stories of over 140 people across Stoke-on-Trent and North Staffordshire.
47
The rising cost of healthcare for homeless people has been the subject of much debate in recent
years. Estimates in 2015 reveal that poor housing is costing the NHS at least £1.4bn per year46, with
the detrimental effects of damp surroundings, broken handrails or poor quality carpets and
furnishings on physical health being abundantly clear.
Notwithstanding the increased mortality rates and the impact of homelessness on people’s mental
and physical health, the national Homeless Link health audit also confirms that people who
experience homelessness tend to live extremely unhealthy lifestyles, which can exacerbate existing
health issues and lead to longer term problems. Based on interviews with 2,500 homeless people,
the report reveals that 77% of the homeless population smoke; 35% eat fewer than two meals a day
and two thirds consume more than the recommended amount of alcohol each time they drink. The
national trends around unhealthy lifestyles are mirrored in the findings of the Stoke-on-Trent audit,
with almost ¾ of the people surveyed locally stating that they smoke and 25% of people eating fewer
than 2 meals per day.
The local health needs audit also revealed that over 25% of people being discharged from hospital
were discharged to no fixed abode, with a similar proportion being readmitted again within 30 days.
The Department of Health guidance; ‘Discharge from hospital - pathway process and practice’ states
that all acute hospitals should have formal admission and discharge policies ensuring that homeless
people are identified on admission and linked into services on discharge. The Ministerial Working
group on Homelessness also made a commitment to improve hospital discharge in its first vision
paper; ‘No Second Night Out’.
Data gathered from the University Hospital North Midlands (UHNM) reveals significant evidence of
the true impact of homelessness on health in Stoke-on-Trent. Between January 2012 and October
2015, 219 people of ‘no fixed abode’47 were admitted (as inpatients) to Royal Stoke University
Hospital. The majority of those admissions were from men (172 compared with 47) and 42% of
admissions were from people aged between 30 and 44 years of age.
The 219 people of no fixed abode accrued a total of 381 admissions between them during the
reporting period.48 73 people within the group (33%) had more than one admission and one person
amassed 20 admissions. In addition, a further two people were admitted to hospital ten or more
times each. In total, this equates to around 10% of all hospital admissions over the time period being
accounted for by just 3 homeless people.
The main reasons recorded for admissions to hospital from this group of people are shown in Table 3
below. The data indicates that people with no fixed abode were most likely to be admitted to
hospital as a result of injury or poisoning (36.5%), followed closely by admissions due to conditions
and symptoms that could be the result of two or more diseases (or two or more systems of the body
(20.7%). The third most common reason for admission to hospital was mental and behavioural
46
https://publichealthmatters.blog.gov.uk/2015/10/21/bringing-together-housing-and-public-health/ 47
Likely to include people living outside of Stoke-on-Trent 48
381 figure includes: people of NFA admitted once and more than once; people of NFA who received one or more than one diagnoses during their admission
48
disorders (19.4%). Between them, these three reasons accounted for almost 77% of all admissions
by people of no fixed abode.
Reason for admission Number %
Injury, poisoning and certain other consequences of external causes 139 36.5
Symptoms, signs and abnormal clinical and laboratory findings 79 20.7
Mental and behavioural disorders 74 19.4
Diseases of the digestive system 22 5.8
Diseases of the skin and subcutaneous tissue 11 2.9
Diseases of the musculoskeletal system and connective tissue 9 2.4
Diseases of the nervous system 7 1.8
Factors influencing health status and contact with health services 7 1.8
Certain infectious and parasitic diseases 6 1.6
Diseases of the genitourinary system 5 1.3
Diseases of the respiratory system 5 1.3
Endocrine, nutritional and metabolic diseases 5 1.3
Reason not recorded 5 1.3
Pregnancy, childbirth and the puerperium 3 0.8
Diseases of the circulatory system 2 0.5
Neoplasms 2 0.5
Total 381 100%
Hospital data also tells us that during the same time frame, there were 338 people admitted to
hospital who were resident in local hostels at the time. The majority of those admissions were men
(194 versus 144) and just over one third of those admissions (34.3%) were from young people aged
between 15 and 24 years of age.
The 338 hostel residents had a total of 805 admissions between them during this period49. 156
people (46%) had more than one admission, with one hostel resident being admitted 23 times over
3.5 years. In addition, a further seven hostel residents had more than ten admissions each over the
time period.
The main reasons recorded for admissions to hospital from this group of people are shown in Table 4
below. Unlike admissions from people of no fixed abode, admissions due to pregnancy and
childbirth were the most common reasons for admissions amongst hostel residents (20.5%). Within
this category, more than a third of those admissions (37%) were a direct result of either ‘maternal
care for foetal problems’ or ‘other pregnancy related conditions’. Notwithstanding admissions for
pregnancy and childbirth, people from hostels were most likely to be admitted to hospital as a result
of injury or poisoning (18.4%) and due to mental and behavioural disorders (13.5%), which reflects
the trends of those people with no fixed abode.
49
805 figure includes: hostel residents admitted once and more than once; hostel residents who received one and more than one diagnoses during their inpatient stay.
Table 4
49
Reason for admission Number %
Pregnancy, childbirth and the puerperium 165 20.5
Injury, poisoning and certain other consequences of external causes 148 18.4
Mental and behavioural disorders 109 13.5
Symptoms, signs and abnormal clinical and laboratory findings 105 13.0
Factors influencing health status and contact with health services 73 9.1
Diseases of the digestive system 42 5.2
Certain conditions originating in the perinatal period 25 3.1
Diseases of the circulatory system 20 2.5
Diseases of the nervous system 19 2.4
Diseases of the respiratory system 18 2.2
Endocrine, nutritional and metabolic diseases 17 2.1
Diseases of the genitourinary system 15 1.9
Diseases of the skin and subcutaneous tissue 14 1.7
Neoplasms 11 1.4
Certain infectious and parasitic diseases 10 1.2
Diseases of the musculoskeletal system and connective tissue 8 1.0
Reason not recorded 3 0.4
Congenital malformations/deformations and chromosomal abnormalities 2 0.2
Diseases of the eye and adnexa 1 0.1
Total 805 100%
During the same 3.5 year time frame between January 2012 and October 2015, there were 405
people of no fixed abode who attended the Accident & Emergency (A&E) Department of Royal Stoke
University Hospital. Of those 405 people, 174 of them (43%) were subsequently admitted to hospital
as an inpatient.
People with no fixed abode approaching A&E during this period had a combination of 1,160
attendances at A&E between them and almost half of the people (201) had more than one
attendance. One person accumulated 48 emergency visits, whilst a further 20 people had more than
10 attendances each.
Just less than 30% of attendances at A&E from people with no fixed abode were recorded as being
related to psychiatric reasons. Amongst those people, 62% of them required emergency intervention
due to suicidal related issues; overdose from alcohol or illegal / legal drugs or for self-harm reasons.
Social problems were the second most common reason cited for a visit to A&E, with problems of
chronic alcoholism and homelessness accounting for almost 95% of those attendances. In summary,
attendances for psychiatric or social problems accounted for 43% of all attendances to A&E by
people of no fixed abode.
Table 5
50
Reason for attendance Number %
Psychiatric 330 28.4
Social problem 168 14.5
Worried patient/parent 83 7.2
Did not wait 78 6.7
Soft tissue injury 78 6.7
Gastrointestinal 68 5.9
Incised wound 56 4.8
Neurological 43 3.7
Head injury 37 3.2
Exposure to alcohol 27 2.3
Fracture 22 1.9
Infection 20 1.7
Respiratory 19 1.6
Cardiac problems 18 1.6
Skin problem 14 1.2
Musculoskeletal 11 0.9
Accidental poisoning 10 0.9
Metabolic 10 0.9
Other 68 5.9
Total 1,160 100%
It is appropriate to make further reference to the Crisis report “Homelessness: a silent killer” at this
point, as local data from UHNM reveals a striking correlation to the national trends presented in that
report.
The national Homeless Link audit report of 2014: ‘The Unhealthy State of Homelessness’ reveals that
despite widespread recognition of the health detriments associated with deprivation and poverty,
there is little evidence of any improvement to the scale of problems facing those who experience
homelessness. However, the report does indicate that there are signs of progress in recent years in
relation to how the NHS deals with homeless patients being admitted to hospitals across the country.
The study confirmed that in 2010, 73% of people admitted to hospital report being discharged onto
the streets with nowhere to go. In 2014, this figure was reported to be 36%, which is a significant
improvement.
In recent years, there has been a substantial amount of work undertaken locally to try to improve the
outcomes for homeless people in health services. Of particular merit is the Community Matron for
the homeless in Stoke-On-Trent, who works with the hostels to bring health services to homeless
people. The role includes attending outreach sessions with the Rough Sleeper Team as well as
attending hostels and accompanying outreach workers on visits to meet homeless people and rough
sleepers with identified health needs and providing surgeries at some drop-in centre’s such as the
Baptist Church in Hanley. The local health needs audit revealed that over the last 12 months, more
than half of the people surveyed had never been in a situation where they were unable to get
Table 6
51
treatment for their physical health conditions; which implies that the community matron has a very
positive impact in this area.
The work of the Community Matron has been proven to directly and indirectly divert people from
attending A&E services by treating conditions before they escalate, administering vaccinations and
generally monitoring the physical health and wellbeing of customers. Feedback from local support
agencies has revealed that the work of the Community Matron for the homeless has been invaluable,
with significant impacts felt amongst both providers of housing related support and service users
alike. In recognition of the positive impact that the role has had within the homeless population, the
city council has worked in collaboration with neighbouring authorities to expand the service out into
other districts.
REVIEW FINDING:
Homelessness, substance misuse, mental ill-health, physical ill-health and unhealthy lifestyles
are each proven to be both a cause and effect of the other. This complex cycle of support needs
will create seemingly unbreakable barriers for the individuals involved, leading to further depths
of disadvantage. There is a need for services to be able to break the cycle, but in doing so they
need to be acutely aware of the most appropriate place to start for that individual.
4.7 The Impact of Welfare Reform in Stoke-on-Trent: The Welfare Reform Act 2012 represents the biggest change to the welfare system for over 60 years
and is expected to impact on millions of working age people across the country. Within Stoke-on-
Trent one in five residents will be affected by one or more of the changes.
In order to help mitigate the impact of Welfare Reform locally and prepare customers for the
changes, a Wider Welfare Reform Group has been established to direct activity. This group consists
of representatives from local voluntary sector organisations and statutory services. The city council
has also allocated funding to this group to support their activity through the local social fund.
The following critical risks have been identified by the Wider Welfare Reform Group as requiring
mitigation:
Loss of income for affected groups, plus the cumulative impact of a number of benefit changes for
certain groups
Sanctioning and increased conditionality, resulting in loss of income particularly for claimants with
complex needs
Increase in debt and increase in use of high interest lenders/unregulated lenders
Increase use of crisis funds such as the Social Fund, DHP and Homelessness Prevention Pot etc.
Consequential impact of loss of household income for council services i.e. increased rent arrears
and council tax debts
Increase in homelessness
52
Increase in financial, benefit advice and money management
With Universal Credit - IT access and support and claimant training issues
Employment – matching and developing skills / training to mirror local opportunities.
Economic environment – traditionally low paid, low skill and low aspiration.
In work poverty is a growing concern.
Since 2012, 58% of working age households in the city have experienced a reduction in income from
welfare benefits and tax credits. A high level model of the impact across the city reveals that there
are approximately 48,000 working age households, both working and out of work, who are in receipt
of benefits and who will experience some level of reduction in their income. This reduction will result
in an overall reduction of £75.8m in expenditure on welfare benefits locally. Changes to income
levels as a result of welfare reforms, will range from an increase of £147 per year right through to a
loss of £3,304 per year. Taking this into account, the average impact on income across the city will
be a reduction of £1,569 per working age household.50
The information in table 6 highlights some of the key benefit changes and how they are anticipated
to impact on local residents from 2015 going forward:
Timetable:
Key Benefit change From 1st Feb 2016
April 2016 April 2017
Universal Credit:
There will be a phased roll out process with estimates of 300-400 people per month from
February 2016.
Starts with JSA single new claimants
Work Allowance abolished for single claimants and couples without children.
Limiting support for just 2 children for new claims regardless of when born.
Higher work allowance reduced to £397 for lone parents couples with children
UC child element not paid for third child or subsequent child born after 6
th April.
Lower work allowance reduced to £192 for lone parents and couples with children.
The first child premium (additional amount for the first child) abolished so the child element will be £231.67 a month for all children.
Maximum child care element rate increased from 70% to 85%.
Limited capability for work element abolished.
Tax Credit:
There is a high rate of Tax Credit eligibility in Stoke with 32,400 households affected.
Income rise disregard reduced from £5,000 to £2,500. This will lead to some decreases in entitlement and increasing numbers of overpayments of Tax Credits.
Child Tax Credit will not be awarded for a third or subsequent child born after April 2017.
50
Source: LGA Local impacts of Welfare Reform – impact model for SOT (2015/16)
Table 7
53
Freeze on working age benefits:
This does not include State Pensions, DLA/PIP Carer’s Allowance and Bereavement Allowance
Benefit Rates frozen at 2015/16 rates until April 2020.
Benefit Cap – reduced from £26,000 to £20,000
Estimates of 3000 to 3500 people in Stoke affected. Most significantly it will affect households with 3 or more children, those receiving carers’ premium or those in the ESA Work-Related Activity Group (WRAG)
Single people £350 reduced to £257 per week (£13,400 pa)
Couples/lone parents, £500 reduced to £385 per week (£20,000 pa).
Employment Support Allowance
There are currently 14,720 on ESA in Stoke with 3,400 in the Work-Related Activity Group (WRAG) Group
ESA payment equivalent to JSA levels for the WRAG
Housing Benefit
There are 19,061 working age people claiming HB/LHA in Stoke receiving full or part HB. 8,242 Social Housing HB, and 10,819 Private Rented LHA
Family premium abolished for new claims and if first child born after April 2016
For new claims - limiting support to just 2 children born after 6
th April
2017.
Work-Related Activity Element Abolished.
Housing Benefit – (18-21 years old)
Currently there are only 780 18- 21 year olds in receipt of HB in Stoke.
No automatic entitlement to HB for young people aged under 21.
New youth obligation introduced which requires under 21s to attend work ‘boot camps’ and if still unemployed after 6 months they have to take up an apprenticeship or do a work placement.
54
Social Housing Rent Changes
Potential loss of income to HRA of over £8million over 4 year period for 1% reduction.
Social Landlords have to reduce rents by 1% a year for 4 years
However, on 31.01.16 the Government announced that Supported Housing will be excluded from the 1% rent cut during 2016/17.
Households with income over £30K pa (£40K in London) will have to pay full market rents
The Wider Welfare Reform Group at the city council identified some key priority areas in relation to
addressing some of the challenges presented by welfare reforms. The council, via the Cooperative
Working programme, seeks to implement systematic change within existing service providers and
agencies in order to meet the anticipated need:
Financial Inclusion: To improve the ability of individuals, households or groups to access
appropriate financial services or products, and maximise their income.
Advice and Communication: To achieve a consistent approach and communication on welfare
reform to the community and public affected as well as all council services and partner agencies.
Digital Inclusion: To increase the availability of digital access, to improve levels of digital literacy
and to promote online application processes for services and support staff, particularly around
Universal Credit implementation.
Employment: To support work initiatives which assist people into paid employment, thus
reducing welfare dependency and reducing the negative impacts that being out of work can have
on individuals and families’ poverty levels and health and wellbeing.
5. Homeless Prevention and Meeting Housing Need:
Alongside most other local authorities, Stoke-on-Trent City Council has adopted an ethos of
homelessness prevention, which means that strategy and services are centred around a proactive
rather than a reactive approach, with increased emphasis on networking, negotiation and creativity.
5.1 Homelessness Prevention Statistics:
In order to successfully prevent homelessness before a crisis occurs, there needs to be a wide range
of preventative options available that can be offered to customers. There is evidence to suggest
that the availability of prevention initiatives is far more cost effective than a reactive response to
crisis situations. The challenge for the local authority is to find the right balance between the need to
make immediate savings in services and investment in measures which will result in long term
savings.
55
Local P1E statistics capture the positive impact that homeless prevention initiatives can have on local
homelessness levels, with figures demonstrating around 1300 homeless preventions recorded by the
local authority during 2014/15. Chart 9 demonstrates the most commonly utilised prevention
initiatives in the city over the last few years, which have prevented homelessness by either securing
alternative accommodation or by negotiation to remain in an existing home.
The figures reveal that despite a gradual reduction since 2010, the offer of accommodation within
the provisions of the Housing Act 1996 s.193, Part 6 remains the most frequently selected option for
preventing homelessness51. The provision of general debt advice has also been critical over the last
few years and more recently, there has been a sharp increase in the number of households requiring
a resolution for rent and service charge arrears, which reflects the anticipated impact of reducing
welfare support and the documented increase in financial poverty within the city.
51
This is an offer of a secure or introductory tenancy with the local authority or nomination to another authority or assured tenancy with a Registered Provider. The Localism Act 2011 makes significant amendments to Part 6. These can be found in the CLG Guidance: “Allocation of Accommodation: guidance for local authorities in England”
Chart 9
56
The figures in chart 9 also highlight the significance of private sector initiatives, with a significant
increase in the number of households benefitting from negotiations to remain in their private
tenancy and the popularity of programmes like the bond scheme.
5.2 Resources: Homelessness Prevention Fund:
The government provides allocated funding to drive homelessness prevention within local authority
areas. The primary purpose of the funding is to enable local authorities to commission and deliver
various prevention initiatives, which seek to address homelessness in their local areas.
The annual Homelessness Prevention Fund is received from the Department for Communities and
Local Government (DCLG). The fund is not specifically ring fenced to ‘homelessness’; however the
DCLG does expect that Local Authorities will use the resource as intended, to prevent homelessness.
In recognition of the rising scale of the problem and of the Government’s commitment to tackling
and preventing homelessness, Stoke-on-Trent City Council has received a grant allocation of
£616,000 to deliver homelessness prevention services during 2016/17, which is substantially greater
than in recent years. A range of services and initiatives are currently delivered using the
Homelessness Prevention Fund:
Homelessness Prevention Funded Initiatives:
Service Provider: Service name: Primary Support Need:
Brighter Futures Rough Sleeper’s Outreach Service
Rough Sleeping
Brighter Futures / Salvation Army
Severe Weather Emergency Provision (SWEP)
Rough Sleeping
Stoke-on-Trent City Council
Bond Guarantee Scheme Homeless or threatened with homelessness
Prevention Pot Homeless or threatened with homelessness
Citizen’s Advice Bureau
Independent Money and Housing Advice Service
Homeless or threatened with homelessness
Furniture Mine Furniture Provision Service Homeless or threatened with homelessness
Revival - Home Improvement Agency
Handyperson Service Domestic Abuse
YMCA
Emergency Bed
Young People facing homelessness Rebuilding Families Mediation Service
Table 8
57
S-o-T City Council Cooperative Working
Young Person’s Housing Officers (x2)
Young People and Care Leavers Facing Homelessness
Emergency Duty Team – Out of Hours
Homeless or threatened with homelessness
Arch (North Staffs) Ltd.
Harbour House People with no recourse to public funds
Blue Mountain Service Asylum Seekers & Refugees
5.2.1 Rough Sleeper’s Outreach Service:
The Rough Sleeper's Outreach Service is delivered by Brighter Futures and is jointly funded with
Newcastle-under-Lyme Borough Council. The team undertakes outreach activity and offers help and
support to people who are sleeping rough within the boundaries of Stoke-on-Trent and Newcastle-
under-Lyme.
Ultimately, the service aims to help rough sleepers move off the streets with a view to finding and
securing permanent accommodation and to access other appropriate services where required
including; health services, financial and services that will help to enhance living skills through
promotion of healthy lifestyles. The service provider promotes and adheres to the ‘No Second Night
Out’ (NSNO) standard approach.
Brighter Futures work with a range of organisations and agencies across both statutory and voluntary
sectors, in order to provide a personalised package of support to the rough sleepers accessing the
service. Analysis of referral data from August 2015 – January 2016 revealed that the vast majority of
customers (84%) were males and that 58% of the referrals were new customers, 31% were returning
customers and a significant 11% were entrenched rough sleepers in the area. The information also
highlights that of the referrals received, more than a third were linked in with drug and alcohol
services and just over a quarter were linked to mental health services. During 2015, the Rough
Sleeper Team supported 122 rough sleepers into secure accommodation.
5.2.2 Severe Weather Emergency Provision (SWEP):
Local authorities have an obligation to ensure adequate provision to prevent rough sleeping at any
time of year, however the winter period often presents the greatest risks to people’s health.
Stoke on Trent City Council and Newcastle-under-Lyme Borough Council work in partnership with
Brighter Futures’ Rough Sleeper’s Outreach Service to ensure that there is sufficient provision to
implement further protection for anyone who is rough sleeping whilst cold and severe weather
conditions are present. In line with the ‘No Second Night Out’ standard, the Severe Weather
Protocol (SWEP) in Stoke-on-Trent and Newcastle-under-Lyme aims to ensure that every effort is
made to engage with individuals during the severe weather period and ensure they can access
appropriate services.
58
Severe weather is defined in this situation, when the temperature is forecasted to drop to zero
degrees or lower for three consecutive nights. The SWEP protocol may also be enacted if there is a
forecast temperature of above zero within a series of sub-zero nights; or if the MET Office imposes
weather warnings for rain, snow or wind.
Between November and March, the Severe Weather protocol procedure operates outside the usual
homelessness eligibility and entitlement frameworks that govern access to housing. It applies to
anyone who has no other alternative but to sleep rough during a period of severe weather.
The SWEP protocol does NOT apply to those who may have other forms of accommodation available
to them, but who choose not to live in it.
Provision includes referrals into Direct Access Hostel services at Vale Street Lifehouse (Salvation
Army) and at 90 Hope Street (Brighter Futures). There are 4 emergency bed spaces available within
90 Hope Street and a total of 10 spaces at Vale Street Lifehouse (4 allocated for women and 6 for
men). These emergency spaces are additional to the standard provision and are only available for
verified rough sleepers accommodated under the SWEP provisions.
5.2.3 Bond Scheme:
A proportion of the Homelessness Prevention Fund is allocated for achieving homeless prevention
outcomes. This includes making the private rented sector a more viable option for people in the city.
The Bond Guarantee Scheme is designed to help people facing homelessness to access stable
accommodation within the private rented sector. Cash deposits often required for privately rented
properties can create insurmountable barriers to accessing the sector for many people in hardship.
Within this scheme, a bond is agreed between the local authority and the private landlord in place of
the cash deposit, which provides a written guarantee that any damage caused by the tenant living at
the property will be paid for by the local authority. Claims are then recovered from the tenant by the
local authority. This initiative is proven to increase the number of private landlords who are willing
to work with the local authority, thus improving joint working relations and providing much needed
further options to people facing hardship in the city.
5.2.4 Prevention Pot:
Stoke-on-Trent City Council has a Homeless Prevention Pot which is managed by the Housing
Solutions Service. The budget for this fund is £4,000 per annum and it is used to assist homeless
applicants who have been assessed as being in priority need. The fund can be used in many ways
with the focus being to enable someone at risk of losing their home to keep their accommodation.
Some examples of ways in which the fund has been used are: paying rent arrears, boarding costs to
family or friends, travel costs to accommodation out of the area or to hostel accommodation if
required and help towards clearing debts owed to supported accommodation providers.
59
5.2.5 Independent Money and Housing Advice Service:
The Housing Solutions Service provides extensive housing advice to residents of Stoke-on-Trent who
may be homeless or at risk of homelessness. However, many people approaching the city council are
found to require further specialised support in relation to debt and housing advice.
The Independent Money and Housing Advice Service is delivered by Citizen’s Advice and provides
advice and assistance to households who are currently homeless or threatened with homelessness.
They work with individuals and families to offer debt and housing advice, which is independent and
outside of the scope of the Housing Solutions Service.
This service is outcome focussed and support is geared towards helping individuals to resolve
complex debt issues or housing issues that may otherwise result in the individual and/or their family
becoming homeless, including; illegal eviction, disrepair, assistance and representation with warrants
of eviction, claims for possession, Debt Relief Orders and help with welfare benefits.
Information from Citizen’s Advice reveals that over the last 18 months, the housing team have
represented 203 people at the County Court, regarding either possession or eviction proceedings.
Some of those households were entitled to representation under legal aid; however a significant
proportion of the cases represented in court were funded through the Independent Money and
Housing Advice Service.
Although referrals for specialist housing advice remain within reach of target figures, the service has
reported a notable reduction in the number of evictions and possession proceedings from social
landlords and the local authority over the last 18 months. Feedback indicates that an emphasis on
court action being used only as a last resort, which has been adopted through the city council’s
Cooperative Working programme, may go some way to explaining this positive trend.
There are on average 80 referrals per quarter into the specialist debt advice element of the service.
The service has reported that the amount of debt that was rescheduled through Debt Relief Orders
between October 2014 and October 2015 amounted to £980,000. In addition, the service claimed on
average £870 of previously unclaimed benefits per week.
5.2.6 Furniture Provision:
The Furniture Provision Service is delivered by Furniture Mine, which is a furniture re-use charity
forming part of the Aspire Group. The service provides furniture to those who are in need of support
to help them set up a home, for example, people experiencing poverty or entrenched social issues
and have limited resources and assets available to enable them to furnish their accommodation.
The furniture provided ranges from new items to reusable items donated by the general public which
would have previously gone to landfill. The service provides vulnerable households with basic key
items of furniture required to establish a home such as beds, wardrobes, sofas and chairs. The
service also offers volunteer opportunities for people to gain work experience and improve levels of
aspiration and confidence.
60
The service is commissioned based on the delivery of furniture for a minimum of 600 households per
year. Goods are supplied to the service user at no cost and referrals are made via the City Council’s
Housing Solutions Service, Children’s Services and housing related support-funded service providers
across the city.
Since April 2014, the service has re-used a total of 195 tons of furniture, assisting approximately 930
vulnerable households in the city.
5.2.7 Emergency Bed:
The emergency bed was first commissioned as a pilot project within the YMCA Foyer in 2013. In
2015, the project was commissioned as an intrinsic part of the wider YMCA service. The aim of the
service is to provide emergency accommodation and support for 16 and 17 year olds for up to 3
working days to allow for an assessment of need to be completed by Children and Young People
Services (CYPS) and Housing. Where required, the bed space can be used to provide accommodation
for a care leaver aged 18 or over; however, priority is always given to 16 and 17 year olds who are
homeless. The YMCA have on occasion facilitated more than one emergency bed, which has proved
invaluable to preventing vulnerable young people from being placed in bed and breakfast
accommodation. Chart 10 shows the number of placements into the emergency bed and the
average length of stay in the room during 2015.
5.2.8 Rebuilding Families:
The Rebuilding Families service is a mediation service for young people aged between 14 and 25 to
help them build positive relationships with family and friends. The aim of the service is to enable
Chart 10
61
family relationships to stabilise and to address the realities of independent living. Family support
focuses on exploring the behaviour which is causing tension and seeks to provide a resolution.
Rebuilding Families Service:
Measure Q4
(2014/15) Q1
(2015/16) Q2
(2015/16) Q3
(2015/16)
New Referrals 13 12 11 11
Cases completed 7 10 10 11
Ongoing cases 10 18 17 16
Homeless Cases Relived / Prevented 7 10 10 11
Young People Re-housed 2 3 0 2
Young People Remaining in the Family Home 5 6 8 9
Young People in Own Accommodation provided with advice and support
0 1 2 0
5.2.9 Harbour House:
The Harbour House provides emergency temporary accommodation for up to four weeks for people
facing destitution, homelessness or abuse and who have no recourse to public funds in the UK.
The emergency accommodation is provided for individuals or households through Arch, whilst their
immigration status is assessed and / or resolved. Support and advice for service users residing at
Harbour House is provided by Citizen’s Advice and is closely linked to the separately commissioned
Blue Mountain Service. Referrals come from the City Council’s Housing Solutions Service and
Citizen’s Advice. Eligibility for the service is determined based on the following categories:
Refugees: who have recently received Refugee status or indefinite leave to remain and who are
temporarily homeless whilst awaiting papers from the home office or;
Failed asylum seekers: who have been refused asylum in the UK or who have had their asylum
support terminated, but have not returned home or;
People for whom immigration status is currently unknown: To provide temporary respite whilst
immigration status is established
5.2.10 Blue Mountain Service:
The Blue Mountain service is delivered by Arch in partnership with Citizen’s Advice and is jointly
funded through the Homelessness Prevention Fund, the High Risk Communities Commissioning
(Housing Related Support) and the Community Cohesion Team budgets. The service comprises two
elements including:
Table 9
62
Advice and assistance for Asylum Seekers (both section 95 and section 4 of the Immigration and
Asylum Act 1999), which assists people to receive the services they are entitled to throughout the
Home Office decision making process.
Specialist resettlement support (housing related support) for Refugees. This specialist support
focuses on providing Refugees with the skills and knowledge to live independently in the
community, including understanding benefits and utilities, accessing healthcare services and
schools and increasing confidence to access generic services. The period of specialist support is
currently up to 6 months following a positive decision for the majority of service users.
5.3 Resources: Housing Related Support Commissioning: In addition to the initiatives and services commissioned using the Homelessness Prevention Fund, the
local authority also commissions a range of housing related support services to meet the diverse
needs of vulnerable people facing homelessness in Stoke-on-Trent. The data in table 7 summarises
the existing supported housing provision in the city.
Housing Related Support Services:
Service Provider:
Service name: Primary Support Need: (Service Type)
Number of units
Brighter Futures
Furlong Court Substance Misuse / Complex Needs (Self-contained block accommodation)
20
90 Hope Street Single Homeless (Hostel)
35
Mental Health Partnership
Mental Wellbeing -
Learning Disability Partnership
Learning Disabilities -
Arch
Supported Housing Single Homeless (Dispersed units & Block accommodation)
140 (including 4 block units for complex
needs)
Julia House Domestic Abuse (Refuge accommodation)
11
Domestic Abuse Service
Domestic Abuse (Floating Support)
-
Blue Mountain Refugees & Asylum Seekers (Floating Support / Advice Services)
FS = 25 units Advice = 500 p/a
Salvation Army
Vale Street Life House
Single Homeless (Hostel)
64
Table 10
63
North Staffs YMCA
Edinburgh House Single Young Homeless (Foyer)
123
Heantun Housing
Offender Floating Support Service
High Risk Offenders -
Staffordshire Housing
Older Person’s Floating Support
Older People -
Home Improvement Agency
Older People / Domestic Abuse -
Gingerbread
Rothesay Court Homeless Families (Self-contained block accommodation)
28
Catherine Court Teenage and Single Parent Families (Self-contained block accommodation)
15
In 2012, the City Council undertook a Strategic Review, which analysed the associated needs of single
homeless people, people with substance misuse and offenders in Stoke-on-Trent. The review found
that invariably, people facing homelessness also have issues around substance misuse and offending
and in many cases; each is both a cause and effect of the other. As such, housing related support
services with a focus on these client groups were remodelled in an attempt to meet changing need.
In 2016, there is increasing evidence to suggest that housing related support services should be
commissioned around individual service users, rather than according to a client group profile.
That is to say, homeless people are not a homogenous group and the experience of homelessness
affects individuals in very different ways. Whilst it is true that many homeless people share basic
needs around substance misuse, mental health or offending behaviour, it is equally the case that
services need to be more flexible and innovative to meet the emerging complexity of service users’
needs in Stoke-on-Trent.
5.4 Additional resource within the city: In addition to those services commissioned directly through local authority and Government funding,
there are also a range of additional services and initiatives available for people experiencing
homelessness within the city of Stoke-on-Trent.
5.4.1 Community Matron:
The Community Matron post came into being following the findings of a Public Health commissioned
report looking into homelessness and health, which highlighted amongst other things, some of the
key health issues facing homeless people and what the barriers to accessing the right services are.
Working closely with some of the city’s hostels, the Community Matron brings health services to
people who are homeless until they are in a position to access services for themselves. The service
delivers holistic assessments of people’s health needs, treats minor illnesses and helps to manage
longer term health conditions. The Community Matron also signposts to more specialist services
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such as mental health and substance misuse services as required and acts as an advocate, providing
expert advice to local agencies in addressing the needs of rough sleepers and homeless people.
5.4.2 Night Shelter provision:
In February 2016, the city council opened a night shelter in response to growing concerns and
perception of a rapidly increasing rough sleeping population in the city. The shelter was opened on a
2 month initial pilot in order to provide a further option for people sleeping rough over the winter
period, to evaluate demand and to explore future support options for rough sleepers in the city. The
service is managed by Brighter Futures and is linked closely with the Rough Sleeper Outreach service.
In order to complement the provision of a night shelter, the outreach service has increased capacity.
The night shelter provides emergency accommodation for adults who do not have any
accommodation and are verified to be rough sleeping. The service also provides support for clients
to achieve a more sustainable solution to their housing need. The shelter is not available to anyone
who has an allocated hostel place or any other form of housing in place.
Essentially the shelter is an emergency and temporary sanctuary providing a hot meal and bed and
breakfast type accommodation for a maximum of 14 males and 4 females.
5.4.3 VOICES and the Expert Citizens:
In February 2014, the Big Lottery awarded funding to Stoke-on-Trent alongside 11 other local
authority areas across the country, to test alternative methods of support provision for people with
multiple and complex needs. The ‘Voices of Independence, Change and Empowerment in Stoke-on-
Trent’ programme (VOICES) seeks to challenge the existing system of support for people with the
most complex needs in the city. In addition, the programme strives to adapt service provision
according to people’s needs rather than people having to ‘fit’ into fixed service delivery models.
There is further detail around the VOICES scheme and the expert citizens earlier in this review.
5.4.4 Temporary Accommodation:
The provision of temporary accommodation in the city sits within the Housing Solutions Service and is
managed by the Housing Options Team Manager and Housing Options Lead. In May 2014 a full time
Temporary Accommodation Officer was recruited to improve performance by reducing the use of bed
and breakfast and increasing the occupancy rates of homeless units in the city.
The City Council has access to three types of temporary accommodation:
Fifteen council owned units including a mixture of houses, flats and bungalows throughout the city.
Accommodation above Fenton Local Centre, known as ‘Fenton Flat’.
Bed and breakfast accommodation at The George Hotel, Burslem and the Verdon Guest House,
Hanley.
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The use of homeless units is viewed by the City Council as a more appropriate option for temporary
accommodation than bed and breakfast hotels. It is more cost effective, more appropriate
accommodation for families and is in line with good practice. As such, the number of homeless units
has increased in recent years from ten to fifteen by carefully selecting council properties that were
not in high demand.
As outlined within the earlier section 2.1.10 of this review, the duty to provide interim
accommodation under section 188 (1) is triggered where there is reason to believe that the applicant
is homeless, eligible for assistance and in priority need and it is at this point the most suitable and
available accommodation is identified.
Before a placement is made in Stoke-on-Trent, prevention work will be completed to keep the
person out of temporary accommodation. Prevention work can range from ringing family and
friends, hostel placements and supported accommodation. If it is clear that homelessness cannot be
prevented then a decision is made as to where a temporary placement will be made.
There are several challenges associated with temporary accommodation use in Stoke-on-Trent.
There are fifteen homeless units and an average eighteen placements a month, with an average end
to end time of 45 days (based on 2015 figures). As such, it is not possible to satisfy all demand by
using homeless units alone, as demand is greater than supply. Furthermore, households with
multiple and complex needs can often limit the temporary accommodation options available, as
there is also a need to ensure appropriate support is provided.
Improved partnership working between Children’s Services and Housing Services has revealed a
general lack of suitable accommodation options for young people and care leavers across the city.
This is also pertinent to the provision for temporary accommodation. With some care leavers having
particularly high support needs, the actions of some individuals have limited housing options even
further. The concern is that the lack of suitable temporary housing options for this group may give
rise to periods of street homelessness and if prolonged, the development of further and more
entrenched support needs.
As stated in section 2.1.7 of this review, one of the ten challenges for local authorities within the
Gold Standard for Homelessness states that 16 and 17 year olds should not be placed into bed and
breakfast accommodation. The City Council has access to an emergency bed at the YMCA, which
goes some way to meeting this challenge and through the use of this bed, combined with the
improvement in joint working with Children and Young People Services, no 16 and 17 year olds have
been placed into bed and breakfast temporary accommodation since 2013.
A further consideration for all local authorities across the country is the impact of the judgement
from the Supreme Court in May 2015 in the case of Johnson v Solihull concerning homeless
vulnerability. Previous to the judgement all councils, when assessing homeless vulnerability, would
have regard to the judgement in the case of R v Camden Ex parte Pereira. This was known as the
‘Pereira’ test and outlined what a council should consider in determining vulnerability. The test said
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a council should consider ‘whether the applicant is, when homeless, less able to fend for himself than
an ordinary homeless person, so that injury or detriment will result where a less vulnerable person
would cope without harmful effects.’ Importantly the Pereira test considers whether the applicant is
less able to fend for himself than an ‘ordinary homeless person’. In light of the fact that an ordinary
homeless person may have a considerable amount of health concerns both mentally and physical,
the threshold in passing the test was extremely high. This test was removed by the Supreme Court
when giving the judgement in the case of Johnson.
The Supreme Court held that there does need to be a comparator when assessing homeless
vulnerability; however the test in the case of ‘Pereira’ was incorrect. The court stated that the
correct comparator was in fact just an ‘ordinary person’ if they were to find themselves homeless
and not an ‘ordinary homeless person’.
The court added that a council would need to be satisfied that the applicant would suffer
‘significantly more harm’ than the ordinary person for them to be deemed vulnerable. Unfortunately
the Supreme Court failed to provide a more objective approach to assessing vulnerability and it is
likely that further challenges to vulnerability will be made in the near future.
This is significant to temporary accommodation, as the case of Johnson is seen as a lowering the
threshold in which an applicant will have a priority need and therefore it is more likely the council
will have a reason to believe someone is vulnerable and in priority need at the outset of homeless
investigations. Where the threshold triggering a Section 188 duty to provide temporary
accommodation is low, more applicants may be owed an interim duty to accommodate pending
further enquires. As a result it is likely that more placements into temporary accommodation will be
made.
REVIEW FINDING:
The new ruling Johnson v Solihull may increase placements into temporary accommodation, thus
increasing demand further. The Homeless Strategy must include actions to ensure that bed and
breakfast is used only as a last resort.
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6. Future Homelessness:
The difficulties of quantifying the true extent of homelessness in the city are exacerbated further
when looking to predict future levels of homelessness. However, there is an increasing acceptance
both nationally and locally that in the near future, vulnerable people will face greater challenges in
accessing suitable and secure accommodation, as the impact of further welfare reforms and local
government funding cuts continue to filter through. Given the evidence presented within this
review, some key areas of challenge are facing Stoke-on-Trent over the coming few years:
Challenge 1: Housing Stock:
The continued loss of local authority housing stock through ‘right to buy’ initiatives coupled with a
comparatively slow rate of new and affordable housing across all sectors, is likely to worsen the
situation around supply and demand for social housing in the city.
Challenge 2: Service Delivery and Resources:
In times of austerity, it is commonly accepted by professionals that new or increasing resource is
unlikely. Despite shrinking resources, Stoke-on-Trent retains a good range of service provision for
homeless people and those experiencing other forms of hardship, as outlined within sections 5.2, 5.3
and 5.4 of this review. However, some of the city’s neighbouring authorities have reduced service
provision significantly for homeless households, which may lead to increased levels of vulnerable
people moving into the area to either access or to be nearer to service provision.
One of the primary challenges for Stoke-on-Trent moving forward will be around the efficiency and
effectiveness of existing service provision to meet changing levels of need. The significance of
flexibility, personalisation and systematic change within service provision and organisations is a
thread running throughout this review and as such, these qualities should be at the forefront of
service planning in the future.
Challenge 3: Vulnerable Groups:
Population projections estimate that the next 20 years will see the general population of Stoke-on-
Trent increase by a further 5% and early indications suggest that the demographic will remain largely
similar to now, with a prevalence of younger people and people aged over 65. There is widespread
concern on a national and local scale that amongst all the vulnerable groups, young people are set to
face the greatest impacts of welfare reforms, austerity measures, sanctions and reduced
employment opportunities, making them particularly vulnerable to hardship and homelessness.
This is particularly poignant for Stoke-on-Trent when coupled with the prevalence of young people in
the area and the evidence suggesting that in many cases, a journey into entrenched rough sleeping
and complex needs often begins before a person is 16 years old. It is critical therefore, that the local
authority and its partners prioritise the delivery of appropriate service provision for all young people
and Care Leavers in the city, ensuring that services are equipped to interrupt cycles of disadvantage
before they escalate.
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Evidence within this review reveals that there is an increasing number of people with multiple and
complex needs in the city. Historically, service provision has been commissioned according to
specific client groups, which by definition excludes those people with needs crossing several of those
categories. As such, there is an increasing reality in Stoke-on-Trent that these groups of people
circulate the support services with no real progression into independent living.
The local authority and its partners need to take steps to better understand the reasons behind the
increase in complexity of need as demonstrated locally. Furthermore, in light of perceptions around
greater numbers of people sleeping rough in the city, there is also a requirement to ascertain the
true scale of rough sleeping compared with the prevalence of those involved in street activities such
as begging and street drinking. Once established, the challenge will be around utilising effective
enforcement action against street activities within the city.
The Immigration Bill (2015/16) proposes significant changes to the Immigration and Asylum Act 1999
to enable the ‘reforming of support to failed Asylum Seekers and other illegal migrants’. Due to a
limited understanding of English in many cases and the subsequent high likelihood of being unable to
complete the required paperwork, it is widely feared that the impact of the proposals will result in
significant numbers of people from this population becoming street homeless and destitute.
The challenge facing the local authority and its partners is around the provision of adequate and
relevant support for Asylum Seekers facing destitution in order to prevent the intensification of the
issues around rough sleeping in the city.
Challenge 4: Health:
Whilst the health of the homeless population continues to present a significant challenge both
nationally and locally, engagement with health services in Stoke-on-Trent has improved significantly
in recent years. For example, the work of the Community Matron for the Homeless has had a
profoundly positive impact on the general health and wellbeing of homeless people across the city,
recording a substantial reduction in admissions to hospital and the accident and emergency
departments.
However, as projections anticipate further increases in homelessness and in particular, the levels of
‘hidden homelessness’, it follows that there will be a greater demand on health services over the
coming few years. This review highlights a need for greater flexibility and systematic change within
all support agencies in the city, none more so than health organisations. GP practices, hospitals and
other health services will need to gain an improved understanding of the specific health needs and
vulnerabilities within the homeless population and they will also need to work more flexibly to meet
upcoming demand. Greater emphasis on joined up working will help to achieve the objectives set
out by Public Health England around reducing health inequalities associated with poor housing and
homelessness.
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7. Executive Summary:
Central Government requires all local authorities to plan for the needs of the locality, making it
critical that spending decisions in Stoke-on-Trent are based on robust evidence of need and demand.
With this in mind, this review presents both theory and statistics in relation to homelessness and
uses the evidence available to present an assessment of the extent and impact of the problem
locally.
The data presented in this review has been extracted from a wide range of sources across several
departments within the city council, including Commissioning, Housing Services, Children and Young
People’s Services, Adult Social Care, Public Health, Cooperative Working and the Research and
Intelligence Team. Whilst it is recognised that statistics play a crucial role in profiling homelessness
locally and highlighting some of the key trends within the city, this report juxtaposes those figures
with local and national research around homelessness and its associated complexities, in order to
provide a wider context.
The last decade has seen a much improved understanding of homelessness as a concept amongst
professionals across all sectors. Following vast amounts of research, there is a general consensus
that homelessness goes beyond simply a housing issue and that there are often several intrinsic links
with poor health, social exclusion and welfare reform that combine and escalate along the journey
into homelessness.
Having emerged from a period of economic recession in 2009, but still enduring the multi-faceted
effects of austerity measures, the challenge now facing the majority of authorities in the UK is how to
ensure the most vulnerable and disadvantaged people in communities remain well supported with
significantly reduced budgets.
Since 2010, the Government has produced several papers and imposed many legislative changes in
order to try to address some of the issues arising out of austerity; including their ‘Vision to end rough
sleeping: No Second Night Out Nationwide’ and their ‘Making Every Contact Count’ reports
developed by a cross-departmental Ministerial Working Group. The reports essentially highlight a
need to tackle the broader issues that have led to homelessness in the first place and the significance
of joined up working with the person at the centre of any service provision. Following on from the
two key Ministerial Working Group reports, the ‘Troubled Families Programme’ of 2012 emerged and
sought to encourage agencies to work together to implement long term changes and to ensure that
whole families are supported with their issues rather than tackling each issue individually.
In order to encourage local authorities and their partners to deliver the objectives highlighted within
the ‘Making Every Contact Count’ report of 2012, the Government set 10 local challenges which, if
adopted, would lead to all local homeless teams delivering high standards of service. In April 2013,
based on the 10 challenges, the Government announced a new support and training scheme for
homelessness services called the Gold Standard and Stoke-on-Trent City Council has made a
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commitment through its executive leadership team to implement the required measures to achieve
the high standard of service provision for people facing homelessness in the city.
On a local footing, the local authority and its partner agencies have produced a range of policies and
strategies over the last few years with a view to minimising the impact of austerity and welfare
reform for its residents as far as practicable. Front line housing and homeless services in general,
have followed the national steer towards more robust homeless prevention and more extensive
housing options for people in the city. However, in line with the large scale governmental cuts being
imposed upon the city council, the overall strategic outlook is beginning to demand much more
provider led innovation, value for money and partnership working for the greater good of the
population.
7.1 Key emerging themes:
Stoke-on-Trent City Council has made a commitment through its executive leadership team to
achieve the Gold Standard in homelessness and as such, the Homelessness Strategy must ensure that
a proactive approach to preventing homelessness is continued in the city. This review highlights
several key policy directives that must feature in the Homelessness Strategy, including ensuring that
the values of Cooperative Working form the core of the strategy and that the corresponding action
plan reflects the findings of local research such as the Hardship Commission report. In general, the
findings from this review point towards a proposed overarching strategic vision of ‘Placing people at
the heart of all homelessness prevention and support provision’ for the Homelessness Strategy.
There are several themes emerging from this review, which are pertinent to Stoke-on-Trent and are
therefore critical to modelling homelessness service provision over the coming years.
The impact of further Welfare Reform:
This review reveals that people who are already in acute poverty are predicted to be greatly affected
by further welfare reforms and that the gap between the rich and the poor is becoming greater.
In Stoke-on-Trent, despite the fact that the economy is continuing to recover well since the
recession, just over ¼ of the population is within a low socio-economic classification, with higher
than average UK numbers of people claiming out of work benefits and people earning low wages.
In addition, the city has suffered from significant industrial decline, acute levels of poverty and poor
socio-economic structures, which have combined to increase the risk of homelessness for the
residents of the city. The review suggests that people in the city may be predisposed to the risk of
homelessness as a result of these contributory factors being present where they live.
Significant measures are already in place within the local authority to try and mitigate the impact of
welfare reform and prepare customers for the changes afoot, however given the intrinsic risk of
homelessness associated with the predicted increases in financial hardship, it is clear that the
Homelessness Strategy needs to provide the basis for further preventative action.
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Opportunities within the Private Rented Sector:
As social housing becomes more difficult to access, with higher demand and fewer properties
available, the private rented sector is emerging as an increasingly attractive option (or the only
option) for many households despite its historic reputation as expensive and insecure.
In general, the quality of private rented accommodation is poorest within the inner urban core of the
city. However as quality varies significantly depending on which area of the city you choose to live,
inevitably so does the cost. This means that people facing homelessness, who are already often in
acute poverty, have far less choice within the private sector.
From the evidence presented in this report, there is a need for the local authority and its partners to
evaluate and explore the accessibility of the private rented sector for those people facing
homelessness.
The presence of ‘hidden homelessness’:
There is compelling evidence to suggest that Stoke-on-Trent is highly likely to harbour a substantial
presence of hidden homelessness. That is to say, there is expected to be a significant number of
people in the city who have no secure accommodation available to them, but who seek temporary
solace by staying with family, friends or in other insecure accommodation. Currently, it is impossible
to draw any accurate conclusions as to exactly how prevalent this issue is.
Experts have stated that all forms of homelessness began to rise in 2010 when fundamental aspects
of the welfare state started to undergo widespread reform. In order to quantify the true scale of
homelessness in the city, and consequently the nature of measures required to combat the problem,
there is sense in better understanding people’s journeys into homelessness and the underlying
causes of that path. Although homeless people are not a homogenous group, there are some
common triggers and turning points in a person’s life that have frequently led to homelessness and
ultimately more complex needs. Local research suggests that ‘hidden homelessness’ is a significant
factor along the pathway into severe deprivation.
This review highlights that international migration into Stoke-on-Trent has helped to maintain the
city’s population. However, official statistics reveal a disproportionate representation of people from
minority ethnic groups presenting to the local authority as homeless. National research indicates
that in most cases, people who are single and homeless are generally unknown to support and advice
services. Furthermore, over half of those people informing the Crisis research on the subject were
from minority ethnic groups. With the national findings in mind, together with the number of ethnic
communities within the city, it follows that there may also be a significant number of ‘hidden
homeless’ people from within ethnic minority communities in Stoke-on-Trent.
Proposed changes to the Immigration and Asylum Act 1999, which seek to reform the level of
support available to failed Asylum Seekers and other illegal immigrants, are set to increase the risk of
people within this section of the community becoming destitute and as such, the risk those people
becoming ‘hidden homeless’ within wider society is also increased.
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By definition, the true scale of hidden homelessness is as yet unknown in the city. Through the
Homelessness Strategy, the local authority and its partners need to take action to strengthen their
understanding of the situation. There is also a need to prioritise and reinforce the provision of
effective and meaningful advice and assistance available to single homeless people within Stoke-on-
Trent, in order to try and minimise the presence and impact of ‘hidden homelessness’.
Vulnerable Young People:
The overall population of Stoke-on-Trent is projected to increase over coming years and there is
likely to be an increasing proportion of young people in the city. Historically, single bedroom
accommodation has always been sought after in the city, however demand is increasing with single
young people accounting for almost ¼ of all people on the Housing Register.
According to official statistics, there is a recorded decline in youth homelessness across the country
however, as cautioned within this review; statutory homelessness figures in isolation can produce a
misleading representation of the true homeless situation. There are increasing concerns nationally
that young people are at most risk of hardship and becoming homeless in light of present and future
welfare reform and austerity programmes.
Rather poignantly for Stoke-on-Trent, given the predicted prevalence of younger people in the city,
local research has highlighted the trend that many people who become entrenched in a cycle of
homelessness and destitution, offending, mental ill-health and substance misuse commonly begin
their journey before their 16th birthday, which presents a critical need for the local authority and its
partners to prioritise appropriate service provision for younger people in the area through the
Homelessness Strategy.
Health:
Analysis of the health profile of Stoke-on-Trent presented within Public Health England’s report
shows that the majority of indicators mark Stoke-on-Trent as significantly worse than the England
average and with Public Health England’s recognition that poor housing has intrinsic associations
with poor health, it is a critical time to work collaboratively.
The evidence presented in this review reveals some particularly poignant facts relating to
homelessness and poor health, indicating that homeless people die on average 30 years earlier than
people within the general population and the incidence of suicide is nine times greater. With
informed assertions that homeless people tend to have a much greater need for health services than
the general population, but generally find it more difficult to access, there is a clear need for the
Homelessness Strategy to impose measures to tackle this issue.
Flexibility and systematic change:
Throughout this review, the requirement for substantial flexibility and systematic change within both
statutory and voluntary agencies within the city has been a consistent feature. In light of growing
numbers of people with multiple and complex needs in the city, whose experience of homelessness
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is often rooted in a series of earlier events rather than a simple act of eviction, a more
psychologically informed approach is critical to providing effective support and reducing unnecessary
evictions from services, which simply serves to exacerbate problems for these people further.
Research has demonstrated that homelessness, substance misuse, mental ill-health, physical ill-
health and unhealthy lifestyles are each proven to be both a cause and effect of the other. This
complex cycle of support needs creates seemingly unbreakable barriers for the individuals involved,
leading to further depths of disadvantage.
Services are required to look beyond established support strategies in order to gain a greater
understanding of each person’s journey into homelessness and how particular events and trigger
points in their lives have combined and escalated along the way. There is evidence to suggest that
flexibility of service provision is critical to breaking the cycle of disadvantage. For example, the
‘Housing First’ model of support, making effective use of wrap around in-reach provision, has proved
to be a particularly effective option for some people with the highest complexities of need, who until
that point had circulated the support system for many years.
7.2 Recommendations:
From the evidence within this review, it is recommended that the overarching vision of the
Homelessness Strategy is: “Placing people at the heart of all homelessness prevention and support
provision”
The following themes and objectives have been identified within the Homelessness Review, each of
which encompasses critical challenges for the local authority and its partners. This will provide the
focus point for consultation on this review.
Proposed Objectives:
Theme: Objectives:
The impact of further welfare
reform
To provide the basis for further preventative action around
Welfare Reform
Opportunities within the private
rented sector
To explore the accessibility of the private rented sector for
homeless people
The presence of ‘hidden
homelessness’
To strengthen understanding around the true scale of hidden
homelessness
To prioritise and reinforce effective and meaningful advice for
homeless people
Vulnerable young people To prioritise appropriate service provision for young people
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Health To tackle accessibility into health services for homeless people
Flexibility and systematic change
To ensure that services understand people’s journey into
homelessness in order to effectively break cycles of
disadvantage