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in bed chambers though, because, like the candlesticks, they were kept with the
other household vessels in the kitchen or pantry and brought out when needed
(Thornton 1978:321).
160
Soap came in either slab form or in balls, appropriately labeJed "wash balls"
(Thornton 1978:321). Two Port Royal merchant inventories contain large quantities
of wash balls: 6 doz small vvaslz balls (V3F209 Edward Cheston 1688) and l 6:doz
wash balls (V3F26 William Robinson), and other large quantities of soap (as much
as 501 pounds) probably refer to slab soap in chests that was cut up for resale.
John Kent's inventory (V3F60) lists freight and custom charges associated
with a chest of soap, possibly imported from Venice, Milan, or Turkey. No
indications of locally made soap were revealed in the inventories, although soap
may have been manufactured locally. Soap-making was a common household
activity during the seventeenth century which continued well into the twentieth
century.
Scales & ·weights
As mercantilism in the seventeenth century increased, people became more
aware of the importance of regulated and accurate weighing. In fact, Jamaica's
weighing controls were structured specifically to maintain equitable mercantile
activities and thereby foster trade. Therefore, in a merchant-based society like Port
Royal, it is not surprising to find a high number of scales and weights in the
inventories. Scales are listed in shops, on the wharf, in offices, in garrets, and in
other rooms such as the kitchen or buttery. Merchants, smiths, coopers, victualers,
vintners, and other storekeepers considered scales a necessity to weigh money, gold
and silver, iron and pev, ter, food, and dry goods, and the government encouraged
widespread use of scales by not charging for the yearly inspections.
Three types of weighing devices are identified in the inventories: 11 stilliards"
(steelyards), beam scales (often listed as "a pair of scales"), and money scales.
Steelyards were. scales with unequal arms, and beam (balance) scales had arms of
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equal length. Scales were made either of iron or brass in the inventories, although
only iron balance scales have been found in the excavation.
Weights (see Figure 41) were made of lead, iron, or brass, and usually
occurred in the Troy weight system, common to England, sometimes referred to as
"London" weights. Brass avoirdupois weights also are found regularly in the
excavation. Henry Morgan's inventory (V3F259) mentions Troy weights and John
•_ ... , ...... .
:.ti 1 ~ ~ '.'j. v--. . •.. -,.
Figure 41 Cast iro11 and lead-filled "pail" weight from Port Royal Project excnvatio11s. Diameter: (top) 8.9 cm, (base) 11.43 rnz. Drawing: Helen Dewolf.
Ireland's inventory (St. Elizabeth V3F375) lists brass weights of "Haverde pois"
(avoirdupois). English conversion tables are listed in Appendix E.
An old iron beame & Scales & a brass paire of schales with a beame, Lead and Brass weights (V3F329 William Neal Port Royall
Cooper)
Jn the Garrett: 4 Ii 5 brass troy weights with beame and scales, 7~ brass ~·eights Hai·erde pois with beame and scales and 6 Ii lead (V3F375 John Ireland St. Elisabeth)
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2 small old Beames with 2 pr small scales tile one wooden the other brass ivith holes and 56 £ lead wtts (V3F57 George Harris Port Royall Merchant)
162
Daniell Hickes (V3F249), a prosperous Port Royal merchant, had many sets
of scales in his inventory. One large beam scale is described as having 28 iron
weights and a set of five weights totaling 28 pounds in the following
denominations: 14:7:4:2:1. No identified iron weights have been found in the
excavations.
Money scales, usually made of silver, ivory, or brass, with silver dram.
weights, were used for weighing coins and other small valuables. Two inventories
list money scales, as well as a silver scale which was probably a money scale.
A pr of small brass scales & weights, Two small pr of scales & weights for money, One beame ~vi th scales & 2li 2 qt in 11-1eight (V3F297 William Davis Blacksmith)
In Capt. Phipps Chamber: 1 Box Mony Scales & Weights, 011 the lVhmfe op n of Large Scale i-.:t/i beame & weights In the Seller & Store house: one old Bean & pr of scales without weights (V3F600 Capt. John Phipps Port Royall)
1 box wth waites & scales & 1 silver scale, one beame scale & waites (V3F248 Samuell Coulson Port Royall)
Some scales listed in the inventories have only a few weights, such as those
in James LaYvrence's inventory (VlOF238). His two brass scales, listed with the
household pewter ware, had only one 14d weight; and another scales had only two
\veights. This suggests he weighed a specific commodity at a specific weight.
Locks
Locks were not normally included in personal inventories because they were '
usually part of another item, such as furniture or a door. The blacksmiths' ,
inventories do, however, offer a list of common lock types and archaeological
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163
excavations have recovered a variety of pad Jocks, door locks, and chest Jocks (see
Figure 42) as well as brass and iron keys.
Stock locks, the most common, were for outside doors, spring Jocks were
used on inside doors, and trunk or chest locks and padlocks were for trunks and
similar furniture (Chambers, 1728).
John Philpott's .iiventory (see below) is especially detailed, listing numerous
types of locks for doors, cupboards, trunks and chests, and scriptores:
V3F285 Joh!z Philpott Port Royall Blacksmith 5 doz & ~ of Bambury Stock Locks ........................... 11 00 00 10 Stock & Spring Locks 4s a peece .......................... 02 00 00 6 Plate Stock Locks . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 00 12 00 15 Stock Locks at 12s p ................................... 00 15 00 21 Bastard Bambury Locks 8sp ............................. _. 00 15 00 12 Sma !! Ord. Stock Locks . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 00 05 00 12 Inside small x Chest Locks ............................... 00 07 00 20 Middle Ditto ......................................... 00 12 06 11 Box Locks .......................................... 00 05 00 12 Inside Small x Chest Locks ............................... 00 07 00 40 x Keyed till & Chest Locks 5sp . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 00 16 03 11 s1rnllow Bmved x Chest Locks lOsp ......................... 00 09 02 13 Large Chest Locks at 8sp ................................ 00 10 00 5 Sea Chest Locks ....................................... 00 12 06 10 Doz x Keyed & plaine Cubbard Locks ....................... 02 10 00 21 x Keyed Till Locks ..................................... 00 07 00 11 Double x Cubbard Locks . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 00 09 02 1 Doz. Middle x Chest Locks ................................ 00 07 06 1 Doz x Cubbard Locks to Cutt [cull?] ........................ 00 05 00 16 Pew Locks & Keyes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 00 15 00 1 Doz x Keyed Chest Locks ................................. 00 09 00 5 Sea Chest Locks ....................................... 01 00 00 7 x Cubbard Locks ....................................... 00 03 00 3 Doz & 5 x Keyd outside Chest Locks ........................ 00 13 00 10 Outside x Chest Locks .................................. 00 05 00 30 Iron Rim Locks Brass Knobbs 3s6d p . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 05 05 00 3 Iron Rim Locks in a slzute ................................ 01 02 06 6 Double Spring Locks .................................... 00 07 06 38 Rusty Single Spring Locks ............................... 00 12 08 18 pr of old Rusty spurrs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 00 01 06 1 old Rim Lock ......................................... 00 02 00 3 Spring Latches . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 00 02 00 11 Plate Boults ......................................... 00 03 00
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164
Figure 42 Locks from Port Royal Project cxrnvations. Top: Heart-slzaped lock (3 views), front plate. Bottom: Barrel lock. Drawings: Helen Dewolf
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6 Outside Chest Locks . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 00 02 06 15 Scritore Locks and a prcell of old Locks wtho11t keys ............ 03 00 00 9 Doz: Round and Splenter Locks ............................ 01 02 06 a prccll of old Round Locks . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 00 06 00 7 Bou/ts & 16 Latches .................................... 00 10 00 13 Doz ·12 pad locks 6s p doz . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 06 10 00
Keys (see figure 43) may have been considered part of and included with
each lock since keys \Vere not listed separately. An entry in Philpott's inventory, a
parcel! of locks without keys, suggests that locks included their keys.
Figure 43 Iron key from tlze Port Royal Project. Drawing: Helen Dewolf
'Veapons
Originally established as a fortification, Port Royal had a long history of
weapon use. Residents were accustomed to having their own arsenals. Weapons
also were important to the seafarers, as the Caribbean "swarmed with marauders of
every nationality" (Zahedieh 1986a:586). Merchant ships fortified themselves
against pirates and enemy ships, as reported by Lynch75, and likewise the
Jamaican plunderers were well armed.
The inventories contain a large number of firearms. Fifty-four households
had at least one pistol or gun, as well as cartouche boxes, carbines, fuzzees,
blunderbusses, powder and powder flasks, shot, bullets and bullet molds. The
751.ynch to Committee of Trade, Aug. 29, 1682, C.O. 138/4, fols. 84-85. From Zahedieh 1986a:586)
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average inventory contains two or three pistols, a carbine, a cartouche box, powder
and shot or bullets, which can be observed in the following inventories:
3 swords 3 pare pistolls, 3 guns and a carbine, Powder and shott (V3F47 Henry Egleton)
In the Parlour: 3 gwms 1 carbine 1 pr pistolls, 1 sword a11d belt, In the Cock loft: 1 gzmn a11d the smiths (V3F397 George Hodgins of Vere Parish)
In the Hall: Nine Gzmns 7 catuse boxes & j?asque, five swords & 6 belts, 3 pr pistolls (V3F257 .Major William Moore Esq. Port Royall)
one gw111 & 1 pistol! & sword & catuse box, 2 powderhorns, two old gunns (V3F474 John Griffin Port Royall)
Henry Tilliard (Port Royal merchant V10F264) had a "Spanish" gun,
possibly captured from a Spanish ship or simply purchased on a trade run.
Henry Morgan had a veritable arsenal with twenty seaven gwms & 19
cartoush boxes, three pr pistolls and three swords, five powder horns & ftt.'O lances
(V3F259), probably his personal collection assembled over his years of privateering.
Gun powder is rarely itemized, and then usually only in conjunction with a
powder horn. Only one inventory, probably that of a merchant, lists gun powder in
quantity:
twenty lzalfe barrells of gun powder (3£ p barroll), two gwms,
(V3F275 Peter Samyne or Samine Port Royall)
Gunsmiths manufactured, sold, and repaired guns and pistols, as well as
bullets, "s\van shot," flints, and other paraphernalia such as an iron rail to hold a
gun at a window (V3F299). Besides his shop inventory listed below, gunsmith
Thomas Moone' s personal weapons consisted of a pair of screwed pistols.
At Port Royall in his shop: One pr of bellowes & one Anvil!, I11ree vises a Stake Old !files & other small working too/es, TH'o old Trii·etts, Three setts stops & Capooses [?] not finished, Two pair of fencing foyles, A prcell of old guns & pistolls, Three pistolls serl'iceable, A small beame brass scales & small weights, One
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hundred pound lead, One new gridiron, I\vo bitts for stocking of
gwms, An Iron raile to hold a gunn at a window, Apcell of flints & Bullett molds, Tivo sea chests & a case of bottles, thirty seaven pounds of new iron unwrought, __ 200/i old iron, An old crowe of iron, four and thirty new and old !files, four new fuzee locks,
twenty simrd blades, A peel! of coles, Old lumber, One grindstone In tile roome abm•e the staires: One pair screwed pistolls (V3F299 Thomas Afoone, Port Royall gunsmith)
Other gunsmiths carried a similar assortment of guns, such as John Philpott:
5 Old Packett Pistolls, 2 Doz. Gem Locks Ss a peece, 16 Flatt Gun Locks 10s p lock, 22 Old Gun & Pistol! Locks that lvants fitting, a parcel! of Bullits qt 622, a peel! of swan slzott qt 200, a pr of pistolr'i & trade in a box, 75 old guw1s c~ Bl1111derbusses, 10 old gun Barrels, 8 pr of old Bullitt moulds, a pcoll of Flints, 16 guns, 22 pr old pistolls, 1 iron gun (V3F285 John Philpott Port Royall
Blacksmith)
John Hall kept a ~pare lock for his gun. One would think this might be a
common practice, but this is the only occurrence noted.
a gunn a spare lock and cattoucli box (V3F362 John Hall ~Marriner)
167
Although most guns were single barrelled, there did exist some double-
barrelled guns, such as that noted in the inventory of Port Royal vintner Nicholas
Cransbrough (Duble barrel gun 1 fuzee & pistol! (V3F384)).
John Kent may not have been a gunsmith, but he apparently sold and
serviced guns and supplied bullets. His inventory contains bullet molds, and
references to cleaning services and gun sales.
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V3F60 John Kent 3 pistolls [personal] [shop i111·ent01y:J
168
8 gunns a 25s , , .................. , , ........ , .. , , , . , , .. , 10 00 00 one pair moulds to cutt the bulletts ........................... 00 04 00 cleansing one pair pistolls ................................. 00 04 00 cleansing one pair pocket pistolls ............................ 00 06 00 cleansing one pair do ..................................... 00 02 06 one chest for the guns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 00 05 06 winding plate .......................................... 00 03 06 For the acctt. of /11r. HL111J Chapma11 8 gun 11s . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10 00 00 2 pair pistolls . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 03 00 00 2 pair moulds to cutt the Bullett ............................. 00 10 00 2 gw111s more at 25s ..................................... 02 10 00
Several guns have been found in the excavations as well as lead shot,
cannonballs and grenades.
Swords. The sword as a fashionable item of a man's attire was derived from
the use of the sword for protection. Although its use as a weapon decreased during
the late seventeenth century, swords continued to be used in sport and in personal
altercations. Several sword makers and numerous references to swords in personal
inventories were noted in the inventories:
Two doz old sword blades, TH:enty dglzt new & old sword blades w th scabbards to them, a parcel! of stele for scabbards, a parcel! of old iro11 a11d iro11 hilts (V3F242 John Guepin, St. Andrews, Planter
[ & swordmaker?])
1 larg BacksH·ord w.tlz Silver Hilt (£3), 1 Silver hilted Rapier (£2
15s), A Silvr. hilted Rapier w.th half shell (£1 10s) (V2F78 Thomas
Craddock of Port Royall Merchant)
Slaves & Servants
In 1662 Spain granted an asiento - a contract to supply slaves - to
Genoese merch9nts, and The Royal African Company received a contract to supply )
the asiento from Jamaica (Zahedieh, 1986a:589). This business was extremely
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profitable, with slaves sold at two or three times the prices paid in the English
islands (Ibid.).
1\1oles1rnrtlz and a small group of merchants (including Gov. Lynch) stepped in in a private capacity. They offered to buy the negroes from the company, resell them to Spaniards, provide a convoy, and accept payment at Spmdslt ports with 35 percent interest. Spaniards preferred this method of trade and it quickly became the usual pattern, attracting five or six Spanish ships a year. (Zahedielz, 1986a:591)
Only one inventory refers to the asiento76 - that of Edmund Reeves of Port
Royal (V3F424) - \Vho had caslz in the asiento . ... £362/15/00.
169
Although asiento investments were limited to only five or six people (Ibid.),
almost every inventory lists black slaves and servants. Even a fisherman and a
porter mvned slaves, the value of which made up most of their inventory totals.
This is significant since the cost of the slave entailed not only the purchase price,
but constant cost of their upkeep (food, clothing, medical care, etc.).
V3F206 Robert ffalker Port Royall Fishermen 1688 One negm woman called Rose .............................. 22 00 00 One other negroe woman named Diana . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12 00 00 Total Inventory ........................................ 64 13 107.;,
'F3F38 1710111as Webber Port Royal Porter 1687 To three Negro lVomen and nvo Pickani11ys ..................... 50 00 00 Total Inventory ......................................... 62 10 00
Some households also had white (indentured) servants, who \vere usually
valued accon.li.ng to their time of service remaining.
F3F217 Charles Cresso, Port Royall Vintner August 13, 1688 A white woman sermnt the remai11i11g part of her time rnlued at ....... 02 00 00 a Negro boy called Nero .................................. 16 00 00 one ditto called Cesar .................................... 14 00 00 a girl called Daphne ..................................... 14 00 00 A sil\•er Marke for Negroes77
76Numerous references are found in the Grantors, Deeds records. I
77Several inventories mention ''silver marks for the negroes", which were probably brands for ownership marks.
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Inventories of plantations often list scores of black slaves in separate
categories, whereas household inventories usually included the household servants
with the rest of the possessions. Pickaninnies, mulattos, and Indian slaves are listed,
but are not as common, and tend to be valued several pounds less than the average
value of "negroes" of £20, as are sick slaves and children.
V3F249 Daniell Hickes Port Royall Merchant White serrnnts Giddo11 Dawse .......................................... 25 00 00 William Marshall ........................................ 25 00 00 Hralter Slo11a11 .......................................... 12 00 00 John Elliot ............................................ 12 00 00 Henry Glover a Cm.·e1rnlll Servant ............................ 12 00 00 1l11drelV Scott . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15 00 00 Mary Clark a woman sen•ant ............................... 12 00 00 Negroes 46 men llegroes at 23 each . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1059 00 00 35 women neg1 oes at 20 £ each . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 700 00 00 23 children at at 8 £each ................................ 184 00 00 6 1mme11 & I mall Madagascar at_£ each ................... 119 00 00 3 old 11egroe 1romen at 40s each . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 06 00 00
V3F259 Sir Hemy .Morgan Port Royall fourty four negroe men at 20£ .............................. 880 00 00 fo11rty two negro women at 17£ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 165 00 00 thirteen 11cgro boys at 8 .................................. 104 00 00 twenty negro girls at 7 ................................... 140 00 00 To Indians at 17 ........................................ 34 00 00 eleven 1rhite servants from one to seven years time to serve .......... 88 00 00
Slaves who had skills, such as carpentering, and listed with their tools, were
usually \VOrlh two or more times the average slave value of 20£.
F3F600 Capt. Jci/111 Phipps Port Royall Negroes at Port Royall 1l1i110 a negroe cooper with lzis tooles ......................... 50 00 00 1'0111 ditto ............................................ 50 00 00 Jlfars a cmpenter ....................................... 40 00 00 otto Jack .......... ·: . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20 00 00 Tom Congo . ; .......................................... 28 00 00 .Po1111)eV .............................................. 25 00 00 Diana .a negroe' ii·o111a11 one girle & two pickaninies ............... 60 00 00 Worsy or Betty wth a sore !egg .............................. 22 00 00 Catalana u:th a sore !egg .................................. 25 00 00
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another Catalona a Dropsical/ sick negroe . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 08 00 00 Lucky a girle . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20 00 00 At Seguanoo Sea Side, Borbys Plantation Hlarwicke a negroe man ................................... 25 00 00 Tom wtlt yaws & a sore heelott .............................. 17 00 00 Joe .................................................. 22 00 00 Venture ............................................... 20 00 00 Terre a girle . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17 00 00 Ja111es ................................................ 25 00 00 Ned ................................................. 22 00 00 Maria or Jenny ......................................... 20 00 00 a Negro man Afossoll ..................................... 26 00 00 1 ditto Frank ........................................... 20 00 00 1 Ditto Jack a Young negro ................................ 12 00 00 1 negro woman ......................................... 07 00 00 1 negro boy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20 00 00
Often the slaves' occupations can be gleaned from their positions in the
inventory, for instance, if they are listed with the other possessions in the stable or
kitchen, or on the wharf as in Thomas Craddock's inventory, their jobs probably
\vould have been at these sites.
V2F78 Thomas Craddock of Port Royall .Merchant On the Wlzmfe 2 Negros Adam & /lfingo A Hlfzite Afan A Cowper
Specialty Items
Coconuts and Calabashes
60 00 00 07 10 00
The island's indigenous fruits created new forms of vessels. Coconuts and
calabash gourds were popularly made into drinking vessels. Coconuts were often
elaborately carved and then set in a "goblet style" foot of silver or gold and
trimmed with silver, such as all three inventory entries below describe.
A Cokor nutt rnpp ivith silver foote & tipp (V3F299 Thomas
/i.10011~, Port Royall)
1 Corker Nut ti;'t ivith Silver (Lewis Archibald Esq1)
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2 small cal/abashes and one Cocker Nutt Tipt wth silver (V3F438 William Diggins Port Royall)
172
The callabashes in the last entry refers to calabash gourds hollowed out,
carved and fitted with a handle to serve as water dippers and cups. The Port Royal
Project excavations recovered a well preserved example of a beautifully crafted
dipper (see Figure 44).
·~·· .. · . .· :· : ' . ~··· ; ' _· .. ) • ~. . t "
. ~: ... . ..... '-.
Figure 44 Calabash dipper. PR90 908-9. Drawing: Helen Dewolf
Turtle Shell
Turtle shell was used like ivory for jewelry, combs, razors, boxes, and inlay.
Surviving examples are ornately carved. Turtle shell was readily available locally,
and items made from it were not valued highly. Joseph Bedow's inventory prices
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turtle shell at 3s6d per pound in bulk. Henry Morgan, in a comment about two
turtle-shell combs and a case he was giving to someone as a gift, stated that they
were "of no value,'' though they might be of interest (Hart 1983: 13). Some
inventories list turtle shell in bulk as shop inventory, such as:
turtle shell case. 261 Ii turtleshell at 3s6d p pound (V3F347 Joseph Bedow Port R.oyall l11erchant 18 December 1689)
John Philpott (Blacksmith) stocked and possibly crafted 3 turtle shell razors 2 6 a
peese (V3F285). Other inventories list shell jewelry and boxes in a personal
context:
To 1 Cross/et of Turtle Shell (Richard Sleigh Port Royall ~Merchant)
111 the roome over the dineing room: 1 small Tortois Shell box (V3F249 Daniell Hickes Port Royall Merchant)
Turtle shell was commonly made into combs, although they were also made
of bone, ivory, horn, and wood. A matching comb box usually accompanied a pair
of combs. Many comb boxes were elaborately decorated and carved with images of
Jamaica, dates, and owner's initials and names. The combs, like the one in
Figure 45, were two-sided. One side had medium sized teeth; the other side had
fine teeth for retnoving hair lice and nits (egg sacks) (Hart 1983:16).
Henry Coward's inventory lists the various items used for personal
grooming:
A Japan glasse Table stande gowne box Dressing box Combe box Chest of Drawers, 3 Dressing glasses powder box and 3 brushes at 35l10s (V3F12 Henry Coward Port Royall Merchant)
Jn his chamber: dressing box and comb box (V3F272 George Butler St. Andrews)
Pawsoh and Buisseret (1975) list one combmaker working in Port Royal in
1673 (Paul Bennett). There are several inventories of merchants and blacksmiths
who stocked and possibly crafted combs:
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0 J 2 3
~CM ..._. _____ , _____ , _____ ---.. ·--·-----
Figure 45 Ivory(?) comb from tlze Port Royal Project. Drawing: Helen Dewolf.
Bells
8 dozen and 8 horn combs at 3s_d, 7 dos and 11 iv01y do 13: Box combs at 3d (V3F26 William Robinson Port Royal Merchant)
36 Home Combs, 8 small Ivmy Combs (V3F285 John Philpott Port Royall Blacksmith)
some wooden combs (V3F324 Peter Brmrn Port Royall !vi ercltant)
174
Bells were everyday objects often overlooked (see Figure 46). A common
type of bell was the round "rumbler" bell - spherical containing a loose metal ball
ranging in size from button-sized for costumes to orange-sized for livestock (Noel
Hume 1970:58). Only two inventories list bells, both as shop merchandise.
8 Bells (OJ 04 00) (V3F285 John Philpott Port Royall Blacksmith)
In the Shop: 3 doz & 4 horse bells att 9d p (V3F72 iVU!iam Wyatt Port Royal merchant)
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Figure 46 Brass hawks bell recovered from Port Royal Project excavation. (Shown approximately life size, 1.25" diameter) Drawing: Elizabeth Mitchell.
Fans
As men carried canes and swords, so women carried fans. Certainly the
Jamaican heat promoted this custom, possibly even among men. Several decorated
bone or ivory fan blades were recovered in the Port Royal Project excavation. Port
Royal merchant 'William Robinson stocked fans that were relatively inexpensive:
34 fanns at 15s (V3F26 William Robinson Port Royal Merchant)
Windows
Until the appearance of the sash window in 1685 (our modern day form
which slides up and down) (Yarwood ND:143), windows were the casement type,
\vhich was usually hinged along one side, to swing out, and consisted of small,
lead-framed, rectangular or diamond panes. The sash window quickly became
popular, but no seventeenth-century examples were excavated in the Port Royal
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Project. Port Royal Project excavations recovered three casement-type window
frames, with lead came and glass panes (see Figure 47).
l#' /{ ·, r
• • -===-7"\.___ ______ , ___ --------~-'
176
Figure 47 Window casing and lead came from Port Royal Project excavations. Drawing: Port Royal Project.
Only one inventory offers any data regarding local construction and repair of
windows, that of merchant Thomas Craddock (V2F78), who stocked squares of
glass and lead glazing.
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V2F78 11wmas Craddock of Port Royall Merchant !11 ye greate low Room 011 the Right hand No: 11: 270
9: 240 10: 240 14: 240 Quairios 10: 220 09: 230 03: 240 11: 220} Squares 12: 240}
2140 foot of glass at 1008}
177
100 foot .................................... 19 05 04 2 Glaziers Cass lead sother & spriggs ................... 04 00 00 2 Remn.ts glasse 1 Remn.t glasiers lead .................. 01 00 00
Window curtains were common, though not always present. They were often
long and full, with an additional valance along the top. Curtains are found in
numerous inventories, as discussed in Textiles (page 125), but only one lists the
curtain rod.
V3F217 Charles Cresso, Port Royall Vintner August 13, 1688 curtins & Iron rods for lvindows . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 00 05 00
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CHAPTER XII
FUTURE STUDIES
178
This thesis merely lays the groundwork for future studies. A wealth of data
lies dormant in the inventories and other documents. The following are future
studies suggested by the data.
Students at Texas A&M University have already been focusing on individual
aspects of the archaeological and documentary evidence. For instance, Hawk Tolson
did a study of Robert Phillips, a PR sail maker; Holly Holland examined
seventeenth-century kitchens; Marianne Franklin explored timekeeping practices and
devices; Katherine Neyland looked at lighting; and Jerome Hall discussed slaves.
Theses are available on pewter spoons (Wadley, 1985), drinking glasses
(McClenaghan 1988), and pewter flatware (Miller 1990), and others are in progress.
More extensive analyses of specific aspects of seventeenth-century culture
and activities revealed i.., the probate inventories need to be conducted, such as
furniture, books and literature, trade practices, decorations, and room use,
agricultural references, children, women, food stuffs, and textiles, just to name a
few.
As the inventory sample was being analyzed many questions arose which
simply could not be addressed in the confines of this thesis.
• Did transportation costs and inflation affect the prices appraisers gave items?
Also, what other variables affected prices? How did prices in Jamaica compare
to those in New England and England? How did prices of personal goods
compare to prices of the same items new?
• Market prices were influenced by shipments that glutted the market (such as
when wine prices fell by 35 percent in January 1690 when three cargoes of
wine arrived at the same time (Zahedieh 1986a:581)). How do appraised values
correspond to this type of market fluctuation? I
• \Vomen are poorly represented by the inventory data set, but they are not
completely absent. What was the status of women in Port Royal? How many
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owned property? What was their literacy rate (reading and writing)? What
differences are there between male and female inventories?
179
There are 12 women's inventories in this thesis' data set. Strangely, 42% (5)
were filed close together (see below). What were the circumstances of these
inventories? What is the connection? Who were these women, who were their
husbands (if any), and what was their status?
V3F412 Judith Gifford (Port Royal October 1692, appraisers: John Walters, Edward Pinefey)
V3F418 Prissi!a Hazell (Port Royal, appraisers: Ralph Slzelley, William Willson)
V3F424b .Mary Hill (Port Royal, Jan. 1692, appraisers: Richard Lott, Adam Stace))
V3F425 Elizabeth Harris (Port Royal, appraisers: Richard Lott, Mannaduke Freeman)
V3F426 Penelope Coxon (Port Royal, Jan. 25, 1692, appraisers: Lancelot Talbot, Michael Wheeler)
• A strange occurrence was noted in V3F257 and V3F328, both inventories of
Major William Moore, taken about 6 months apart. The second inventory does
not seem to be a cooicil, as it contains many articles that were included in the
first inventory, yet each has items not in the other. Why was this second
inventory was taken? What are the differences between the two? This is a good
opportunity to compare a single household over a period of time, such as in the
Ellis tavern case.
• Compare the number of inventories filed with the actual number of deaths
during a specific period of time. Discuss the time difference between death and
inventory.
• The Port Royal disasters of 1692, 1703, 1712, 1722 and 1744 created many
fluctuations in the economy and material wealth. For instance, there was
considerable growth in Port Royal's economy between 1703 and 1722. After
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180
the 1722 hurricane, though, all attempts to rebuild Port Royal ceased. How is
this reflected in the inventories? What trends can be observed after each disaster
in the inventories?
Discuss inheritance and probate laws and practices in force during the
seventeenth and eighteenth centuries in Jamaica. How do the inventories reflect
compliance with those laws?
Compare and contrast Port Royal inventories with those from outlying parishes,
as well as with contemporary Boston and England.
• Examine the inventories of people who owned property both in Port Royal and
a plantation in another parish. Did they live in Port Royal or at the plantation?
Was the concept of a "town house" popular (that is, alternatively living between
the country and city)?
Identify merchants that had warehouses separate from their homes. How do
their inventories reflect this situation? How do their inventories differ from
merchants who had in-house shops?
• Examine increases in the popularity and decline of certain items and
commodities. Identify trends in classes/types of possessions.
Typologies created by archaeologists do not always correspond to the
terminology used by those who actually used the items. Discuss the inventory's
first-hand descriptions versus twentieth-century artifact typologies in the
integration of archaeological and documentary data.
Identify and discuss items that were not listed in the inventories, such as wig
stands and curlers, cradles, chandeliers,
• Compare and contrast Port Royal inventories with Kingston inventories as
Kingston developed .ind Port Royal declined, especially in the period up to
1722 and after 1722.
• Examine and investigate people listed as accounts in merchant inventories. Who
were they? ·where did they sell the merchandise they got from the merchants?
What was the nature of the credit extended to them? Examine the infrastructure
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of Port Royal's credit network. Were there any differences between personal
and commercial credit extensions?
181
Who were the inventory takers? How were they associated with the deceased?
Did they regularly serve as inventory takers? What was their status in relation
to the deceased and the community? How frequently did the inventory takers
hold the same occupation as the deceased? What conclusions can be drawn from
the nature and qualifications of the appraisers? What was the literacy rate (i.e.,
writing) of the appraisers?
What differences can be detected in the material culture of different occupation
groups, wealth groups, age groups, between the sexes, and among the parishes?
• The inventories are full of surprises, that is, rare or rarely listed items. The
following is a brief list of entries found in the inventory sample that are unique
or interesting that can be researched further.
Pr of Pomegranetts hung with bells that is used for ornament in our Sinagoges att 5 (27 07 06); The bells are to be deducted being left as a pawne, weight 42 oz at 5 (10 10 00) [possibly decorations on ends of torah scrolls?] (V3F41 Isaac Narvais Port Royall merchant)
In the Yard: 1 Dove Cage 01 10 -, 4 buraue birds 00 10 (Vl 0 George Tiller parish of Kingston)
a pcoll of beeze wax (V3F259 Sir Henry Morgan)
5 Quarts Cinnamon lVater (VIO James Lawrence)
two prospective glasses (V3F474 John Griffin Port Royall)
V3F26 William Robinson Port Royal Merchant 6 doz and 4 pair spectacles at 4s per doz . . . . . . . . . . . 01 05 04
V3F72 rVilliam lv)·att Port Royal merchant In tlze Shop: 24 speckticle cases att 5s p . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 00 14 02 2 woden 'ditto . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 00 01 03 9 pr of speckticles . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 00 07 06
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119 pound of Oliphants Tooth (6£) (V3F285 John Philpott Port Royall Blacksmith)
A single steele crossbow was listed in mariner James Lemings 1
inventory (V3F228)
V3F228 James Lemings Port Royall Marriner Nov 1688 one steele crosbow . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 00 10 00
8 Vizard masks78 1 slzilling each. (William Robinson V3F26, Port Royal Merchant)
an Oatmill [oatmeal?] !if ill (00 12 06) (V3F209 Edward Cheston Port Royall)
59 Cheese Rasters (00 04 00) (V3F285 John Philpott Port Royall Blacksmith
Seamens Implymts (1£) (V3F67 Josia Warner Port Royall)
1 Silver tooth pick case (00 15 00) (William Addang, V10F252, Port Royall goldsmith)
a Box with little lead Toyes (V3F362 Joshua Bright Port Royall Merchant 1689)
V3F248 Samuell Coulson Port Royall Februmy 21, 1688 1 Child couch . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 00 12 06
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182
78 Wlzen the [tl1eate1] began to fill [Pepys' wife] put 011 her vizard, and so kept it on all the play; which of late is become a great fashion among the ladies, which hides her whole face. (Pepys, June 12, 1663)
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CHAPTER XIII
CONCLUSION
183
In order to recreate seventeenth-century Port Royal, we must interweave the
fragmentary leftovers of time: the inventories, the archaeological evidence, letters,
birth and death records, maps, etc. Like strands of a rope, each source contributes
its own strengths to create a unified knowledge base. Probate inventories contribute
practical contemporary narratives of material culture assemblages that can be
correlated with physical remains. Few combinations of primary sources complement
each other as well, both confirming and supplementing, while still retaining their
own merits.
The contention that inventories are too biased towards a small,
nonrepresentative literate population to be a dependable source ignores the inherent
limitations of all sources, whether documentary or artifactual, and the need to
accept the reality that no single source is complete and unbiased. Admittedly, Port
Royal probate inventories concentrate on the upper classes of the society, ignore
liabilities and real estate, and tend to be inconsistent and vague. Similarly,
archaeological data are constrained by preservation and deposition variables that
make them equally unrepresentative. The focus, then, should be on the individual
worth of each source for its part in the reconstruction process. Individually, an
inventory offers us a household as a microcosm, with tantalizing peeks outside the
door to the larger community. Collectively, they offer an overview of a place, its
inhabitants, its culture, its economic condition, outside influence, and
internalization.
The information embedded in these inventories, especially when combined
with other documentary evidence, offers a unique lexical view of seventeenth-
century Port Royal. As excavations continue, the inventories will be further
corroborated by the artifact assemblage, such as in the case of Simon Benning's ' i
pewter ware found in Building 5 of the Port Royal Project.
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184
Excavations also fill in gaps in the inventories and give visual
representations of the styles. For instance, tocacco pipes are almost absent from the
inventories, but prevalent in the excavations. The thousands of pipes recovered not
only tell us smoking was popular, they also provide an array of types and makers.
And although candlsticks are very common in the inventories, they are rarely
described. The assemblage of brass, pewter and ceramic candlesticks from the
excavations provide a whole range of styles in use in 1692.
Inventories reflect lifestyles. Did they eat from silver or pewter? How many
tables and chairs did they have? What kind of jewelry and clothing did they wear?
How ornately decorated were their beds? What books did they read? Could they
write? These questions can be answered to varying degrees by the inventories.
Merchant inventories, often more detailed than personal inventories, contain
a concentrated dose of material goods: 17 pettycoats valued at £25, 3 314 yards
blue, gold and silver satin £4, 6 yards gold flowered satin, 5 swords and 5 belts.
Workshop inventories contain scores of locks, hinges, scissors, and other
"insignificant" items such as knitting needles, nails, bells, hooks, and cork screws
that are often lost in personal inventories due to the indifference of the appraiser.
To understand the inventory process, try this experiment: take an inventory
of your own possessions. As you read through it, be aware of things you missed or
grouped for convenience. What did you emphasize or describe in more detail?
Now imagine yourself as someone reading your inventory 300 years in the
future trying to get a glimpse of a different time period and place. What can you
surmise about your lifestyle and culture from this list of your surroundings?
Then read through a Port Royal inventory, and imagine yourself in 1692 on
a tour of someone.'s house on Queen Street. Look around at the tables and chairs,
the pictures on the wall, and the folding press bed in the corner of the parlor. A
chest is open to reveal books and papers. In the kitchen, a cupboard displays rows
of silver vessels, and a leg of beef is roasting on a spit in the fireplace. A servant is
ironing clothes: In the bedroom, the first thing you see is the high, massive bed
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185
draped luxuriously with material. A dressing box, comb box, mirror, and a small
chest with English and Spanish silver coins sit on a nearby table.
Down the street is the Ellis tavern where you can go to smoke, gossip, and
drink; the blacksmith is hammering out hinges, locks and tools; and shops, full of
cloth and food, books and shoes, are bustling with shoppers. A ship just returned
from a successful contraband run to Portobello is being unloaded. The mariners'
pockets are full and they are getting drunk and rowdy.
In conclusion, as research continues, new information continually illuminates
pieces in this elaborate, multi-dimensional jigsaw puzzle of seventeenth-century
culture. Probate inventories, archaeological data, and other documentary sources
each supply pieces of the picture in the on-going reconstruction of Port Royal.