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Napoleon Bonaparte's Adventure in Tantura Lagoon: Historical and Archaeological EvidenceAuthor(s): Deborah Cvikel, Yaacov Kahanov, Haim Goren, Elisabetta Boaretto, Kurt RavehReviewed work(s):Source: Israel Exploration Journal, Vol. 58, No. 2 (2008), pp. 199-219Published by: Israel Exploration SocietyStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/27927205 .Accessed: 21/01/2012 12:33

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Napoleon Bonaparte's Adventure in Tantura Lagoon: Historical and Archaeological Evidence*

Deborah Cvikel

University of Haifa

Haim Goren

Tel-Hai Academic College of Science

University of Haifa

Yaacov Kahanov

University of Haifa

Elisabetta Boaretto

Weizmann Institute of Science

Bar-Ilan University

Kurt Raveh

University of Haifa

GENERAL BACKGROUND

Much has been said and written about Napoleon Bonaparte's expedition to Egypt and Syria and the reasoning behind it.1 The expedition to Syria and the Holy Land began on 6 February 1799, and lasted about four months. The present research focuses on events that occurred in May 1799, during the French retreat

from Acre.

Two centuries later, in May 2002, a shipwreck site was naturally exposed and

discovered by K. Raveh in Dor/Tantura lagoon. It was designated Dor 2002/2.

Since the site was discovered on the shoreline in very shallow water, three work

ing hypotheses were considered: first, that the site is an assortment of several

shipwrecks; second, that it is one shipwreck ? a remnant of an unfamiliar vessel;

and the third, suggested by K. Raveh, that this was a raft used by Bonaparte's army, which passed through Tantura on the night of 21/22 May 1799. According to this hypothesis, when the soldiers were ordered to dump weapons, including

heavy artillery and ammunition, in the sea between the islets of Tafat and Hofmi

* This article is partially based on an M.A. thesis for the University of Haifa, titled

'Archaeological Evidence in Tantura Lagoon and Historical Evidence of the Marine

Aspect of Napoleon Bonaparte and His Army's Retreat from Acre', by Deborah Cvikel. The thesis was supervised by Prof. Haim Goren and Dr. Yaacov Kahanov. Mr. Kurt Raveh discovered the wreck and proposed the preliminary research hypothesis.

The research was supported by Lord Jacobs, the Sir Maurice Hatter Fellowship for Maritime Studies, the Fraenkel Fellowship Committee, the Israel Science Foundation and the Hecht Foundation, to whom we are all grateful.

The authors would like to thank naval architect Henry Winters for volunteering his

study of the wreck and for his advice and contribution, and John Tresman for review

ing the article and for the English editing. l See, for example, Asprey 2000; Chandler 1973; Elgood 1931; Gichon 2003; Herold

1963; Laurens 1989.

/?/58(2008): 199-219 199

200 D. CVIKEL, Y. KAHANOV, H. GOREN, E. BOARETTO AND K. RAVEH

U724

Fig 1. Dor/Tantura Lagoon (S. Haad)

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE'S ADVENTURE IN TANTURA LAGOON 201

(fig. 1), they improvised a raft, which was dragged by horses towards the sea, the

attempt failing on the shoreline.

The third hypothesis gave rise to a research project which combined archaeo

logical and historical investigations. In order to learn more about the vessel and

the circumstances of its wrecking, two underwater excavations were conducted

during 2002 and 2003. The following research aimed at resolving two issues. The

first was historical, relating to the various accounts of what happened in Tantum

during the night of 21/22 May 1799. These differ mainly on the issue of disposal or destruction of weapons and on the method used to transport the sick and

wounded soldiers to Jaffa. The historical evidence is based mainly on the memoirs

of Napoleon Bonaparte himself and on those of his officers and soldiers, but with

out overlooking current research. The second issue was archaeological, relating to

the wreck itself and its finds, including other archaeological finds discovered in

Tantura lagoon which might show a connection to Bonaparte's army.

TANTURA AT THE END OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY

Descriptions of Tantura village relating to the eighteenth century are scarce. One

of the well-known travellers of the period, the English scholar and cleric Richard

Pococke, visited Tantura in the first half of the century (Goren 1999: 22). Escorted

by some of the men of the Sheikh of Atlit, he set out for Tantura village, about 10 miles south of the village of Atlit. In Tantura Pococke found a small village with a

port for large boats to its south. He noted that during heavy weather, ships were

anchored there and their passengers were obliged to pay a nine-shilling impost per head. North of the port, reported Pococke, there was a small promontory, on

which ruins of a castle could be seen.2 The French supply officer Jacques Miot described a small port and a few

houses situated on the shoreline. He also mentioned that small vessels were

anchored there (Miot 1804: 191, 216, 231). Lambert, the leader of the Haifa squadron, was sent in early April 1799 to investigate the ports of Tantura and

Atlit. According to his report, Tantura village was populated by approximately 2,000 inhabitants,3 who seemed to be sympathetic to the French. Their sheikh

appeared to be a worthy man. Lambert found a fortified house in which 200 infan

try soldiers would be able to defend themselves advantageously, unless attacked

by cannon. As for the port, reported Lambert, it was usable for boats and small

ships of various types, but only in fair weather, for in a heavy sea they might run

aground or hit the rocks (La Jonqui?re 1900: IV, 379).

2 Pococke 1745: 57-58. Pococke believed the ruins to be the old town of Dor, but it is

likely that these were the ruins of Merle ? the Crusader castle. 3 There is a discrepancy between Lambert and Buckingham about the number of

Tantura's inhabitants.


In 1816, the English explorer and adventurer James Silk Buckingham rode for

six hours on a mule from Atlit to Tantum. Much like Pococke, Buckingham described a small village of 40-50 houses, without a mosque, but with a khan for

the accommodation of travellers. He also noted the anchorage formed by a range of rocky islets at a short distance from the sandy beach, and the ruins to the north.

Buckingham estimated the number of inhabitants to be about 500, all Muslims and governed by a sheikh. While having dinner he was visited by the elders of the

village who enquired after Bonaparte, whom they all knew (Buckingham 1822 :

192-196).

Descriptions of the village were published in the second half of the nineteenth century. About 70 years after Bonaparte's expedition, the French geographer Victor Gu?rin was sent to the area by the French Ministry (Goren 1999: 288). Gu?rin found Tantura to be a large village of 1,200 inhabitants, with houses

mainly built with materials brought from the ancient city of Dor. The village, he

reported, was situated on the shore of a shallow bay, where a small boat was

anchored (Gu?rin 1875: 306). Other descriptions of that time were not much different (Conder and Kitchener

1882: 3; Schumacher 1887: 84). Charles Wilson added that herds of cattle and goats, the main wealth of the village, grazed on the coastal plain (Wilson 1880: 118).

THE FRENCH EXPEDITION TO THE HOLY LAND

The French forces led by Bonaparte left Toulon for Egypt on 19 May 1798. The fleet was composed of 55 vessels, including 13 ships of the line and 309 supply and auxiliary vessels, which joined the fleet en route (La Jonqui?re 1900: I,

519-524; Gichon 2003: 33). On 1 August 1798, the French fleet anchored in Aboukir Bay was surprised by the English fleet under the command of Vice

Admiral Horatio Nelson. In the ensuing Battle of the Nile, most of the French

warships were burned or taken by the English. Only two ships of the line and two

frigates managed to escape and join the supply fleet, which was anchored at Alex -

andria (Clowes 1899: 368; La Jonqui?re 1900: II, 414-419). Many soldiers and sailors died, among them the commander of the French fleet, Admiral Fran?ois Paul Bruyes, who was on board the French flagship L Orient when she blew up (James 1860: 198-199; Clowes 1899: 366).

In spite of the painful defeat and the lack of line of battle warships, Bonaparte wrote in his memoirs that he had decided to invade Syria and the Holy Land for three main reasons: first, to ensure the conquest of Egypt by preventing the possi

bility of invasion by a foreign army from the desert; second, to pressure the

Sublime Porte ? the regime of the Ottoman Empire; and third, to obstruct access

of the English fleet to the Syrian coast (Napol?on 1860: correspondence 3952). The expedition to the Holy Land started early in February 1799. Bonaparte led


four infantry divisions, approximately 10,000 men, 800 cavalry, 340 engineers, 1385 gunners, and 400 scouts and camel riders, all accompanied by various escorts (Anonymous 1801: 52; La Jonqui?re 1900: IV, 149). Each division carried

weapons and ammunition, but the heavy artillery was to be transported by sea

(Laurens 1998: 213; Gichon 2003: 58). The army advanced northwards from Egypt, both inland and along the coast. A

force of two battalions, commanded by General Jean Andoche Junot and the

commander-in-chief of the French fleet, Rear-Admiral Honor? Joseph Antoine

Ganteaume, was sent to explore the coast between Caesarea and Haifa and to look

for anchorages.4 Eventually, Tantura was chosen. It was found suitable for landing

equipment, supplies, weapons and artillery, and to serve as a communication post between Egypt and the northern forces (Rich?rdot 1848:167; Gichon 2003:113).

While the army advanced towards Haifa, the flotilla commanded by Captain Pierre-Jean Standelet, which was on its way from Damietta, carrying cannon and

supplies, was captured by an English squadron commanded by Commodore

William Sidney Smith (La Jonqui?re 1900: IV, 300-301; Laurens 1998: 371; Gichon 2003: 125). The cannon taken by the English were used in defending Acre against the French. The captured French ships were used by the English to harass

the French coastal posts (Anonymous 1801: 56). This left the French army stripped of heavy artillery as the siege on Acre begun on 19 March 1799.

An additional attempt to transport heavy artillery to Acre was made by the

squadron under the command of Rear-Admiral Jean-Baptiste Emmanuel Perr?e.

On 15 April, the squadron reached Jaffa and received orders to sail to Tantura5 and

unload three 24-pounders from Alexandria and four 18-pounders6 from the frigate La Junon, together with ammunition. Another order, which Perr?e followed, was

to send a boat, loaded with gunpowder, to the anchorage in Tantura (La Jonqui?re 1900: IV, 429-432). In his memoirs Bonaparte related that Perr?e anchored off

Jaffa that day and received orders to proceed towards Acre. Bonaparte claimed

that six large-calibre cannons were unloaded, together with ammunition, in the

small anchorage of Tantura (Laurens 1998: 245). Supporting Bonaparte's claim, Jean-Pierre Doguereau, an artillery officer, wrote in his memoirs about the arrival

4 La Jonqui?re 1900: IV, 294; Doguereau 1904: 185; Massicot 1899: 77; Jacotin 1824: 601.

5 The marine aspect of unloading cannon at sea is problematic. Since the anchorage in Tantura is too shallow for frigates to enter, smaller vessels ? lighters, for example

?

must have been used in order to unload cannon and ammunition. However, unloading from a lighter is still problematic.

6 The type of cannon was defined by the weight of the shot, and varied between nations. Cannon were made of brass, gunmetal (a type of bronze), or cast iron. The 24-pounder cannon was approximately 2.8 m. in length and 2.6-2.7 tons in weight, and was used as garrison artillery. The 18-pounder weighed about 2.5 tons, and was considered a marine cannon. For more information, see Haythornthwaite 1990; Boudriot 1992.


of three frigates, which had left the port of Alexandria heading for Tantura, and

which unloaded six cannons and supplies. Some cannon reached Acre on 30 April

(La Jonqui?re 1900: IV, 463; Doguereau 1904: 217). Bonaparte and his soldiers ? The Army of the East ? had made their way

from Egypt, but were held up before the walls of Acre in a siege that lasted 60

days and cost many lives. Ahmed Jezzar Pasha, Acre's notorious ruler, and his

troops were aided by an English squadron led by Smith, and at the beginning of

May, 30 additional Turkish vessels arrived from Rhodes to aid the besieged Turks

(Anonymous 1801: 67; Miot 1804: 202-203; Doguereau 1904: 227). The siege was raised at the end of May 1799, as the battered French force retreated south

along the coast towards Jaffa. On their way, the French soldiers, carrying with

them their artillery, small arms, ammunition and the sick and wounded, reached

their camp in Tantura on 21 May (fig. 2; Laurens 1998: 250-251).

? Camp du^ Prairi?l Art 7 1

Fig 2. The French camp in Tantura, marked by crossed sabre and musket (from Jacotin's 1824 map; graphical arrangement: S. Haad)

THE FRENCH ARMY IN TANTURA

A French garrison was stationed in the village of Tantura during the French expe dition to the Holy Land, according to Bonaparte's orders. He also gave orders to

send supplies of flour, grain, rice and dourah to Tantura. Tantura was chosen

because of its anchorage and also because it was a safe place to house the garrison and supplies. The village inhabitants were sympathetic to the French, as Lambert


stated (La Jonqui?re 1900: IV, 379). Tantura played a significant role during the siege of Acre: overland and marine convoys made a stop there in order to transfer

mail and orders from Acre southwards, or to transfer supplies and ammunition

from Tantum northwards to Acre (Rich?rdot 1848: 167; La Jonqui?re 1900: IV,

369-370, 464). Tantura's anchorage is convenient, as Lambert reported, but good sea condi

tions and a skilled navigator are essential to benefit from it. Rear-Admiral

Ganteaume, while sending orders to Rear-Admiral Perr?e, was aware of the fact

that local knowledge was required in order to enter the anchorage (La Jonqui?re 1900: IV, 370, 379).

Before raising the siege of Acre in 19 May 1799, sick and wounded soldiers were sent to Tantura to await evacuation (La Jonqui?re 1900: IV, 373). In early May, as officer Miot claimed in his memoirs, sick and wounded soldiers left for Tantum, and were evacuated using 'barques' or other small vessels to Jaffa, and from there

by sea to Damietta (Miot 1804: 216, 230-231). Artillery officer Bert, who was

posted in Tantum, wrote on 13 May that he had only four boats of small capacity, which were assigned to evacuate wounded soldiers (La Jonqui?re 1900: IV, 544).

As the wounded gathered and a large-scale evacuation was needed, Rear

Admiral Perr?e was ordered to reach Tantum with his squadron, in order to

embark 400-500 wounded soldiers for evacuation to Alexandria and Damietta

(Napol?on 1860: correspondence 4126; La Jonqui?re 1900: IV, 507-508). The presence of two English ships in Tantura's vicinity, as well as the fact that one

enemy frigate and two small vessels were anchored offshore, led to Perr?e 's deci

sion to abandon his mission and return to Europe with his squadron (La Jonqui?re 1900: IV, 510-511).

When the siege of Acre was raised, the soldiers began a long and tiring retreat

along the coast. When they reached the camp in Tantum, they were astonished to

find a large number of sick and wounded soldiers waiting on the shore.7

Officer Doguereau reached Tantum at noon on 21 May. From his detailed

memoirs it is obvious that during the night of 21/22 May, many soldiers were

occupied in burying weapons and various artillery items, or sinking them at sea, so that the carriages and animals could be used to carry the sick and wounded.

According to Doguereau, some of the sick soldiers were transferred by small craft

on the evening of 21 May (Doguereau 1904: 239-240). He claimed that two 24

pounder cannons were buried on shore because they were too heavy to be carried

further south.8 The letters of citizen Peyrusse, another witness to the events of that

7 Doguereau 1904: 239-241; Andr? Peyrusse, a civilian serving in the French army, estimated the number of sick and wounded soldiers in Tantum to be 700-800. See La

Jonqui?re 1900: IV, 549. 8 Doguereau 1904: 239-241. For the evacuation of wounded soldiers, and burying two

24-pounders in the sand, see also Rich?rdot 1848: 171.


night, together with the memoirs of General Berthier, Bonaparte's chief-of-staff, reinforce Doguereau's testimony as to burying cannons in the sand and the sink

ing or burning of weapons and ammunition in order to provide means of

transportation for the sick and wounded soldiers (Berthier 1800: 87; La Jonqui?re 1900: IV, 549, 555). Only in the morning of 22 May did the army leave Tantura and continue its retreat southward.

WEAPONS AND AMMUNITION FOUND IN TANTURA LAGOON

From the 1960s onwards, various types of weapons and ammunition have been

found on the sea bottom in and around Tantura lagoon, some of which have been

retrieved (Raban 1995: 345-347). The majority of the weapons are cannon balls

and flintlock muskets, which were found covered with marine encrustation. The

muskets were identified as the 'Charleville' type, the standard French infantry weapon during the eighteenth century. The muskets were muzzle loaders, and the

diameter of the bullet was approximately 18 mm. The wooden parts were made of

chestnut wood and properly oiled.9

The diameter of the iron cannonballs is generally over 10 cm., although some

are smaller (Raban 1995: 348). A24-pounder cannonball is approximately 14 cm.

in diameter; a 12-pounder approximately 11 cm.; and a 6-pounder approximately 9 cm. In fact, the cannonballs found in Tantura lagoon match the lighter type of cannon used by the French forces. There were no identifying marks on the

cannonballs, but their proximity to the French muskets makes it almost certain

that they were in use by the French army.

Bayonets and shells discovered in recent years also do not bear identification

marks, but similar items are on exhibition at the Mus?e de l'Arm?e at the H?tel

National des Invalides in Paris, and it is probable that they were also used by the

French force.

Two other important finds were uncovered in Tantura lagoon. One is a 1.60 m.

long bronze Turkish cannon, discovered in 1981, and the other is a bronze Spanish mortar, discovered two years later. The Turkish cannon had a Sultan's toughra, which dates it to the first half of the eighteenth century (Wachsmann and Raveh 1984: 58-59). No evidence for the 24-pounder cannon has yet been found in the

Dor-Tantura surroundings, although there have been attempts to locate them

(Wachsmann and Raveh 1982: 89; Johnson 2002: 132-144).

THE DOR 2002/2 SHIPWRECK

The Dor 2002/2 shipwreck was discovered at the water's edge, covered by sand

9 Chandler 1979: 208; Wachsmann and Raveh 1982: 88; Haythornthwaite 1990: 71; Raban 1995: 345-347.


and seashells. It was excavated for two seasons, and by the end of the second

season a maximum depth of 1.50 m. below sea surface and a total working area of

4.70 m. from north to south and 5.00 m. from east to west had been reached

(Cvikel and Kahanov 2006). The exceptional shallowness of the site was not an

advantage. On one hand, it could not be excavated as a land or wet-land site, and

on the other, the shallow water reduced the power of the dredgers, divers could

only balance themselves with difficulty, and even the tide and small waves

disturbed the work.

Each of the wreck's components was measured and recorded at intervals of

20 cm. Average dimensions are reported in this study. In addition, drawings,

photographs and video film were used to document the wreck (fig. 3).

Fig 3. The Dor 2002/2 shipwreck (drawing: C. Brandon, updated by D. Cvikel and S. Haad)

The excavated wreck consisted of two parts: the bow components and the star

board side, which were connected. All components of the bow were made of

Pinus brutta (Calabrian pine), except for the stem (W3.1), which was made of

Quercus coccifera (Kermes oak).10 There is a distinct difference between the

10 All tree species identifications, by Prof. N. Liphschitz, appear in two reports: Liphschitz 2002; 2003.


dimensions of the components due to their state of preservation. The parts at the

eastern end were covered with sand, and thus protected; whereas those at the west

ern end naturally emerged from the sand from time to time, and their exposure led

to deterioration.

The bow consisted of the following components: A 150 cm. long keelson

(Wl), badly eroded at its western end, where it was about 6 cm. sided, as

compared to 20 cm. at its eastern end. It was 14 cm. average moulded. It had two

rectangular recesses (fig. 4), the western one approximately 14 cm. long, and the

eastern one 12 cm. long, of different depths, thus creating a small angle. The gap between the two recesses was 13 cm., and the western one was 90 cm. from the

end of the remains of the keelson. The similarity in dimensions between the

notches and the frames, and their proximity as found in the site, suggest that the

frames were set into the recesses in the keelson.

In addition to the recesses, evidence of four bolts was found. Three of the bolts were uncovered; they were 10, 20 and 23 mm. in diameter. Traces of an iron bolt were found inside the fourth hole, which was 15 mm. in diameter. One broken iron

bolt, 20 cm. long, was found next to it. It is likely that long bolts were driven

through these holes and used to connect the bow components ?

keelson, dead

wood and stem ? to one another. If so, the length of these bolts would have been

at least 50 cm.

The deadwood (W2) consisted of three components, and was in total about

Fig. 4. Rectangular recesses in the keelson, view to the west (photo: N. Sheizaf)


120 cm. long. It was possible to measure only the western end, which was 7 cm.

sided on average and 25.5 cm. maximum moulded.

The 210 cm. long stem (W3.1) was the most massive component of the bow, and, as stated above, the only component made of oak. Although the bottom of the stem was eroded, the angle of rise from the assumed line of the keel was clear: 60?. The stem was 10 cm. average sided and 19.8 cm. average moulded. Along the stem there was a rabbet, 20 mm. deep, which matched a similar rabbet in the upper continuation of the stem (W3.2). The upper extension of the stem (W3.2) was

159 cm. long, 9 cm. sided, and typically 10 cm. moulded. A 45 cm. long hook scarf connected the remains of the stem with its upper continuation.

The stemson (W4) survived to a length of 131 cm.: it was 26 cm. maximum

sided, and varied between 6 and 10 cm. moulded. The apron (W5) was 142 cm.

long. Its sided dimension was not accessible for measurement. It was 16 cm.

moulded at its southern end, tapering as if it had been forced into place. A false stem (W6) was divided into two parts: W6.1, of which 100 cm. survived (7 cm.

average width and 10.5 cm. average thickness), and W6.2, of which 95 cm.

survived (about 8 cm. wide and thick). The wreck's 11 frames were each made of two or three components, and were

connected to each other by one oak treenail and in some cases by an additional metal nail. The fiittocks were apparently connected to the aft side of the floor

timbers, facing the centre of the wreck (fig. 5). The frames were made of Pinus

Fig. 5. Frames, view to the south (photo: N. Sheizaf)


Fig. 6. The hawsehole, view to the west (photo: I. Grinberg)

brutta (Calabrian pine) and Pinus nigra (Black pine), and were coated with pitch. The shortest surviving framing timber measured 58 cm.; the longest measured

206 cm. Their sided and moulded dimensions were well preserved, ranging from

7 to 10 cm., average sided 9.4 cm. and moulded 9.7 cm. Room and space, measured at the keelson, was about 30 cm. At the southern end of the wreck there were traces of white paint on some of the frames. Tool marks were also found,

apparently those of a hand-saw and an adze.

The hull planks were made of pine and were coated with a black substance,

probably pitch. The planks were of different widths, but two of them (nos. 4 and 7) were significantly narrower. No. 4 was a repair patch, and no. 7 was a drop strake.

The average width of the planks (excluding planks 4 and 7) was 20 cm. All planks were 2-3 cm. thick. Planks were nailed to frames with two or three square iron

nails, depending on the width. Due to access difficulties, the planks were

measured starting from frame 2 westwards. The longest surviving plank measured

about 460 cm. in length, while the shortest one was only 150 cm. long. Sections of seven pine deck beams survived. They were rough and were found

broken. The deck beams were set across the ship at an angle of 63? to the side of

the hull, which is a clue to the shape of the original hull at this area. A metal pipe, covered with a heavy marine concretion, was found at the south

eastern part of the wreck; it is assumed to be a hawsehole (fig. 6). It took much

effort to remove the concretion layer underwater, and it is possible that the


original dimensions were slightly different. It had a 30 cm. outer concretion diam

eter, 10 cm. thickness, and an internal diameter of 9 cm. The diagonal length of the

pipe was about 20 cm. One opening was above plank HI, and the other below

plank H2.

ORGANIC FINDS

Samples of organic materials, includ

ing rope, woven fabric (fig. 7) and paint, which were found in the excava

tion site, were sent for analysis. To

date, analysis results, although not all

completed, have revealed the presence of Pinacaea sp resin (Ribechini and

Colombini 2003; 2004). The threads in the woven fabric

were made of linen and were laid

Z2S.11 The spin direction of the linen threads may indicate a Western influ ence ? specifically, a European origin

? and is similar to the linen remains of

the uniforms of French soldiers, found in excavations at Acre (Berman 1997:

97-98).

THE AGE OF THE WRECK

Typological dating of the wreck was Fig 7 Woven fabric (drawing: s. Haad)

not easy, due to the lack of in situ finds, such as ceramics. Wood samples recovered from different parts of the wreck, as well as one linen cloth sample,

were submitted for radiocarbon dating. All samples were from the hull of the wreck and not of detached timbers (table 1).

Samples were dated by 14C analysis at the Radiocarbon Dating Laboratory of the E Institute of Particle Physics, Zurich, Switzerland (E label), and at the

Radiocarbon Dating and Cosmogenic Isotopes Laboratory at the Weizmann Insti tute of Science, Israel (RT label). One wood sample was split between the two laboratories (RT 4607; E 26365) and independently dated in each laboratory.

Samples RT 4606 and RT 4607 were pre-treated and analysed at the Weizmann Institute laboratory (see Boaretto 2003). The wood samples were treated in order

11 The cloth was analysed by 0. Shamir of the Israel Antiquities Authority (2006).


Table 1. Botanical identification, 14C age?lo, ?13C and calibrated ranges for four samples; averages of the first two samples (RT 4607 and E 26365) and total average are given

Sample no.

Lab no. Sample description

Sample type

14C age? 1 year BP

?13C%? PDB

Calibrated dates CE?lo

Calibrated dates CE?2o

204 ETH-26365 Tl,

ceiling plank

Wood, Pinns brutta

215?40 -26.6 1640 (26.9%) 1680 1760 (30.5%) 1810 1930(10.8%) 1960

1520(1.8%) 1560 1630(30.9%) 1700 1720 (45.3%) 1820 1830(1.6%) 1880 1910(15.8%) 1960

205 RT-4607 Tl,

ceiling plank

Wood, Pinus brutia

200?30 -21.1 1650(18.9%) 1680 1760 (35.4%) 1810 1930(13.9%) 1960

1640 (25.5%) 1690 1720 (51.6%) 1810 1920(18.3%) 1960

Average 205?24 1650 (21.1%) 1680 1760 (32.9%) 1800 1930(14.2%) 1960

1640 (27.8%) 1690 1730(50.0%) 1810 1930(17.6%) 1960

206 RT-4606 Stem Wood,

Quercus coccifera

225?20 -24.2 1650(33.6%) 1670 1780 (34.6%) 1800

1640(45.6%) 1680 1760(39.9%) 1800 1940(9.9%) 1960

354 ETH-31904 Found beneath hawsehole

Linen cloth

210?40 1640 (24.5%) 1690 1730(1.7%) 1750 1760 (30.8%) 1810 1930(11.2%) 1960

1630(29.0%) 1700 1720(46.8%) 1820 1830(3.1%) 1880 1910(16.5%) 1960

All results average 216?14 1660 (20.1%) 1670 1780 (47.1%) 1800 1940(1.0%) 1950

1640(33.2%) 1680 1770(49.3%) 1800 1940(13.0%) 1960

to extract only the cellulose preserved in the wood. Before dating, the cellulose was analysed for quality, using Fourier Transform Infrared Spectroscopy (FTIR). The spectrum obtained showed the presence of pure cellulose. This technique, which excludes the presence of any other substance in the dated sample, ensures

the accuracy of the radiocarbon dating of the material and the original content of

14C. Presence of other organic materials, such as humic substances or clay, was not

detected in the FTIR spectrum. The content of 14C in RT 4606 and 4607 was deter mined using the Liquid Scintillation Technique.

Samples E 26365 and E 31904 were prepared and analysed by Acceler ator Mass Spectrometry (see Bonani 2002; 2006).

Results of the measurements, with details of the samples, are given in table L,

including botanical identification and the calibration range for ? 1 and ? 2 stan

dard deviations ( ). The calibrated ranges were obtained using OxCal 3.10 of

Bronk-Ramsey 2005 (Bronk-Ramsey 1995; 2001), based on the calibration curve

of Reimer (Reimer et al 2004). In order to achieve higher accuracy and reduce the

uncertainty in the calibrated range, the sample ages were averaged when possible. First, the two independent measurements for the same sample (RT 4607 and E


26365) were averaged, as they are close at one standard deviation. Such good results indicate high accuracy for the radiocarbon dates obtained for the rest of the

samples. The value and the standard deviation of the average are reported. Assuming that all the samples are from the same wreck and date the same event, it

is possible to combine the results and obtain the most probable value with a

smaller standard deviation. The weighted average obtained is 216? 14 14C year BP.

Its calibrated range is given in table 1. The probability distribution for the average and single samples is given in fig. 8.

Atw?|*llflc djtjtornR.imt ?t ?( E*>?.? B>orkRxr??y(2CI05): cubr:5id:12 ob ?*p(cl?or| Plank Average 2Q5t24BP

RT-4606 225?2?BP ' A.

' _A'

' ?~"

'All Samples 216?14BP ' A ?

' a ' L_ _ _ _ _ _~~ _ _-_ _

1200CaJAD 1400CaJAD 1600CalAD 1800CalAD 2000CalAD

Calibrateci date

Fig. 8. Probability distribution of radiocarbon determination; data are relative to the aver

ages and the two single measurements RT 4606 and E 31904

The best approximate value for the wreck is 216? 14 y BP. Due to large wrig

gles in the calibration curve, three separated intervals are possible. For the clarity of the presentation we will use only the 2 range, which gives the highest proba

bility for the correct age. Additional information regarding the age of the wreck was obtained by

comparison with another wreck from Dor, designated DW2. The 14C dates of the two wrecks are similar. Moreover, clay tobacco pipes found in DW2 have been

dated to no later than 1800,12 and thus can serve as a terminus post quern for Dor

2002/2 as well.

Metal finds were analysed for their characteristics and manufacturing processes; they were estimated to be 200-300 years old.13

The linen cloth should be more recent than the wreck, since for the cloth there

is no old wood effect. Thus, the two possibilities ? 1640-1660 and 1770-1800 ?

are both highly probable. The wreck could then be either from the late seventeenth century or from the

end of the eighteenth century. The second hypothesis is the most probable one, since it allows for the wood to be older than the cloth. This would support the

hypothesis that the ship was related to Bonaparte's expedition.

12 Idit Yovel: personal communication, 2005. The analysis is based on material exca vated at Acre in a stratified context by E.J. Stern and A. Shapiro.

13 Shlomo Isenberg: personal communication, 2004.


THE ORIGIN OF THE WRECK

Some clues as to the ship's origin have been obtained. One clue is the origin of the

tree species of the surviving remains of the hull, which is the western coast of

Turkey (Liphschitz 2002; 2003). However, the origin of the trees does not neces -

sarily indicate the origin of the ship, as wood was traded and transported from

place to place in the Aegean, and shipyards manufactured vessels from imported timbers.

The neighbouring areas shared common knowledge regarding ship construc -

tion techniques. Construction tradition was transferred by Greek shipwrights, who travelled between Turkish shipyards in the Aegean during the sixteenth to

eighteenth centuries (Damianidis 1989: 15). Damianidis defined some characteristics of Greek ships in his study, a major

one being the arrangement of the frames. There would have been two central

frames, and towards the bow the futtock would have overlapped the forward side

of the floor timber, whereas towards the stern the overlap would have been at the:

aft side (Damianidis 1989: 266). In Dor 2002/2, the futtocks overlap the floor timbers, facing the centre of the ship. The archaeological evidence revealed that no extant frame timber was found attached to the keelson. However, if the original

missing floor timbers were a continuation in the same plane of the futtocks, this

may have been consistent with the general Greek tradition. Unlike average frame

remains (9.4 cm. sided), the recesses in the keelson were 14 cm. wide, indicating floor timbers 14 cm. sided. However, in the Greek tradition, frames were attached

to the keel and not to the keelson (Damianidis 1989: 259). In Greek ships, deck beams were set athwartships, with their wider side hori

zontal, in order to save vertical space underneath the deck.14 The deck beams

found in Dor 2002/2 match the above description. This supports the possibility of a Greek-oriented ship, but even so, it is impossible to determine whether it was the outcome of direct influence ? the ship being built in a Greek shipyard or by Greek shipwrights

? or indirect influence ? the result of diffused ideas and tech

niques.15 A comparison with Mediterranean parallels, although sparse, aided in finding

some perspective as for the ship's original dimensions. The opinions of Rieth, Damianidis and Winters,16 as well as the relevant literature, allowed a more

specific sizing of the original ship. Assuming that the ship operated in the shallow Dor/Tantura lagoon, her draught must have been less than 1.50 m.

Considering all this information, it seems that the original ship was about

14 Damianidis 1989: 281; A A (Damianidis) 1998: 188, fig. 226. 15 For more information regarding the influence of the Greek shipbuilding tradition on

Turkish vessels, see G?nsenin 2005: 371-381. 16 Eric Rieth: personal communication, 2004; Henry Winters: personal communication,

2004.


15 m. long, 4.50 m. in beam, with a draught of about 1.35 m. and a displacement of about 35 tons. No evidence of a mast step was found, and according to her

general dimensions, it is believed that the ship had only one mast.

Based on extant wood remains and the evidence of attachments, it seems safe to conclude that this is a single wreck, and not the remains of a raft.

DISCUSSION

It was not accidental that the French soldiers camped in Tantum on the night of

21/22 May 1799. Different accounts emphasise the importance of Tantum during the French expedition to the Holy Land. As the French army was looking for a

reliable base camp, close enough to Acre to serve as an intermediate communica

tion post, but not too close, secure from counter-attack and safe in case of retreat, the decision fell upon Tantum, which is about 45 km. (24 nautical miles) south of

Acre.

As the French soldiers reached Tantum in 1799, they found a village with a few

dozen houses populated by fewer than 2,000 Muslim inhabitants ? fishermen

and shepherds. They also found an anchorage ?

shallow, protected, and usable in

good sea conditions.

Thus, Tantum was chosen because of its anchorage and because it was a safe

place to house the garrison and supplies, due to the friendly attitude of the villag ers. The fact they were experienced mariners would have been very useful. The

French force probably relied on the maritime skills of the inhabitants, who knew

the anchorage and navigated it safely, and it might have even used their vessels.

During the siege of Acre, Rear-Admiral Perr?e was ordered to unload cannon

and ammunition in Tantum. In a stormy sea or without local knowledge it seems

impossible to have transferred the heavy siege guns in small craft from ship to

shore at Tantum. This would have endangered not only the vessel and its crew, but

also the cannon, a risk which Bonaparte was not ready to take, especially after the

capture of the previous shipment of cannon by the English squadron (La Jonqui?re 1900: IV, 300-301; Laurens 1998: 371; Gichon 2003: 125). If cannon were

unloaded in Tantum, how exactly were they unloaded, and why did Bonaparte order his chief-of-staff, General Berthier, to send 400 soldiers to Jaffa in order to

escort the artillery train? (Napol?on 1860: correspondence 4099). It seems, therefore, that the cannon were unloaded at Jaffa and were transferred

to Acre overland. As long and wearing as this may be, it was also the best way to

protect the cannon from the English ships cruising along the coast. It might be that the six cannons to which Bonaparte referred are the Turkish ones seized by Perr?e

(La Jonqui?re 1900: IV, 509) and transported in one of the marine convoys from Jaffa to Tantum.

At the beginning of May 1799 a stocktaking of the French military equipment was made (La Jonqui?re 1900: IV, 675). Comparing this information with other


evidence gives rise to some interesting conclusions as to what happened to the cannon when the siege of Acre was raised. Three 24-pounders were supposed to

have reached Tantura, but one of them, apparently together with all the 18

pounders, was thrown into the sea at Acre before the retreat.17

There is a claim that since Perr?e did not follow the order he was given, no

wounded were evacuated from Tantura by sea (Herold 1963: 305), but the state -

ments made by officers Doguereau, Miot and Rich?rdot contradict this

suggestion. A small number of sick and wounded soldiers was evacuated from

Tantura by sea, but if Perr?e had followed his orders, despite the English ships, a

larger number would have been given the chance, and it would not have been

necessary to abandon weapons and ammunition in order to provide transport to

carry them south.

Small vessels were used, probably not only to transfer wounded, but for other

purposes as well. Weapons and some artillery items were found in the sea, about

100 m. from the shore, a distance that implies the use of vessels. In addition,

contemporary accounts state that weapons and ammunition were sunk at sea. As

for the heavy artillery, as stated, all evidence regarding the two 24-pounders shows that they were buried on shore because of their weight and the difficulty of

loading them on a small vessel and sailing them southward.

CONCLUSIONS

Bonaparte chose Tantura as the link between Jaffa and Acre. A French garrison was stationed in the village, whose anchorage was frequently used for transporta tion of orders, mail, and supplies such as food, weapons and ammunition.

Various vessels were engaged in naval activity in the Tantura vicinity during the French expedition, but the research cannot offer a definite answer to the ques tion of whether there was a connection between Dor 2002/2 and the French

expedition to the Holy Land. However, there is evidence to support, and nothing to contradict, the suggestion of a possible connection with Bonaparte's activities at Tantura in 1799.

As for the Dor 2002/2 shipwreck, it is the remains of a single vessel, and not those of a raft or similar improvisation. No artefacts or other evidence that could

shed light on it were found, and any suggestions of its origin and age are conjec tural. Based on all available data and analyses, the proposed date of the wreck is about 1800. Its date, combined with the fabric remains, points to a possible connection with Bonaparte's activities at Tantura in 1799. The origin of the

17 Napol?on 1860: correspondence 4139; Millet 1903: 124; Massicot 1899: 93-95.

According to Rich?rdot, the cannon fell into the Kerdaneh (now River Na aman) after

slipping from its carriage and thus causing the bridge to collapse, see Rich?rdot 1848: 171.


timbers comprising the Dor 2002/2 shipwreck, together with the Greek influence on its construction details, indicates that the ship was built in an Aegean shipyard in a Greek tradition. The high quality of the wreck's components indicates that it

was built in a well-established shipyard. It might have been a government or a

military vessel, and the historical evidence shows that Turkish vessels were

captured by the French and were in use in the vicinity of Tantum.18

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napoleon bonaparte's adventure in tantura lagoon ...napoleon bonaparte's adventure in...

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