This article was downloaded by: ["University at Buffalo Libraries"]On: 16 January 2013, At: 06:15Publisher: RoutledgeInforma Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954Registered office: Mortimer House, 37-41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH,UKIdentities: Global Studies inCulture and PowerPublication details, including instructions for authorsand subscription information:http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/gide20Mapuche struggles to obliteratedominant history: mythohistory,spiritual agency and shamanichistorical consciousness insouthern ChileAna Mariella Bacigalupo aa Radcliffe Institute,, Harvard University, Byerly Hall, 8Garden Street, Cambridge, MA, 02138, USAVersion of record first published: 16 Jan 2013.To cite this article: Ana Mariella Bacigalupo (2013): Mapuche struggles toobliterate dominant history: mythohistory, spiritual agency and shamanic historicalconsciousness in southern Chile, Identities: Global Studies in Culture and Power,DOI:10.1080/1070289X.2012.757551To link to this article:http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1070289X.2012.757551PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLEFull terms and conditions of use: http://www.tandfonline.com/page/terms-and-conditionsThis article may be used for research, teaching, and private study purposes.Any substantial or systematic reproduction, redistribution, reselling, loan, sub-licensing, systematic supply, or distribution in any form to anyone is expresslyforbidden.The publisher does not give any warranty express or implied or make anyrepresentation that the contents will be complete or accurate or up todate. The accuracy of any instructions, formulae, and drug doses should beindependently verified with primary sources. The publisher shall not be liablefor any loss, actions, claims, proceedings, demand, or costs or damageswhatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connectionwith or arising out of the use of this material.Downloaded by ["University at Buffalo Libraries"] at 06:15 16 January 2013 Identities: Global Studies in Culture and Power, 2013http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1070289X.2012.757551Mapuche struggles to obliterate dominant history:mythohistory, spiritual agency and shamanic historicalconsciousness in southern ChileAna Mariella Bacigalupo(Received 30 September 2011)The biographical mythohistory of Rosa Kurin, an ethnically mixedMapuche-GermanshamaninsouthernChileinthelate1800s, expressesashamanichistorical consciousnessthat advancescurrent debatesoverthedynamic relationship between history and myth and between indigenous andnational history. Biographical mythohistoryisamixedgenrethat mediatesamongdifferentmemoralisationsofthepasttoobliteratedominantChileanhistoryandtocreatealternativeindigenous histories. Mapucheshamanicmythohistoriesaresimultaneouslylinearandcyclical:historicalpersonagesare transformed into mythical characters and sometimes back again, and myth-ical happenings manifest themselves repeatedly in historical events. Mapuchepeoplecreatemythohistoriesbymythologisingsuchshamansandhistoricaloutsiders, prioritisingspiritualagencyoverpoliticalagencyandnarrativelyreversingtheusualcolonialdynamicsofsubordination.Mythohistoriesare,for rural Mapuche, a means of conveying agency, ethnic identity and ontology.They also offer a way to decolonise Mapuche history and have the potentialfor political mobilisation.Keywords: shaman; historical consciousness; myth; history; Mapuche; ChileOne cold winter day in July 2010, in the Mapuche Indian community of Millaliin southern Chile, 98-year-old Feliciano Lean and his younger Mapuche coun-terparts Alberto Huenchuir and Domingo Katrikura told me the mythohistory ofRosa Kurin, a powerful German-Mapuche shaman from Patagonia who had cometoMillali in1879andsavedit fromchaosanddestruction. That year, 6-year-old Rosa and her German-born mother, both blue-eyed redheads, ed ArgentinePatagoniaonhorsebackandheadedwestforChileanAraucana, carryingwiththem as protection a thunder stone (tralkan kura) that held the spirit of an ancientwarrior shaman. The stone belonged to Rosas father, a Mapuche community head,or longko, named Kurin, the dark one. Kurin had been born in Araucana but hadspent most of his life in Patagonia, raiding rival indigenous groups and the farms ofSpanish, German and British settlers for cattle, horses and captives. Rosas motherhad been among the settlers taken captive by Kurin during a raid on Buenos Aires.In 1878, the Argentine army had begun a campaign to exterminate theindigenous people of the Pampas and Patagonia and incorporate their territories 2012 Taylor & Francis Group, LLCDownloaded by ["University at Buffalo Libraries"] at 06:15 16 January 2013 2 A.M. BacigalupointothenewArgentinenation-state.TheworstbattleagainsttheMapuchetookplace the following year, and many families of the Kurin lineage and others edwest over the Andes into Chile (Bengoa 1991, pp. 122, 292), among them Rosaand her mother. They ended up in Millali, 5 km from the current town of Quepe,in Araucana. There, Kurins cousin adopted them. People in Millali who told meRosas story concurred that she became a shaman, or machi, suddenly at the age of12 when she had a vision of a bull wearing a gigantic copper bell. It climbed to thetop of the hill above Millali, the communitys cosmic place of origin, where a bat-tle between the mythic earth and water serpents was believed to have taken place.To the Mapuche, visions of bulls are associated with water and earth spirits, andsometimes they announce violence and conict to come. In Rosas vision, the bullsturned to stone so that she could use their magical power to protect the commu-nity. Rosa climbed the Millali hill with her fathers thunder stone and went into atrance beside a gigantic boldo tree that was said to possess ancestral spiritual pow-ers. Lightning and thunder struck around her head and circled her, initiating her asa thunder machi who incorporated both the dangerous power of foreigners and theMapuchepowerofthunder.Thundermachiresolvesbattlesbetweenconictingforces in the world, a role that Rosa would be remembered for in Millali.Rosa Kurin lived during a time of enormous political, economic and culturalchange for the Mapuche. During the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries,the Chilean state nally defeated the long-resistant Mapuche people, forced themonto reservations (after 1884) and then split many of the reservations into privatelandholdings and sold them to non-Mapuche (after 1927). The state imposed onMapuche communities a Western-style form of governance headed by a commu-nity president, in competition with the traditional longko. The increase in politicalhierarchy, the loss of land and autonomy and the mixing of the already faction-ally divided Mapuche in new communities as a result of displacement during warall contributed to internal conict. With the inux of settlers of European origin,racialintermixing,ormestizaje,begantorise,andwithit,peoplesuncertaintyand disagreement over what constituted true Mapuche identity and the possibleadvantages of mestizo identity.By 2010, 55 years after Rosas death, people in Millali remembered this periodin Mapuche history as a time of cosmic chaos, and Rosa as the shaman who savedMillali from destruction by the Chilean army and by ood. After her death, peoplequickly mythologised her into a shamanic religious leader who had transformedthis chaos into a new world order by using her shamanic powers and her mixedethnic heritage. Along with other non-Mapuche historical gures of the time, Rosabecame a character in Millali mythohistory.In what follows, I frame Rosas mythohistory in terms of current debates abouthistorical consciousness, myth, history and agency. I then narrate the porous socialand geographicboundariesin the Mapucheand Chilean linear history that situ-ates Rosas story in chronological and geographic terms. Following, I show howRosas hybrid identity and practice as a Mapuche-German shaman illustrate theMapuches complex, contradictory afliations. Finally, I show how people of thecommunity today retell their story and Rosas as a mythohistory that articulatesDownloaded by ["University at Buffalo Libraries"] at 06:15 16 January 2013 Identities: Global Studies in Culture and Power 3their views about loss of land and autonomy, ethnic intermixing and the Mapuchescomplex relationships with outsiders.Shamanic mythohistories are a means for conveying native historical agency the ability to act both within and upon larger social forces (Sider 1998, p. xviii) inaddition to being expressions of native ethnic identity, personhood and ontology.Inthisarticle, IshowthatMapucheshamanicmythohistoriesmediatedifferentkinds of narrativememoralisations of thepast andcombinelinear andcycli-cal notions of time toincorporate radical historical changes innative lives,mythologise foreignhistorical gures andnative shamans andmerge humanand non-human beings, granting them the ability to transform existing histories.Throughtheir shamanicmythohistorysurroundingRosaKurin, Mapuchepeo-ple in her community transform history into myth in order to obliterate Chileandominant history and use their superior spiritual agency to construct a new world.Historical consciousness, myth, history and agencyMapuchepeoplehavediversewaysofrepresentingthepast, eachwithitsownassumptions about personhoodandidentity. The pan-Mapuche ethnic historynarrated by members of urban political movements differs from the multiple narra-tives and embodied techniques of memorialisation that rural Mapuche use, whichappears in shamanic rituals, conversations, speeches and songs, as well as at funer-als, weddings and hockey games. There are also regional differences in the waysthe rural Mapuche remember the past. On the coast of Chile, for example, wheretherearenoshamans,Mapuchepeopleseehistoryasanaggregationexpressedthrough secular songs (Course 2010). In the south-central valleys, where shamanspredominate, orators(ngenpin)andcommunityheads(longko)aggregatelivesthrough narrative lineage histories, and shamans inhabit past subjectivities throughspirit possession. Myth and history are different, complementary, indigenous cog-nitive modes that are expressed in different narrative genres although in practiceindigenous people combine them in different ways (Hill 1988, 2007, Hugh Jones1988).Rosasmythohistorycombinesindividuallifehistories,myth,thehistoryofchangingindigenousMapuchepoliticalandculturalidentityandlargerChileannationalhistoriesreinterpretedthroughashamaniclens. Thelinear, chronolog-ical narrativesof therecent past (ky) producethesort of historyof eventsthat Westerners nd familiar. These linear narratives are expressed through kin-ship histories, biographies, historical metaphors and Mapuche national histories ofdomination and ethnic emergence. The other mode is the timeless, cyclical, mytho-logical narratives about the primordial past (ruf ky), when fundamental forces ofcreation, transformation and destruction shaped Mapuche cosmology, philosophyand landscape (Huenchulaf et al. 2004, p. 24). As the cyclical intersects with thelinear, Mapuche mythohistory in Millali can be seen as a sort of spiral along whichpeople and events both repeat themselves and move through time. The identities ofprominent shamans and other people after their death are collapsed into those ofpreviously deceased personages or mythical characters. In this way, the deceasedDownloaded by ["University at Buffalo Libraries"] at 06:15 16 January 2013 4 A.M. Bacigaluporemainactiveinpeoplesperceptionsor,inthecaseofshamans,mayberehis-toricised as they are reborn in new physical bodies (Bacigalupo 2010). Shamanicspirits are thus transformed as they are recycled through rebirth and as social reali-ties in the community shift at different historicalpolitical moments in linear time.This challenges Chilean historical narratives by fusing historical events and per-sonal lives to contextualise local histories within larger Mapuche mythical, cyclicalprocesses.Chilean historians claim that shamans lack a historical consciousness becausetheir narratives appear irrational andahistorical relativetoWestern-style, lin-ear historical narratives (Pietas inGayI 1846, Olivares 1874, Chchvol. 7,pp. 493495, El Araucano 1926, 1928a, 1928b, De la Cruz 1953, pp. 42, 4749,Rosales 1989(1674), p. 29). Historians of Chilehaveconsistentlyprivilegedstable, masculine forms of authority and history, rendering the more uid, chang-ing mythohistories of female and transvestite male shamans invisible, ahistoricalandillegitimate(Bacigalupo2007). Rural Mapuche, whilenot subscribingtothe history created by Western historians, do understand shamans experienceshistorically. Shamansbecomepart of historybyembodyingthespiritsof thepast (pllu, leu) andtheforcesof theworld(newen) inorder todivineandheal. Thisshamanichistoricalconsciousness cannot be reduced to the realm ofhistorical imagination (Comaroff 1992), creative productions (Lambek 2002,p. 111) or discursive engagements with the past (Course 2010). In my concep-tion, shamanic historical consciousness is the way in which Mapuche perceive andnarrate local and national history through the lens of shamanism, either on the partof shamans or their fellow Mapuche.Rosas mythohistory also offers a newunderstanding of the relationshipbetween myth, history and agency in native South America. Claude Levi-Straussdistinguishes between hot societies that perceive of a diachronic linear historythat changes over time and construct a future, and cold indigenous societies thatview time as a synchronic structure limited to the cyclical repetition of myth anddeny the future. According to Lvi-Strauss, indigenous myths absorb the very his-torical events and processes they seek to obliterate in order to re-establish a senseofsocialequilibrium(Lvi-Strauss1981,p.607).Theopenendednessofmyththusallowsfortheinclusionofdifferentkindsofoutsiderswhowouldbesub-jected to the logic of the myth (Gow 2001). In reality, however, indigenous peopledistinguish between myth as a cyclical synchronic structure and history as lineardiachronic agency, and they use both to construct the future. Although there areexamples of outsiders who are incorporated in many South American myths, thisdoes not mean that indigenous people do not have a sense of diachronic history.Mapuche in Millai recognise the structural transformations of myth, in which insti-tutions and characters change as they are narrated over time, but they distinguishbetween these and the radical reorganisation of social, political and economic rolesand institutions they have suffered in historical time.Furthermore, Lvi-Strausss conception of myth does not account for agencybecause he makes no allowance for an indigenous historical consciousness (FaustoDownloaded by ["University at Buffalo Libraries"] at 06:15 16 January 2013 Identities: Global Studies in Culture and Power 5andHeckenberger 2007). Incontrast, Mapuche mythohistories, together withshamanic historical consciousness, convey agency as their tellers reactualise mythsin specic historical contexts and blend myth and history to obliterate dominanthistory, appropriate the past and present it in a new way and create a future wherenatives will be historys spiritual victors. Indigenous myths incorporate outsidersnot only to reduce them to the structure of myth, but to rehistoricise and politicisemythsinnewcontexts(HughJones1988, SantosGranero2007, Cepek2010).InRosas mythohistory, non-Mapuchecharacters suchas theChileancolonelGregorio Urrutia and the German settler Juan Schleyer, as well as events in theMapuches nineteenth-century history of subjugation to the Chilean and Argentinestates, play central roles.Theblendingof mythandhistorycreatestheconditionsfor thehistoricalagencyof mythicalbeings, spirits andhumansalike(Rappaport1998,Salomon1999, p. 37, Fausto and Heckenberger 2007). Mapuche shamanic mythohistoriesdrawonthenotionofspiritual agencytoexpressthetransformativenatureofMapuchepersonhoodandidentity. Asweshall see, bymythologisingthemenintheSchleyerfamilyasonegigantic,long-livedsorcererwhoproducedchaosbyusurpingMillalislandandlocalspiritsandbymimickingRosasshamanicpowers, the people of Millali construe the Chilean states subjugation of them assorcery.BymythologisingRosaastherestorerofcosmicorderatamomentofradical socio-economic and political reorganisation and ethnic intermixing, theyregainspiritualcontrolovertheirlandandspiritbeingsandrecreatetheircom-munitys place in a new historical context. Through this process, both Rosa andSchleyer become mythological beings with spiritual agency and transformationalpower who remain immanent presences in the community. They create historicalcontinuityinaspiralling,cyclical,mythicalprocessoutsideoflinear,historicaltime.Porous boundaries: the linear history surrounding Rosas storyFrombeforethearrivalofSpaniardsinChileinthesixteenthcenturyuntiltheMapuches ultimate defeat in the late nineteenth century, Mapuche people foughta prolonged guerrilla war that included internal factionalism and shifting alliances.Two main rival Mapuche factions existed throughout this time and played a cen-tral role in the history of the south-central valleys. The Nagche faction controlledthewesternpart oftheprovincesofAraucoandAraucana. Farthersouth, theWenteche faction controlled the eastern Andean foothills in Araucana (cf. Bengoa1991,GuevaraandMakelef2002,Pvez2003).TheNagcheledtheMapucheinsurrection against the Spaniards through the 1700s (Rodriguez 2001, p. 84), butwhen Chile became independent from Spain in 1810, they sought to negotiate withthe new government and integrate into Chilean society. In contrast, the Wentechecontinued to ght the Chileans, attempting to make them respect the treaties theMapuche had signed with the Spaniards.Inthe eighteenthandnineteenthcenturies, manyyoungMapuche of theWenteche faction among them Rosas father, Kurin travelled to the ArgentineDownloaded by ["University at Buffalo Libraries"] at 06:15 16 January 2013 6 A.M. BacigalupoPampasandPatagoniatoescapetheEuropeanswars. Rosasmotherprobablyarrived with the rst wave of German immigrants who came to the provinces ofBuenos Aires, Neuqun and Ro Negro beginning in 1870, seeking land. In 1872,Kurin and other Mapuche invaded Buenos Aires (Rausch 1999, p. 42). One manfromMillali argued that Rosas mother was taken captive at this time: The cacique[Kurin] expropriated Rosas mother in Buenos Aires. He saw she was pretty andstole her on the rump of his horse. She became his wife, and nine months laterRosa was born.After the Mapuche were defeated in Argentina in 1879 and in Chile in 1881,members of several lineages of both the Wenteche and Nagche factions moved tothe Quepe area, escaping fromcolonists who took over their communities. In 1884,theChileangovernmentcompleteditspacicationoftheMapuchebyforcingthemontoreservations,someofwhichbecamethecommunitiesofMillaliandits neighbours. In 1885, well before the people of Millali had been constituted asacommunityandgrantedtheirlandtitles(whichdidnotoccuruntil1909),theChilean government auctioned off 90% of Millalis most fertile land to colonists mostly Chileans, but also a German settler named Juan Schleyer (18401925). Hewas the rst German coloniser in the vicinity of Temuco and is still celebrated inChilean national discourse for bringing civilisation to the area. In 1885, Schleyerbought huge expanses of land around Quepe, including the Millali hill. He builtthetownofFreireanditsrailroadstation,ranaprotablelumberbusinessandbecame the local railroad superintendent and the rst mayor of Freire.The reservation system produced a radical reorganisation of Mapuche systemsof power and authority. The former lifestyle of mobility and neolocality enjoyed bymembers of allied patrilineages occupying limitless land was no longer possible,for the reservations had precise boundaries, and Mapuche people could not obtainnew land (Stuchlik 1976, Bengoa 2000, Pinto 2000). During pre-reservation times,themostcompetentsonofalongko, orcommunityhead, inheritedhisfathersposition. A longko controlled the distribution of land within his community andled its ngillatun, collective prayers and sacrices to request well-being, abundanceandprotection.Machi,orshamans,inheritedtheirpowersthroughthemothersside of the family, often through a maternal grandmother. Families who producedmachiandlongkoheldprestigeandpoweroverthosewhodidnot(Bacigalupo2007).The reservation system created three parallel lines of authority in the south-central valleys. In the secular one, an elected president manages the communityand negotiates with the government over issues such as land claims. In Millali, theCalfuir and Huenchuir families, descendants of the pre-reservation longko, takeon the roles of president and associated administrative ofcials. The second line ofauthority rests on longko, who hold local political authority and power, althoughthe introduction of the secular administration has eroded some of their ability tonegotiatewithlongkofromothercommunities(Mallon2009, Martnez2009).Longkoarechosenfortheirknowledgeandoratorical ability, whichtheygainthrough dreams and visions, and they both organise ngillatun rituals and performDownloaded by ["University at Buffalo Libraries"] at 06:15 16 January 2013 Identities: Global Studies in Culture and Power 7priestlyroles. OntheMapuchecoast, alongthecordillera, andinthesouthernvalleys, in contrast, ngenpin (masters of the word) perform priestly roles duringngillatun rituals (Foerster 1985, Bacigalupo 1995, Dillehay 2007, Course 2012).Machiformathirdlineofauthorityonthebasisoftheirroleasintermediarieswith spirit beings. They, too, are hired to perform ngillatun. In Millali, a good dealof tension and competition exists between machi and longko over the performanceof these rituals (Bacigalupo 1995, 2010).AnothersourceofconictduringRosaKurinslifetimewasMapuchepeo-pleschangingviewofethnicintermixingandparticipationinChileansociety.Previously, Mapucheviewedmestizajeas aneffectivestrategyfor expandingalliancesandpower andfor subduingpowerful foreignerswhoparticipatedintheirculturalframework.Likemanyothernativepeoples,theMapuchetwellwithLvi-Strausssnotionofopennesstotheother(1991), inthesensethatself-realisationisonlypossiblethroughtheknowledge, incorporationandtheembodiment of the points of view of both human and non-human others. Socialotherness remains a central concern in indigenous representations of the past (Hill1988, p. 10). By becoming like the others, even if only partially, natives believetheywill understand, pacifyandestablishsocial relationswiththemandhaveaccess to their things and powers (Vilaca 2006, p. 512, Gow 2007, Santos Granero2009b).The loss of land to Chilean and German landlords, however, along with dis-criminationagainstMapucheonthepartofChileanauthorities,begantomakebeing Chilean non-Mapuche (wingka), American or European (gringo) and evenmestizo(champurrea) highlysuspect inMillali. Mapuchebegantolimit theiropenness to the other in order to avoid becoming like wingka. By 1930, someMapuche, inspired by the Mapuche leader Manuel Aburto Panguilef, had begunto draw on essentialist notions of ethnic identity based on blood in order to pro-tect themselves from assimilation. Other Mapuche sought ways to participate inChileansocietyonequalterms(Menard2003, MenardandPavez2007, p. 51,Crow 2010, Mallon 2010).InthecommunitiesaroundQuepe(includingMillali),membersofdifferentMapuche factions and lineages mixed with one another, with Chilean non-MapuchepeopleandwithpeopleofrecentEuropeanorigin.TheMapuchehadbeendefeatedin war, lost manyof their people,their land andtheir power, andwerebeingforcedtoadjustrapidlytoanewwayoflife.Theresultingturmoil,political competition and ethnic interaction would be a part of Rosa Kurins lifeand legacy in Millali.Hybrid identities and complex afliations in Rosas timeThe people I consulted in Millali believed that at the time of Rosas arrival there,the spirit of a powerful, deceased shaman roamed the community, seeking some-one to initiate as a new machi, in whom his spirit would be reborn. One man toldmethatamemberofthedeceasedsfamilydreamedthatthespiritsaid,IamDownloaded by ["University at Buffalo Libraries"] at 06:15 16 January 2013 8 A.M. Bacigalupoleaving very sad because I looked to the north, the south, the east, and the westand I didnt nd any good men or women [to choose as a machi].. . . But thatspiritcontinuedwanderingaroundandnallyseizedRosa. Sheunderstoodthespirits.Rosawasagoodcandidatefortheshamanicspirit tochoose, fortworea-sons. First, she had spiritual power drawn from what we could call the Patagonianshamanic-military complex her fathers Kurin lineage and the whole tradition ofWenteche warriors who possessed supernatural powers that were superior to thoseof their Nagche rivals. Mapuche believes that charismatic nineteenth-century lead-ers such as Kurin used newen, or life force derived from ancestors, spirit animalsand special stones, to make rain and become invincible warriors and persuasiveorators. Stones are particularly important sources of the power of newen becausethey are petried shamans and ancestors who continue to grant powers to livinghumans. Rosa, when she arrived in Millali as a child, already possessed the powerof her fathers thunder stone.The second reason Rosa made a likely choice as a machi was her mixed eth-nicity, which placed her in a condition of otherness. People of mixed gringo andMapuche descent are thought to possess special powers because they see the worldas insiders and outsiders; Rosa was only one of several blonde or red-haired, blue-eyedGerman-Mapuchemachi inAraucana(VicuaMackenna1939, Bengoa1991). Machi seekstogainpowerandknowledgefromthedeceasedspiritsofpowerful peoplesuchasothermachi andlongko, whoareconsiderednonhu-man social outsiders because they are no longer living (Viveiros de Castro 1998,p.482).Rosawasconsideredclosertotherealmofthedeadthanotherpeoplewerebecauseshewasanethnicoutsider, hadnoconsanguinealrelativesinthecommunity, and, as a shaman she could move among the perspectives and identi-ties of humans, animals, spirits, insiders and outsiders without losing her conditionasaMapuchehuman.Therefore,shecouldmediatewithdeceasedspiritsmoreeffectively than other people in Millali could.PeopleinMillali believedthat becauseofhermixedethnicity, Rosacouldmimic and magically appropriate the power of Germans and make it part of herpractice as a Mapuche shaman. Domingo Katrikura explained,ThemixofMapuchewithGermanorMapuchewithwingkacomesoutwaytoointelligent and powerful. . . because the wingka is quick in his reactions and has thepower of wealth, political connections, and the magical ability to work all the time. . .and the Mapuche is spiritual and has the power of the ancestors and the land. Thatswhy Rosa was so powerful. All of those powers were part of her machi practice.Yet despite her mixed ethnic heritage, Rosa was considered Mapuche because shelivedandwasraisedwithMapuche. AlbertoHuenchuirsaid, Rosasthought[rakiduam], [her] mentality, was Mapuche because she was raised Mapuche, eventhoughherbloodwasmixed. Anothermanadded: Shewasbrought upasaMapuchesoshecouldbecomeamachi. [She]wasjustasMapucheasanyoneDownloaded by ["University at Buffalo Libraries"] at 06:15 16 January 2013 Identities: Global Studies in Culture and Power 9elseinMillali.Mapuche,likeAmazonians,believethatconsubstantialitythesharing of a common nature, of substances, affect and memories is generated byproximity, intimate living, commensality, mutual care and the desire to becomekin (Vilaa 2002, p. 352). Rosa spent her life learning how to balance her alterity,as an ethnic outsider and a shaman with spirit kin, with her identity as a MapuchewhomarriedintoMillali. WhenRosawasinhertwentiesshemarriedIgnacioHuenchuir, a member of that prominent local Wenteche family. The two had nochildren of their own, but Rosa bore six children by other men, which gave hera circle of relatives in Millali. Present-day community members explained to methat all of Rosas offspring were legitimised as children of Ignacio Huenchuir,and all but one of them used the Huenchuir family name. People in Millali didnot condemnRosa. Theyacceptedhersexual opennessonthegroundsofheralterity:shewasahalf-Germanshaman. MapucheinChileandArgentinadur-ingthenineteenthcenturyintermarriedfreelywithoutsidersandhadnonotionofracialorethnicpurity(Bengoa1991,pp.111,369).Theystressedrelationalidentities over those of blood kinship and drew on inclusive discourses of ethnic-ity.Theyassignedparticularprestigetonon-Mapuchewives,whosepurportedsexual skills brought social wealth, power and prestige to their husbands (Brooks2008, p. 255). People in Millali celebrated Rosas various liaisons as auspiciousbecause her mixed ethnicity created kinship ties between Germans and Mapuchefrom Chile and Argentina, and her kinship with spirits would bring well-being tothe community.Rosaformedoneofhermost important allianceswiththeChileancolonelGregorioUrrutia, wholedthenal militarycampaignagainst theMapucheinAraucana. Between1877and1883, Urrutiafoundedmanyfortsandtownsinstrategic places in Araucana, in order to put down Mapuche rebellions, mark thesovereignty of the Chilean state over Mapuche land and facilitate communicationandtransportationbetweenChileanenclaves(Urrutia1882).Yet,healsoseemsto havehelda strong sympathytowards the Mapuche,andhis relationshipwiththe Chilean government was conicted. He fathered one of Rosa Kurins children,Benito Huenchuir. People I talked to in Millali credited Rosa with transformingUrrutia into a supporter of their community who learned from her to accept machipractice.In1882, UrrutiahadFort Freirebuilt inaplacecalledRukaamku, atopMillali hill. Although Urrutia justied the construction to the Ministry of War bysaying that it allowed him to control the adjacent valley, the place had no economicorstrategicmilitaryvalue(Urrutia1882).Instead,itheldtremendoussymbolicimportance for the community. It was in Rukaamku that the rst ngillatun ritualsto ensure fertility and providence were performed in Millali, and it was there thatRosa received her shamanic powers. People in Millali today believe that Urrutiarecognised the spiritual signicance of Rukaamku and built Fort Freire there toprotect Rosas shamanic powers and the communitys spiritual places.In 1950, the Wenteche families of Millali split into competing factions. OnewasledbytheHuenchuirandCalfuirfamiliesandtheotherbytheMillairDownloaded by ["University at Buffalo Libraries"] at 06:15 16 January 2013 10 A.M. Bacigalupofamily.Allthreefamiliesbelongedtothelineageofthefox(ngru),ananimalthat Mapuche people see as a trickster, as a mediator between the living and thedead, and sometimes as a witch. Some people in Millali attributed the split to thefox lineages conictive, trickster nature. Others attributed it to conicts betweenthe Millair and Huenchuir families over the leadership of the community andover community land, which had been further reduced by the Chilean governmentin 1947.Rosa, bythat time77, wasdevastatedbythesplit, whichwouldcontinuethrough 2004, and she refused to perform any more rituals. One day in 1955, shedecided to die. Her granddaughter Norma recalled,I was a baby [at the time], but my mother explained that Rosa didnt suffer at all.She asked that they bathe her and change her clothes. She began to play her drum[kultrung] softly because she didnt have strength. And she sat up and fell asleep.Inaveryshorttime,heridentityandlifestorybegantopassintotherealmofmyth.The mythologising of RosaImmediatelyafterRosasdeath, herfamilyandneighboursinMillali begantomemorialiseherasalarger-than-lifegure, mergingherlifestorywithcosmicevents in Mapuche mythology. The family had carved on her gravestone the words,Rosa Kurin died at the age of one hundred and ten. Remembrance by her son andgrandchildren.Thenumber110placesherinamythicaltimeframe,forwhenpeople in Millali want to speak about events or people of a different time or cycle,they say more than a hundred years ago. The number ten (mari) refers to powerand victory. Rosas descendants had no interest in locating her in linear time byincluding her birth and death dates on the gravestone, as is customary in Chileancemeteries.After Rosas death, people in Millali associated her with the sacred boldo treeon the Millali hill. Alejandro Huenchuir said, Her power was there. We heardbabies[associatedwithfertility] crying[there] andsawtwobeautiful metawe[ceramic vessels] that then disappeared. In 1995, Enrique Huenchuir cut downthe boldo tree to create a eucalyptus plantation. He died shortly afterward. His sonJorgebecamelameinhisleftlegandedMillali,nevertoreturn.Communitymembers interpreted these events as proof of Rosas continued spiritual presenceand her punishment of those who transgressed shamanic lore.Ultimately, the mythologisation of Rosa became bound up in much larger, evencosmicissues.InthemythohistoricalnarrativestoldinMillali,cosmicdisorderresultedfromtheappropriationofthepoweroftheMillalihillbytheGermancolonist Juan Schleyer, and only Rosas shamanic strength saved the communityfrom destruction. Schleyer acquired the hill after Urrutia left Millali in 1885, whenDownloaded by ["University at Buffalo Libraries"] at 06:15 16 January 2013 Identities: Global Studies in Culture and Power 11the fort he had built at Rukaamku became a military camp used to protect theinterests of wingka and German colonisers. One man explained thatthegringo[Schleyer]wasfriendswiththemilitaryandcametotakeallthegoodland and threw out all the Mapuche. These lands are now part of the farm owned bythe Schleyer-Roth family, and the amku and Nawelpi [the families who had livedat Rukaamku] dont even have a place to raise two cows.In acquiring the hill, Schleyer expropriated two sites of enormous signicance tothe people of Millali: Rukaamku, the ancestral place of origin, and, adjacent toit, an old cemetery called Rga Platawe, where Mapuche buried jewellery, ceramicvessels and gold coins among the deep roots of a hollowlaurel tree. By taking theseplaces,Mapuchesay,Schleyerstolethewealth,powerandresourcesofMillali.Inlocalmythohistory,hedidsobyimitatingmachiRosaandtrickingthelocaldwarves (kofkeche) who guarded Millalis treasures. Combining accounts told tome by people in Millali in 2007, the story goes like this.Before, people from Millali got gold from the hill and river and also accumu-latedgoldcoins.Theydidnottrustthebank,sotheyburiedtheirgoldatRgaPlatawe, anddwarvesguardedittoincreasethewealthoftheMillali hill. TheMapuche also buried their dead there with jewels and treasures. Machi Rosa askedthe dwarves to give her some gold from the river to buy a horse for the ngillatunritual, for everyones benet, and they gave it to her. Schleyer saw this, and whenhe bought the Millali hill and made it his farm, he copied Rosa and tricked thedwarves. He told them to give him gold so that everyone in the community wouldbenet. So the dwarves allowed gold to swim into his pans in the river. Schleyermade a gold mine on the farm, and the dwarves worked underground and broughthim the gold through a well in his house. But Schleyer tricked them; the gold wasonlyforhim.SchleyerputalockonthefarmsgatesothatnoMapuchecouldlook for gold there anymore.In a letter to the National Corporation for Indigenous Development(Corporacin Nacional de Desarrollo Indgena) dated 31 August 2007, the peopleof Millali wrote that the loss of Rga Platawe caused confusion and shortages inthe community because we lost all our wealth and power. In their political econ-omyoflife(SantosGranero2009a),Mapuchebelievesthatthevitallifeforcethat animatestheuniverseisnite, scarceandunequallydistributed. Mapuchehave experienced gringos theft of this life force through territorial dispossessionand the extraction of gold and timber from their former land. According to thisperception, gringos not only exploit, dispossess, enslave and kill natives (Varese1973, Brown 1984), but also harass natives with their evil powers (Santos GraneroandBarclay2011, pp. 155, 158). OnemanfromMillalicomplained, NowtheGermans own the hill and have taken its power. Thats why they are wealthy andinvincible.InRosasmythohistory,theindividualistic,capitalisticintentionsofthe gringo transformed the dwarves (normally helpers of the ngen, or spirit mastersof ecosystems) and other spirits into evil beings who sucked the labour, blood andDownloaded by ["University at Buffalo Libraries"] at 06:15 16 January 2013 12 A.M. Bacigalupolife force from Mapuche. One Mapuche woman said, All the ngen are dominatedby Schleyer. Thats why his land is so fertile and ours is so poor.Thegringo, Schleyer, representedanewformof alterityfor MapucheinMillalithatrequirednewmediators(thedwarves)andnewformsofmediation(helping, guarding and enslavement). In Mapuche mythology, the devils serpentsusuallyguardtreasuresfor Mapucheor grant thempower andwealthif theyfeedmilktotheserpents. InRosasmyth, it isdwarvesnon-humanbeingswithout ethnicitywhoguardthetreasuresof Millali. InChileanmythology,dwarves aremischievous beings whotrickpeople, appear anddisappear andhavenoloyaltytoanyone(Dannemann1998). Today, Mapuchehaveincorpo-rateddwarves intotheir ontologybothas shamans helpers andassorcerersmessengers. Rosasmythincorporatesdwarvesnot onlyasguardiansof trea-surebut alsoasmediatorsbetweentheshamanRosaandthengenspiritsandbetween the sorcerer Schleyer and the ngen spirits. Ultimately, when Rosa recov-ersthespiritual powersof Millali, thedwarvesbecomeher helpers. Dwarvesexpresstheshiftingcontextualconstructionofethnicity, identityandalterityinMillali.One way to understand the story of the dwarves is through Michael Taussigsnotion of mimesis, which is the magical replication of the beings, objects, ritualsorpracticesofpowerfulothersinordertoobtaintheirpower(Taussig1993,p.xviii),whileerasingthememoryofthatappropriationandtherebynegatingthepower of the other (Santos Granero 2007, p. 59). People in Millali believed thatby mimicking Rosa to become partially and temporarily like her in order to trickthe dwarves, Schleyer reversed the notion that the dominated mimic the alterityof the dominators in an attempt to appropriate their power (Taussig 1993). As agringo and the legal owner the Millali hill, Schleyer held economic and politicalpower over the people of Millali. But it was only when Schleyer mimicked Rosasshamanic rituals that her spiritual power became his own and he was able to obtaingold from the Millali hill. Rosa had asked the dwarves for gold to nance a ritualfor the collective good. Schleyer inverted this economy of power, keeping the goldfor himself and locking out the local Mapuche.In sharp contrast to Chilean national narratives about Schleyers role in bring-ing civilisation and progress, the people of Millali t himinto their mythohistory inthe context of sorcery and making pacts with the devil an act widely attributedto patrones throughout Latin America (Gould 1990, p. 30, Edelman 1994). Theintermittent light emitted by the lanterns on Schleyers carriage as he visited hisproperties at night became evil reballs (cherrufe) that accompany the devil andhissorcerersontheirnightlyvoyages(MunicipalityofFreire1983, pp. 1011,15). People in Millali believe members of the Schleyer family used reballs andthe chon-chon, a ying sorcerers head, to coerce their workers. One man said,The lantern of the old gringo, we call it chon-chon because it ies at night to scareus. Ever since the gringo traveled on his properties at night, the cherrufe have beencoming down the hill to bother us at night and make sure we obey him.Downloaded by ["University at Buffalo Libraries"] at 06:15 16 January 2013 Identities: Global Studies in Culture and Power 13PeopleinMillali collapsedtheidentityofJuanSchleyerintothoseofhissonCarlos, his grandson-in-law Uwe Roth-Schleyer, and other descendants. Then theymythologisedthegringo asonepowerful, giganticsorcerer, Schleyer, whomade a pact with the devil to become powerful and wealthy in exchange for thelives of his family members. One man from Millali elaborated: He is a giant thathas magical powers he gets from a brown square bread [pumpernickel] given tohimbythedevil, andthatswhyhecanworkdayandnightplantingtreesandtilling the land and taking its gold. Mapuche in Millali portrayed the devil whoworked for Schleyer as a huge man who comes down from the farm to do sor-cery in Millali and with the witranalwe spirit, a long, thin Spanish man mountedon a horse. In this mythologised image, Schleyer becomes the epitome of the feu-dal,coloniallandlordwhotookMapucheland,exploitedMapucheworkersandraped Mapuche women. One woman in Millali elaborated, The giant Schleyer isveryblondeandthatswhyhethinkslikethedevil.Hewantsalltheriches,allthe land, all the power. He doesnt have animals on half share like us. He doesnthelp the neighbor. He gives nothing. He takes it all. In this perspective, Schleyerpretended to be human and mimicked human habitus, but his real essence was thatof a multi-natural sorcerer who could not be trusted.Despite these images, in other contexts people in Millali viewed the historicalJuan Schleyer as a human being with a body like theirs. During his lifetime theysought to ally with him to gain his protection and favours, and later they devel-oped favourable views of him and his living descendants as honest landlords whohelped the community through the paternalistic institution of patronage (patron-azgo). WhatevertheymayhavethoughtofthehistoricalSchleyer, MapucheinMillali made the mythologised version of him the agent of cosmic chaos broughtby colonisation. Correspondingly, they recreated Rosa Kurin as a mythical machiwho retook the spiritual power of Millali from Schleyer and restored cosmic orderand meaning to their world through ritual intervention. They merged the events ofthe early 1900s, including a ood that struck the community in 1933, into cyclicaltime by incorporating them into the mythical conict between the earth serpent,Trengtreng (associated with the east, the Andes and life), and the water serpent,Kai-Kai (associated with the west, the Pacic Ocean and death).AccordingtopeopleinMillali, thelossof their sacredhill, therealmofTrengtreng, caused such cosmic disorder that in 1933 the water serpent, Kai-Kai,triedtodestroytheworldwithaood. OnlyritualactionbyRosarestoredthebalance between the two serpents and saved the community. Alberto Huenchuir,relating the story as handed down from his grandfather, said,The hill burst open like a motor pump spewing water everywhere. Even the horseswere knocked over. There was a huge wind, huge rain for many days. It almost turnedtheworldaround. . ..Therewasthunder,andevilstarted.Thestarsfellontotheearth,andagiganticbullwithabronzebellcamedownfromabovewithclouds.ThishappenedinfrontofLeanshouse.Everyonesawit. . ..Rosaclimbedthehillandsacricedtwosheepandhungthemonthesacredboldotreetocalmthewaters.The thunderandlightningpossessed her. . .. Alot of peoplegottogetherDownloaded by ["University at Buffalo Libraries"] at 06:15 16 January 2013 14 A.M. Bacigalupoto pray, all wet. . . . We were surrounded by water, and people from another com-munity screamed, asking us if we were alive or dead. Rosa said, We are going todo a ngillatun. Everyone must cover themselves with white cloth, white wool, andfollow the white horses at the front. And this is how we are going to calm the furyof the water [Kai-Kai] and the hill [Trengtreng]. Rosa oated in the water while sheprayed, and little by little the water subsided. All the ngen, the forces, obeyed her.My father said thats how my grandfather told it.In this mythohistorical narrative, community members identify Rosa with ashamanic spirit fromprimordial time (rf kuy) and associate her with theMapuchedelugemyth,whichtells ofaoodproducedbythestrugglebetweenTrengtreng and Kai-Kai.ManyMapuchebelievethechaos producedbythedelugeis periodicallyrepeated. For thepeopleof Millali, RosaKurinbecameahistoricalmythical,archetypal machi because she was able to draw on the powers of the good earthserpenttodefeattheevilwaterserpentandre-establishbalanceinthecosmos.People in Millali believe that after Rosa restored order in the world, the relation-ship between Schleyer, the devil, the dwarves and other spirits changed radically.They say that Schleyer had initially tricked the devil by feeding him the lives of hisMapuche workers instead of those of his family members. When the devil realisedthis, he turned against Schleyer, killing his adult sons in violent accidents in orderto feed on their blood. One man explained,Mapuche who work in the Schleyer house dont last very long. At around midnight[the time of the devil], the patron would appear. Then the Mapuche would suffer badluck and die. . . . When the devil realized [this], he possessed the nephew of UweRoth-Schleyer from Germany and made him shoot his cousin. . . and Uwes otherson was galloping on his horse when the devil put a barbed wire between two treesand decapitated him.The dwarves and spirits in Millali who had been tricked by Schleyer during thecycleof chaosnowtrickedhim. InJanuary2010, HernanHuenchuir smiledsmuglyashepointedtotwopitsdugbythegringoatthebaseofthehollowlaurel tree in the old cemetery of Rga Platawe: The gringo saw the laurel treeshining at night, and he thought he would nd the gold buried there. He brought amachine to detect gold and started digging but found nothing. The dwarves showedhim the treasures and then made them disappear, mocking him. . . . The metawe[ceramic vessels] with gold coins are buried deep among the roots of the laureltree, and the dwarves make them move under the ground, so the gringo will nevercatch them.Mythohistory, identity and agencyMapuche shamans, as the mythohistory of Rosa Kurin shows, do have a historicalconsciousness,andtheirphenomenologicaltruehistory,basedontheembod-iment of spiritsandforces, allowsthemtomediatebetweendifferent worlds,Downloaded by ["University at Buffalo Libraries"] at 06:15 16 January 2013 Identities: Global Studies in Culture and Power 15identities and beings. Their shamanichistorical consciousness is made intelligi-ble to ordinary people through the narration of mythohistories, which become ameans for conveying native historical agency based on the transformative capaci-ties of spiritual power. And because mythohistories construe the spiritual agency ofnatives as superior to the political agency of dominators, they can narratively oblit-erate dominant history, reverse colonial dynamics of subordination and mimicryand create new worlds and histories.Mythohistoriesareuseful becausetheyconciliatethetensionthat existsinanthropologybetweenwhatFrankSalomon(1999)referredtoastheothernessofIndianhistoryandtherecognitionofindigenouspeopleshistorical agency.Mythohistoriesareradicallyother, notbecausetheyareisolatedfrom dominantandindigenousethnichistories, but becausetheysubject themtoashamaniclogic by which human and non-human beings act as historical agents and nativesbecome the victors. Furthermore, mythohistories are able to reconcile many dif-ferent kinds of rural and urban representations of the past life histories, kinshiphistories,ethnicnationalhistories,mythsanddominanthistoriesinnarrativesthat contest thelogicofdominant national history. Bymediatingbetweenandcombiningcyclical, mythicalregistersandlineal, historicalones, nativescreatespiral histories along which people and events both repeat themselves and movethroughtime. Mythohistoriesaredeeplyhistoricalinthattheyincorporateout-sidersandnarratetheradicalchangespeoplehavesufferedovertime, buttheydo so in ways that erase natives traumatic histories of subordination to dominantoutsiders. At the same time, natives subject dominant historical narratives, char-actersandeventstonativespiral narratives, mythical structuresandontologiesof becoming. Indigenous people are capable of simultaneously obliterating trau-matic history and registering it in a new ritual form (Severi 2000, Fausto 2007)or, in the Mapuchecase, in new mythohistorical narratives. Mythohistories alsoshowthatnativesmediatetherelationshipbetweenalterity,identityandagencythroughthesimultaneoususeofmultiplemodesofincorporationandtransfor-mation of the other. By incorporating the other via appropriation, commensality,sex, childbearing, marriage, ctive kinship and the internalising of colonial hierar-chies, indigenous people become themselves and effect historical agency, gainingthe power of the other in their marginalised world.Rosas mythohistory is rife with ambiguities that help people in Millali makesense of their lives, their humanity, their relationships to others and their mestizaje.Viveiros deCastro (1998)arguesthat alterity, not identity,was the defaultstateinAmazonia,butamongMapucheinMillalithetwoalternatewitheachother.Rosa,althoughsheistheheroineofthestorybecauseofthewaysheusesherMapuche shamanic powers, is part German and creates a very benecial allianceby having a child with the Chilean Urrutia. During her lifetime she is transformedfrom a position of alterity (as a German and a shaman) to one of identity with kin(as a Mapuche wife, mother and person who protects the community). After herdeath she is transformed back to a position of alterity (as a mythological Mapucheshaman), although her identity with kin remains through her immanent presenceDownloaded by ["University at Buffalo Libraries"] at 06:15 16 January 2013 16 A.M. Bacigalupointhecommunity.Rosasmythohistoryshowshowsubjectscontinuouslymovebetween celebrating alterity in order to gain power and domesticating differencein order to identify with kin and gain a sense of belonging.The transformational agency of mythohistories has ontological implica-tions that are central tothe anthropological endeavour andtothe agencyofnatives. Ontologies, not epistemologies, have become anthropologists true objects(Argyrou 1999) because we recognise that native discourses speak primarily aboutthe world, not just about the native society and mind (Viveiros de Castro 2003).Mapucheresistancemovementsuseshamansandtheirdrumsastheirsymbolsand have fostered an increasing shamanization of indigenous identities (Conklin2002, p. 1058) and a politicisation of shamanic roles. Shamanic notions of powerbased on spirits, life force and traditional knowledge rather than on political ide-ologies have become central to Mapuche ethnic politics (Bacigalupo 2004). Andshamanic mythohistories enable Mapuche to create new ontologies of becoming.Mapuche create themselves as beings with inherent, superior spiritual agency whocreate better world for themselves. In their new world, Mapucheobliterate theirhistory of subjugation to dominant outsiders, Chilean temporality, Mapuche mor-talityandtheoblivionoftheMapuchepast. ByrememberingRosaandtellingherstorythroughnativeontologyandagency, thepeopleofMillali attempt togain control over their present and future. By challenging their traumatic historythrough Rosas superior spiritual powers and morality, and by making her presenceimmanent in the community, they hope to achieve equality and immortality. Thisnew world of hope allows people in Millali to move away from internal conictsand factionalism to create a form of historical consciousness that promotes groupsolidarity and agency and that has the potential for political mobilisation.AcknowledgmentsTheresearchfor thisarticlewasmadepossiblethankstofundingfromtheSchool ofAdvanced Research in Santa Fe and the Humanities Institute at the University at Buffalo. Ibegan work on this article as a 20092010 Fellow at the National Humanities Center fundedbytheNationalEndowmentfortheHumanitiesandtheRockefellerFoundationandn-ished it as a fellow at the Harvard Radcliffe Institute for Advanced Study. 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