music in the streets

8/8/2019 Music in the Streets

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Music in the Streets: The Example of Washington Square Park in New York CityAuthor(s): Paolo PratoSource: Popular Music, Vol. 4, Performers and Audiences (1984), pp. 151-163Published by: Cambridge University PressStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/853361

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Musicin the streets:the exampleof WashingtonSquarePark n New YorkCityby PAOLO PRATOIntroductionNon b bello quel che e bello, ma e bello quel che piaceBeautyis in the eye of the beholder (Proverb)Music has always been partof streetlife. Taking t off the streetsandbringingit into enclosed spaces is a relativelyrecentexperiencebut ithas profoundly changed the way music is perceived and evaluated.'Afterartmusic moved indoors, streetmusic has become an objectofincreasing scorn' (Schafer1980, p. 66). However, although discour-aged by the new sonorities that appeared with the IndustrialRevolution and the new comfortof home-reproduciblemusic, streetmusic has not disappeared:on the contrary, t is tending to reinvadethe urban scene, in forms both old and new.Once, music heard in the streets offeredunique experiences.For along time it had been the only music which could reach the poorerlayers of society. In VictorianLondon, Germanbrass bands, hurdy-gurdies, barrel organs and barrelpianos were 'perambulatingcon-servatoiresteaching the masses the most acceptedmusic of the day'(Chambers'ournal,881, quoted Pearsall1973, p. 194). Nowadays,music in the street is a recyclingof what has alreadybecome familiarthrough the electronicmedia. The street changes its function:frombeing a workshop of knowledge it has become a testing-ground. InJakobson's erms, music in the streetno longerperformsreferentialoraesthetic functions: it performs primarilymetalingual, phatic andconative functions.*Its purpose is no longer that of inventing a codebut rather that of checking it. However, if we take together all'informal'music practices those takingplacein open publicspaces-as distinguished from 'formal'music practices those takingplace inenclosed spaces- we areable to establishsomerecurring imilaritiesnthe former,notwithstandingthe many changes undergone by them.* In Jakobson'smodel of communication,referential unctionsare oriented towardsextrinsicmeaning('content'),aestheticones towards ntrinsicmeaning ('themessagefor its own sake');metalingual unctionshave to do with checkingcomprehensionofthe code ('do you understand?'),phaticfunctionswith making contact('hello'),andconative functionswith ordering,addressing or instigatingaction('hey, you . . .').

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152 Paolo PratoAs far as texts (musicalworks) are concerned, there is in street musicalways an interchange between 'trivial'and 'art' music, and the waythese are performedoften suggests an actualequalityof 'status', due toa homogenising of performing practices: of gesturing and timbres(think of barrel piano or accordion). The musical narrative s for themost part shaped by the need for ready appeal, and an emphasis is alsoput on contextualaspects:gestures, clothes, presentationare not mereornaments to music but organise the ways in which it is enjoyed. Incontrast, indoor music requires absolute devotion to the text: musichistory focuses upon texts ratherthan practices.Like all dichotomies,this too understands a hierarchy: history constantly testifies to

attempts at limiting and banning 'outdoor music' because it is noisyand unpleasant. Nevertheless, outdoor music has always existed andonly in our century has it started to disappear. According to MurraySchafer, 'it was not the result of legislative refinement but theinvention of the automobile that muffled the voices of the street cries'(Schafer 1980, p. 67).I argue that formal or indoor music practices, with the strikingexception of discotheques and rock dance halls, are mostly associatedwith questions of time whereas informal, or outdoor, music practicesare mostly associated with questions of space. In Schutz's terms wewould speak of 'inner time' versus outer time'. Music in inner time(duree) s experienced as a meaningful flux by bracketing he universeof everyday life and concentratingupon listening; music in outer timeis, in turn, experiencedas a meaningfulflux because it is not separatedfrom that universe but contiguous to it. In the firstcase memory acts asan interplayof recollectionsand anticipationswhich are internal o themusical discourse; in the second case memory is fertile thanks toextra-musicalevents - for instance, we recollectthe melody of a songbecause we remember its words, dances and marches because theyrelate to body movements. In such a way attention is naturallydistracted by many factors that belong to the ordering of thesurrounding environment. Schaferspeaks of 'unfocused listening' or'peripheralhearing';WalterBenjamin poke of 'distracted eception'. Iam going to examine examples of outdoor music practices n this light;more precisely I am going to deal with practices hat take place in themetropolis, this being the place where outdoormusic exists outside therestrictions fixed by time - calendar exigencies - and space -specialised uses. Thus I will not focus upon music performed duringoutdoor festivals, fairs, political events and religious liturgies - itselfpossessing a certaindegree of formality but ratheron informalmusicpracticeswhich tend to mix with the environment, to be part of it andto be perceived in distraction. Formal music practices, by contrast,


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Musicin thestreets:WashingtonquarePark 153represent interventions on the environment, which entail complete,however ephemeral, redefinitionsof it.UrbanspaceredefinedStreetmusiciansprosperedrightup to the beginningof the twentiethcentury. Theirgradualdisappearancewas due to a lowering of urbansoundscapefidelity(theinventionof the automobile)andtotheadventof new meansof musicalreproduction:hisequipmentsucceedswhereinnumerablelegal actions against them, over severalcenturies, havefailed. Streetmusiciansdid not disappearcompletelybut lost muchoftheirmusicaland socialrelevanceuntil the sixties, when the cultural-politicalturmoil,primarily nvolving the younger generation,led to arebirthof the 'folksinger'as a popularstereotype,able to attractmanyof the new anti-conformist expectations. This type, as a set ofbehavioural patterns, was popularised by the mass media and thesociological effects put in motion both a vast process of musicself-educationconcentratedespecially on the guitar (see Prato1979)and a 'return to the street'. The sixties was the period in whichnomadismbecamea way of life appealingto a greatnumberof youngpeople and the 'folksinger'endowed it with a particulartheatricalaspect. Throughout the sixties and seventies, however, this figuregraduallybecame normalisedand his lonesome, hippie ways becamealmost obsolete: street music was evolving towards an increasingspecialisationof performingmeans.Contemporaryurbanculture n Westernsocietiesis characterised ya growing 'aestheticisation'of lifeanda growing'spectacularisation'furban space. Art and entertainment- among the most productiveinstitutionalisedpractices n a post-modernsociety- areno longertiedto a privilegedtime and space, but tend to disregard hese categories.Put in other words, the Festivitatsgefuhlfeeling of festivity) whichsomehow connotates art, play and entertainment activities, is nolonger definablein terms of time - in the sense that therewas once a'sacred' or 'festive' time as opposed to a 'profane'or 'everyday life'time - but in terms of space: there are spaces where it permanentlydwells (cinemahalls, discotheques, shopping centres, privatehomesprovided with audio and video equipment) and spaces where it isabsent. If, in the ancientand pre-industrialised ity, publicspace waschaotic,its meaningsandfunctionsneeding tobe constantlyredefined(thus, for example, the market square was used for variousoverlappingpurposes), in the moderncity,publicspaceis orderedandits meanings and functions are specialised: activities that might* 'Post-modern' s a termused by Jean-FransoisLyotard see Lyotard1979).


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154 Paolo Pratoformerly have taken place anywhere are now spatially segregated.Thisis to avoidpossiblemisunderstandings n the use of it;the idealis:a place for everythingand everything in its place (see Lofland1973).What I call 'spectacularisation f urbanspace' is a set of operationsthat, in the post-moderncity, tend to transform he spatialorderingofurban public space accordingto aesthetic criteria.BorrowingL. H.Lofland's erminology,we cansaythatsuchtransformations reof twotypes: local and symbolic.Localtransformationsareinterventionsonspace itself and the bodies and objects which cross it; symbolictransformationsare interventionson users' behaviour. Examplesofthe formerwould be politicalevents, religious iturgies,festivals,streettheatre and musicalperformances.Musicplays a primaryrolein suchprocesses of spectacularisation. f,as Levi-Strauss uggests, noise wasassociated in myth-regulated ocietieswith the sacredandsilencewiththe profane, modernsocietieshave turnedthe relationupside down,to the point that excess noise has everywhere to be controlled byregulations.Todaymusic, especiallypopularmusic, is associatedwitha playful and festive characterisationof life and, in the age of itstechnical reproducibility, t tends to infiltrateinto spaces which aretraditionallyalien to it, such as spaces of productionor transit-offices,factories, supermarkets,trains. The diffusion of music outside tradi-tionallyestablishedplacesandmomentsis part of a seductivestrategywhich aims at rendering any human action desirable or, at least,bearable. Time of work, consumption and desire tend to amalga-mate, thus losing their own characteristicraits.Leaving aside those spaces in which the use of music is moreconcerned with a certain'comforting'function (Muzak)than with aspectacularisation,the spaces where music intervenes 'live' as aspectacularelement, so as to reorganisethe perceptionand use of thespaces themselves, arethe areaswhere the ritualof narcissism(publicsquares, parks),the ritualof transit(streets, subway stations, under-groundpassages)andthe ritualof consumptionarecelebrated.Thisisbecomingcommonpractice n the greaturbancentres,whereeven themost habitual behaviours such as transit and rest are susceptibleto spectacularisation.An everyday remapping of the topography of spectacularisablescenes, accounts for their ephemeral character. Not only theirlocalisation s ephemeral:a poeticsof the ephemeralaffects the modesof productionand consumptionof the spectacular vents themselves,that is, they are conceived in such a way as to be fully enjoyed in asituationof haste and distraction.The disappearanceof 'aura'bringsabout what Benjaminhas named 'distractedreception'and Gadamer'aesthetical ndifference',whichdoes awaywiththe 'criticaldifference'


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Music in the streets:WashingtonquarePark 155that has characterised he bourgeois attitude towards art. If art getsback to the world, to its soil (Grund), hen it is to be investigated interms of topological rather than ontological analyses. An extremeconsequence of thiswould be that art s where it is and notwhat it is. Ina post-modernsocietyart loses its criticalpotentialand affirms tself asa blatant,inescapablepresencewithwhich we havelearnedto live (themass media diffuse information,culture and entertainmentall underthe generalcriteriaof 'beauty', that is, the formalattractivenessof theproducts). That is why to talk about art today is to talk about itslocalisation.As I said earlier,musicalstreet performancesbelong more to spacethan to time. They can be viewed as architecturalworks, part of theenvironment. According to Benjamin,architecturehas always pro-vided the prototypeof artworkwhose perceptionoccurs n distraction.Thereare two ways in which to perceiveworks of architecture:actileand optical.Thefirst founds itself upon habit, the second upon shock.It is in a dialecticbetween these two poles that we perceive streetmusic;but my argumentis that the two are not totally separatedandthat a shocking effect can be enjoyed as healthy only if it contains acertainamount ofhabit. Shockgeneratesmarvelonly if it occurswithinhabitualcoordinates, otherwise it generates fear. Shock is tied to anoriginalexperience, one that shakes the standardsof the quotidian.Only weak shocks are possible in a universe of repetition andindifference.Every mage is already mageof itselfand of allothers in ahorizon of counterfeitand simulacra.WashingtonSquareParkas a theatreWashingtonSquarePark n Manhattan,New York,has been chosen asan exampleof open public spacewhichregularlypresents a sufficientlyrepresentativerange of informalmusic events (see Fig. 1). The parkand the centralsquare pedestrianareas functionboth astransitzoneand rest zone, in a high-density touristicneighbourhood.On a typicalsummer afternoonthe parksquare presents itself as a multicolouredcircus-fairwith some fixed numbers, such as the showman who is aconjurer-cum-fire-eater,he juggler, the stand-up comic, the roller-skate, skateboardand freesbeevirtuosiand the variousmusicians: azzand rock banks, folk singers, conservatory students, ethnic musicgroups, steel-bandplayers, etc. Besides this 'official'show, there areindividualcontributions o what amountsto a totaltheatricalisation fthe space, from walkmen, portable radios, cameras. The variousperformancesare distributedalong the perimeterof the squareat anaverage distanceof fifteen to twenty metres fromone another.People


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156 Paolo Prato

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Music in the streets:Washington quarePark 157quently, a street musician must stress other elements, because musicfor its own sake is not sufficient. As a matter of fact, street musicianshave always known this, certainly since the times that gave birth tothe commedia ell'arte: mbulant performerswere not only musiciansbut also stand-up comics, vendors and healers whose first aimwas that of selling a convincing image of themselves. To compensatefor the deficiencies of distracted listening and to appeal to a flowingstream of passers-by,street musiciansoscillatebetween two solutions:virtuosity and familiarity.These do not necessarilyexcludeeach other;however, they representtwo differentstrategies. A virtuosoperform-ance tends to signify its presencewithin he contingent spatio-temporalcoordinates. A medley of familiar unes, on the other hand, tends torelate to absentelements of the socio-culturalcode ratherthan to thepresent materialityof the performance.In other words, thereis here apolarisationbetween a musical experiencewhich displays an emotivefunction (attention is focused upon the subjective aspects of theperformance), and a musical experience which 'tickles' the mostsuperficialzones of the collective imagery,thus displayingprimarilyametalingualfunction(listening is a verificationof one's competenceinthe code) and secondarilyphatic and conative functions (to establishcontact, through a familiarmusic; to produce certain standardeffectson the public). Thereis no communicative unction in the iterationof awell-known BobDylan protest song,* nor does its performance osteran aesthetic effect, for attention is very rarely paid to its textualcharacteristics.Instead, it is the whole event which carriesaestheticconnotations; such expansion, overlapping and speeding up ofperceptions brings about what I should like to call 'aestheticisationofrecollections'. Following the modes of mass culture, there occurs atotally culturalisedmusical experience,where nothing is original buthas already been heard somewhere else; this somewhere is notlocatable (spatiallyor temporally)but is disseminated aroundus like acorporealappendixto our bodies. 'Modern o-fi soundscapepossessesno perspective; rather sounds massage the listener with continualpresence' (Schafer1980, p. 158). Thereforewe should speak of tactilerather than opticalknowledge in this respect. The aestheticisationofrecollections, which sums up the experience of Washington SquarePark, is, then, the perception of habitualand trivial events (sounds,images, gestures) within a spectacular rame that aims at presentingthem as shocking.Maybe the fundamental difference between a piece of musicperformed outdoors and the same piece performed indoors (and* I take 'communicative'as meaning 'referential'; r more precisely, as referringtoverbal language.


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158 Paolo Pratothereforein its 'natural'place) is that the first need not be a faithfulcopyof themodel, as longas itfunctionsas asignof it. As such, today'soutdoor music is not an autonomous experience within the vastermusicpanorama as itwas beforethe adventof electronicmedia - butfindsits guaranteesof success in arereadingofindoormusic. If it is notautonomousfromtheviewpointoftexts, itspeculiaritiesare,however,to be found in its textualpracticesor, in otherwords, in the ways textsarefakedandpresented in a different ight. Forexample, ifa rocksongis performed by the composer, what it may foster is an aestheticappreciationof itself; if the same song is performedoutdoors by anamateurbandusing cheapand low-fidelity nstrumentation,attentionis verylikelyto be focused, not on central actorsofrecognisability themelodic line especially, then harmony and rhythm) but rather onvarious peripheral factors of recognisability(such as arrangement,timbre, comparisons with the original), as well as on the relatedconnotations, social and individual. Again, popular tunes such as'LoveStory'or 'A Manand a Woman'played on a steel drumdo notclaimattention for themselves as texts but as texts presentedby thatparticularensemble instrument performer.They ultimatelyamplifythe meaning of the ensemble and legitimiseits existence;thus, morethan music such tunes are here 'signs' of music.Musical events in Washington Square ParkAlmostall of the events thattakeplace in WashingtonSquareParkareunoriginal. A common itinerarythrough it would be the following:introduced by a Cageanradiomusic - a sort of 'natural'backgroundsound coming from portableradios whose mixing is determinedbyindividualtrajectories you may stop beforea bizarrepairof oil drumlids (called 'steel piano' or 'steel drum') played by a Caribbeanmusician. Instead of presenting ethnic music of his own country, heplays long medleys of evergreentunes (oftenonly theirrefrains) romthe fiftiesandsixties,thuscreatingatonceanatmosphereof familiaritywhich neutralises any possible diffidence towards the exotic-tech-nocraticcharacterof the instrument.Thesurpriseeffectis obtainedbythe encounter between the novelty of the tone and nature of theinstrument,and the familiarityof the musicperformed.Immediately,then, the music event becomes a simulacrum,that is, an image ofmusic. The performerdoes not aim to offer an exclusively aestheticexperiencebut, awareof the distractedreceptionwhich characterisestheback-and-forthlow ofhis public,he aimsatcapturing hispublic nsingle moments:by dividing his performance nto brief, meaningfulunits, which, however, aretied to one another, he facilitatesa mutual


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160 Paolo Pratotechnical virtuosity. Such are the performances of the jazz group,which plays quite regularly in other places as well (for example, infront of the Plaza Hotel). Their style is mostly be-bop; they are asemi-professional group able to attain good results in terms ofensemble and solos. Jazz improvisation s a virtuoso practice oundedupon subjectivity,thus differentiating tself from others hinging uponcliche or the iteration of the known. Admittedly, any of theperformances aken into accountcontain a certaindegree of virtuosity,but this is rarely an end in itself. It is often employed as a means toproduce cheap thrillsor, simply, kitsch effects, as when classicalmusicis tamed according to criteriawhich are proper to popular music or,conversely, when popular music is classicised.*The street is the scene where an indifferent mixing of 'high' and'low' texts, in a homogenising type of approachshaped on the modesof entertainment and play, is most likely to occur. The 'promise ofhappiness', which for Adorno constituted the ultimate meaning ofpopularmusic, seems then to derive fromthe pleasureof recognition:aspeeded-up recognition which includes a collective sharing of therelated connotations. It is the very sharing of connotations - not themere recognition of the tune - which generates this kind of aestheticpleasure, but in a post-modern age, where there is no longer a cleardistinctionbetween a festive and a non-festive time, this does not takethe form of Durkheimianeffervescence. On the contrary, t is a testingoperation whose effect is to lubricatethe circuits of knowledge. JeanBaudrillard alls it the 'seduction of the code'.New listening habitsBorrowing he terminologyof the musicologist and ethnomusicologistMarius Schneider, we can speak of sedentary musicians - those whocome regularly o play, locals- and ambulatorymusicians- those whopass by, travellers.In the same way, we could speak of sedentary andambulatoryways of enjoying music. If there is no need for the formerto be illustrated, the latterreveals itself to be the privileged way of theoutdoors. A different kind of aesthetic pleasure is obtained throughmovement: moving from one attraction o another s like watching TVby continuously switching channel with a telecontrol, somethingalready proposed by the Italianfuturists with respect to cinema (that* See E. Dufaure's record Starsof the Streets,which contains J. S. Bach's Prelude n Eplayed on a marimba,Beethoven'sFurEliseplayed on steel drums, Vivaldi'sTrio n Eminor op. 1 no. 2 played on tuba, violin and vibraphone, Gershwin's 'They alllaughed' and Glenn Miller'sMoonlight erenaderranged or a brass triowith Baroquesonorities.


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Music in the streets: Washington SquarePark 161is, composing one's own movie by entering and leaving a differentcinema hall every five minutes).

Similarly,we can have the experience of walking, running, skating,ridinga bike while rockingwith a 'walkman'or a portableradio. Herethe functionalityof the music attains ts bestresults;as a matterof fact,disco, funk, rap music and the like are best enjoyed through repetitivemovements, so that we should not speak of the 'functionality'ofmusicin relation to movement, but of a perfect ntegrationbetween the two,just as in 'classical music' listening is perfectly integrated with asedentary behaviour. Thisambulatoryway of listening is characterised- in Schafer's erms - by 'immersion'rather han'concentration';whatis experienced is a 'wraparound sound' ratherthan a 'sound from adistance', and its 'presence'eliminates any 'perspective'. Thus musicbecomes, on the one hand, a part of the environment and on the otherhand a part of the body.'In earlier societies the vast majority of sounds were discrete orinterrupted while today the majority are continuous' (Schafer 1973,p. 29).Seeing that the distinctionbetween atime/space of silence andatime/space of noise has become almostirrelevant,what we experiencein the modern city is a sort of 'sound indifference' which, besideshomogenising sounds, renders differentspatio-temporalcoordinatesequivalent to one another.

ConclusionMusic in the streets has different uses in different historical periods,but generally speaking it very rarely claims to be an aestheticexperience. Outdoor music practices have been meant to celebrateasacred or secular power, by appealing to the population throughhighly redundant qualities(processions,funerals, ceremonies . . .), orto serve as a means of entertainment, or to perform an informativefunction as mass-mediaembodied in such figures as the jongleur, theminstrel, the cantastorie, the modern folk-singer.Fromhis viewpoint Berlioz s rightwhen asserting that 'music out ofdoors is nonsense', since most Western practiceof music has been anattempt to emancipate it from its relations with celebration, body,meaning, and to preservean aseptic terrain eparated rom others. Inamass-media universe, however, the strategy is that of breakingthrough the various separate sub-universes and homogenising theways of experiencingculturalproducts. My view on today's outdoormusic in an urban setting has tried to provide an example of such abreak-through of the separate codes, which constitutes what I have


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162 Paolo Pratocalled 'a spectacularisedexperience of music': by speaking of itself,music advertises the code and controls its users' competence.The first phase of mass media (radio, TV, Hi-Fi)coincidedwith aprivatisation of music- thehome as ameaningfulmusicalcentreversus ameaningless public soundscape - which parallelled,accordingto its'negative critics',the music's loss of meaning, banalisation,etc. Thesecond phase (walkman, car-stereo, portable radio, street music)coincideswith agrowingsocialisaton of music,based on new premises.The sound identity of public space becomes meaningful again, butit very often does so according to the same modalitieswhich operatein private spaces, so that today's street music, besides being heirto the street music of the past, is also, and maybe primarily,heir toits antagonists (the home media). The experience of WashingtonSquarePark, for example, has more in common with TV and radioadvertising than with an outdoor performance n VictorianLondon.On the one hand, today'sstreetmusic fostersnew listeninghabits, buton the other hand, it repeatsfamiliarmessages;itcertainlyenrichesthenotion of music and redefines that of noise, but it also reducescreativityto an exercise in good style, and makespopularitycoincidewith effect.

Theexperienceof streetmusictoday not onlyincludes that of 'street'(the social involvement) and that of 'music' (the aesthetic involve-ment), but also a review of what is known about 'street' and 'music'(the code involvement).Following Luigi Del Grosso Destreri'sparadox- 'music does notexist, . . . what we deal with are a number of musical behaviours'(Destreri1981, p. 138) Ihave been focusingupon the anthropologicalratherthan the musicalaspects of outdoormusic. In so doing I do notclaim that the variousgenres of music have no specificitywith regardto their related behaviours; only that they lose many of theirdifferentiating features when taken off their 'original' sites andexhibitedin streetsand publicsquareswhere they ultimatelymonitorsocial interaction.BibliographyBaudrillard, . 1976.L'echangeymboliguet la mort Paris)Benjamin,W. 1970. The workof art n the age of mechanical eproduction', nIlluminations, d. H. Arendt (London), pp. 219-53Charles, D. 1981.'Musicae danza', in Trattato iestetica, d. M. Dufrenne andD. Formaggio(Milan), pp. 25>66Destreri, L. Del Grosso, 1981.'Stock-taking f musical life:currentproblemsand future tasks', in Stock-takingf MusicalLife,ed. D. Mark(Vienna),pp. 13746


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Music in the streets:Washington quarePark 163Lofland, L. H. 1973.A World f Strangers.Order ndAction n UrbanPublicSpace(New York)Lyotard.J.-F. 1979. La condition ostmoderneParis)Pearsall, R. 1973. Victorian opularMusic (Newton Abbot)Prato, P. 1979. 'Musica e forme di socialita giovanile', StudiaMusicologica, 1(Budapest), pp. 29S308Schafer, M. 1973. 'The music of the environment', Cultures,1:1, pp. 1S221980. TheTuningof the World Philadelphia)Schutz, A. 1964. 'Makingmusic together', Collected apers,Vol. 2 (TheHague),pp. 159-781976. 'Fragmentson the phenomenology of music', Musicand Man, 2:1/2,pp. 23-71Sennett, R. 1974. TheFall of PublicMan (New York)Vattimo, G. 1979. 'Morteo tramonto dell'arte',Rivistadi Estetica, , pp. 17-26Winckel, F. 1974. 'Space, music and architecture',Cultures,1:3, pp. 139203

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