A model of congregational diversity?

Multiethnic mixby R. Stephen Warner

ETHNIC PARTICULARISM, in the official form ofadmissions procedures and ethnic studies pro-grams and the nnofficial form of students' seat-ing choices in the cafeteria aud the lilirary, is apowerfnl Ibrce in American uuiversities. It's also a power-ful force in American Christianity; IVe spent a lot of timerecently studving the manifestations ofthat particularism as it takes shape incongregations that serve MexicanAmericans, Korean Americans, IndianAmericans or some other immigrantgroup.

That's what makes the church Ger-ardo Marti writes about a preciousanomaly: it has no racial majority bnthas roughly equal numbers of Hispan-ics, Asians and whites, along with a fewAfrican Americans.

Mosaic is the name of this 60-year-old Sontheru Baptist congregation inLos Angeles which at the time of writ-ing (Marti says the church is constantlychanging) consisted of over 2,000mostly single young adults of everyimaginable color who come togetherevery week for one or more of severalmultisensory services in a variety ofrented spaces, including a downtownnightclub. Allied congregations exist inBerkeley, Seattle and New York, andmissionaries from the congregation areall over the world. The senior pastor isEnvin Rafael McManns, a native of ElSalvador, who is the author of An Unstoppable Force: Dar-ing to Become tJie Church God Had in Mind (Oronp Pub-lishing) aud Seizin'^ Your Divine Moment (Nelsou Books).

Marti is a sociologist and clergyman who was a memberof Mosaic's pastoral staff while he was researching his dis-sertation on the church. Me obviously believes iu what thechurcli and its pastor are doing. His task is uot to defendMosaic but to explain how it can exist.

As Marti sees it, the key to building a congregation ofpeople from diverse, often alienated ethnic backgrounds isto appeal to theui in ways that trump their differences.The bulk of the book consists of chapter-loug analyses offive such appeals, called "havens."

A MOSAIC OF

A Mosaic of Believers:Diversity and Innovationin A Multiethnic Church.

By Gerardo Marti. IndianaUniversity Press, 242 pp.,$39.95.

Mosaic first of all offers a "theological haven," by whicliMarti means that Mosaic affirms orthodox beliefs, albeit inunconventional and decidedly non-Cakinist ways. Thechurch's "artistic haven" attracts people on the creativeedge^painters, sculptors, musicians, dancers, actors.filmmakersof the kind who gravitate to HolWood. The

church is also an "innovator haven,"Marti says"a refuge for people whoiu other churches have been calledmavericks, rebels or freaks." Marti'sreference to the church as an "agehaven" is a way of saying that thechurch attracts single, childless vouneadnits.

Finally, the "ethnic haven" is thechurch's appeal to second- aud third-generatiou progeny of Los Angeles'shuge and diverse immigrant popula-tion. Insofar as American culture ismore media-driven, more edgy andmore yonthful with every passing year,and Americans themselves less likely toderive from Enropean stock, Marti seesMosaic as a model, perhaps the model,for churches that are viable and faith-ful.

The concept of havens is the theo-retical key to Mosaic's astouudiug inter-nal diversit)'. A church of its sort mustoffer things that appeal to people acrossthe boundaries of their differences. Yetfor Mosaic, uo single haven is suffi-cient. Each haven shelters some of Mo-

saic's people but deters others. While some are drawn toalternative fonns of worship, others are put off by them,finding them "wild," 'uubiblical," even cultlike.

The attention the church gives to the arts appeals toHollywood people, bnt it makes others feel inade(|uate.The stress ou innovation excites some bnt wearies others.

H. Stephen Warner teaches sociolopij at the University of Illi-nois at Chicago. A collection of his essays, some of whichoriginally appeared in the CENTURY, ivill he published inSeptember under the title A Church of Our Own: Dis-establishment aud Diversity in American Religion (RutgersUniversity Press).

CHRISTIAN CENTLiRY July2fj, 2()05 26

The appeal to youth makes someolder people feel unwanted. Thediverse "ethnic haven" draws inthose who have had enough oftheir parents' and grandparents'immigrant churches but repelsthose who are committed totheir ethnic and racial identities.Each haven represents not onlysomething appealing but also arefuge from somethingit's aplace to dispose of negative bag-gage-

This two-edged dynamic isparticularly true regarding thetheological and ethnic dimen-sions ofthe churcha complica-tion ofthe argument that Marticould have spent more time on.Those who are drawn to thechurch's unconventional but the-ologically conservative worshipare evangelicals turned off by thedry, boring, narrow, judgmentalchurches of their upbringing.The second- and third-genera-tion immigrant youth who aredrawn by Mosaic's multiethnicprofile are those who, unhketheir parents, do not speak withan accent and are not competentin their ancestral culture, do notexperience discomfort aroundAmericans of other races andmay be dating across racial lines,and do not confine themselves toold-country music but expresstheinselves in terms of Americanpopular culture. Marti makes itobvious that the proximity toHollywood is a special ingredientin the Mosaic mix, but he doesnot sufficiently stress that thechurch's demographic depen-dence on the Angeleno nexus ofconservative Protestantism andimmigrant cultures may limit itsapplicability as a general model.

A more important issueoneto which Marti is attuned^iswhether multiethnicity is indeeda haven for all young Americans.For the past 20 years, scholars inrace and ethnic studies havenoted that ethnicity is optional ina way that race is not. For exam-ple, I can tell my students aboutmy German identityabout mygrandfather landing in America in

Innovation in LA.S CHOLARS AND church growth ex-perts have been paying attention toMosaic Church in Los Angeles, thesubject of Gerardo Marti's book AMosaic of Believers: Diversity and Innova-tion in a Multiethnic Church, Marti, profes-sor of sociology at Davidson College in NorthCarolina, wrote the book after being a partic-ipant-observer at Mosaic, a multiethnicchurch which features innovative, artisticworship. We talked to him about the churchand his analysis.

Mosaic seems to diverge from a funda-mental rule propounded by the churchgrowth experts: people prefer to go to an Gerardo Martiethnically homogeneous church.

Some scholars now say churches succeed if they have a niche, if they fit sometype of cultural slot for which people are willing to go out of their way. Mosaic is amultiniche church. There are many little places "cubby holes," if you likethata person can fit into. The more cubby holes people fit, the more deeply involvedthey'll be in the congregation. These niches are not just for self-gratification. Theyare meant to be a training ground for cultivating a common identity as dedicatedfollowers of Jesus Christ.

Ethnically, Mosaic appeals to second- and third-generation ethnics who arebecoming broadly Americanized. They know American television and pop music.It's possible for a person who's Korean to come to church without having to act"Korean." Japanese, Vietnamese, Chinese and Korean can all be a part of a com-mon fellowship and not accentuate their differences in language, culture and his-tory. These ethnics don't feel comfortable in the ethnic enclaves of their parents'church, and certainly not in each other's parents' church. People of radically dif-ferent ethnic heritages can date and marry each other at Mosaic through theircommon connection to popular culture.

Because the church intentionally embraces popular culture in its pursuit of rel-evance, whites also fit into Mosaic. The church is therefore relevant to bothwhites and assimilated ethnics who have grown up in this culture. Most of ourchurches, in contrast, are buried in a past that ethnic groups don't share. Whenpeople who are not Caucasian come into many of our churches, they experiencethe worship as a white, European historical remnant that is inherently foreign. Achurch that advertises itself in its ethos and architecture as being from the 1950sor from the 1850s or even from the 1250s is failing to be relevant to the recentlyacculturated immigrant population.

Mainline churches have sought for years to be more diverse, without hav-ing much success at the congregational level.

Many white churches make the mistake of reaching out to the groups most cul-turally distant from them. This reflects a paternalistic perspective that doesn'tgenerate the kind of creative, community-building, mi ssi on-empowered cama-raderie we really want in churches. Instead of taking a leap to people we don't

27 CHRISTIAN CENTURY July26,2005

1895 and the old-eoiiiitrv' language .spoken by the womenin my householdhut tliere is nothing written on mywhite face that requires me to confess these things, nordoes being "German," to the slight extent that I am, limitmy life chances.

Marti is marked by his name as Hispanic, but as henotes (and as the photo on the dust jacket attests), he can"pass" as Anglo. The son of Cuban imtnigrants, he wasborn in this country, and his English is better than hisSpanish. "I have choices," he says.

To a remarkable extent, to judge from the interviews hecites, choices also exist for many of Mosaic s people, not onlywliites but also Latinos and Asians. Senior pastor McMantishas a German given name from his grandfather and an Irishsurname from his stepfather, and lie chooses to use his uiid-dle name to highlight his Liitin Atneric an birthplace. Anoth-er leader describes herself variously as Hawiiiian, Japaneseand Asian. A member whose motlier is Japanese and whosewife is Noi-wegi an-American feels he has more iti eomtnonwith his wife's culture than his mothers. Mosaic is not onlymultiethnic; many of its people are polyethnie.

Dwelling little on "race," Marti stresses the tnalleability ofidentities and the way that being a follower of Jesus Christ at

Mosiiic "transcends" ethnicity. In so doing he offers an ap-pealing vision of a church that builds on the dyiiamisin of de-mography and popular etilture to overcome the scandal ofreligiou.s segregation (as well as the specter of civic balka-nizatiou). He thus challenges those of"tny sociological col-leagues who see the fate of Auiericas second- and third-gen-eration Latinos and Asians inscribed on their bodies. Hisbook will be on the syllabus the next time I teaeh a coiu se onrace, ethnieit\' and gender in American religion.

SEVERAL QUESTIONS remain. Mosaics ethnichaven has little appeal for African Atuericans,whose life chances are indeed circumscribed bytheir race. To his credit, Maiti acknowledges thisissue throughout and cites experts, such as George Yaucey,who see the African-Atnerican experience of race as (jualita-tively different from, and more profoundly iJienating than,that of Americas otiier racial minorities. Yet he thinks diingsare getting better in the wake ofthe ci\il rights movement,and that youuger blacks are more willing and able to makethe "cultural leap" necessarv' to join chnrclies like Mosiiic.

Marti went out of his way to speak to some of Mostiic'sfew African Atuericans, current and former, in order to

(Continued from page 27Jknow and don't understand, we should start by seekingout people who are very much like us yet have differentethnic heritages. From there we can begin the processof joining together our differing streatns of culture.

When a congregation decides to incorporate a hymnfrom Africa or a chorus frotu Mexico Git\' in order to di-versify the congregation, it has misstepped already. Youcould never adetjuately represent the variety of ances-tral backgrounds that already exist in your church.Moreover, by accentuating the ones you feel to be mostdifferent and exotie, you contribute to a sense of alien-ation rather than togetherness.

Can you describe Mosaic's integration of the artsin worship?

One example is when the church brought togetherartists and told them, "We want you to paint during theservices." They said, "You want me to do wfial?" Thechurch said, "Yes, we'll put yon riglit up frout. Jtist drawwhatever strikes you as we experience church together."Some artists will work on the same canvas for severalweeks, and the members ofthe congregation will see thedevelopment ofthe image as the church's teaching is de-veloped in their own lives. Eventually the project ex-panded to include multiple painters and then sculptors.

The most dramatic integration ofthe arts is found inthe re-creation of ph)sical environtnents. For example,when a Sunday message was based on the metaphor ofvtind, artists created an authentic breeze both inside andoutside ofthe auditorium. Wisps of fabric were used to

suggest clouds or fog. The iu\isible was inade visiblethrough movement as a precursor to understanding thework ofthe Spirit as the piieuma or the breath of Godmoving in and through our li\ es.

Ou another Sunday, the lights went down and a junglerhythm beat emerged from the back ofthe auditorium.The curtain went up, and there were four men, mostlynaked, with mud covered al! over their bodies, doing aritualistic dance in a circle. Despite the mud clumped onthem, yon could see hints of difference. One was white,one black, a third with Asian eyes and another withbrowner skin. Each one danced in the center while oth-ers would approvingly grunt and moan and sway. Theclear theological imager)' was that Adam, and so all of us,come from the earth. We are different but still have acommon core. As they finished their dance and the cnr-tain went down, people roared with enthusiasm.

How does having so many people involved in theentertainment industry' affect Mosaic?

The church is aware ofthe power of Ilollvwood andthe extent of the degradation that occurs there. Never-theless, it also understands that the entertainment in-dustrv' successfully uses every form of creative expres-sionmusic, dance, acting and sf) onand bundlesthem together to communicate a me.ssage.

Mosaic's engagement with Hollywood has parallelswidi otlier t liui ches that hav e made the decision to engagethe world rather than hide from it. In tliis case, the churchdidu't have to beg people to be ci eative or to tliink outsideof the box, or to critically examine the power of media in

CnRISTIAN CENTURY JuIy26,2(K)5 28

comprehend that cultural leap. A deterrent for many wasdie positiv e draw ol the black church and its traditions. An-other bai lier, forcefully articnlated by a woman who .soughtout Marti to eonf ide why she was leaving the church, is thatMosaic affirms "white evangelical" individualism instead ofthe black church's systetnic criti(jue of inequality.

Most, however, were turned off by Mosaic's music. Fea-turing guitars instead of a choir, the unisic was perceivedas "not soulful" and "not gospel." Oue person, not intend-ing to be contplimetitaiy, called it "\ineyard music." Thiswas one ofthe instances in which I wished Marti had beenmore descriptive and less theoretical, for he gives fewhints as to what, beyond uot including hvnnns, character-izes Mosaic's music. In one place he mentions preservieemusic drawn from the scores of such films as Lord oftheRiiiii.s, Glfuha I or dwd Bmveheati. Elsewhere he savs thatthe music is "'electrotiic" and that new songs are intro-duced every week.

These hints are etiough to tiiake me wonder whetherMosaic's mnltiethnicit\' is a Fuustian bargain. Marti hon-estly acknowledges not only that he can pass as white butthat he has "been rewarded" for doing so. The popularyouth culttire that serves to unify church members across

their separate ethnic identities is identified in the end as"white popular culture," casting doubt on the claim that ittran.scends ethnicit)'. American whiteness is a huge socialspace, one that over time has encompassed wider andwider segments ofthe populatiou, including Anglo-Siix-ons, Gelts, Mediterraneans, Slavs, Semites and Turks. Ithink Marti is right that it is not necessarily off litnits toHispanics and Asians. But the understanding has alwaysbeen that African Americans are excluded. It is easy to seewhy other Hispanics and Asians, titit tt) mention AfricanAmericans, would be leery of embracing tuultiethnicity onsuch terms.

Clearly, Mosaic: is spiritualK' compelling. Its membersare on fire with their frnth, eager to share it with everyonein Los Angeles. Its leaders take risks that most pastorswould not dare. Marti, himself a church leader beforeleaving for a teaching position in North Carolina, islearned and self-aware. I wish that he had shared morewith his readers ahout what is sacrificednot only hynnnsand soul music but a place for the old and the veryyoung^in a church systematically built around the cul-ture of young, media-sax-vy, single Americans, no matterhow ethnically diverse they are.

everyday life. Those things are all assumed at Mosaic.

You note that some people have complained aboutMosaic's almost exclusive embrace of contempo-rary culture. One person said she would love tosing a hymn. Can the effort to constantly be newand relevant itself become a kind of routine?

I can understand the emotional and nostalgic reso-nance that hymns may have for people. I could also saythat the Model T was a pretty good car, so why should webother to make any adv ances? We could say Shakespearesaid it all and said it best, so why should we botlier craft-ing new literature? Man\' in the theological realm feelthis way. We say Calvin or Luther or whoever said it best,and there's no need to enift new theology. Christianity isa living religion, and I tliink Mosaic admirably shows howa church can embrac e change rather than fear it.

Wby has it been difficult for Mosaic to reacli out toAfrican Americans wiib the same degree of suc-cess that it's had reaching Hispanics and Asians?

The African-American experience is veiy complicat-ed. Research snggests that the black/nonblack divide ismore i mportant than a white/black divide. Asians, for ex-ample, more frequently associate with whites than withAfrican Americans. It appears that in cotuing years His-panics and Asians will come much closer to being"white" than will African Amerieans.

Mosaic, for most of its histor\; was located in EastL.A., which was not a place that was welcoming toAfrican Amerieans. It was not until 1997, when church

services moved one mile west to a neighborhood thatwas not as exclusively Gliieano, that the inclusion ofAfrican Americans was even feasible. Their inclusion re-mains a challenge since studies indicate that if AfricanAmericans exist in too few a number, it's ver) difficult forthat number to grow.

I'm in the midst of writing a book about another con-gregation that is mostly black/white wnth a growing num-ber of Asians and Hispanics. I deliberately went to thatchurch to learn the distinctive dynamics of diversity in-volving the African-American experience.

You suggest that future churches are likely to lookmore like Mosaic.

There are a number of hints that the emerging churchwill become more diverse and perhaps ev en more innova-tive. There's no guarantee ofthat, but there are a fewthings working in favor of it: 1) The world is becomingmore diverse, and whites will soon no longer be the ma-jorit)' in the U.S. 2} We see higher rates of interethnic andinteiTaciiil dating and marriages. 3) People are associatingthemselves with tnore than one background, making formore bi- and multiracial identities. 4) Blacks raised in thepost-civil rights era appear to be more willing to engagein cross-ethnic relationships. 5) We see strong evidence ofrevival and continued strength in the evangelical subcul-ture. 6) More churches are encouraging the use of cre-ative arts beyond choirs and congregational singing. 7)Emerging church leaders are accommodating the eun entpace of social change and are integrating technologicaland organiziitional innovations in their ministries.

29 t : H R I S T I , \ N CENTURY July2fi. 2(H)5

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Worship across the Racial Divide: Religious Music and the Multiracial Congregation E\*HUDUGR0DUWL:RUVKLSDFURVVWKH5DFLDO'LYLGH5HOLJLRXV0XVLFDQGWKH0XOWLUDFLDO&RQJUHJDWLRQE\*HUDUGR0DUWL5HYLHZE\'RXJODV+DUWPDQQ$PHULFDQ-RXUQDORI6RFLRORJ\9RO1R-DQXDU\SS3XEOLVKHGE\The University of Chicago Press6WDEOH85/http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1086/668539 .$FFHVVHG

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due to black exodus, and the demoralization of remaining residents in thecountys relatively closed political opportunity structure. In comparison tothe deliberate and detailed historical exploration of previous chapters,chapter 8 and the conclusion seem to rush through the eventual reopening,rebuilding, and integration of the Prince Edward County public schoolsfrom the mid-1960s to the present.The main limitation of the book is an underdeveloped theoretical foun-

dation for discussion of the continuing signicance of race in the Americanpolitical context. While the chapters contribute convincing descriptions ofhow the national and local contexts allowed the county to engage in thisradical strategy to avoid desegregation, they often fall short in the explana-tion of why white leaders and residents saw racial segregation as a vital ne-cessity. This lack creates a frustrating gap in the explanation of the racialtrajectory identied in the conclusion, where the willingness of contempo-rarywhite residents to keep the events under the rug is left unconnected tothe dominant frames and storylines of color-blind racism p. 248. A moredeveloped discussion of hegemonic constructions of disruptions in the racialpower structure would strengthen the overall argument about the signi-cance of this case for understanding the consequences of color-blind dis-course in the maintenance of contemporary racial inequalities.While the absence of a clearly articulated race theory limits aspects of

the analysis for scholars of race relations, the depth and detail of the bookwill be valuable to scholars of social movements and political rhetoric.The book would be appropriate for graduate-level courses on social move-ments or methodologies of historical sociology.

Worship across the Racial Divide: Religious Music and the Multiracial Con-gregation. By Gerardo Marti. New York: Oxford University Press, 2012.Pp. xiv1266. $29.95.

Douglas HartmannUniversity of Minnesota

I dont know that Sunday mornings can still be described as the most seg-regated hours of the American week as Martin Luther King, Jr., so fa-mously pronounced almost half a century ago. But if so, it is not for lackof trying. Over the past two decades, religious leaders across the spectrumof faith systems and political ideologies have been active, enthusiastic par-ticipants in a range of antiracist and racial reconciliation projects, inter-faith initiatives, and cross racial coalitions intended to increase racial di-versity both within their own communities and across the Americanreligious landscape. Gerardo Martis new book Worship across the RacialDivide puts music at the center of these efforts.Martis attention to music is timely, important, and eminently sociologi-

cal. A common thread among many successfully integrated churches in-

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cluding those Marti studied previously in several well-received volumesappears to be the incorporation of cross-cultural musical styles, and a largenumber of church leadersprofessional staff and laypeople alikeseemusic and music directors as foundational for the accomplishment of di-versity. A whole miniature library of advice books and resources is nowavailableincluding those prepared by an online resource for multilingualmulticultural worship called Proskuneo, which offers accompanimentCDs, PowerPoint lyric slides, and a DVD that demonstrates choreography,staging, and set design; the site also provides retreats, workshops, and one-on-one training. Not surprisingly, a new eld of study ethnodoxologyreplete with its own professional association, curriculum materials, and anonline journalhas now been formed.To better understand and assess all these developments,Marti undertook

several years of eldwork in a range of denominational and nondenomina-tional settings though all Protestant in Southern California and conductedinterviews with dozens of church leaders, music directors, choir members,and other worshippers some 170 in all. Marti comes away convinced thatmusic has a crucial role to play in the integration of religious communities;however, he insists that this is not because of any mystical, aesthetic powersof music or worship itself, for that matter as many believe.Among the most basic contributions of cross-cultural music is that creat-

ing it helps to diversify church leadership and makes color conspicuous forcongregants and visitors alike. These are steps that churches and churchleaders can be quite intentional about. On this score it is also important tounderstand how prominently on display musicians and choir members arein many churches and worship settingsoften positioned right up front forall to see as well as hear.But making diversity visible is far from the whole of musics contribu-

tion. Successful, genuinely integrated religious communities, according toMarti, are marked and dened by those based in genuine relationshipsand meaningful interracial interactions. And it is in the actual practices ofmaking music together that such community is constructed. Rehearsals,performances, and worship services all bring people together across sociallines they would not otherwise ordinarily cross and puts them in relation-ships that are real and deeply rooted. Marti talks about other social func-tions served by multiracial musical forms and stylespartnerships withother churches, for exampleand he is adamant that there is no singlemodel for doing this. Nevertheless, the key for him is clearly in how all in-teractions and relationships are embedded within the ministry and work-shop of any given congregation. Here Marti smartly emphasizes the hugeamounts of time and energyall typically underestimated by musiciansthemselvesthat go into the making of church music. It is not music butrather recruitment and participation in musical structures that fosters re-lationships, community, loyalty, and a sense of connectionthe bonds thatcreate a sense of what church is together p. 178.Worship across the Racial Divide has as much to teach about the para-

doxes and challenges of racial integration which both academics and lay-

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American Journal of Sociology

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people have a tendency to romanticize as about religion,worship, or churchmusic. Among the deepest, most thought-provoking of Martis insights arethose involving African-Americans, black musical forms, and black-ness itself. In interview after interview and chapter after chapter, whatcomes through is the extent to which African-Americans and their cul-tural formsgospel music, most of allserve as key markers of differ-ence and multiculturalism.There may be good reason to emphasize black folks and forms, but this

often puts a great deal of pressure on a small group of people in any religiouscommunity, and makes fetishizing such differences easy as well. An anec-dote that Marti says inspired the project illustrates this point. The story in-volved a church that was committed to diversity and wanted to integratequickly. Their solution was to introduce gospel music to the worship witha fewNegro spirituals thrown in. The result, he tells us,was predictable: Al-though the almost entirely white congregation experienced the music ascool . . . this quick x approach ended up reinforcing stereotypes of whatAfrican-Americans are supposed to be overall . . . which# effectively deep-ened racial divides already embedded p. 5.Music, Martis research makes clear, can contribute to the agendas of

antiracism, racial reconciliation, integration, and diversitybut only whenit is part of larger behavioral changes, institutional shifts, and new patternsof interaction. Other paths overestimate the power of music and religiousworship and underestimate the depth, complexity, and intransigence of raceand racism in the United States today.

Peasant Life in China. By Fei Xiaotong [Hsiao-Tung Fei]. London: Rout-ledge, 1939. Pp. xvii1300.

Earthbound China. By Fei Xiaotong [Hsiao-Tung Fei] and Zhang Zhiyi[Chih-I Chang]. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1945. Pp. xv1 319.

Barbara Celarent*University of Atlantis

Fei Xiaotong was born in the last years of the Qing dynasty. In his lifetime,China would see revolutions, wars, and invasions. It would see empire, re-publicanism, nationalism, and communism. By his death, China had beennot one butmanyChinas, andFei himself not one butmanyFeis. Formanasfor country, the question remains: Should we see continuity or difference?In Fei, at least, many readers have seen difference. For them the rst Fei

was a Westernized academic researching the countryside, the second Fei a

*Another review from 2051 to share with AJS readers.Ed.

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The Deconstructed ChurchUnderstanding Emerging Christianity

Gerardo Marti and Gladys Ganiel

Provides a comprehensive sociological assessmentof the Emerging Church Movement

Draws on a large and varied data set fromEmerging Church Movement participants,communities, and conferences

Offers multiple examples of alternative forms ofChristian communities, such as pub churches,Christian arts collectives, and neo-monasticcommunities, and explores the motivations, ideasand practices of the people involved

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The Emerging Church Movement (ECM) is a creative, entrepreneurial religious movementthat strives to achieve social legitimacy and spiritual vitality by actively disassociating fromits roots in conservative, evangelical Christianity and "deconstructing" contemporaryexpressions of Christianity. Emerging Christians see themselves as overturning outdatedinterpretations of the Bible, transforming hierarchical religious institutions, and re-orientingChristianity to step outside the walls of church buildings toward working among and servingothers in the "real world."

Drawing on ethnographic observation of emerging congregations, pub churches, neo-monastic communities, conferences, online networks, in-depth interviews, andcongregational surveys in the US, UK, and Ireland, Gerardo Marti and Gladys Ganiel providea comprehensive social-scientific analysis of the development and significance of the ECM.Emerging Christians, they find, are shaping a distinct religious orientation that encouragesindividualism, deep relationships with others, new ideas about the nature of truth, doubt,and God, and innovations in preaching, worship, Eucharist, and leadership.

Preface1. Introduction2. Pluralist Congregations 3. Being an Emerging Christian4. Faith as Conversation5. Deconstructing Congregational Practices 6. Following Jesus in the Real World7. Understanding Emerging ChristianityAppendix: Research MethodologyNotesBibliographyIndex

Author Information

Gerardo Marti is L. Richardson King Associate Professor of Sociology at Davidson College.He is author of A Mosaic of Believers: Diversity and Innovation in a Multiethnic Church,Hollywood Faith: Holiness, Prosperity, and Ambition in a Los Angeles Church, and Worshipacross the Racial Divide: Religious Music and the Multiracial Church.

Gladys Ganiel is Lecturer and the Programme Coordinator of the Master's in ConflictResolution and Reconciliation at Trinity College Dublin at Belfast (the Irish School ofEcumenics). She is author of Evangelicalism and Conflict in Northern Ireland and co-author(with Claire Mitchell) of Evangelical Journeys: Choice and Change in a Northern IrishReligious Subculture.

Reviews and Awards

"[Professor Marti] and Professor Ganiel have just given us the most complete, balanced,useful, and sound overview of Emergence that we have to date." --Phyllis Tickle, author ofThe Great Emergence: How Christianity Is Changing and Why

"As growing numbers of Americans say they are 'nonreligious,' observers note a comparableshift among those who are religious toward looser, more individualistic, anti-institutional,experimental expressions of faith. Marti and Ganiel have done a superb job of examiningthese emerging expressions, illuminating both the practices and beliefs of individuals and theinnovative congregations they are forming." --Robert Wuthnow, Gerhard R. Andlinger '52Professor of Sociology and Director of the Center for the Study of Religion, PrincetonUniversity

"In the midst of a polarized landscape, where 'religion' and 'church' signal a lack of vitalityand authenticity, Emerging Churches are putting together something new out of the debris.Marti and Ganiel show us why we should pay attention. They describe the faith found here asneither shopping nor seeking, but a conversation carried on in congregations that aredeterminedly open and inclusive. This book provides a careful analysis of this much-discussed movement and shows why it is so well-suited to our times." --Nancy T.Ammerman, author of Sacred Stories, Spiritual Tribes: Finding Religion in Everyday Life

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The Religious Racial Integration of AfricanAmericans into Diverse Churches

GERARDO MARTIDepartment of SociologyDavidson College

Recent scholarship asserts that members of racial groups can transcend their ethnic differences, but otherresearch asserts that ethnoracial identities must be reinforced in order to participate in multiracial churches.Analysis of field notes and interview data from a large, black-white Protestant congregation shows that while thecore membership of African Americans come specifically for its ethnic and racial diversity, they also look formarkers that affirm a distinctive African-American experience. Ethnic reinforcement attracts highly race-consciousparticipants who eventually move toward processes of ethnic transcendence and congregational integration.The value for researchers is that distinguishing ethnically transcendent and ethnically reinforcing processesencourages the discovery of subtle, racially specific, and continually reinforced affinities that would otherwiseremain hidden in seemingly ethnically transcendent settings.

INTRODUCTION

The unique history of African Americans in the United States fuels much of the discussion onthe relationship between religion and race in diverse congregations (e.g., Tranby and Hartmann2008). Indeed, the impetus for much of the current research on multiracial churches began withEmerson and Smiths (2000) pessimistic assessment of the potential for black-white integrationwithin American Protestant Christianity. Arguing that fundamental ideological assumptions be-tween black and white groups operate at cross-purposes, they assert the possibility of black-whitechurches is remote as individualistic orientation toward social change, especially among evan-gelicals, keeps whites ignoring the structural inequality that further perpetuates the Americanracial divide. Follow-up work by Emerson (2006) and Edwards (2008b) continues to affirm theweakness of religion in the face of racial obstacles such that achieving true religious integrationbetween blacks and whites seems nearly impossible.

In contrast, other perspectives argue that religious racial integration is achieved by redefiningthe bases of shared identity among members and focusing on idealized religious commitments(Becker 1998; Ecklund 2005; Jenkins 2003; Marti 2005; Stanczak 2006). We know that AfricanAmericans, like other racial-ethnic groups, negotiate their racial identities in differing contexts(Hutchinson, Rodriguez, and Hagan 1996; Young 2007). And even within Protestant multiracialchurches when different ethnoracial groups exist in an uncomfortable alliance (Garces-Foley2007), these congregations utilize distinctively religious resources to overcome racial obstaclesand nurture religious identities to foster long-term, cross-ethnic relationships. Marti (2005, 2008a,2009a) presents a process of ethnic transcendence that describes how the religious cultureof Protestant congregations can foster integration. In this strain of scholarship all ethnoracialgroupsincluding African Americansare able to overcome their racial particularities by takingon a religiously based master status as a base of solidarity (see Bartkowski 2004; Ecklund 2005).

Correspondence should be addressed to Gerardo Marti, Department of Sociology, Davidson College, Box 7011, Davidson,NC 28035-7011. E-mail: gemarti@davidson.edu

Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion (2010) 49(2):201217C 2010 The Society for the Scientific Study of Religion

202 JOURNAL FOR THE SCIENTIFIC STUDY OF RELIGION

In short, sociologists of religion are bringing new insights and new debates to the grow-ing phenomenon of racially diverse congregations, and much of the most recent and extensiveattention to these congregations has appeared in this journal (Dougherty and Huyser 2008; Eck-lund 2005; Edwards 2008a; Emerson 2008; Emerson and Kim 2003; Garces-Foley 2007, 2008;Jenkins 2003; Marti 2008a, 2009a; Tranby and Hartmann 2008; Yancey and Kim 2008; otherresearch includes Christerson, Emerson, and Edwards 2005; Dougherty 2003; Emerson 2009;Yancey and Emerson 2003). A persistent question in these and other studies remains articulatingthe relationship between religious identity and racial identity within these churches. The im-plicit debate wrestles with the relationship between processes of ethnic reinforcement and ethnictranscendence within congregational structures. The question is most accentuated in the caseof African Americans. On one hand, scholars assert the importance of ethnic reinforcement bysuggesting that African Americans require acknowledgment of the struggles and issues embed-ded within their own specific racial identity in order to foster authentic, cross-racial religiousparticipation (Edwards 2008b; Emerson 2006; Emerson and Smith 2000; Yancey 2003b). On theother, research also asserts that it is possible to discern African Americans successfully deempha-sizing their racial distinctiveness in multiracial congregations and accentuating shared religiousidentities as a base for integration (Becker 1998; Ganiel 2010; Jenkins 2003; Marti 2005, 2008a,2008b, 2009a; Stanczak 2006). Awareness of this debate adds an important nuance to our under-standing of how religion relates to constructing ethnic identity, negotiating racial alliances, andovercoming racial oppression in the United States.

Following recent ethnographic research on black-white congregations in Emerson (2006) andEdwards (2008b), this article focuses the religious racial integration of African Americans intoProtestant multiracial congregations through a case study of yet another black-white church, OasisChristian Center. What is the relationship between religion and race for African Americans in thismultiracial congregation? More specifically, does African-American religious participation in adiverse Protestant congregation require reinforcement of racial identity or does religious involve-ment move them toward transcending the idea of race? In the end, while religious imperativescan prompt members to participate in racially diffuse congregations, the distinctiveness of theAfrican-American experience in white-dominant American society appears to require multiracialcongregations to construct diversity-affirming havens such that blacks are affirmed, protected,and even entertained in ways that acknowledge a shared African-American heritage.

Ethnic Transcendence: Congregational Havens and the Negotiationof Racial-Ethnic Boundaries

The analytical approach introduced by Marti (2005) explicitly frames the experiences ofreligious racial integration in Protestant churches as a process by which members of ethnoracialgroups subsume their contrasting ethnic identities to a shared religious identity (see Ganiel 2010).Marti follows ethnic identity management theorists (De Vos and Romanucci-Ross 1975; Lymanand Douglass 1973), which extend insights from Goffmans (1959, 1963, 1967) impressionmanagement theory and views race and ethnicity as one of multiple aspects of personal identitythat is accessed and negotiated within organizations (Marti 2009a; see also Nagata 1974; Stryker1981). Ethnicity (not race) among these theorists is a complex aspect of the self that can behighlighted or obscured, constructed or reconfigured, guided by interests involving social statusand social mobility according to the demands and constraints of presentation; as circumstancesrequire, other social statuses are emphasized (Alexander 1992; Conzen et al. 1992; Fenton 1999;Lacy 2007; Leonard 1992; McCall and Simmons 1978; Nagel 1994, 1996; Royce 1982; Sollors1989; Stryker 1981).

Marti analytically builds on ethnic identity theory through an understanding that Americancongregations are voluntary organizations. Individuals connect to congregations by taking oppor-tunities for relational interactions that appeal to at least one aspect of their social selves. Diversecongregations are those that construct relational havens (defined as situationally specific arenas

THE RELIGIOUS RACIAL INTEGRATION OF AFRICAN AMERICANS 203

of interaction) from the interests, beliefs, values, and life circumstances that ally people togetherregardless of ancestral heritages. Havens therefore exhibit an interesting dualism as self-selectivemechanisms that draw certain people and repel others. Over time, member participation in havensobscures their ethnic identifications and bring out other valued aspects of their personal identity,and ultimately a shared religious identity becomes more important than their disparate racialidentities (see also Marti 2008a, 2008b, 2009a).

The process of ethnic transcendence as originally developed depends on havens being raciallyneutral. And because Marti initially presented this process in a case study of a church with only2 percent African American, the analysis is ambivalent as to whether the process is applicable forunderstanding the religious racial integration of African Americans. The church studied conductsits activity in the context of a popular American culture available to English-speaking immigrantchildren and achieves diversity by attracting both native whites and children of immigrants whoacculturate into the segment of American culture most accessible to them. Among these second-generation ethnics, a generational passing of ancestral history is substituted with socialization intowhite dominant popular culture. Although a few African Americans in the church find affinitiesbased on theology, artistry, or age, no haven acknowledges or affirms a black racial identity.And the few younger blacks in the church report either rejecting their parents and grandparentsAfrican-American expressions of spirituality or growing up immersed in white-dominant schoolsand neighborhoods (see Marti 2005:8, 10, 62, 141, 16263).

Ethnic Reinforcement: African Americans and the Acknowledgmentof Racial-Ethnic Distinctives

Given the distinctive challenges of African Americans in white-dominant culture, definingthe process of religious racial integration in terms of segmented portions of individual identitypresents difficulties for understanding how multiracial churches connect with African Americans.In contrast to Martis (2008a) more fluid approach to ethnoracial identity, both Emerson (2006)and Edwards (2008b) draw on racial formation and critical race theories to underscore howrace is more significant than ethnicity (which Edwards sparsely defines as oriented aroundclaims of shared culture, history, or common descent) for understanding American society andto demonstrate how the structural advantages of being white extend to the structure of black-white churches (Bonilla-Silva 2003; Doane 1997; Lewis 2004; Lipsitz 1998; Omi and Winant1994). For example, in his study of an interracial Protestant church Emerson (2006) argues thatwhites fail to acknowledge their dominant structural position and use their power to insist thatchurches operate in ways preferred by them. Edwards (2008b) similarly asserts that a properunderstanding of whiteness and the racial hierarchies and boundaries that resulted throughoutU.S. history indicates race to be a central and determining structural characteristic and arguesthat African Americans must adopt white-dominant cultural norms and practices in order to fit intothis integrated church. For both these scholars, race is not viewed as a particular characteristicof African Americans but rather as a dominating one.

Both Emerson and Edwards extend research that supports being black in America is notsimply one aspect of identity but rather overwhelms the identity of a person that religion largelyfails to address. Everett Hughes (1945) classically constructed the concept of master statuswith particular reference to how racial stigma overwhelms other markers of prestige throughobservations of how whites treated African Americans in professional occupations, and blacksocial theorists have described how their race dominates definitions of their identity and relationsacross society (Du Bois 2003; Fanon 1965, 1967). What W. E. B. DuBois called the problem ofthe color line remains evident in studies on the pervasive social consequences of segregation andstigmatization based on skin color, legal definitions of whiteness, and institutionalized racism(quoted in Lewis 1995:639; see also Bobo, Kluegel, and Smith 1997; Drake and Cayton 1945;Freeman et al. 1966; Hunter, Allen, and Telles 2001; Keith and Herring 1991; Lopez 1996).

204 JOURNAL FOR THE SCIENTIFIC STUDY OF RELIGION

African Americans who attempt to assimilate into a white culture must make a cultural leapand still experience prejudice and discrimination (Feagin and Sikes 1995). Because AfricanAmericans are involuntary minorities who are painfully aware of their disadvantaged status incomparison to native majority members (Kao and Tienda 1998; Massey et al. 2003; Ogbu 1978,1981), Yancey (2003a) forcefully argues that African Americans experience an alienation thatcannot be compared to other racial/ethnic groups.

Neither Emerson nor Edwards provides an explicit description of the process of religiousracial integration through the ethnic affirmation that they believe is necessary for achievingtruly integrated congregations; yet, both argue that religious communities need to accentuatethe distinctive racial experiences of African Americans and create hospitable environments thatexplicitly welcome and incorporate them (see also DeYoung et al. 2003; Yancey 2003b). And bothstress that nonwhites joining diverse congregations are not race traitors who wish to deny theirethnoracial distinctives; instead, these members want to affirm the uniqueness of their racialidentity while at the same time being around people from other cultures at church (Emerson2006:129). Emerson (2006:16869) provides a list of ethnic reinforcement mechanisms foundin multiracial churches (see also Yancey 2003b). He primarily argues that interracial churchesmust make a clearly stated institutional commitment to racial equity and create structures toensure that equity. Emerson issues a two-fold call: whites should accede privileges for the sakeof marginalized nonwhite groups, and blacks (as well as other oppressed minorities) shouldavoid victimization and take bold initiatives to create racially affirming, integrated religiouscommunities. Furthermore, congregational leaders are said to be central to cultivating integratedcongregations by personally committing to racial equity, creating forums where racial issues areactively discussed, and actively managing member commitment toward common religious goals.Edwards (2008b:137) similarly urges interracial church leaders to select African Americansas key contributors to the process of creating an environment of racial inclusion to counterwhite hegemony. In resisting white normativity and structural dominance, she calls interracialchurches to create congregations where the culture and experiences of all racial groups are notjust tolerated, but appreciated. Tranby and Hartmann (2008) also apply whiteness studies andcritical race theory to the possibility of black-white congregations, specifically arguing that racialidentity should be highlighted and affirmed rather than merely subsumed under the auspices ofreligion.

Given the contradictory assertions between these two perspectives, the question remains:Do African Americans retain racially specific identities as a primary base of interaction and notobscure or subsume their racial specificity in order to participate in a multiracial communityof faith? Or, does religious racial integration require transcending racial specificity in favor ofreligious unity? Doughtery and Huyser (2008:39) state that the central challenge of race in theUnited States remains black and white. Correspondingly, the congregational identity necessaryto unite blacks and whites may look different than an inclusive identity for other racial-ethnicgroups. Consequently, is there perhaps a more dynamic relationship between the processes ofethnic transcendence and ethnic reinforcement that remains to be uncovered?

METHODS

To examine the manner in which African Americans in diverse congregations understandtheir own experiences in the context of interactions within their diverse congregation, I focus oninterviews with attenders and field notes gathered during participant observation in a multiracialchurch. These data are part of a larger project (Marti 2008b, 2010). Between 2003 and 2004,I conducted an ethnographic study of a Los Angeles church, Oasis Christian Center, to under-stand the processes involved in joining and integrating racially and ethnically diverse people intomultiracial congregations. Oasis is a large, broadly evangelical, Protestant nondenominational

THE RELIGIOUS RACIAL INTEGRATION OF AFRICAN AMERICANS 205

congregation. I intentionally selected Oasis as a counterpoint to my previous study of Mosaic(Marti 2005). At the time of my study, Oasis had just completed a four-year growth spurt, levelingout at around 2,200 weekly attenders. The congregations racial/ethnic composition is estimatedusing membership files and systematic observation at weekend services. At 45 percent, AfricanAmericans comprise the largest proportion. Whites are the next largest at 40 percent, followedby Hispanics (10 percent), Asians (3 percent), and other including Middle Eastern and non-native blacks (2 percent). In terms of leadership, founders and co-pastors Philip and Holly areboth white. While the rest of the paid pastoral staff is racially mixed including white, black,and Hispanic, a majority are white. Yet it should be quickly noted that black and Hispanicstaff members are equally prominent in both platform presence and backroom decision making.With respect to African Americans, it is consistently emphasized by long-time members thatOasis has had a significant proportion of African Americans from its founding, and the blackpresence in both membership and lay leadership has been significant throughout its 25-yearhistory. Furthermore, Oasis attenders regularly interact across different racial and ethnic back-grounds through the churchs weekly gatherings, small groups, and multiple ministry teams inaddition to informal relational networks outside programed church ministries. For example, theworship leader at the time of the study was a black woman; her team of singers and musiciansboth reflect the diversity of the congregation and often work and play together beyond churchactivities.

I spent 12 months doing fieldwork in the church. Rather than impose my understanding ofsocial processes onto leaders, members, and attenders, I tried to attend very closely to the livedexperience of the participants in the church and earnestly attempted to uncover the understandingsof the attenders and bring conceptual order to what I found (Ammerman 1987; Bender 2003;Marti 2005; Orsi 2002). I also attempted to distinguish between official pronouncements advo-cated by church leaders and the everyday happenings of all congregants (leaders and nonleaders)to the actual operations of congregational life. I participated in church events regularly attendedby members, new guests, and those in the process of joining the church, including both week-end and mid-week church functions. As part of being a participant observer, I went through itsmembership process and also attended various classes and seminars for highly committed vol-unteer church leaders. I reviewed available archival material and conducted personal interviews.Archived sources consisted of selected books published by leaders, sermon and seminar tapes,and pamphlets publicly distributed by the church. I randomly sampled individual membershiprecords. The church utilized oral tradition to recall its history, so specific historical recordswere largely absent. Thus, personal interviews were used to reconstruct church history as well asobtain information on member experiences.

Semistructured, face-to-face interviews included leaders (both paid staff and nonpaid volun-teers), long-time members, occasional attenders, and first-time guests. I formally interviewed atotal of 50 people. Because Asians and Latinos were oversampled and because most long-timestaff members were white, the proportion of racial-ethnic groups interviewed was slightly differ-ent than that of the congregation as a whole. In the interviews, 42 percent were white, 32 percentAfrican American, 13 percent Latino, 5 percent Asian, 2 percent Middle Eastern, and 6 percentself-defined as some form of mixed/multiracial ancestry. Within this sample, I interviewed awide variety of people currently attending the church including those who made commitments tobecome dedicated followers of Jesus Christ at the church and those who had made such commit-ments elsewhere, long-time members and recent attendees, and men and women. I intervieweda range of age groups from young adults to senior citizens, marital statuses from unmarried tomarried people, and, most importantly, people of all notable racial and ethnic groups. In theinterviews, I focused on the process by which members came to join the church, reasons forstaying (and in some cases returning), and their reporting about why others stay or leave the con-gregation. Interviews averaged around 90 minutes and were transcribed and themes, categories,and codes emerged from various levels of coding using NVIVO qualitative software. I also had

206 JOURNAL FOR THE SCIENTIFIC STUDY OF RELIGION

numerous conversations with blacks and nonblacks during my fieldwork, and these were codedusing NVIVO as well.

THE AFRICAN-AMERICAN EXPERIENCE IN A RACIALLY DIVERSE CHURCH

Looking through field notes from congregational observation and analyzing the interviewresponses and conversations with African-American participants in this black-white church,I find evidence of both ethnic transcendence and ethnic reinforcement among blacks in thiscongregation. I also find a nuanced interaction occurring between the two.

More Than Just Black

In both formal interviews and informal conversations, nearly all blacks in the congregationexpress a desire to escape being religiously immersed in black racial enclaves. While all theAfrican Americans I encountered had immersive experiences in the Black Church, not all spokeof these experiences in a complementary way. Ben, 43 years old, said: My mom started us offearly. The pinching ear stage, you know, when youre supposed to sit there and you dont. Hejoked about his experiences. The preachers just barked at you, and you could barely understandthem. And the breathing things that they would do. They go, Aaaand, [with a lot of breath].That whole show. We would wake up when he got to that part because it was close to the endof the sermon. Like Ben, all black attenders at Oasis had been members of a Black Church atsome point in their lives, and they would mimic call and response preaching or comment onlong worship services. Cherise, 32 years old, said:

There were times I loved it, and then there were other times where Im like, Were going to church again? Wewould get there at nine, and then we would leave this one service at three. So it was like six hours. And then wewould go home and eat, and then we would go back for Sunday night. And then Tuesday would be rehearsal, andthen Wednesday we would be at services. So for a child it was a bit much. It was constantly being there . . . . WhenI was a kid, I didnt really get into it. I was like, Oh no. Id get in trouble for playing tic-tac-toe on the back pew.

Their joking characterizations of the Black Church is one way in which African Americans atOasis overall acknowledge their racial identities as black while rejecting an exclusivist blackorientation. African Americans approach their memories of their Black Church with nostalgia,yet consciously choosing to leave the Black Church is a consistent aspect of narrating their past.Ben, who had spent most of his life in Black Churches, said: That was okay back then, but thisis now. I need something different.

Apart from their Black Church memberships, African Americans come to Oasis with anexperience of diversity, looking for diversity, and appreciating diversity. Cherise said, I wasalways the type of person where I wanted everyone in my life, every type of person in my life.Cherise speculated that young adults are attracted to Oasis because they get the opportunityto be around different races. She discussed African-American involvement specifically, saying:Because we have so many young people coming, they want and crave that type of environmentwhere people look different, people dress different, talk different. But they are getting along.Different races having a good time together, thats like a drawing card for people. Other AfricanAmericans agreed, talking about their own attraction to the congregation. Franklin, 27 yearsold, said: One thing I just loved about Oasis was it is really diverse. Thats just the first thingI noticed. And that was something that would speak to me. Leron, 30 years old, said: Thepart of this world that I love is the diversity . . . . I love the fact that you have a whole bunch ofdifferent couples that are interracial . . . . You see a lot of little kids running around, Black kidswith red hair and blond hair you go, OK, what are you? What are you mixed with? Its justsuch a neat expression of unity really. He added: When you have so many beautiful people

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together, so many different races together, its hard for you to say that one is better than another,or these people are ugly. It really does make a huge difference. Ben said: The younger Blacksare coming because they are into it. They can see the big picture is not about just being Black.That this is different than how they were brought up and that this is the way of the world. We nolonger live in this bubble. Weve got to get out and do this and do that. And mingle and whatever.

Rather than seek another ethnoracially homogenous church experience, African-Americanmembers at Oasis actively sought a church characterized by diversity. Franklin is among manywho looked for diversity before committing to a congregation. I started looking into churchesthat were more diversifiedand that I felt were more open to thisbecause it was big on myheart, and I wanted to get more into it. For Franklin and others, they embrace diversity becausethats how church should be. Tia, 57 years old, told me:

Ive always lived in ethnically diverse situations and Ive always worked in diverse situations. I indeed refuseto do anything other than that. Because heaven is going to be diverse, all right? Everyone should learn how toget along, to work with, have a relationship with one another. So had Oasis been an all Black church, I would nothave joined.

Monica, 33 years old, said with a tone of appreciation: It was refreshing . . . people from differentbackgrounds and different races. I thought it was just great. I didnt even think it was an option.Brandon, 52 years old, said: This is my heart. Because I imagine heaven being, you know, Godjust having everybody and thats where my commitment lies . . . I know when I get to heaventheres going to be some of everything and everybody and all that.

In these statements, the processes of religious ethnic transcendence appear to be most primary.For example, there is a profound, shared belief that the sermons preached at Oasis touch the deepestpart of all humanity regardless of race. Julia, a 33-year-old white member, said: When you comehere, you see all these different types of people, and you listen to the Word in a practical sense andsee how it applies to everyone on a personal level. . . . The implicit belief is that a shared religiousorientation is being cultivated and affirmed in the congregation that is more fundamental thanethnoracial distinctions. In another interview, Kiara, a 62-year-old long-time African-Americanchurch member, pointed to the entrance and said, I remember walking through those doors, andall of my life I have never seen a church where there were Black people, White people, HispanicpeopleI mean every race, every color of skin, tone, literally. I stood in the door, and I justgasped. Oh, my gosh. And the next thought that came to my mind was This is what Heavenwill be like. Kiara continued: When I walked into Oasis, I just saw all of these people as yousee here, and it actually took my breath away. And I thought, How wonderful. We can actuallybe here on this planet and actually go to church together on a Sunday. People didnt tell me thepastor and his wife were White. Im like, Theyre White!

For some, this religiously based unity complements their past experiences of diversity. Otis,33 years old, said he did not consider the diversity of the church either difficult or unusual becausehe is used to diversity. He said:

I never really noticed the diversity until people started talking about it. The pastor I had in college was a Whiteguy, so I was used to going to a church that was mixed, White-Black or whatever. So that really didnt bother me.So when I came to the Oasis, everyone was talking about the diversity but it didnt really seem like an issue withme because I had been there before. I just kind of slipped right into a situation I was comfortable with.

Jerome, 34 years old, said: Most of my upbringing has been among predominantly Whitecommunities. Sierra, 40 years old, is another who dismissed any struggle to participate in anintegrated church and said, Ive always been around people with different backgrounds even inher church experiences.

The value for diversity is so strong that some members reject Black Churches simply becausein their judgment the Black Church reinforces segregation. Ben said: It comes out of experiencing

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it as a kid throughout my whole life . . . . The prejudice was so prevalent . . . . When I was a youngkid, we got bussed to a White school. The bullying, group conflict, and racial tension affectedhim deeply as he consistently remained committed to diverse relationships. Ben hates prejudice,and his attempt to maintain diversity in his relationships keeps him invested in a diverse churchfor his religious involvement. Ben said: If I had to put it into words, the mission of Oasis ise-racism [short for erase-racism]. Just the prejudice side of it, man, I just hate it. Its crazy. Butthats how I see it. One step at a time. E-racism. Just getting rid of it. He was passionate. Thechurch is missing it. You have pastors that are missing it. And that bothers me. Thats huge withme. Ben said, I would hope that this would be a springboard. I would hope that it would startinfiltrating other churches and that people would really grasp that. Because thats how Jesus was.And its like we miss it. We miss it.

Franklin believes African Americans are not stigmatized in this church. Were really greatabout not recognizing minorities, Franklin said. When I walked into another church I felt likea minority because somebody pointed it out. Somebody made me aware of it, so then thats whyI was aware of it. Well, here I can honestly say Im not aware of it. Franklin continued:

People will sometimes say, Your church is so diverse. And it reminds me that my church is so diverse. Youknow? Oh, we are diverse . . . . Its at a place where I dont know. You know, its like I really do forget, Oh, youare Black, and I am not. You get at a place where family is family. We are really diverse, and so I think thatminorities might come in and go, Wow! There are people like me, and everybodys here. But that quickly fadesbecause you are just family.

Others also remarked that the diversity of the church made it welcoming to guests of all racialand ethnic groups.

Finally, in addition to the appreciation for diversity some African-American members refuseto be categorized or labeled by race or ethnicity. In my interview with Jerome, he began to museon the issue of blackness philosophically by asking:

Is Black a definition of pigmentation differentiation or is it an attitude? Is it a physical characteristic, or is it asocial characteristic? And me, I think its a social characteristic. What defines a person who is Black is completelyindependent to the observer and the observed. What the observed decides is what they are going to be.

In a more pragmatic approach, Dakota, 59 years old, said, I am, you know, multicultural. Immixed. Im multicultural. Im Black, Irish, Filipino, Chinese, French-Canadian, and AmericanIndian. So I never really felt comfortable with all one or the other. Dakota had attended BlackChurches but felt uncomfortable. They were both all-Black churches, and I just didnt feel like Ibelonged there. So when I came to the Oasis and saw all the different cultures and all the differentraces, I was just ecstatic. I felt like I had come home.

Recognize Black Distinctives

Although black attenders do not want to be exclusively black in their church community,they appreciate that Oasis provides recognition for blacks and want this aspect of the church tocontinue. African Americans at Oasis appreciate diversity, but they do not express ambivalenceabout their own racial identity. (In contrast, 29-year-old Andrew of Middle Eastern descentsaid, I dont feel completely Assyrian, and I dont feel completely American. I feel like Imsomewhere in between. Although Andrew was embedded in Middle-Eastern social networks,he was born in the United States.) African Americans at Oasis always note their distinctives asblack Americans. For example, 34-year-old Steve is an African American who grew up in awhite community. Although he does not want to be black exclusively, he values being blackand spoke about aspects of the church, including music and racially explicit discussions, thatresonate with affinities found among African Americans. So while the social settings at Oasis are

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diverse, the congregation retains aspects recognizable to blacks like Steve as being especially forthemselves.

Interviews with African Americans reveal a deep connection between musical styles incongregational worship and their connection to the church. More specifically, blacks in thecongregation universally talked about the worship music of the congregation as having a blacksound. While talking about growing up in her Black Church, Cherise said she appreciates theR&B-gospelly-Black sound, if that is what you would term it at Oasis because thats what Igrew up with in church. The music style at Oasis is consistently described as a mix of funk,gospel, and R&B with a heavy bass and strong, danceable rhythm that invite people to stand, clap,move, and groove as they worship. Louie, a long-time Latino member, said, [b]asically itsgospel, and went on to call it full gospel and kind of like Kirk Franklin. Members believethe R&B and the soul element of the music is distinctive to African-American musical taste.Steve described the sound further, explaining:

There are forms of [musical] expression in what would be considered Black churches . . . . We have certain elementsof those things. Every now and then we can do one of those little double-time things with the band, and they willdo it just for fun because it brings back some memories of people, and people will remember something theydont normally get in our church. And that makes them feel more connected . . . .

In short, while the diverse membership of Oasis incorporates racially diffuse arenas of reli-gious interaction, the congregation also includes racially specific markers in its worship music,markers that are not readily evident to nonblacks. The incorporation of what black membersrecognize as racially specific symbols helps sustain the incorporation of African Americans intothe membership of the congregation over time.

Beyond music, processes of ethnic reinforcement are also evident in how the leadership ofOasis holds a clearly stated institutional commitment to racial equity. Pastor Philip said: Wethought [racial diversity] was something God was doing, but we should protect it, or nurture it.In pursuing this, they went against a basic church growth principle touted by their mentorsTheHomogenous Unit Principle (McGavran 1955; Wagner 1976, 1984, 1987). The HomogenousUnit Principle states that churches must target racial and ethnic groups that share a homogenousculture in order to succeed. In contrast, they pursued an explicit orientation toward racial diversity.References to the racial demographics of the congregation by both leaders and long-time membersregarding its founding and history frequently affirm that Oasis has always been an integratedblack-white congregation.

Pastors Philip and Holly intentionally highlight racial issues and train for racial awareness inpublic and in private, and both black and nonblack members consistently affirm that the churchsleaders are personally committed to racial equity. Mike, a 26-year-old Caucasian member, isamong others who said: They very proactively address those issues and talk about ways toovercome them. And 55-year-old Helen, another long-time Caucasian member, said: He bringsit up, and he keeps it in front of our faces. The discussion of prejudice is not to educate blacks,but rather to create a proactively protective environment for blacks. As Helen points out: Whenyou talk about diversity, the people of color understand the situation. Its the White folks thatneed to get the clue. The pulpit regularly addresses issues often left unspoken between blacksand nonblacks in congregations. Pastor Holly said: We never take it for granted and we dontjust assume it happens. We talk about bigotry. We talk about it, and we dont just talk about it onMartin Luther King, Jr. Day either. You know, we talk about it all the time. We will say thingslike, If all your friends look like you, then you are in trouble . . . . According to Pastor Holly,We say, Dont ask if you are prejudiced, just ask where am I prejudiced? Philip said: Nomatter what topic Im teaching on, that usually comes into play. We will use an example becauseit just affects so much of our lives. So, I find myself making racial commentsnot slurs, butracial commentspretty regularly.

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Black members also believe that their church leaders adjust ministries in response to needsto protect racial equity. Ben pictures Pastor Philip as actively navigating the racial compositionof the church. Philip is like with reins. He wont let it go all Black or all White. Hell comeright out and say it, Okay, now, we need to have something else because were not just Black.Open church discussions on and off the platform highlights to blacks that racial issues are notbeing ignored and alerts nonblacks that any form of prejudice is not acceptable. I often heardreferences to racial prejudice during my time at Oasis as well as direct confrontation of differentforms of interpersonal discrimination. On becoming aware of racial issues in their congregation,Holly said: We dont hide. We get on the pulpit and go, That is so stupid. Again, Holly said:Well tell them to turn to their neighbor and say, Im prejudiced, or whatever. We try to dealwith it straight on. Leaders openly confront racial issues, and one public manifestation is at theWelcome Table where greeters regularly give away free CDs with a message from Pastor Philipon racial harmony.

So, in developing attitudes to create a hospitable environment for African Americans Oasisincorporates messages, ministries, and counseling sessions that regularly focus on prejudicialattitudes. Here we see processes of ethnic reinforcement. Oasis accentuates discrimination againstblacks and the recognition of their oppression. In other words, racial awareness at Oasis centerson issues of African-American alienation. I found it especially significant that the Applicationfor Ministry form, which dates from the late 1980s and is completed by those who desire tovolunteer or lead in the church, includes the question: Are you racially prejudiced or do youhave struggles in that area? The same form lists prohibitions against drugs and sex outside ofmarriage that are typical of church ministry applications, yet few churches (if any) include suchan explicit prohibition against racial prejudice. The form essentially acknowledges that racism isa sin to which one must be accountable. This helps to maintain a viable haven for diversityin which African Americans can participate.

Finally, the presence of African Americans on staff signals to other blacks the affirmationof a distinctive black identity. When black members began to critique the lack of black staffmembers, the leaders of the church took notice. One long-time African-American member in hermid 50s said: Once that was brought to Pastors attention, it was addressed. They have been veryresponsive. As things have come up, theyve worked to determine the validity of the concern andbeen responsive to those issues. While the pastors insist staff members are hired on the basis ofqualifications rather than racial quotas, respondents noted with appreciation the current presenceof black staff members. All assume that the hiring of black staff is an intentional responseto the black presence of the congregation. Thus, even if the hires did not occur in response togrousing among members, the perception that leaders were responsive furthers the sense not onlythat blacks are protected and respected but also that their concerns are heeded.

Not Black Enough

For many African Americans, Oasis is simply not black enough. Several black memberstold me their black family and friends ask: How could you go to church with a White pastor?Angela, 52 years old, said: People hate the fact that I come here. [They refuse] to come becausethe pastor is not a Black man. They say, There is no way those two people understand anythingabout us. They have no clue. They could not really empathize or sympathize with an AfricanAmerican. Angela was dating a black man who would not come to the church. He said to her:Never. Ill never sit through his preaching and pastoring me. Ben explained: Its sad but true.It has to do with Theres this White man up there. He cant really relate to the struggles that Ivebeen through. Another African-American member in his mid 30s said: Some people grew upin a Black church or just grew up in a different time before this whole MTV side to it will haveproblems fitting into the church, especially if you are a Black man who is 40 and above and yougrew up in a Black church in a family that considers itself Black. He went on to say:

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There are still people who are Id say 50, 60 years old who still might have issues with something as superficialas taking advice or listening to the word of a White pastor. Ive actually heard that quite a good number of timesover the years. I just cant be under a White pastor. I need to be under a Black pastor. And these are things thatare built into people, and there are some people who have become self-aware enough or independent enough todecide, Thats not what Im going to base my decision on where Im going to church. But there are some peoplewho just cant get past that, and thats what makes them comfortable.

In short, Oasis might disturb some very old school people who are on the old side or the Blackside or both.

Black members say that what keeps these older blacks away is concern for the racial knowl-edge of the pastor: There is a white man up there. He cant really relate. Ben said the churchprovokes reactions because its too white. His black Christian friends say to him: Oh, Ivegot to go to my Black church. And the concern about white pastoral leadership is not limited toolder blacks. One black woman invited her 20 something year-old daughter:

And she said, Really? Oh my gosh. What kind of music is it? I cant imagine that the music could be great. AndI said, The music is great. And for a while she wouldnt come . . . . But she finally came, and she was blownawayso much so that she actually sat down and wrote [Pastor Philip] saying, I didnt want to come becausemy mom said that you were White.

Pastor Philip is aware of how blacks may distrust white leaders. He said: We get a lot of colorsin there, but there are a lot of people who are untrusting of me. So we try to address that.

Although people who refuse to join the church believe the lead pastors could not possiblyunderstand the black experience, those who stay emphasize that the founding pastors not onlyunderstand certain critical elements of it (like musical styles) but also consciously raise awarenessof issues in the black community by actively working against racial prejudice and discrimination.And while Pastor Philip is adamant that there is no consideration of racial representation inhiring, the presence of black staff accentuates for black members the belief that the pastors ofthe church compensate for their lack of complete racial understanding by bringing other blackson church staff. In addition, the younger, middle-class, and upwardly mobile African Americansin the congregation are less likely to discuss racially based injustices or exploitation embeddedin broader society in comparison with older African Americans in the congregation. Young andupwardly mobile blacks in the church see themselves as responsible for their own destiny andable to control the circumstances such that any experiences of frustration in work, housing,or education that could be interpreted as stemming from racial discrimination are connectedto stories of those who are not African American yet seen as sharing similar troubles. In short,younger and upwardly mobile blacks rely less on racial explanations for their social and economiccircumstances and connect with whites (as well as other groups in the congregation) on the basisof perceived shared frustrations of living in a complex, urban society (see Marti 2008b: Ch. 7).

DISCUSSION AND IMPLICATIONS

The core black membership of Oasis come specifically for its ethnic and racial diversity anddescribe their experience of coming to church as an anticipation of what heaven will be like(see Christerson et al. 2005). These black members have interracial social networks, want toescape the encapsulation of the Black Church, and seek to participate in a diverse congregation.Among these members, Oasiss intentional focus on diversity and programs to promote intergroupcontact to foster an inclusive identity indicate processes of ethnic transcendence (as described byMarti 2008a, 2009a; see also Dougherty and Huyser 2008). At the same time, African-Americanmembers also recognize and appreciate the markers that affirm a distinctive African-Americanexperience. Ethnic reinforcement is achieved in this church by recognition of blacks up front,