The following is adapted from speechesdelivered by Mr. Meese on June 8 and June12, 2002, at sea aboard the CrystalSymphony, during the first Hillsdale Collegecruise, “A Salute to Freedom.”

Ronald Reagan revitalized the Americaneconomy and began an unprecedentedperiod of economic growth. He rebuilt

our armed forces. He restored the spirit of theAmerican people. But most important to our dis-cussion today, he developed a new set of strategicprinciples to deal with the Soviet Union and thethreat of communist imperialism. According tothose principles, the United States would opposerather than accommodate the Soviet Union,insofar as it sought to expand its power andimpose totalitarianism around the globe.

The first way in which Reagan took on theSoviet Union – and the basis of everything else –was to defend strongly the moral superiority of

freedom. He rejected absolutely the idea of moralequivalence – the idea, prevalent at the time,and still prevalent today, that there is no moraldifference between free government and tyranny.Second, Reagan stood up to Soviet aggression. In1979 and 1980, before he took office, the Sovietshad marched into Afghanistan with virtualimpunity. Reagan made it clear, through hisdiscussions with the Soviet ambassador andthrough other means, that the United Stateswould not allow the Soviet Union to occupyone square foot of additional ground anywherein the world. And third, Reagan adopted thepolicy of rolling back communism whereverpossible, by supporting freedom fighters inPoland, Angola, Nicaragua and elsewherearound the world.

The public unveiling of Reagan’s anti-communist strategy took place 20 years agotoday, [on June 8, 1982], when he spoke to the

A monthly publication of Hillsdale College • www.hillsdale.edu

IMPRIMISBecause Ideas Have Consequences1.1 Million ReadersOVER

August 2002 Volume 31, Number 8

Morality and Foreign Policy: Reagan and Thatcher

Edwin Meese III Former Attorney General of the United States

EDWIN MEESE III was the Attorney General of the United States from 1985-88. Prior to that he served as Deputy District Attorney in Alameda County,California; professor of law at the University of San Diego; Governor RonaldReagan’s Executive Assistant and Chief of Staff; Chief of Staff and SeniorIssues Advisor for the Reagan-Bush Committee during the 1980 presidentialcampaign, head of President-elect Reagan’s transition team following theNovember 1980 election; and Counsellor to the President from 1981-85. Hecurrently holds the Ronald Reagan Chair in Public Policy at the HeritageFoundation, and is a Distinguished Visiting Fellow at the Hoover Institutionand a Distinguished Senior Fellow at the University of London’s Institute ofUnited States Studies. A 1953 graduate of Yale University, Mr. Meese holds alaw degree from the University of California at Berkeley, is a retired Colonelin the United States Army Reserve and is the author of With Reagan: TheInside Story (Regnery Gateway, 1992).

British Parliament at Westminster Palace. Itwas in that speech that he announced hisbattle plan for dealing with communism inthe future. Writing about that speech later,he said,

When I came into office, I believed there hadbeen mistakes in our policy toward the Sovietsin particular. I wanted to do some things dif-ferently, like speaking the truth about them fora change, rather than hiding reality betweenthe niceties of diplomacy.

So he spoke openly about the conflict betweenthe principles of constitutional governmentand those of communism. In retrospect, I’mamazed that previous national leaders hadnot attacked the ideas behind Marxism-Leninism in this direct way. We had come tobe too worried that we would offend the Sovietleaders if we did so. But Reagan portrayedMarxism-Leninism as an “empty cupboard.”Everyone knew this by the 1980s, he believed,but no one was saying it. Being honest aboutit, he thought, would help the Soviets to faceup to their own weaknesses, and to theiruncertain future.

Scaring the “Striped-PantsDiplomats”

IT WAS in that speech that Reagan said,

What I am describing now is a plan and a hopefor the long-term. The march of freedom anddemocracy will leave Marxism-Leninism onthe ash heap of history, as it has left othertyrannies which stifled the freedom and muz-zled the self-expression of the people.

As you might imagine, those words scared theheck out of the people whom Reagan used tocall “striped-pants diplomats.” It was not at allwhat the State Department would have pre-ferred him to say in such a widely broadcastspeech. But honesty was Reagan’s way, and itturned out to be effective.

The following year, in March of 1983,Reagan gave a speech to the NationalAssociation of Evangelicals in which he saidthat those who promote the total sovereignty ofthe state over the individual are the focus of evilin the modern world. This is the speech inwhich he called the Soviet Union an “evilempire” – again, much to the dismay of theState Department. And in that same month,

and in the same spirit, Reagan declared theimportance of the Strategic Defense Initiative –what we know today as Ballistic Missile Defense– and announced his intention to begin todevelop it.

There are several other milestones inReagan’s campaign against communism. InOctober of 1983, at the request of theOrganization of Eastern Caribbean States, theUnited States used military force for the first timesince Vietnam, rescuing nearly a thousandAmerican citizens and putting down an oppres-sive totalitarian regime on the island of Grenada.

After that there was the series of meetingswith Mikhail Gorbachev, beginning in 1985, inwhich Reagan set forth the understanding thatthe United States posed no threat to the SovietUnion, but that we would not accept peace atthe expense of other peoples’ freedom.

The most important of these meetings –which came to be called “summits” – was atReykjavik in 1986. It was at this meeting thatGorbachev put on the table what would havebeen the greatest reduction of offensiveweapons in the history of the world. But he hadone requirement: the United States would haveto give up the Strategic Defense Initiative.Reagan already knew that ballistic missiledefense was important, and had explained whyto the American people. But it wasn’t until thatmoment that he realized how important it wasto the Soviets. The Soviet Union had beencheating on the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty –the 1972 treaty which forbade the Soviet Unionand the United States from going beyond a cer-tain level of ballistic missile defense – for 10 or15 years. But already in 1986, Gorbachev rec-ognized that the United States was eclipsingthe Soviet Union in its technological develop-ment of missile defense.

Reagan turned down Gorbachev’s offer. Atthe time, the news media, along with manyothers in our country and around the world,argued that Reagan had made a mistake bynot giving in to Gorbachev’s demand. But inhindsight, we can say that this was one of thecritical moments in the entire Cold War. TheSoviets realized the importance of SDI. Theyalso knew, because of Reagan’s refusal to giveit up – as many Soviet leaders have writtensince that time – that they would never be ableto prevail over the United States.

Following Reykjavik was Reagan’s visit toBerlin on June 12, 1987. In his speech that dayat the Brandenburg Gate, Reagan reviewed thehistory of the Cold War. He compared the

IMPRIMIS Because Ideas Have Consequences

progress that was taking place in the West withthe technological backwardness and privationin the communist world. He suggested that theSoviets themselves may be coming to under-stand the importance of freedom, noting thatunder Gorbachev there had been somechanges. Political prisoners had been released.Economic enterprises had been permitted tooperate with greater freedom from state con-trol. “Are these the beginnings of profoundchanges in the Soviet state,” Reagan asked,“or are they token gestures intended to raisefalse hopes in the West, or to strengthen theSoviet system without changing it?”

“We welcome change and openness,” hecontinued. “We believe that freedom and secu-rity go together, that the advance of humanliberty can only strengthen the cause of worldpeace.” And then Reagan went on to make thechallenge that we’ve heard repeated so manytimes since, and that turned out to be somomentous in the history of Berlin and of theCold War:

There is one sign the Soviets can make thatwould be unmistakable, that would advancedramatically the cause of freedom and peace.General Secretary Gorbachev, if you seekpeace, if you seek prosperity for the SovietUnion and Eastern Europe, if you seek liber-alization, come here to this gate. Mr.Gorbachev, open this gate. Mr. Gorbachev,tear down this wall!

That was in many ways the beginning ofthe end of the Cold War. From that point on,there was a marked difference in the goings-onwithin the comunist world. Reagan had accu-rately perceived the weaknesses of the SovietUnion. He had formulated American policy ina way that those weaknesses couldn’t be hid-den. He had spoken openly about the immoralreason for those weaknesses. And so, as he pre-

3

continued on page 6

OCTOBER 1-13, 2003ATHENS • ISTANBUL • DIKILI • SANTORINI • SORRENTO • VENICE

Cruise

InterShow presents

The Secon d

Don’t miss this opportunity... Contact your Hillsdale College Cruise Specialist

and book your cabin today—Call

800/797-9519.

Jeane J. Kirkpatrick American Enterprise Institute

Former Ambassador to the United Nations, 1981-85

Victor Davis Hanson Professor of Classics, California State University, Fresno

Author, Carnage and Culture

- Confirmed Speakers Include -

ON THE

BRAND NEW

CRYSTAL

SERENITY

“Exploring the Roots of Western Civilization”

progress that was taking place in the West withthe technological backwardness and privationin the communist world. He suggested that theSoviets themselves may be coming to under-stand the importance of freedom, noting thatunder Gorbachev there had been somechanges. Political prisoners had been released.Economic enterprises had been permitted tooperate with greater freedom from state con-trol. “Are these the beginnings of profoundchanges in the Soviet state,” Reagan asked,“or are they token gestures intended to raisefalse hopes in the West, or to strengthen theSoviet system without changing it?”

“We welcome change and openness,” hecontinued. “We believe that freedom and secu-rity go together, that the advance of humanliberty can only strengthen the cause of worldpeace.” And then Reagan went on to make thechallenge that we’ve heard repeated so manytimes since, and that turned out to be somomentous in the history of Berlin and of theCold War:

There is one sign the Soviets can make thatwould be unmistakable, that would advancedramatically the cause of freedom and peace.General Secretary Gorbachev, if you seekpeace, if you seek prosperity for the SovietUnion and Eastern Europe, if you seek liber-alization, come here to this gate. Mr.Gorbachev, open this gate. Mr. Gorbachev,tear down this wall!

That was in many ways the beginning ofthe end of the Cold War. From that point on,there was a marked difference in the goings-onwithin the comunist world. Reagan had accu-rately perceived the weaknesses of the SovietUnion. He had formulated American policy ina way that those weaknesses couldn’t be hid-den. He had spoken openly about the immoralreason for those weaknesses. And so, as he pre-

3

continued on page 6

OCTOBER 1-13, 2003ATHENS • ISTANBUL • DIKILI • SANTORINI • SORRENTO • VENICE

Cruise

InterShow presents

The Secon d

Don’t miss this opportunity... Contact your Hillsdale College Cruise Specialist

and book your cabin today—Call

800/797-9519.

Jeane J. Kirkpatrick American Enterprise Institute

Former Ambassador to the United Nations, 1981-85

Victor Davis Hanson Professor of Classics, California State University, Fresno

Author, Carnage and Culture

- Confirmed Speakers Include -

ON THE

BRAND NEW

CRYSTAL

SERENITY

“Exploring the Roots of Western Civilization”

IMPRIMIS Because Ideas Have Consequences

Doris Myers, Hillsdale College Trustee J. Eric Plym ’63,Ursula Meese, and cruise speakers Edwin Meese III

and Midge Decter, seated for dinner in the Crystal Dining Room

Hillsdale College Vice President for Development John Cervini ’74 and his wife Sue

muster for the mandatory life boat drill

Cruise speaker Herbert Romerstein signs a copy of his book, The Venona Secrets

Hillsdale cruisers Gerald and Marilyn Matt dressed for Medieval Night on the

Crystal Symphony

Cruise speaker William Rusher discusses the history of American conservatism

in the Galaxy Lounge

PP hotoshotos The FThe First irst Hillsdale ColleHillsdale Collegge Cruisee Cruise

June 1-13, 2002June 1-13, 2002

IMPRIMIS Because Ideas Have Consequences

Doris Myers, Hillsdale College Trustee J. Eric Plym ’63,Ursula Meese, and cruise speakers Edwin Meese III

and Midge Decter, seated for dinner in the Crystal Dining Room

Hillsdale College Vice President for Development John Cervini ’74 and his wife Sue

muster for the mandatory life boat drill

Cruise speaker Herbert Romerstein signs a copy of his book, The Venona Secrets

Hillsdale cruisers Gerald and Marilyn Matt dressed for Medieval Night on the

Crystal Symphony

Cruise speaker William Rusher discusses the history of American conservatism

in the Galaxy Lounge

PP hotoshotos The FThe First irst Hillsdale ColleHillsdale Collegge Cruisee Cruise

June 1-13, 2002June 1-13, 2002

5

Guest speaker Celia Sandys,

granddaughter of Winston Churchill,

and Hillsdale CollegePresident Larry P. Arnn, at lunch with cruisers atthe Selsdon Park Hotelin Croydon, England

Hillsdale cruisers at Schloss Cecilienhoffin Potsdam, Germany, site of the 1945

conference attended by Churchill,Truman and Stalin

Hillsdale cruisers return from a tour of the Winter Palace in St. Petersburg, Russia

Churchill biographer and Hillsdale College Distinguished Fellow Sir Martin Gilbert leads a tour of Horse Guards Parade in London, England

Hitler biographer Ian Kershaw lectures on “WorldWar Two in Hitler’s Mind” at the Rathaus

Schöneberg in Berlin, Germany

IMPRIMIS Because Ideas Have Consequences

dicted at the end of his speech at theBrandenburg Gate, the Berlin Wall – and allit represented – fell. “For it cannot withstandfaith,” Reagan said. “It cannot withstandtruth. The wall cannot withstand freedom.”

Reagan and Thatcher

RONALD REAGAN said that his principles wereformed out of his upbringing in middleAmerica. His boyhood was in a poor, but veryupright family. He learned religious faithfrom his mother. He learned friendship andrespect toward others, including a strongopposition towards racial discrimination,from his father. He learned the importance ofpublic service, and of neighbors helping eachother, from the community in which he lived.

Margaret Thatcher came from a similar,although slightly more affluent background.She learned a great deal from her father’s workas a grocer – particularly the lesson that let-ting people make their own decisions was vast-ly superior to government-controlled econom-ic systems. It was this background, she said,that gave her the mental outlook and tools ofanalysis for reconstructing an economy inEngland that had been ravaged by socialism.

Reagan and Thatcher were of like mindin world affairs, particularly in regard todealing with the Soviet Union. Their jointleadership during the Cold War resembled inmany ways the collaboration betweenRoosevelt and Churchill during World War II.But there was one big difference: Churchillknew the importance of United States partic-ipation and support of Britain in World WarII, and he was tremendously grateful toRoosevelt for his leadership in that war andfor his friendship toward Britain. Together,they agreed on most major decisions aboutinternational affairs. But concerning a phi-losophy of government and domestic policy,Churchill did not share Roosevelt’s penchantfor centralizing power and regulating theeconomy. By contrast, Reagan and Thatchersaw eye-to-eye on both international affairsand government generally – particularly onthe need for limited government as a protec-tion for individual liberty.

Thatcher wrote about Reagan,

Above all, I knew that I was talking to some-one who instinctively felt and thought as I did.Not just about policies, but about a philoso-phy of government, a view of human nature.

The key element of Reagan’s strategy indealing with the Soviet Union was NATO. Hehad exerted his leadership to move NATO poli-cies into line with a more assertive response tothe Soviet Union, inaugurating the principlethat an attack on one would be an attack onall. He also worked with the other NATO lead-ers to gain support for freedom fighters inplaces such as Poland, and to give hope tocaptive nations. In all of this, Thatcher had avery important role. She was, as she describedherself, Reagan’s principal cheerleader inNATO – not only in NATO councils, but alsoprivately as she met with other NATO leaders,and also, perhaps even more importantly, asshe met with leaders of the Warsaw Pact. Intalking to leaders in Hungary, Czechoslovakiaand other places, she explained that theUnited States and NATO were not threats tothe Warsaw Pact, but that they would resistany actions by the Soviets to engage inaggression. In a sense, she was trying in thesemeetings to create a wedge between the lead-ers of the Warsaw Pact countries and theSoviet Union itself.

Nowhere was Thatcher’s help to Reaganmore pronounced than in his dealings withGorbachev. Reagan had delayed meeting withSoviet leaders until 1985, largely because hewanted the United States to be able to negoti-ate from a position of strength, and it hadtaken a few years to build up our militaryforces to the point where he was in a positionto do so. Thatcher agreed with and supportedthis strategy, whereas other leaders, particu-larly in Europe, were pressing for Reagan tomeet immediately with the Soviet leadership.

When Gorbachev came to power in 1985,Mrs. Thatcher met with him first. She hadstudied his statements and his background.She knew of his education and knew that heunderstood the West better than his predeces-sors. After she had talked with him and beforehe had met with Reagan, she shared withReagan her view that he was “a man that wecan do business with.” Her insights helpedReagan greatly in preparing for his first meet-ing with Gorbachev. She was of critical helpalso in demonstrating to Gorbachev that sheand Reagan were in total agreement. By pre-senting a united front, she was instrumentalin creating the right background for Reagan’smeetings with Gorbachev in Geneva,Reykjavik, Washington, D.C., and Moscow.

continued on next page (detach envelope)

The close personal and political friendshipbetween Reagan and Thatcher had obviouslong-term significance for world history. Italso illustrates an important lesson to keep inmind as we navigate the future. It embodiedthe principles that have characterized the his-tories of the United States and England. Theorigins of those principles date back manycenturies to a common beginning, and to thefundamental ideas which guide both ourcountries today – the ideas of freedom and therule of law.

Thatcher put it well recently when she said– at a Hillsdale event, interestingly enough –

Being democratic is not enough, for a major -ity cannot turn what is wrong into right. In

order to be considered truly free, countriesmust also have a deep love of liberty and anabiding respect for the rule of law.

That is a moral creed to which both Reaganand Thatcher subscribed, and which both pre-served. And our world is the better for it.

7

continued from page 6

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IMPRIMIS (im-pri.

-mis), taking its name from the Latin term, “in the first place,” is a monthly publication of HillsdaleCollege. Editor, Douglas A. Jeffrey; Deputy Editor, Timothy W. Caspar; Assistant to the Editor, Patricia A. DuBois.Illustrations by Tom Curtis. The opinions expressed in IMPRIMIS are not necessarily the views of Hillsdale College.Copyright © 2002. Permission to reprint in whole or in part is hereby granted, provided the following credit line is used:“Reprinted by permission from IMPRIMIS, the national speech digest of Hillsdale College (www.hillsdale.edu).”Subscription free upon request. ISSN 0277-8432. IMPRIMIS trademark registered in U.S. Patent and Trade Office#1563325.

CHANGING ADDRESS?Please use the enclosed postpaid envelope or

telephone 1-800-437-2268 or e-mail imprimis@hillsdale.edu.

The close personal and political friendshipbetween Reagan and Thatcher had obviouslong-term significance for world history. Italso illustrates an important lesson to keep inmind as we navigate the future. It embodiedthe principles that have characterized the his-tories of the United States and England. Theorigins of those principles date back manycenturies to a common beginning, and to thefundamental ideas which guide both ourcountries today – the ideas of freedom and therule of law.

Thatcher put it well recently when she said– at a Hillsdale event, interestingly enough –

Being democratic is not enough, for a major -ity cannot turn what is wrong into right. In

order to be considered truly free, countriesmust also have a deep love of liberty and anabiding respect for the rule of law.

That is a moral creed to which both Reaganand Thatcher subscribed, and which both pre-served. And our world is the better for it.

7

continued from page 6

Name Telephone ( )

Address Email

City State ZIP

h Enclosed is my tax-deductible contributionto Hillsdale College for $

h My check made payable to Hillsdale College is enclosed.

h Please charge my: h VISA h MC h Discover

Card No. hhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhExp. Date hh-hh

Signature

For more information, check areas that interest you:

Subtotal

Michigan residents, add 6% sales tax

Total

h Center for Constructive Alternatives on-campus seminars

h Shavano Institute off-campus seminars h Hillsdale Hostel

h Hillsdale Academy Reference Guide h Gift and Estate Planning

h Hillsdale College Admissions h Freedom Library Catalog (books and tapes)

h Hillsdale College Athletics h Dow Leadership Center Seminars

h Endowment for Teaching Independence

Dr. Mr. Mrs. Ms. Miss Home Office

Qty. Author/Title Price

Interested in admission

to Hillsdale College? Call

1-800-255-0384and we’ll lend

“Hillsdale College Video Visit”

to you at no cost!

(Orders only please–not an

information line)

I M P R I M I SI M P R I M I SORDER FORMORDER FORM

1-10 copies $.50 each25-$10; 50-$15; 100-$25

FREE SHIPPING!FREE SHIPPING!

IMPRIMIS (im-pri.

-mis), taking its name from the Latin term, “in the first place,” is a monthly publication of HillsdaleCollege. Editor, Douglas A. Jeffrey; Deputy Editor, Timothy W. Caspar; Assistant to the Editor, Patricia A. DuBois.Illustrations by Tom Curtis. The opinions expressed in IMPRIMIS are not necessarily the views of Hillsdale College.Copyright © 2002. Permission to reprint in whole or in part is hereby granted, provided the following credit line is used:“Reprinted by permission from IMPRIMIS, the national speech digest of Hillsdale College (www.hillsdale.edu).”Subscription free upon request. ISSN 0277-8432. IMPRIMIS trademark registered in U.S. Patent and Trade Office#1563325.

CHANGING ADDRESS?Please use the enclosed postpaid envelope or

telephone 1-800-437-2268 or e-mail imprimis@hillsdale.edu.

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