More than a Storythe history of

By B. Jones

www.suddenpublishing.com

Copyright 2012 CUPE Local 50

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, distributed, or transmitted in any form by any means, including photocopying, recording, or other electronic or mechanical methods, without the prior written permission of the copyright owners, except in the case of brief quotations embodied in critical reviews and certain other non-commercial uses permitted by copy-right law. For permission requests, write to the copyright owners.

ISBN 978-0-9867277-7-1First Edition 2012Proudly printed in Canada by a unionized printshop

About the cover Art by Jeff Maltby, design by Sudden PublishingThe mural Public Works Through the Years was completed in August 2009 and depicts the his-tory of the City of Victorias Public Works contributions from the mid-1800s to present day. It was commissioned by the City of Victoria as part of the 10th Anniversary of Public Works Day.

AcknowledgementsCUPE Local 50 would like to thank CUPE B.C. and CUPE National for their support and assis-tance in the completion of this project. The author would especially like to thank the following:

For the use of various articles and photographs: Monday Magazine For the use of various articles and photographs: Victoria Times Colonist For use of photographs: City of Victoria Archives For use of his Public Works mural: artist Jeff MaltbyFor use of material from their chronological history of Victoria: The Victoria Heritage Foundation For use of his cartoon, previously published in the Times Colonist: Adrian RaesideFor kindly donating their time, memories, photographs, and notes; and for consenting to interviews: John Burrows, Bill Doherty, Colin Graham, Jim Lamb, Pete Mathews, Cindy Reichert, Jim Walker and Carlos Flores.For additional comments and material: Carolyn Bradey, Jay Chudleigh, Steven Curry, Susan Jansen and Don SuttonFor research assistance: Brian Bradley, John Burrows, Susan Jansen and Don SuttonThanks also to HEU

ContentsMessages from CUPE ............................1

Introduction .......................................... 2

Chapter 1: The Beginning ................... 3

Chapter 2: The Inter-War Era .............. 8

Chapter 3: Surviving Restraint ...........

Chapter 4: War and Peace .............. 19

Chapter 5: Strike! ................................ 27

Chapter 6: Old and New .................. 32

More about Bill Doherty ................ 36

Chapter 7: Change ........................... 40

More about Jim Walker ................. 41

Chapter 8: Under Attack ....................

Chapter 9: Reason .............................2

More about Colin Graham ........... 53

Local 50 loses its home .................. 58

Chapter 10: A New Era ...................... 60

More about John Burrows ............. 61

Local 50s social side ..................... 67

Chapter 11: The Future ...................... 70

An act of unity, not charity ........... 73

Strength in numbers ....................... 74

The leaders of Local 50 ................. 76

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Local 50s current home at 2736 Quadra Street in Victoria, B.C. The building is a home and legacy for current and future members.

On the occasion of the publication of Local 50s history, we firstly offer our sincere congratulations on behalf of our entire membership.

Since 1918, multiple generations of public employees in Victoria have provid-ed quality public services and contributed greatly to the creation of one of Canadas most beautiful communities.

We often hear people say that we stand on the shoulders of those who came before us, and these words come to mind when we think of members of Local 50 who have built Victoria over the past ninety-plus years. Our congratulations and thank yous extend beyond todays membership

to those who came before us who, in addi-tion to building the community, built Lo-cal 50 into the strong and effective local union that it is today.

Again, our sincere congratulations and best wishes on the publication of this im-portant chapter in the labour history of British Columbia.

In solidarity,

Paul MoistPresidentCUPE National

I would like to congratulate you on your project to document your history and share that with your members who have been part of that history, with newer members that can share in the pride of the organization they now belong to, and, just as importantly, future generations of workers who will be members of Local 50. Your

locals long history is a testament to the difficult struggles, the hard work, and the determination it took to get to where we are today.

I say we because although Local 50 has always worked to do the very best for their members, your locals activism and commitment has helped shape other locals both large and small on Vancouver Island, in British Columbia, and in our National Union in Canada.

There have been of course massive changes over the years that have challenged the local, but one thing that has never changed is that workers rights were not achieved as a result of any em-ployer giving us those rights. Workers have fought every inch of the way so that future generations of workers would have more than we had, and for them to leave more to the following gen-eration thats what solidarity is really about. CUPE Local 50

has played a major role in making that happen. History that goes back over nine decades should never be ignored, it should be celebrated, as you are doing with this exciting new initiative. I for one am looking forward to its launch.

I want to conclude with a personal observation. I have had the opportunity over the last 30 years to work on many cam-paigns with my sisters and brothers in CUPE Local 50, not only in my role as provincial president, but as a local activist, a local president, and a representative of Vancouver Island. Throughout those years I knew that I could always count on the executive and members of Local 50 to be there when we needed them, re-gardless of the issue. If we believe as I do that loyalty is truly the currency of the labour movement, CUPE Local 50 members can consider themselves rich. Celebrate your history with pride and enthusiasm! Your current executive, members of your local, you and all those before you who helped make your local what it is today, deserve at least that.

In solidarity,

Barry ONeillPresidentCUPE B.C. Division

messages from CUPE

introduction

The story of Local 50 is more than the story of the 55 men who met one evening in 1918 and formed a local of the Civic Employees Protection Association. It is the story of those men and the ones who came after the story of fathers and sons. It is also the story of a fight for womens rights in the workplace the story of brothers and sisters. It is a story of working with other organizations and within the community a story of family.

1918 was a very big year. Canadian labour organizer Gin-ger Goodwin was killed. WWI ended and Armistice Day was declared. The Spanish influenza outbreak killed more people than WWI and forced the closure of most public places. A 7.8-magnitude earthquake hit the west coast of Vancouver Is-land. Boston Red Sox pitcher Babe Ruth extended his streak to 29 2/3 scoreless World Series innings. Perhaps Victorians can be forgiven if their attention was elsewhere and they did not notice the formation of an Employees Association by a small group of city workers.

Although CUPE Local 50 came to life at a time when regard for the ordinary working man had ex-perienced a significant shift for the better, it was

not their aim to strike down the status quo. Although new unions were springing to life across the country, and regular people were challenging longstanding labour laws, Local 50 was not trying to change labour history. The story of CUPE Local 50 began on a much smaller stage and was, in a way, more significant.

Their story began with a small community of people who sought better working conditions, equality, fair wages, and re-spect for the dignity of their labour. They were committed men

with a thoughtful regard for the quality of life of their fellow workers. It was a small idea the notion of concern for a fellow worker. The secret to Local 50s longevity the reason the local marches on despite all adversity and all detractors may just be that they have never lost sight of that small idea.

Today, CUPE Local 50 represents the City of Victoria inside and outside workers, as well as workers at the Victoria Police Board, the Gorge Vale Golf Club, Royal Oak Burial Park, B.C. SPCA Victoria Branch, and the United Way of Greater Victo-ria. They are all members of the Local 50 family.

United Way Kickoff 2012 Pancake

Breakfast

chapter oneThe Beginning

The decade of Local 50s formation was a volatile one. When war was declared on Germany in 1914, the austerity measures that took effect across Canada did not spare Victoria. Victorians endured the conditions with the expectation that the end of the war would bring about restoration. Their hopes were not realized. What followed was a period of conflict and uncertainty.

There were a number of strikes in Victoria before Local 50 was formed. In 1917, a work stoppage by conductors and motor-men of B.C. Electric Railway Company nearly brought Victoria to a halt. Some of the citys outside workers staged walkouts and threatened strikes. Wildcat strikes were nothing new among the citys outside workers. When their actions resulted in wage gains, inside workers pressed for similar increases. The pay raises were as limited and as haphazard as the strike action, though, applying only to certain groups of employees.

News of the successes of workers rights groups around the world inspired workers in Victoria. When Victorians heard about the Great October Revolution in Russia, they realized that they also had the power to shape their own destiny. Organizing was taking place across the country and across the province. Local unions became more active, and city workers were encouraged by what they saw.

Wages and working conditions of civic employees had failed to rebound after the war, and the ad hoc pay increases did little to address the gap between pre- and post-war wages. The city workers were not satisfied that their concerns were being prop-erly considered by their employer. A petition for a wage increase was drawn up, and a campaign for signatures began.

Although the mayor and council heard the rumblings from work-ers, they were not convinced that there was a serious problem. It was their belief that the agitation was the work of one or two unhappy employees and not the sentiment of an entire workforce.

The petition quickly drew 55 signatures and became an issue that unified the different groups of civic employees. The petition was presented to City Council on January 31, 1918.

The benefits of being united soon became evident, and the em-ployees decided to meet to formalize their group. On February 9, 1918, the 55 signatories to the wage petition met at the Knights of Pythias Hall. They created and adopted a constitution and elected their first president. They called the group the Victoria Civic Em-ployees Protective Association (CEPA).

Clipping from The Daily Colonist, Friday, February 1, 1918.

City of Victoria Engineering Department, 3rd floor of City Hall, 1918. City of Victoria Archives, M00556

As reported from that night by Elected President William Galt and Secretary James Walker:

A meeting of civic employees was held Feb. 9th, 1918 in the Council Chambers, to vote on the following resolution:

Resolved, that the Civic Employees of the City of Victoria in meeting assembled form a permanent association to be known as The Civic Employees Protective Association of Victoria B.C. for the purpose of promoting the financial, social and moral wel-fare of its members, and we further recommend that the meeting proceed to elect officers for said association forthwith.

The newly formed CEPA waited patiently for a response from the mayor to their petition. By April they had not received a sat-isfactory response to wage issues. They submitted a list of wage schedules to the council. Later in April, the Victoria Trades and Labour Council made a presentation to City Council on behalf of CEPA. The mayor assured the Labour Council that the issue would be considered.

Time passed without progress. CEPA was concerned that the city was hoping the issue would simply fade away. Stepping up the pressure, CEPA made an application to the minister of labour

in May. They requested the appointment of a Board of Concilia-tion under the Industrial Disputes Investigation Act in the hopes of achieving a binding decision on the wage issue.

Fed up with continuous delays, on June 10, 1918, CEPA passed a resolution stating that a walk-out would be declared. The CEPA members, supported by other City Hall workers, were ready to put down their tools, unless the Association was offi-cially notified by the City Council not later than 12 oclock noon of Tuesday, June 11, of its acceptance of a Board of Concilia-tion.

Although 55 men signed the petition and started CEPA, there were more than 55 men employed at City Hall. Not everyone im-mediately joined the fledgling local, but nearly all the employees supported the strike. The fact that 360 employees were ready to strike was reported in the newspaper in 1918.

On June 12, CEPA was notified by City Council that they agreed with the request for a Board of Conciliation and that they would abide by the boards decisions. It appeared that 360 work-ers poised to strike had accomplished what no amount of pleas, petitions and presentations could.

Unfortunately, ensuing discussions as to who would make up the board dragged the process out even longer. After having elected to solve the dispute via the conciliation board and after finally selecting their representative to the board, the council re-mained divided on issues with at least one alderman who told of the false impression under which he had been labouring, to the effect that all the citys employees, and not only the members of

City Hall staff outside Victoria City Hall. City of Victoria Archives, M08922

Time passed without progress. CEPA was concerned that the city was hoping the issue would simply fade away.

the Protective Association would be affected by the conciliation boards verdict.

CEPA presented their argument:It seems that the city employees must be penalized for the sins

of the City Council committed during boom days, for which said council was highly responsible. Is it the civic employees fault that the City Council is able to collect only 60 per cent of the taxes? Or is it not rather due to the shirking methods and indeci-sion of the council?

The citys response was a point-by-point justification of why they made the decisions they did and why they did not have the finances to meet CEPAs demands. Included in their response was a suggestion of the economic benefit of replacing workers with machines. The mayor noted that street sweepers consumed $46,000 a year and that only old or physically unfit men were em-ployed in this type of work. He speculated that many thousands of dollars could be saved by replacing the men with machinery.

The mayors comments led to the following commentary in the Daily Colonist.

The mayors statement led one to believe that street sweep-ers were being kept in the city service out of charity and that the work could be done cheaper by machinery. This was proved to be untrue by one of the employees, who said that street sweeping by machinery had been tried and found to be more expensive. In Victoria, street sweepers were paid $2.75 a day. Even Nanaimo paid better than this city.

The arguing continued, with CEPA members wondering why the police and fire departments seemed to get whatever they wanted whenever they asked for it (John Fry, the citys new po-lice chief would, in 1918, request and receive the first motorized patrol wagon). There was complete chaos when the discussions moved to specific wages, as it turned out there were cases of men

doing the same job but being paid different wages. There were also men doing two jobs but only being paid for one and receiv-ing no increases, as well as men receiving increases while their co-workers did not. City Council members attributed this to lob-bying by individuals and blamed CEPA members.

It was generally agreed that a wage bylaw was needed, but agreement ended there. How to reference the agreement pre-sented a whole new set of arguments. There seemed to be no reliable cost-of-living figures, and one by one, suggestions were discarded: Labour Gazette figures proved detrimental to unions when taken before commissions, and food for soldiers was con-sidered as well as the food bill at the Old Mens Home. These were considered too much under the influence of political issues and were disregarded.

The issue was not completely resolved. A general wage rate was eventually applied, but managers did not always abide by it. There continued to be men working for less than the going rate, and some men who received bonuses or other irregular com-pensation. Among CEPA members, there was discussion about better ways to determine and enforce pay rates. Though the idea was in its infancy, the concept of creating a master collective agreement began to take shape.

Although the exchanges between CEPA and the city seemed polite as reported in the papers, it was undeniable that there was a lack of respect for the outside workers. There was no evidence to suggest that the mayor and council understood the scope of the outside workers jobs, the way the workers were paid, or the level of difficulty in the various positions. There had been con-flict between the outside workers and the employer before. With the formation of CEPA, the two sides became more defined. As an organized group of workers, CEPA demanded respect.

Clipping from The Daily Colonist, July 20, 1918.

The existence and success of this association depends chiefly on the efficient and faithful execution of the duties of the

following officers: President, Corresponding Secretary, Financial Secretary and Treasurer ... therefore be it resolved that the

[officers] be granted exemption of subscription dues and, in addition, be allowed $1 per month each while occupying

such offices as a slight recognition of their services. minutes from first meeting accepted February 9, 1918

The original charter was issued in 1918, but subsequently lost. This one,

reissued in 1953, incorrectly identifies 1917 as the inception.

chapter twoThe Inter-War Era

The period from 1910 to 1920 had been one of divided focus. People watched events unfolding around the world and saw opportunity for change in their own countries, their own cities, and their own communities. As much as that decade was marked by bringing world views to the local landscape, the next decade was one of introspection for most unions.

Unions continued to make gains, and the power of the work-ing man continued to grow, but for the most part, labour or-ganizations concentrated on strengthening their positions from within. On the national stage, this meant the creation of com-peting bodies such as the Canadian Federation of Labour and the Trades and Labour Congress. Locally, it meant sorting out affiliations and generating more enthusiasm and participation among the members.

Establishing the local and fighting for reinstatement of pre-war wages and employment levels had served as a rallying point in the previous decade. In the early parts of the 1920s, though, there existed no incendiary issue. The relative labour peace of the inter-war period made some people wonder if the union had served its purpose. If newspaper reports of the day were any in-dication, there was more concern over the sale of Babe Ruth to the New York Yankees. In 1920, women voted in a provincial election for the first time. The first Minimum Wage Act was passed. The Communist Party of Canada was formed in 1921. The stage seemed set for an era of change and progress.

In the City of Victoria the population had been growing steadi-

ly, reaching 38,727 by 1921. A promise of prosperity abounded as more jobs became available. One of the biggest projects of the decade was the construction of the Johnson Street Bridge. The south span of the bridge (the highway span) opened to the public on October 2, 1922. The bridge was completed in Janu-ary 1924. The total cost for the bridge was $918,000. Manned by Local 50 employees, the bridge would become a critical link between downtown and the west side, and a strategic bargaining point between the city and its employees.

By 1927, Local 50 saw their numbers more than double those of the 55 founding members of 1918. The Parks Department expanded with the addition of Clover Point, which had previ-ously been a rifle range.

Workers on the construction of the Johnson Street Bridge, 1922. City of Victoria Archives

Empire Day celebrations at Beacon Hill Park, ca. 1920. Grounds groomed and site prepared by Local 50. City of Victoria Archives, M07140

chapter two

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The local experienced changes within the organization, re-flecting the administrative realignment that was underway nationally and provincially. CEPA in its original formation was something of a catch-all group of city workers, but in the 1920s, the inside employees formed their own association (City Hall Officials Association). Other smaller groups such as police, firemen and garbage workers also joined together in their own separate associations. Officers of CEPA changed and it became part of the local labour tapestry, affiliating with the Victoria and District Trades and Labour Council (VDTLC) and the national Trades and Labour Congress.

The tumultuous activities from 1910-20, culminating in the Winnipeg General Strike in 1919, left Canadian unionists poised to seize huge gains for the working man. The power at their fin-

gertips was to remain unused, though, as warring factions within the trade union movement undermined their strength. Workers in smaller, non-craft unions like CEPA felt disassociated from the concerns of the national and international unions.

Despite CEPAs small-town feel and mostly local focus, they found themselves on the mailing lists of some of the biggest and most radical unions on the continent. Their affiliations soon had them receiving requests for support and financial assistance from union groups across Canada and the United States. How-ever, the association still gave priority to its own workers. In 1920s Victoria, that meant a polite push for restoration of wages and working conditions and a wholehearted dedication to the social aspect of the organization.

Early unions were influenced by existing lodges and social

Top, garbage truck at the garbage wharf, ca. 1921. Left, early dump truck, probably used as a garbage truck, ca. 1920. Right, newer garbage truck, ca. 1927. City of Victoria Archives, M08687, M07619, M07620

from the bookkeeper

clubs, which is reflected in the Local 50 archives. Very few records of meetings or negotiations were retained. Rather, the era is documented by receipts, advertising, and correspondence related to picnics, parties, and other social events. Newspaper clippings and City Archives give every indication of the local being conscientious in their representation of members, but for some reason, none of the locals own evidence of this survives. Even the original formal decree recognizing CEPAs formation was lost. The replacement charter bears a typewritten notation indicating that the document replaces the original charter of 1917 a curious note given that the formation date was actu-ally 1918.

For CEPA, the galvanizing issue of the decade came in the form of a stance on superannuation. The local saw the wisdom in subscribing to the established Provincial Superannuation Act rather than a more specific civic pension accepted by others in the citys employ. When it came time to select a pension plan, Local 50 members were adamant about their choice. They pre-sented a petition expressing their desire to be brought within the scope of the Provincial Superannuation Act and indicated they were uninterested in any alternative plan.

The city maintained that they had nothing but the best inter-ests of their employees at heart. They were unreservedly in favour of civic pensions. But they were equally firm in their own view that the city should administer the pension plan, in mutual interests of all concerned.

The local kept up their campaign amongst their members, prompting a letter from the city. The letter advised against agi-tation, which has started to inflame the minds of the men on the pension plan, and warned the local about provoking hos-tility between the men and council.

The idea that the city thought they could threaten or sum-marily order the local to do anything did not sit well. Local 50 members said they would accept no plan other than the Provin-cial Superannuation Act. City Council stated they would never consent to one plan for the rest of the service and another plan for the outside staff. The fight was on.

Local 50s stance on the superannuation plan was an impor-tant milestone in their history. The locals executive examined the citys plan and the Provincial Superannuation Act. They dis-cussed it, made a decision, and brought the information to the membership. The membership in turn considered the two plans.

Bottom, Johnson Street Bridge under construction, ca. 1922. Left, opening of the bridge, 1924. City of Victoria Archives, M00311, M00308

3

They had the opportunity to ask questions and ultimately make their own decision.

Local 50s preference was to be brought within the scope of the Provincial Superannuation Act. It did not matter that the city was not actually offering the Provincial Superannuation Act as an option or that the inside workers had already accepted the citys plan, and it didnt matter that the city declared there would be only one plan at City Hall. Local 50 politely and firmly insisted that the plan they favoured, the one that best served their members, was the Provincial Superannuation Act. No amount of rhetoric would sway them. Their adamant stand brought them into the provincial plan a move which would later support amendment to the act and a partition to create the Municipal Superannuation Act.

There was not much time to celebrate any progress made in the decade. In 1929, the Great Depression arrived.

Despite CEPAs small-town feel and mostly local focus, they found themselves on the mailing lists of some of the biggest and most radical

unions on the continent also some of the more obscure.

chapter threeSurviving Restraint

The stock market crash of 1929 and ensuing depression of the 1930s created an interesting challenge for Local 50. Logic and public opinion suggested that the local support municipal coping efforts such as wage cuts and relief programs. Commitment to the union, however, dictated that they protect their members jobs.

The relative peacefulness of the previous decade had put out some of the fire in the union movement. Further weakened by waning membership, the local found they had little impetus to launch objection when the city set their plan in action.

City employees reluctantly absorbed the first cuts decreed by then-Mayor David Leeming. The concessions consisted of a 15% wage cut and significant reduction in manpower. The outside departments were decimated, leaving only skeleton crews to maintain services. Those lucky enough to retain their jobs did so without many of the benefits they had previously enjoyed. Vacations and superannuation fell by the wayside.

Local 50 membership continued to decline throughout the early 1930s. Laid-off members sought work elsewhere, and some workers simply opted out of the union. So it was a small group that assembled for the general meeting in January 1933. The meeting took place at Fire Hall #1 on Cormorant Street, with members gaining access by saying a password. The word

at that time was Harmony. The year that followed would bring anything but.

The city imposed another 5% cut in wages. A plan was in-troduced to use relief labour to assist in the depleted outside departments. Many of the relief workers were assigned to the parks and boulevard departments. The city suddenly had an abundance of cheap labour. Largely unregulated, the relief workforce was susceptible to influence by municipal politics. As more and more work was relegated to the non-union relief contingent, the local appealed for a wage increase. It was dis-regarded.

While trying to respond to the deteriorating conditions in their workplace, the locals officers were distracted by contro-versy within the executive.

Trying to respond to the deteriorating conditions in their workplace, the locals officers

were distracted by controversy within the executive.

chapter three

Installation of the N.W. sewer, ca. 1930. City of Victoria Archives, M07166

Although it was agreed that jobs were of paramount impor-tance, there was a preoccupation with the annual picnic. The picnic became a staging point for discord within the local as well as frustration with the city. Members of the local argued against inviting city officials at a time when the city seemed to be launching a campaign against the workers. There was a dis-pute about whether the members should be given the traditional day off with pay. There was contention over who was on the picnic committee, who had jurisdiction over the committee, and even where the picnic should be held.

When the picnic was held, it was without City Council; they were not invited. CEPA members were granted a half-day off work rather than the usual full day. Apparently the arguing at the organizational stage of the picnic spilled into the picnic itself. At a meeting following the event, the locals president, Brother Osbourne, was criticized for his actions and remarks.

It was said that his conduct was not becoming to his Office. Osbournes rebuttal was to resign and comment, I am through as an active member of this association.

In 1934 there was a new executive and a new password Unity. Noted in the minutes: President-elect gave the pass-word as Unity in the hope it would bear fruit.

Meanwhile, the City of Victoria was still augmenting the outside departments with relief workers. Local 50 set forth a campaign to get public works jobs out of the relief program and back to public works employees.

Attendance at meetings frequently dropped below quorum levels, and compounded by the financial stress this dwindling membership caused, it became difficult for the local to conduct their business. A note in the minutes refers to an earlier Execu-tive Board decision to discontinue donations and grants to all organizations. This continued into the middle of the decade.

Although it was agreed that jobs were of paramount importance, there was a preoccupation with the annual picnic.

In 1935, Local 50 joined a coalition of civic service associa-tions the Civic Employees Federation of Greater Victoria. The coalition comprised CEPA, the City Fire Fighters Local Union No. 258, the City Hall Officials Association, and the Victoria Police Mutual Benefit Association. Together they took on the relief labour issue and confronted the city, winning a 2.5% wage restoration. It was a small victory but it was a for-

ward step in a decade that had seen the local mostly stepping backward.

Encouraged by the modest wage restoration, the local em-barked on a campaign to increase membership. The success of the campaign was illustrated in meetings through the rest of the decade, nearly all of which featured the introduction of new members. In 1936 the local welcomed 30 workers. Other groups, including garbage men and high school janitors, joined the local.

The spirit of collective organization soon extended beyond the Victoria associations, and the local began communicating with civic groups in Vancouver and Calgary, sharing informa-tion about wages and working hours.

By 1937, the worst of the Depression was over. The City of Victoria celebrated 75 years of incorporation with the hanging of flower baskets on downtown lamp posts. A spirit of opti-mism was growing and the local took advantage. There was more confidence among members to present grievances, and more success when they were presented. Two grievances, one of a report of a man in Beacon Hill Park working for nothing and another regarding a man taken on the staff from Vancouver when local men were available were taken up by the Grievance

Looking North on Rupert Street toward St. Josephs Hospital. City crews pruning trees. City of Victoria Archives, M00032

Civic Federation of Victorias Annual Employees Picnic, 1937. City of Victoria Archives, M09029

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Committee and, according to records, met with favourable results.The local decided it was time to push for a full restoration of

wages. They were aided in their cause by comments made by the superintendent of parks, who recommended that more full-time workers were needed. Superintendent Warren stated, It is becoming increasingly difficult for the Boulevard Department to function using relief labour. Warren would later admit that the relief labour program was carried out at the expense of the boulevards, adding, they need much work to get them back to pre-Depression levels. By the end of 1938, the city had capitu-lated, and all civic wages, including those of outside workers, were restored to the 1932 levels.

The local recognized the role played by the Civic Federation in the post-Depression gains the benefit of joining with other union organizations was obvious. Still, the local proceeded thoughtfully when approached by other groups and remained mindful of their own mandate. They were, ultimately, charged with representing the interests of the members of the local.

When negotiating specifics of the superannuation plan, Local 50 CEPA found themselves at odds with other members of the Civic Federation. In the interest of their own members, men doing mostly physically demanding labour, the local sought a pensionable age of 60. The other members favoured the more widely used age of 65. The local was unapologetic. In 1938 they wrote to the Civic Federa-tion, protesting the lack of cooperation and information in regard to the issue, adding we would be forced to withdraw our economic strength in the event that this was not addressed.

The local had come a long way by the end of the decade. They operated with confidence and authority. They had sur-vived the Depression, after all. They had achieved restoration of wages, and full-time jobs were returning. They had increased membership numbers and revived interest in the union. Their determination had made an impression in the union community. The reason for their success was summed up by the outgoing president for 1939, A. Murray, who believed it was because of unity of purpose as well as of membership much had been accomplished by united efforts to our own good that by co-op-eration all the gains received could be retained.

Garbage truck at the garbage wharf, 1932. City of Victoria Archives, M07618

City worker Nick Bertucci and canine companion, with City of Victoria Water-Works first truck. City of Victoria Archives, M08697

chapter fourWar and Peace

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Federal concerns supplanted local interests at the beginning of the 1940s. In 1941, the federal government removed the right to strike from all unions for the duration of the war. The government introduced unemployment insurance and also instituted what they claimed was a temporary measure income tax. Times got tough for unionists. The local was once again in the position where the choice seemed to be between going along with austerity measures and being good citizens, or continuing to fight for their members and risk being perceived as selfish and unwilling to sacrifice for the war effort.

The local had learned a lesson about recov-ery after the wage cuts and unemployment in the Depression, and they had no appetite to relearn the lesson. Where factors such as con-scription and lack of information had made WWI a largely unpopular war, WWII was well sold. Most citizens in Canada supported the countrys participation. It didnt hurt that this war appeared to provide something of an eco-nomic boom on the heels of the Depression era. The local was not anxious to be seen as trying

to profit from the war, but they knew how diffi-cult it would be to regain anything they let slip. They engaged in a careful balancing act.

The local was affected by WWII in a direct way. After finally restoring the semblance of a regular workforce, they saw the departure of some members bound for service overseas. The local supported the members, sending letters of encouragement and gifts of tobacco, but the reduction in numbers ultimately affected the locals strength.

In 1941, the local recorded the receipt of correspondence regarding the formation of a national union. Debate went on about the struc-ture of a national entity. The local considered the possible benefits of participating. Their involvement in councils and federations was expanding, as in 1943 they affiliated with the

Where factors such as conscription and lack of information had made

WWI a largely unpopular war, WWII was well sold.

Sawdust gang ready to leave. Sawdusting of all metre boxes was done yearly. City of Victoria Archives, M08693

Vancouver Island Regional Division of the Joint Council of Public Employees. The local was supportive of affilia-tions in general, understanding the importance of strength in numbers, but they were ever mindful of how the affili-ations served their own members.

In 1944, the local approached the city with a demand for a 10% wage increase and a cost-of-living bonus. The bonus was to offset inflation, which had risen to 7.2% in Victoria. The city rejected the demand and made the offer of a 6% increase plus cost-of-living bonus. The citys of-fer was accepted, but under protest.

After deciding on the across-the-board 6% wage in-crease for city employees, City Council rescinded the in-crease in favour of a Civic Salary Schedule Bylaw. Com-mittees were established on both the union and employer sides to review the salary schedules.

After having severely restricted the activities of unions during the war, the government enacted federal law leg-islating recognition of unions and requiring employers to bargain with unions. There was also a requirement for a grievance procedure and a prohibition of strike action while a grievance procedure was underway.

When the war ended, the optics of the bargaining posi-tions of the local and the city were reversed. During the war, the city had been able to control wages, and there was little the local could do without appearing to undermine the war effort. After the war, with returning workers who had made great sacrifices overseas, the city could not ig-nore the locals demands without seeming ungrateful.

Top and bottom, letters from Local 50 members serving overseas. Sgt. Stan James and Capt. J.A. Marrs, respectively.

Changing laws, returning workers and an expanding Public Works department all contributed to an improved bargaining en-vironment for the local. When it came time to negotiate in 1947, they approached the process with confidence and determination.

Unlike other agreements that had been made with the city, the 1947 agreement was to be a master agreement, addressing wages, hours of work, overtime, and benefits. Local 50 would also negotiate settlement on issues specific to the outside work-ers, which would also be under the master agreement. The 1947 agreement would serve as a basis for all subsequent contracts.

Negotiating the agreement proved to be a slow and frustrating process. The local found the city obstructive and argumentative, passing off issues from committee to committee while the local stood waiting. The citys stalling tactics eventually wore down the locals president, W. Spence, and he tabled his resignation. The lack of progress together with pressure from the member-ship proved too much for the next president, T. Rhodes, and he resigned as well. At a meeting to select a successor, all three nominees declined to stand. In the end, Secretary Treasurer R. Betts was talked into taking the presidency.

When negotiations finally began, the local pressed for a 40-hour work week, a general wage increase, and a cost-of-living bonus to compensate for wartime inflation. They also sought a formal wage scale and a clearer definition of working condi-tions. A number of issues, particularly seniority and the appli-cation of benefits, were not finalized in the agreement, but the path was laid to pursue them in the future.

The master agreement, signed off in August 1947, was con-sidered a significant positive achievement. Others must have agreed, as civic employee associations from Vancouver, Burna-by, Kamloops, and Calgary immediately requested copies. The agreement won a vote of confidence with the membership, as the local saw numbers go from 150 at the start of negotiations to 254 by the end of 1948.

Signing of the master agreement was followed almost imme-diately by non-compliance by the city. This was nothing new. Minutes for the locals meetings frequently included complaints about the city not abiding by agreements. In the past, many mat-ters had been settled informally, sometimes with no more than a verbal promise and a handshake. The local was determined to

Signing of the master agreement was followed almost immediately by non-compliance by the city. This was nothing new.

Last of the wood paving being removed at Yates and Douglas Streets, 1947. City of Victoria Archives, M07054

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see that the city adhered to the hard-won agreement and were equally determined that the solutions come through a formal grievance process.

A popular excuse from the city was that officials were not familiar with all the details of the new agreement. The locals plan to set up meetings to educate the superintendents and de-partment heads did not have much effect. As workers went without promised wage adjustments and bonuses, tensions were increasing over what seemed to be an ever-slowing grievance process. Frustration hit a peak at the garbage wharf when a new hire was promoted over more senior men. A wildcat strike shut down the operation. A city superintendent named McCaig went to the worksite to deal with the strike. Told by workers of the im-proper promotion, McCaig claimed he was unfamiliar with the working agreement.

The Grievance Committee continued to pursue outstanding issues; the city con-tinued to put them off. After yet another futile attempt to make progress on griev-ances, a committee member commented about the difficulties and lack of con-sideration given to the outside staff. The sentiment that the outside work-ers were being singled out that they, specifically, were being disrespected began to take hold.

In 1947, at a general meeting, a lengthy debate took place over a

city notice banning the taking of refreshments during working hours. A motion from the floor asked the Grievance Commit-tee to meet with the city to protest the notice. The motion was defeated 22 to 7. The motion had context in 1947, with the tak-ing of refreshments during working hours being common at the time. It also had context in the evolution of the local. The sound defeat of the motion may have been an indication of the locals desire to be taken seriously.

In previous decades, the social aspect of the local had con-sumed a lot of energy. The social committee was one of the most active committees, and there was always a dance or Christmas

Excerpts from Executive Meeting Notes, ca. 1945.

party or some get-together being organized. Meetings some-times concerned themselves as much with renting halls and or-dering refreshments as they did with improving wages and se-curing benefits. In the 1940s the focus began to shift. By 1949, even the Social Committee recognized the change, recommend-ing that the 31-year tradition of smokers be cancelled. After all the hard work put into achieving the master agreement, the local wanted to be respected and they wanted the agreement to be respected.

The local had previously retained a bargaining agent in con-junction with other branches of the civic service, but ended the relationship when they realized that he could not adequately rep-resent their local while also representing eight other groups. In June 1949, the local hired A. Murray as a part-time bargaining agent. Murray had led negotiations in 1947. He was hired at $20 per month, but several months after being hired, tendered his resignation because of the low salary and transportation costs. A special executive meeting resulted in a request that Murray reconsider and that his salary be increased to $80 a month. The local had their bargaining agent, and the days of handshakes with city officials ended.

A final important development was the institution of the check-off system. All city employees were required to be mem-bers of the association and pay dues. The city recognized Local 50 as the sole bargaining agent for the citys outside workers, and the check-off became known as Clause 4 in future working agreements.

Although the local counted many significant achievements throughout the 1940s, there was one area that continued to

prove frustrating. Despite being an official union local, despite unions receiving federal recognition, and despite achieving a master agreement, the local could not convince the employer that it was necessary to abide by the rules. It served to deepen the divide between the two parties and to strengthen the resolve within Local 50.

In the 1940s the focus began to shift. By 1949, even the

Social Committee recognized the change, recommending that the 31-year tradition of smokers be cancelled.

chapter fiveStrike!

Things changed quickly in the 1950s, and many of the changes had to do with speeding things up. In July 1951, the city ended the practice of paying all employees by cash. A new machine pay system was adopted, and paycheques were produced. Television sets began to appear in Canadian homes, and along with them came the 1950s version of fast food TV dinners. Roger Bannister broke the four-minute mile in Vancouver in 1954, and in a year when a new speed record was set, work in the city of Victoria ground to a halt.

Since the locals inception, the middle ground between the union and the city had been widening. To outsiders it might have appeared that the two factions were following a parallel path settling most issues amicably and proceeding contented-ly with the citys business. To insiders, though, the gap between union and employer was growing with every item of contention. As the local affiliated to island, provincial, and national orga-

nizations, the employer joined forces with legal and advisory groups to strengthen their side.

Members of the local suspected that the city did not truly seek to bring resolution to employment issues, but rather was bent on quashing the union. There was concern about public opinion, as it was becoming popular to blur the line between communism and unionism growing unrest in Cuba and the possibility of Castro overthrowing the existing government was conveniently linked to unionist activities.

As the negotiating period for Local 50 approached, the breadth of the divide between union and employer became evi-dent to everyone. Within Local 50, the 1950s became known for the first civic strike. The strike began on June 17, 1954 and ended on June 30, 1954. It delayed the annual hanging of Victo-rias iconic flower baskets until July and roused the concern of a city that prided itself on its appearance. On June 28, the Daily

City of Victoria Public Works Yard at Garbally Road. Staff on strike, 1954. City of Victoria Archives, M08050

chapter five

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Colonist described grass growing long on Victorias miles of boulevards, the garbage piling up into unsavoury, fly-breeding dumps and the hanging baskets blooming unseen in city nurs-eries. It wasnt exactly Castro or a revolution, but it alarmed Victorians just the same.

The city tried repeatedly to have the strike ended in the courts. Mayor Harri-son challenged the legality of the strike by questioning whether correct notice of the strike was given. He attempted to limit picketing. He was especially

concerned that striking workers might block the Johnson Street Bridge. The mayor was no stranger to the courts, having served as the city prosecutor prior to becoming mayor. Before the strike, he had unsuccessfully petitioned the courts to open Beacon Hill Park to commercial ventures.

After exhausting legal channels, the mayor and council bowed to public pressure and finally returned to the bar-gaining table. The strike was settled af-ter two weeks, earning Local 50 mem-bers a respectable seven-cent increase

to the $1.43 hourly wage. It also earned them a reputation. They became known as a group who were not afraid to strike.

When it came time to negotiate again in 1955, things pro-ceeded very differently. Both sides exchanged proposals. The merits of the demands were discussed. Options were proffered. Explanations were provided. Solutions were sought. The local achieved most of what they were after, and the agreement was signed off without incident. It seemed things were looking up.

There were signs that the locals financial situation was

improving. Insurance was secured, including a $1,000 policy against burglary and hold up to cover the locals secretary when he was in possession of union funds. The Victoria Build-ing Co-operative Union was formed and Local 50 began pur-chasing shares. There was also money to revive an abandoned tradition and hold a smoker. The social committee estimated the cost for refreshments and entertainment for the party to be around $210. They managed to run the event at a cost of $57.50 and recover all but 33 cents through ticket sales. By July

The strike was settled after two weeks, earning the Local 50 members a respectable seven-cent increase to the $1.43 hourly wage.

1955 the locals membership numbered 205, and in January of 1956, an auditors report found the union to be in sound finan-cial condition with assets of $6,452.33 and a cash balance of $5,547.78.

The function of the local as a social club continued to be im-portant throughout the 1950s. A meeting in 1956 concluded with a showing of vacation photographs taken at the Indianapolis Speedway and thanks given to Brother C. Holt. Another meeting in 1956 notes a letter of thanks from a member, expressing appre-ciation for cigarettes and a visit during a recent illness.

It might have been expected that the locals successes would translate to improved attendance at meetings, but this did not happen. In September 1958, it was noted that 500 notice-of-meeting cards had been sent out, and only 25 people had at-tended the meeting.

A note in the minutes illustrates the locals desire to be in-clusive. The Executive have noted that we have quite a few brothers who have recently come from Europe and that these brothers are not represented on any of our Committees. This may be caused by what they feel is a lack of English to express themselves, but we can assure them that there is a place in our union for any man who is willing regardless of his manner of speech. If he can think straight in any language we dont care how fractured his English is.

Local 50 worker watering hanging baskets, ca. 1955. The process for watering remains similar today. City of Victoria Archives, M07693

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In 1958, the city ended the practice of dumping garbage at sea. Since 1908, they had been loading garbage onto a scow and towing it out into Juan De Fuca Strait. The garbage wharf continued operations, though, and while the city made plans for a permanent landfill site, garbage was dumped at nearby Mud Bay.

In 1959, another strike loomed. By April, negotiations were in full swing and rumours were flying. In a bulletin, the local asked their members to disregard the rumours: They, like spring showers, are one of the working conditions which we must put up with this time of the year. When the local asked for a yes vote on strike action, the members responded with 237 of 267 votes in favour.

Throughout the 1950s, the local had been trying to solve the problem of representation in negotiations. Business agents that had been accessed via affiliations became in-creasingly unavailable. Support for negotiations was some-times a deciding factor in considering affiliations, and it was frustrating for the local when the service was not there. In 1957, the local had requested help from the National, and in

a 1959 post-settlement bulletin, it was noted that assistance from the National had been pivotal. It was also noted, yet again, that the local needed to be better prepared for negotiations in the fu-ture.

The employer also contemplated ways to provide a stronger front. The Times Colonist featured a story on the citys plans to form an Inter-Municipal Committee with a view to forcing joint negotiations. They recognized that the civic employees in each municipality were using each others contracts as le-verage in negotiations, and they reasoned that if they made it mandatory for all municipalities to negotiate together, they could force the same contract conditions on all the employ-ee groups. A similar tactic had been tried unsuccessfully in 1954 when the city made a contract offer that was to be valid only if both CEPA Local 50 outside workers and the Local 388 inside workers accepted the same terms. Local 50 refused. Nonetheless, the idea resurfaced at the end of the decade. The joint committee was a step in the di-rection of the formation of the Greater Victoria Labour Relations Association (GVLRA).

chapter sixOld and New

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Where the 1950s was a decade of surging into the future, the 1960s was a decade of reflection on yesterday mixed with planning for tomorrow. Sports enthusiasts of the day noted with lament the departure of Boston Red Sox long-time left fielder Ted Williams and speculated about the future of the new kid, Carl Yastrzemski. Music fans were reluctant to let go of Chuck Berrys style of rock and roll but were excited about the new sound of bands like the Beatles and the Rolling Stones. In Local 50, the decade saw the retirement and departure of some of the locals stalwarts, with the names Charlie Thompson and Joe Hopper being heard less often. New faces were welcomed to the executive, and the names Bill Doherty, Rob Johnston and Doug Hudlin began to appear in the minutes.

Concern continued that the city was relying in-creasingly on outside experts and legal assistance in dealing with contracts and arbitrations. For negotia-tions in 1960, the city hired a lawyer with a specialty in labour relations. The local was critical and noted, It becomes more and more apparent that there is a trend for municipalities to delegate their negotiations with their employees to so-called Labour Manage-ment Experts. In doing so they ignore the fact that they are elected to represent the people, and to man-age the affairs of the same people, not to delegate it to a second and in some cases a third party. The only ones who prosper under this set up will be the lawyers and so called labour experts.

The local repeated an old warning to their mem-bers. If they were to keep pace with the employer, they were going to have to strengthen their own ranks. They knew they needed to be better educated, better prepared, and better supported.

The city frequently maintained that unionized workers were overpaid and that this was an unneces-sary burden to taxpayers. It was a stance that often preceded the suggestion of privatization. In 1960, City Council put out a request for tenders for boule-vard and green-space maintenance, as they believed a private company could do the job cheaper than city employees. The single bid received was rejected as it was twice the cost of having the Parks Department do the work. It was a big victory for Local 50.

Still seeking to head off a wage increase, the mayor suggested that city employees ought to consider how lucky they were to have the jobs they did. He couldnt

In 1963, when Howard Honeyman retired, Queenie did also, relinquishing her title as the last working horse in the citys employ.

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continue to claim they were overpaid and instead directed atten-tion to benefits such as holidays, sick leave, and superannua-tion.

Throughout the 1960s, the local managed to negotiate small increases in wages and some improvement to vacations. Nego-tiations were not as frustrating as trying to convince members to attend meetings, though. Despite creative efforts by the execu-tive, the meetings were often held under Section 8 (Article (d)) no quorum.

While Local 50 struggled to come up with innovative ways to attract members to meetings, the work world and union world was changing around them. In 1963, parks worker Howard Honeyman retired and with him the classification of carter was also retired. As a carter, Honeyman had charge of Queenie, who pulled a two-wheeled cart in Beacon Hill Park. When Honeyman retired, Queenie did also, relinquishing her title as the last work-ing horse in the citys employ. A truck replaced Honeymans cart and Queenie went on to become a childrens favourite in the parks animal pen.

1963 brought change to the national stage also, with the for-mal announcement of the new national union, Canadian Union of Public Employees (CUPE), and presentation of the CUPE logo. While CUPE was celebrating its formation and looking ahead, members of Local 50 were thinking about the upcom-ing 50th anniversary and looking back. One member discovered a programme from the Civic Employees Federations annual sportsday in 1936. The 1936 programme included Highland dancing at MacDonald Park, a swimming gala at the Crystal Gardens, rowing in the inner harbour, and track and field events at various locations.

In 1964, the local signed a two-year contract, once more achieving a small wage increase and some vacation improve-ments. The stability of the two-year agreement seemed to sit well with everyone, and in 1966 a three-year agreement was signed.

The local awarded the first-ever lifetime memberships in 1966. They were awarded to Brothers Charlie Thompson and Joe Hopper. Both men were nearing retirement and had spent much of their civic careers serving the local.

After a number of meetings where no quorum was achieved, the meeting to award the two lifetime memberships was a de-parture 40 members were present. It was unclear, however, whether the increase in attendance was because of the awards ceremony or because the agenda included a motion to increase dues. The dues increase was defeated.

Several months later, Peter Scott, who had presented the life-time awards, resigned from his position as president. A notice in the June 1966 bulletin declared: It is indeed a loss to this Local

Joe Hopper [Life-time Award Recipient]

as written by Peter Scott

If any two words could describe a man, and could give a picture of his activities during his association with our union, I would have to use the words Work Horse.

When there were jobs to be done, sometimes behind the scenes and often requiring a great deal of diplomacy, Joe always gave [his] best to accomplish them.

Charlie Thompson [Life-time Award Recipient]

as written by Peter Scott

We could write pages of all the odd jobs and union activities that have been a part of Brother Thompsons life, but most members know of his activities and interest in our local. He has held positions of shop-steward, executive member, vice president and two terms as president. He also was a most faithful delegate to the Victoria Labour Council, served as an executive member on the Island Council and took an active part in the Senior Citizen Campaign Council.

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to lose Brother Scott as an active member, for he has filled his office with dignity and integrity and he enjoyed the confidence and esteem of all the members. To lose any of our executive officers creates a problem, but to lose one of Brother Scotts calibre creates a void which will be hard to fill.

Local 50 did not endorse political candidates, but in October 1966, in advance of the civic election, they offered this advice:

a reminder that union members are, in effect, in the position to elect their employers: You know the records of those in office as well as any and likely better than most. Vote accordingly.

In 1967 the local was in the second year of a three-year con-

tract. They had already agreed to have the next years wages set by a wage survey. The existing contract could be opened at the end of the year but only for negotiation of items other than wages. Unfortunately, they realized they had erred in agreeing to an employer proposal for a lesser wage rate for casual and seasonal employees. They believed that the lower rate would be used strictly for true casual employees, but the employer ended up keeping employees strictly in the casual/seasonal category so they could get the same work but pay less. The local recog-nized that to pay anyone less money for essentially the same work went against union philosophy.

You know the records of those in office as well as any and likely better than most. Vote accordingly.

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In March 1967, the local received a communication from CUPE National that pointed out that CUPE was only as strong as the locals affiliated with them. Local 50 had, in effect, been send-ing out this same message to their members. In their never-ending attempts to get members out to meetings, they reminded them that their Local was only as strong as their membership. The note from CUPE National was interesting in its timing. At a previous meet-ing, Local 50 members had questioned the lack of a national strike fund and, in that meeting, put forward a motion to pay all of the locals monthly bills except the CUPE National per capita fee.

Concern surrounding CUPE Nationals collection and dis-bursement of funds was an ongoing issue. Local 50 carried their concerns with them to convention. From the Local 50 minutes: Re: National Convention on Strike Fund or Defence Fund. This Local instructed our Delegate not to vote on any recom-mendation brought to the floor, but, to move the recommenda-tion be sent out to each local for a referendum ballot.

1968 was a busy year on all fronts for Local 50. Planning was in full swing for the locals 50th anniversary celebration. The venue for the celebration had changed a number of times, initially being the Empress Hotel. In the end it was decided that it would be held at Club Tango on View Street. In order to make the evening affordable to everyone, the price was set at $3 per couple. The dinner celebration was well attended, and Local 50 congratulated themselves on 50 years of perseverance.

Bill Doherty was on the executive at the time. His memory of 1968 includes the 50th anniversary festivities, but not as a focal point. In an interview he explains that he remembers that the celebration happened, but not much more than that; he was more concerned with the business at hand getting members out to meetings and staying a step ahead of the employer.

Doherty was right to be concerned. In 1968, Bill 33 was in-troduced in the legislature. Where a dispute between any em-ployer or group of employers and their employees or a trade union

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When announcing the expected budget expenditures for 1959 the City noted, Con-tinue the project of putting Bowker Creek underground. The Bowker Creek project had seen the hiring of a young labourer, Bill Doherty.

A self-described tramp miner, Doherty had followed work across British Columbia, eventually landing on Van-couver Island. On the Island he found mining work in Jordan River. A subsequent summer job with Victorias Water Works turned into permanent employment when the powderman retired. Dohertys blasting qualification won him the position.

Happy for steady employment, Doherty stayed with the City, gradually working his way up in the depart-ment. Although he hadnt always worked in union jobs, he had always been interested in the philosophy of unions. That interest prompted attendance at the locals meetings and led to more active involvement in the 1960s.

In an interview in 2011 Doherty says he doesnt re-member how he was elected to the vice-president posi-tion in the local. About his stints as president, he said, Yeah, I was the president when no one else wanted the job. I dont think I was ever elected president. In spite of this, he doesnt believe the membership was apathetic. He comments, They knew what side they were on. But they sort of left it up to the executive and president or whoever, except when it came to voting on a contract.

We went through arbitrations the City knew they couldnt win, but went ahead with anyway.

More about Bill Doherty

Bill Doherty at the Local 50 office, 2011.

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When asked if he thought his experience as president of the local was worthwhile he was emphatically posi-tive. Oh, yeah. I think I probably convinced a few peo-ple that the union was important to them and that the personnel department [human resources] wasnt there to look after their interests. When I first started that was a widely held opinion that the personnel department would look after them and was on their side. I dont think youll find many people that view it that way now. Its one of the things I think I helped accomplish. They more or less know what the union is for, at least.

Doherty says he found the employers attitude frustrat-ing during his tenure. We went through arbitrations that the City knew they couldnt win, but went ahead with anyway.

Doherty describes being on the Local 50 Executive Board as interesting work and admits that everyone did not get along all of the time. The coming and going of that sort of stuff was part of the reason my presidency started and stopped. When I stopped being president, people wanted me to. Except with Colin Graham I was all in favour of him taking over. He succeeded me and I was all in favour of that. I got along with him before he was [president] and after he was.

In reflecting on his work for the local, Doherty ex-presses one regret and it demonstrates a decidedly union bias. One of the things that always embarrasses

me that was on my watch was that the farm at Beacon Hill Park was let in. He explains that people who worked at the farm were not paid. But they were replacing people that they would have hired who worked in that area during the summer and got labourers wages.

Moving and replacing trees, Centennial Square, 1965. M08921

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is not resolved, the cabinet may, at its sole discretion, in order to protect the public interest and welfare, order that the employ-ees shall not be permitted to go on strike or, if a strike is already in existence, order that the strike cease immediately. The dis-pute would then be referred to a mediation commissioner who would have the power to bring down an award that would be bind-ing on both parties. This would mean com-pulsory arbitration at the discretion of the cabinet.

As the end of Local 50s three-year con-tract drew near, preparations were made for negotiations. Three years without ne-gotiations had allowed a lot of issues to pile up. The membership had a long list of concerns including reclassifications in pay groups, holiday pay, overtime pay, substi-

tution pay, safety, and clothing. Members were adamant that the casual pay rate be abolished. After reviewing the accumu-lated points, they also decided that the next contract should be for just one year.

In the minutes of May 1968 was this small note: Lady employed in Parks is not receiving the going rate. This matter to be turned over to CUPE Rep. This was the first mention of a woman working in the lo-cal, and she was likely a casual employee. It was reported with as much fanfare as was the June 1968 decision to end the locals af-filiation with the Religion Labour Council, or the July motion to allocate $40 for a new wig and beard for the Santa Claus suit.

As negotiations proceeded in 1969, at-tendance at meetings improved. At four meetings in a row the attendants numbered

well over 100. One of the meetings was to consider a contract offer. The executive recommended rejection, and in a standing vote, the membership did just that vot-ing 166 to reject and just 3 to accept. In the final of the four meetings, the city had revised their offer. The offer was presented and acceptance was recommended. There was a secret ballot this time, and the vote was 94 in favour of acceptance and 57 against.

In the 1960s, the local had the opportu-nity to celebrate their anniversary and look back at 50 years of accomplishments. In one of the last meetings of the decade, they made a small change and voted to leave a bit of the past behind: Moved, seconded, and carried that the local change their name from CEPA to CUPE Local 50.

chapter sevenChange

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In spite of Local 50s internal complaints about apathy, the trade union movement was steadily making gains in Canadian workplaces. This became evident in the reactions of governments at all levels across the country and especially by the government of the province of B.C. The 1970s was a period of hostility between government and public employees, with employers trying to control contracts and union activities.

Attendance at general meetings of Local 50 continued to be poor. A 1970 bulletin posted a familiar notice: As per constitu-tion of this Local Section (c) Quorum: Having failed to have a Quorum for two consecutive meetings therefore a meeting will be held on April 28, 1970 in the Union Centre Hall B, at 8:00 p.m. Holding special meetings in order to conduct the locals business became a common occurrence. A suggestion was made to forgo meetings in the summer, as these were the least attended. The idea was endorsed by the executive but was defeated as a motion.

In May 1970, under the heading of New Business, a motion was made to write a letter to Local 388, the inside workers, to request immediate amalgamation. This was not the first time amalgamation had been considered. The two locals had much in common, but the two sets of negotiations sometimes had them playing against each other. The offer was debated at Local 388, but in August they re-plied indicating they wished to retain their autonomy.

In 1971 the local approved a motion to bring the Water Board back into the local. The Victoria Water Board Local 598 had originally been part of CEPA but was one of the groups that had gone their own way.

If in the past, the unions resisted pressure to align themselves politically, the 70s became the decade of the political imperative. At the national and provincial levels, CUPE made it known that they supported candidates that supported unions. Local 50 had re-sisted pressure to provide endorsements in the past, but at a meet-ing in 1971 they discussed endorsing a local labour candidate. Jim Beaubien, a member of HEU 180, was running for council, and it was suggested that Local 50 provide some financial support for his campaign. It was pointed out that it had been a long time since there had been a labour-friendly council member.

The 1970s saw a new focus on women in the workplace. A note in the locals minutes indicates that, although there were no women in Local 50, the members were supportive of womens rights in the workplace.

B.C. Fed re: Womens Rights in the Labour Force recom-mend that if and when women become members of this local that the Status of Women be applicable and this letter be placed on the bulletin board.

The local went on to demonstrate their support for women in joining pickets at Sandringham Hospital, where 28 women were

fighting for a first contract. The work-ers at Sandringham Hospital initially received support from many unions, but the strike was long and bitter, and the numbers on the picket lines dwin-dled over time. Local 50 ensured that the strike remained a topic of discus-sion at meetings and that their members provided support on the picket line. The strike proved to be the longest in Canadian history, bringing about not only a first contract, but a change to labour law.

The minutes contain an interesting addendum to the Sandringham strike. The local had an unofficial policy of honouring any and all requests for char-itable donations. The Salvation Army had been a long-time recipient of the locals benevolence. When the Salva-

Jim Walker (pictured, left, seated beside the podium) first became president of Local 50 in 1974, taking over from Bill Doherty. Walker downplays his ascent to the position of president in much the same way as the other presidents. When I took over as president I thought I was just doing my part, he says.

While all presidents came to the position facing a multitude of chal-lenges, Walker took the post as the local seemed headed for a major confrontation with the employer. We had lots of grievances and it got to the point where we had to do something. We felt it was just unnecessary. The agreement, to us, to our lawyer, it was pretty straight-forward. But they just pushed it all to arbitration.

He was proud of a case that went to the Supreme Court with a ruling in favour of Local 50, but was frustrat-ed by the issues that the employer continued to carry to arbitration.

We just couldnt believe what

they were fighting. We had an example of one, down at the Cook Street Village a contractor, a private contractor put in, I think, it was a four-foot sewer drain, and down at the bottom they went too low in one area. So stuff would build up in the bottom and they would have to send people in. We would have to send our people in to get that stuff out, manually. And we had in the Collective Agreement anybody working in raw sewage would be paid time and a quarter. Well, the city said anybody working in a container with raw sewage well the city didnt think that pipe was a container. If that happens, you know, even the Chairman of the Board says if its not a container, what is it? This was the stuff we were going through. Finally we got all that straightened out. It was a learning experience.

Walker describes the early nego-tiations as another point of frustration. Speaking about the pre-GVLRA days he explains, so, before that, in nego-

tiations, Local 50 seemed to be the one to always go first and it didnt suit one of the neighbouring locals. So there was a lot of name-calling back and forth, because in Esquimalt, the City of Victoria owns the waterworks. And the people out there, when our workers would go out there theyd get called names and stuff. So the next year we let them go first. And they couldnt believe what you had to go through. So then the GVLRA came along and forced everybody into one and then that eliminated all that because everybody was at the bargaining table except for Sooke and Langford. But that was the dif-ficult part, dealing basically, some-times with your own people.

In 1975, with a strike threatening and negotiations going nowhere, Walker had to get educated quick-ly. None of that you learn at school. You learn nothing about the labour code. Nothing about negotiations. You learn nothing about arbitration or how to deal with politicians or business people. That all had to be

More about Jim Walker

Local 50s Henry Bertrand walks the picket line in support of striking Sandringham Hospital workers, 1971.

learned quickly. The other thing was if some-thing came up that you hadnt dealt with before, then you had to go and learn about it.

I would say that the strikes were the biggest things that happened. They were, every day for three months, 14 to 16 hours a day. Id go out to the picket lines. See how it was doing.

Walker tells a story about a member of the public who couldnt believe that Local 50 kept up pickets at the arena for 24 hours a day. Why would they be out there? Because as soon as you turn your back, they go and turn all the lights on so everybody gets excited that something is going to be happening in there, and theres no picket line. Speaking with admiration, he says, Everybody just held real tough there.

He describes another show of commitment, We had one fella he was a real good em-ployee and after, he said, right in front of City Hall he took a bunch of paper and ripped it up and threw it up in the air and he says, I would have cleaned this up before the strike but now the way theyre treating us THEY can come out and clean it up. Let them see what we go through when were down cleaning up the city. And I thought, boy, the guys are hanging right in there!

Not only did the local enjoy the full support of their members during the strike, they had the city hamstrung through secondary effects of their picketing. A lot of the things that happened dur-ing that time we did not anticipate. Like Victorias gas system. All the gas for all the restaurants, the hotels everybody had gas in Victoria. All that gas was shipped in on barge or by train car. Well, we had pickets on the Johnson Street Bridge so they couldnt go under the bridge and they couldnt go over the bridge. And we never even gave that a thought. I was at home one morning and I got a call that the train is down here at the bridge and wont move because it wont cross the picket line and can I come down.

The other one was behind the police station where the police department had the fuel tanks for all the police cars. So, again, I get a call to go down and we didnt know that cars gassed up in behind. Nobody said anything. So picket pass, picket pass, right away. Some stuff we didnt hesitate on it. Those were the kind of things, Id walk away from them and think why didnt I think of them?

Walker was no stranger to complaints during strikes. He listened to phone calls and spoke face to face with citizens who disagreed with the strike.

He stood up to callers on radio shows and endured abusive comments on picket lines. It was what he expected as the presi-dent of a union local during a strike.

He tells about receiving a parcel at the office one day. It was addressed to him, care of the local, so no one had opened it. When he got to the office he opened it and inside found two books The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich and The Life and Death of Adolf Hitler. He also received two letters. Both letters, like the parcel, gave no indication as to the identity of the send-er. Walker discarded the books and told no one. He has never shown the letters to anyone. The letters are vaguely threatening and all the more sinister for having anonymous authors.

If anyone doubts there is a personal toll in assuming such leadership, this could be a lesson. It is a sobering reminder that there are still those who seek to demonize unions.

3

tion Army made their annual appeal in 1970, the usual donation was moved and seconded, but an amendment was made. It was suggested that the local not donate and that the executive send a letter asking why the Salvation Army was not supporting the Sandringham Hospital strike. Both the amendment and the main motion ended up being defeated, but a show of union conscience began to be more evident in the locals decision-making.

In 1973 there was a changing of the guard in Local 50. Jim Walker ran against incumbent Bill Doherty and took over as president. Doherty remained on the board, assuming one of the vice president positions.

Other changes were happening. By 1974, Local 50 finally had a woman in the ranks. The Parks Department administrator proudly reported the hiring of the first female employee.

Among the many agenda items at meetings was communi-cations. Sometimes the letters were of complaint, sometimes they warned about chronically late per-capita payments, and sometimes they were notes of thanks. A meeting in 1974 was most notable for the many letters of thanks for the locals sup-port. They included the B.C. Federation of Labour giving thanks for supporting Okanagan Telephone workers, thanks for assist-ing in the Sandringham Hospital strike, thanks from Local 3253 United Steel Workers, thanks from Greater Victoria Regional Employees Union, and thanks from Victoria Express.

Also of note at the general meetings was the agenda item of Accounts & Bills. The organizations to which Local 50 was affiliated had stabilized with the list including CUPE Nation-al, CUPE B.C. Division, Vancouver Island District Council, B.C. Federation of Labour, and the Victoria Labour Council. What had changed significantly were the per-capita payments. For example, in July 1964 the CUPE National payment was $238.25. In June 1974 the CUPE National payment was listed as $1,027.

As negotiations for 1975 drew near, articles about the local and its workers began appearing in the papers. It was a familiar event prior to negotiations articles suggesting that the workers were overpaid and underworked. The local began to be con-cerned that members of the public were falling for the ploy, along with some of their own members.

During the 1975 negotiations, Local 388s determination to remain distinct from Local 50 was evidenced in their first re-sponse to the citys contract offer. Local 50 had been offered a 12% increase, which would barely compensate for existing deficits and a rising inflation rate. Inside workers were consid-ering an offer of 15.75% despite Local 50s advice that they wait out the city.

Local media jumped on the differences in approach of the two locals and made the issues headline material: City Hall Unions

Disagree (Victoria Times, January 2, 1975), Victoria given strike notice Rift developing in union locals (Daily Colonist, January 3, 1975), and Strike notice splits area CUPE locals Further breaches likely (Daily Colonist, January 5, 1975).

When Local 388 President Doug Casey did bring the offer before the membership, it was rejected soundly: More than 75 per cent of the 200 office, technical and janitorial workers who

Excerpt from Minutes of General Meeting, June 18, 1974. The CUPE National payment was listed as $1,027.

Doug Hudlin and his overflowing inbox, ca.1975. During the strike of that year, the office was manned 24/7.

make up Local 388 voted to reject the latest package offer (Daily Colonist, January 7, 1975). After the vote, Casey indicated that he would resign his position of president but elected to stay on when given a vote of 99% confidence by members. (Victoria Times, January 7, 1975).

The perceived cracks in solidarity had disappeared. Reporting in the media began to focus on speculation about the looming strike threat: would it actually happen? Who would it affect? How long would it last?

Although there had been threats of strikes and walkouts, there had not actually been a strike by city employees in a very long time. In fact, the last official strike had been the one and only strike in 1954. While many in the city used this record as a sort of insur-ance that no strike would materialize, the members of Local 50 did not follow suit.

As contract talks stalled, CUPE Locals across Greater Victoria began taking strike votes. They were all negotiating with the GV-LRA and all coming to the same conclusion that talks were going nowhere. Events played out in headlines in local papers:

December 20, 1974, Victoria TimesLockout warned as strike

answerDecember 24, 1974, Daily Colonist

If unions strike well do battle, say two mayors

January 2, 1975, Daily ColonistCivic workers voting Monday

on wage offerJanuary 3, 1975, Daily Colonist

Victoria given strike notice

I was at home one morning and I got a call that the train at the bridge wouldnt cross the picket line. They asked me if I could come down, Jim Walker said of the 1975 strike.

January 5, 1975, Daily ColonistStrike notice splits area CUPE locals

January 7, 1975, Daily ColonistCity inside staff reject 15% offer by 75%

January 10, 1975, Victoria TimesCUPE Eyes Overtime Ban

January 21, 1975, Daily ColonistUrgent mediation will start today

On January 27, 1975, after mediation had failed, Local 50 walked out and the strike began in earnest. Most city services were eliminated. The Johnson Street Bridge was left in its raised position.

Soon after Local 50 walked out, the members of the Municipal Employers Co-ordinating Commit-tee, as promised, issued a lock-out notice to all re-maining CUPE locals.

The lengthy strike and subsequent lockout that followed deepened the rift between the union and the city. Local 50 members became even more commit-ted to their cause, and their distrust of the employer grew. When the members finally met to vote on the employers proposal in April, they delivered a good union result: 114 votes to accept the proposal and 90 votes to reject. It provided for a return to work, but demonstrated to the city that Local 50s members were not happy.

The many changes on the executive and the strike notwithstanding, the local continued with social ac-tivities. The childrens Christmas party continued to be held each December, and in 1976 the Enter-tainment Committee expanded to include what they hoped to be an annual golf tournament with a per-petual trophy.

Local 50 members became even more committed to their cause, and their distrust of the employer grew.

chapter eightUnder Attack

The 1980s were a decade of labour unrest. After years of wage controls, workers were fighting again to restore wage levels but were being outpaced by inflation and interest rates. Laws would be changed and new laws created, all with the intent of quashing what was perceived to be the growing and dangerous power of the trade union movement. Local 50, from its strategic location of the seat of government, experienced the attack firsthand. Local 50 was once again called upon to support and assist in fight-back campaigns. It became an era of political action, and the local played an important role.

In the city of Victoria, the decade began with a strike. The 1981 strike may have been the most media-covered strike in

chapter eight

8

Victorias history. As usual, the local had to contend with more than just the employer everyone seemed to have an opinion. Views were expressed through television, radio, and newspapers. Ev-ery aspect was debated from the right to fair wages to the right to strike at all.

Some suggested that the breadth of com-mentary illustrated how agitated the public was. Others saw the strike as an

opportunity for political ambition and fodder for newspaper sales.

One thing the strike clearly demon-strated was how important the work of Local 50 members was to the people of Victoria. The withdrawal of their servic-es affected everyone.

Without a contract since December 31, 1980, and armed with a strike vote of 96%, the local announced a campaign of

Work to Rule