These studies are empirical , designed and applied mainly to second language learners in various educational institutions or in self-study modes in many countries throughout the modern world. Although these studies in second language learning and instruction are on-going and widespread, it has been rare to find research that studies participants who have gone through extraordinary circumstances such as colonization, war experiences, and discrimination while they were learning the target language. An understanding of the Japanese language learning process of the Palauans is, for this reason , academically and historically valuable, unique, and worthy of being documented.

Japanese language education was one of the means of the Japanese assimilation and indoctrination policy for Palauans (Arai , 2005; Mita, 2008 ; Morioka, 2006; Peattie, 1984, 1988; Shuster, 1978, 1979). However, despite the compulsory, strict policy of Japanese language education and the harsh experiences of the war in the Pacific, many Palauans successfully acquired the language and maintain it until the present day (Morioka, 2006). Moreover, many Palauans still have pro-Japanese feelings toward Japanese nationals. According to Krisher, in 1969, after decades of governance by the United States under a United Nations trusteeship, "many Micronesians complain that they were a lot better off under the harsh but efficient Japanese. And , unhappily, their complaints were solidly grounded" (p. 36). The Japanese government "brought in thousands of settlers who built roads, installed electricity, established extensive mining, farming, and shipping enterprises and created a sound cash economy with plenty of jobs" (Krisher, 1969, p. 36). The economic boom and stability created by the Japanese nationals enhanced Palauans' struggle in learning the Japanese language and promoted their positive attitudes toward the Japanese nationals.

Morioka (2006) pointed out that there had been strict language policies in both Korea and Taiwan implemented by the Japanese government which attempted to obliterate the mother languages of Koreans and Taiwanese. Although a Japanese language policy was also implemented in Palau and other Micronesian islands, the measures to expunge indigenous Micronesian languages were not undertaken. Accordingly, Palauans were able to keep their mother tongue and culture at home while they were learning Japanese at school , with less pressure from the Japanese administration than Koreans and Taiwanese experienced. Morioka suggested that there were four factors that affected Palauans' educational endeavors, as follows:

1. Japan's national policy 2. Relationship between the Japanese government 's policy and the Mandate Agreement with United

Nations 3. Japan 's economic policy 4. Educational circumstances in Palau (p. 332)

Taking these essential points addressed by Morioka (2006) into consideration, the process of Japanese language acquisition and retention by Palauans in historical and anthropological perspectives was explored, including the ways in which they learned Japanese while being discriminated against and segregated from schools established in Palau for Japanese nationals.

Brief History of the Japanese Era With the beginning of World War I in Europe, Japan declared war on Germany in August 1914 and seized the German territories in Micronesia (Rechebei & McPhetres, 1997). The Japanese Naval Squadron overthrew the German government and undertook the immediate administration of the Micronesian islands, "issuing laws and regulations necessary to insure order, promoting Japanese enterprises, instigating public works programs and beginning a program of education and indoctrination of the indigenous population" (Bailey, 1991 , p. 6). Education for Palau an islanders was carried out only by the Naval officers and officials of Nan'yo Boeki company during the Naval Administration period between 1914 and 1920 (Shuster, 1979). From 1920 to 1922, a Civil Administration Department in Palau under the Ministry of the Navy was tasked to prepare the islands for full civilian administration (Rechebei & McPhetres, 1997). On December 17, 1920, when World War I ended, Japan was officially granted a League of Nations Class C Mandate for Micronesia by agreement between Japan and the League of Nations (Kodama, 1975; League of Nations, 1920; Shuster, 1979). In 1922, full civilian authority was

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instituted. Its headquarters, called the South Seas Bureau (Nan 'yo-cho) , was established in Koror, Palau (Bailey, 1991; Mita & Mita, 2005 ; Rechebei & McPtietres, 1997; Shuster, 1979; Vidich, 1952).

According to Shorett (1970), Japan assumed the following responsibilities under this international agreement:

1. To promote the material and moral well-being and social progress of the Micronesian people; 2. To allow missionary activity and church worship; 3. To submit a yearly report to the League of Nations; 4. To allow no slavery or trade in arms or ammunition and alcoholic drinks; and 5. Not to build military bases or train Micronesian to be soldiers. (p. 257)

It is worthy of note that this agreement did not require Japan to prepare the Micronesians for self­governance or independence. In the Japanese government's report to the League of Nations regarding educational principles and practices in 1922, the Japanese government stated the following objectives:

The object of natives' schools is to enable the native children to enjoy the benevolence of his Majesty, the Emperor of Japan, to teach the Japanese language, to give moral training necessary to life. (Japan, 1922, p. 35)

This statement can be interpreted as a policy of Japanization of natives via the school (Shuster, 1979). Thus, "the school was regarded as one of the most powerful means of effecting the socialization of 'aliens"' (Hezel , 1977, p. 43). Japanese language instruction and Japanese moral training were implemented as a primary means to "Japanize" Palauans until Japan's defeat in World War II in 1945 (Shuster, 1979).

As the Japanese administration began to establish their infrastructure and economic system in Palau, then Japanese, Okinawans, Chinese, Koreans, and 400 islanders of all places of origin began to flow into Palau (Rechebei & McPhetres, 1997; Shuster, 1982). The vast majority of these immigrants who came from Okinawa and Korea were to work as part of an underpaid labor force (Arai, 2005; Bailey, 1991; Mita, 2008 ; Nan'yo-cho, 1938). One might infer that the Japanese government established a colonial settlement which resembled its own country's social structure. Koror (Orear) and other large towns, predominantly settled by the Japanese, developed as centers of government and economy during the Japanese occupation in Palau. Beginning in the 1930s, government subsidies to the fishing industry spurred Japanese migration to Koror (Peattie, 1988). As the population increased (Table 1 ), the demand for construction for housing and business needs also increased. Eventually, hospitals, dormitories, hotels, schools, radio stations, and shops flourished in the city, and people enjoyed these conveniences (Arai, 2005; Peattie, 1988). Remains of many of these Japanese-owned facilities can still be found in present day Palau.

Historically, the Japanese had segregated minority groups, such as Koreans and northern indigenous Japanese called the Ainu from Japanese commoners on the mainland of Japan (Higuchi , 2001 ). These people had been discriminated against and manipulated because of their ethnic origin, as well as within the ranks set by Japanese policy (Bailey, 1991 ; Ballendorf, 1984; Higuchi, 1993; Petersen, 2009). When multiple communities existed experiencing long-term discrimination under Japanese control , there might be the possibility of opposition developing toward the Japanese administration, as had happened with other minority groups in Japan. Such defiance could be social, physical, political, or personal. Multiple factors intertwined on some occasions, which might have developed into hostility or even criminal activity. These were some of the problems that Japanese government officials anticipated as they endeavored to control the population of Palau. Political and military coercion at times were used by the Japanese government to gain control and ethnic supremacy over the Palauans and other inhabitants of the islands. The Japanese administration succeeded in managing and silencing cultural and political opposition, and the schools were developed as a part of this system of control (Hezel , 1984).

Other circumstances led the Palauans to feel a sense of belonging within the Japanese system, participating freely in it, rather than responding out of fear or compulsion. The following is a personal

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In Palau, classroom instructions were exercised in a highly structured mode in kogakko. Students were expected to be obedient and abide by the school rules at all times. Corporal punishment was used occasionally for Palaluan students who were disobedient and disrespectful of the rules and regulations at school. Textbooks included katakana, hiragana, and some kanji characters for hoshuka classes with concepts and stories related to Japanese imperialism and cultural customs in Japan. Some themes introduced in the textbooks that were familiar to the Palauan students included the geography of Micronesia, the island of Angaur, and bonito fishing (Table 2 and 3)(Mita, 2008; Morioka, 2006; Nan 'yo Gunto Kyoiku-kai, 1938).

The following is a list of descriptions of a school life at kogakko stated by elderly Palauans in their effort to learn the Japanese language and culture. Pseudonyms were recorded as Palauans' names, in order to protect their identity within the traditional ranking system:

Teachers encouraged Palauan students to study, so that their grades would go up. /learned katakana characters in the beginning, then hiragana and kanji characters. We formed teams to compete physically during physical education classes. Teachers also taught old stories of Japan and its culture, such as a biography of Mr. Kinjiro Ninomiya and other great Japanese nationals in history. The relationship between teachers and students was favorable, but I felt scared because teachers would slap us whenever we did bad things. (Kimao, personal communication , July 26, 201 0)

Teachers taught Palauan students military songs. We went together to jinja (Shinto shrine). /loved Japanese songs, so I remembered them from the first grade. I don't forget things taught in the early years in kogakko. Ms. Hattori taught Palauan students well. School was fun. (Catalina, personal communication, July 26, 201 0)

I felt lonely most of the time when I was in the dormitory in Koror. I was able to endure living in the dormitory, because there were other Palauan students from different villages and islands. There were about 40 of them. Meals were made by someone in charge, but when the war broke out, food became scarce. (Misako, personal communication , July 28, 201 0)

Teachers taught Palauans to become Japanese citizens, but other Japanese nationals called Palauans names as tomin (islanders) . I played with Okinawans and Koreans, and we pointed out to each other that each ethnic group was comprised of third class people. There wasn 't fighting, but we fought verbally. We also played with Japanese children. (Kimao, personal communication, July 26, 2010)

Palauans were taught to "become Japanese" by acquiring the Japanese language and getting used to Japanese culture (Arai, 2005; Mita, 2008 ; Morioka, 2006; Peattie, 1984, 1988; Shuster, 1978, 1979). Moral education courses, shushin kyoiku, were included in the school curriculum which occupied a considerable part of each school day (Shuster, 1978). As the sense of the national crisis of the war against the United States intensified, Palauan students were urged to walk from their school to the Shinto shrine to worship and pledge that they would become loyal to the Japanese government. These efforts for "Japanizing" Palauans were made through instructions at schools, utilizing materials such as songs and books which introduced Japanese heroes as exemplars for the Palauans' Japanization (Ishikawa, 1957; Mita, 2008; Peattie, 1988; Shuster, 1982; Yoshida, Takasaki, Takashima, Tanaka, & Tanigawa, 1992).

Elderly Palauans can still recite Japanese sentences which were once used to express their loyalty to the Emperor and the Japanese government. Morning assembly was performed on a routine basis at school , and marching to the Shinto shrine had taken place frequently as the Japanese government prepared for warfare (Ishikawa, 1957; Shuster, 1982). Many Palauans pledged their loyalty to Japan, and to become good "Japanese" students, although they recognized themselves as "islanders" and being treated as "third class people" at the same time in Palau (Arai, 2005). These routine practices directed by the Japanese government seem to have fostered an enormous impact on Palauans' Japanese language acquisition and retention process.

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All of the participants in this study mentioned that instructions in the classrooms at kogakko were very stern, incorporating corporal punishment. Strict rules were placed upon students not to use their vernacular language at any time, especially in the hoshuka course. Although these severe disciplinary rules and regulations were implemented in every public school for Palauans, none of the participants in this study complained about or expressed negative feelings toward the Japanese way of disciplining students. Rather, some said that imposing explicit rules on disciplining students in Japanese education was "better" than American education, in that students were be able to learn how to become responsible and control themselves to be more efficient and productive in learning. However, some Palauan informants acknowledged that there was no advancement in education after graduating from hoshuka or Mokko Totei Yoseijo , leaving them few options to become highly educated (Greenberger, 1974; Mita, 2008; Nufer, 1978; Shuster, 1978, 1979). Nero (1989) offered the following perspective regarding the comparison between Japanese and American education:

Education is one of the main issues in terms of which Palauans have analyzed and compared Japanese and American others. It is the primary contrast between the Japanese time and American time. Palauan elders today recognize the Japanese held them back in education, only providing enough for them to learn Japanese and to work as laborers. Most received only three years' education, and all higher education was restricted to vocational subjects-carpentry and agriculture. Palauans' highest praise is reserved for American education policies that have provided access to high office in island government. Although elder Palauans fault the American education system for its lack of discipline (in contrast to the Japanese style of education), they appreciate education as a key to equality and empowerment. (pp. 134-135)

One of the possible weaknesses of this research study was that it might be the case that Palauans would be reluctant to share certain incidents in which they had negative emotions toward Japanese nationals, because the researcher herself is Japanese. Special attention also was paid to investigator bias, that it might have appeared in this research study for the same reason. However, Palauan informants were rather open-minded and flexible enough to share with the researcher past incidents of experiences of discrimination and other irrational treatments imposed by the Japanese colonial administration. In various situations, the researcher did not have to "make inferences" (Yin, 2009), since the patterns described in the interviews matched with those of the collected data from other resources. In other words, the interview results have been endorsed by means of the evidence of multiple sources that would enhance the study's construct validity (Gall , Gall, & Borg, 2007; Yin, 2009).

In addition to the instruction at school, Palauans were given opportunities to converse with Japanese nationals as renshusei. Palauans went to the Japanese nationals' houses after school and learned "practical" Japanese while they assisted with household chores. This direct interaction accelerated Palauans' acquisition process of the Japanese language (Gass, 1997, 2003; Long, 1996; Pica, 1994). According to Long (1996), "negotiation work that triggers interactional adjustment by the native speaker facilitates acquisition because it connects input, internal learner capacities, particularly selective attention, and output in productive ways" (pp. 451-452). The system of renshusei provided Palauan students with numerous opportunities in which they could apply what they had learned in their classrooms to the "real " situation. As they cleaned the house, filled a bathtub with hot water, and babysat Japanese children in Japanese nationals' homes as renshusei, Palauan students were able to practice "real" conversational Japanese with Japanese family members.

Students were paid five to ten sen per day's work which apparently became a part of the incentive for Palauans to study Japanese. This system was not an official extra-curricular activity, since it was neither recorded nor included in the school policy. Nobody knew the true purpose of the system, but it was thought to assist students to learn Japanese by being in contact directly with Japanese families, to avoid having students doing nothing after school hours, and to provide a cheap labor force for the Japanese community (Morioka, 2006).

The following is a testimony by a Palauan informant who served as a renshusei in the Japanese community:

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At 2 o'clock in the afternoon, Palauan students went to work as groups of renshusei. We did cleaning, laundry, making animal food for chickens, and cooking rice as routine chores for the Japanese nationals at their houses. /learned how to cook "torimeshi" (rice cooked with chicken) and "oshiruko" (sweet red beans soup}, because the lady at the house taught me. /liked Japanese food. I used "daikon" (white raddish) to cook Japanese food. I earned 1 yen 50 sen per month as a renshusei. It wasn 't much, but the cost of living was not expensive, so it was enough for me at that time. (Catalina, personal communication, July 26, 201 0)

According to Mita (2008), Palauans had a practical motive to learn Japanese in Koror. Distinguished Palauan students from remote islands, such as Babeldaob, Peleliu, Angaur, Sonsorol , Tobi , and Kayangel who graduated from kogakko attended hoshuka in Koror. As students began to live in the dormitory or in relatives' houses in Koror in order to attend hoshuka, they found that they were required to speak Japanese in every aspect of their lives. Since the town of Koror was filled with Japanese nationals, Palauans needed to use Japanese as they rode a bus, went shopping, and visited a clinic. If Palauan students were capable enough to understand and speak Japanese fluently, they would have better opportunities for employment as well as to gain updated information by reading Japanese newspapers and magazines. Thus, in order to live successfully within the "Japanized" community in Palau, Japanese language learning might have been a positive experience for these young Palauans. This notion is equivalent to this study's proposition, "Palauans struggled to survive within the Japanese-controlled society by becoming part of its economic growth and social work force. " However, Palauans in remote villages continued their ordinary lives as fishers and farmers, using their own Palauan language (Mita, 2008).

Palauans were able to speak their own language when they were at home. Palauans mixed Japanese with their Palauan language when they were talking with Palauan friends. This is an enormous difference between Palauans and other ethnic groups in Asia, such as the Taiwanese and the Koreans, who were compelled to use only Japanese at both private and public levels by the Japanese government (Jo, 1996; Morioka, 2006; Yasuda, 1997). Although the regulation which forced Palauans to use only Japanese at school was rather strict, Palauan students also enjoyed some freedom of utilizing their native tongue outside of their school. This lenient implementation of the regulation for Japanese language usage might be one of the reasons why Palauans embraced more positive feelings toward Japanese nationals than did Taiwanese and Koreans during the Japanese regime.

After graduating from hoshuka, Palauans worked in Japanese companies and offices as clerks, service personnel , nurse assistants, carpenters, and so forth, until the outbreak of World War II. When Japan was defeated by the United States in 1945, the repatriation of all Japanese nationals from Palau and other Micronesian islands took place. Palauans were not able to fully utilize their knowledge of the Japanese language for many years after the war. However, some Palauans had opportunities to be in contact with Japanese-speaking people from Hawaii , Guam, and Okinawa. In recent years, elderly Palauans enjoy conversing with Japanese nationals who come to Palau for purposes including tourism, business, and memorial services for the war dead.

During the post-war years, some Palauans struggled to acquire English to be used as a common language in Palau. However, they stated that the Japanese language they learned during their elementary school days has been kept in their minds as testified by the Palauan informants below:

After the war, I did not use Japanese. But I remembered Japanese, because teachers taught us well. The Japanese language had dwelt in my mind, so I could not forget even if I did not do anything to retain it. (Fujiro, personal communication, July 26, 201 O)

I did not forget Japanese. I don't know why. I did not do much to maintain my knowledge of the Japanese language, but I used it when there were some Taiwanese tourists who came to visit Palau. (Koichi, personal communication, July 27, 201 0)

The memories of language learning and other incidents related to their acquisition processes that occurred in the past did not fade away, even though Palauans could not actively use the Japanese

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,, II

II " II II

Table 1. Population Increase in Palau (1920-1935) Japanese Palauan Chamorro

1920 592 5, 605 149 1925 1,054 5,735 222 1930 2,078 5, 794 215 1935 7,510 5,858 222 (Korror) 3,592 683 4 Note. Adapted from "Modekgnei : Palauan Religion" by M. Aoyagi, 1985, p. 84. Tokyo: Shinsui-sha.

Table 2. Curriculum of Kogakko (1928) Honka = Compulsory Education Hoshuka = Supplementary Education

Honka 1 Honka 2 Honka 3 Hoshuka 1 Hoshuka 2 Character Education 1 1 1 1 1 Japanese Language 12 12 12 1 0 10 Arithmetic 5 5 5 4 4 Geography 0 0 0 1 1 Science 0 1 2 2 2 Art 1 1 1 1 1 Handicrafts 1 1 1 2 2 Music 1.5 1 1 1 1 Physical Education 1.5 2 2 2 2 Agriculture 0 1 2 4 4 Home Economics (Female) 0 1 2 2 2 Total 23 (M)25/(F)26 (M)27/(F)29 (M)28/F(30) (M)28/(F)30 Note. Figures are numbers of instructional hours per week . Adapted from Nan 'yo Gunto Kyoikushi (History of Education in the South Seas Islands) by Nan'yo Gunto Kyoiku-kai , 1938. In M. Mita, 2008, Remembering colonial experiences : Palauan elders' stories of being educated as imperial people, and being discriminated against as islanders, Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology, 33(1) , p. 97. Osaka, Japan : The National Museum of Ethnology.

Table 3. Contents of the 4th Kogakko (Supplementary School) Japanese Language Reader (Volume 1) Name of Material Subject Name of Material Subject 1. National Flag Character Education 16. Mouse Science 2. Puppy Literature 17. Height of a Tree Guidance Civic 3. Buddha Literature 18. General Nogi Character Education 4. Work Hard and Play Literature 19. Our Library Guidance Civic

Hard 5. South seas Island 6. Wireless Radio

Station 7. Early Rising Old Man 8. Post Office Savings 9. Fruits 10. Rice Reid Guards 11 . Sandy Beach 12. Mainland 13. Vaccination

14. Bonito Fishing Guidance

15. Letters

Geography Science

Character Education Civic Education Science History Literature Geography Science

Civic

Civic Guidance

20. Kamikaze 21 . Letter from Angaur

22. Soil 23. Snow Boat 24. World 25. Story of Sea Voyage 26. Magnet Guidance 27. Nature of Water 28. Competitive Show

Education 29. Ocean

30. Sailor's Mother

History Geography

Literature Literature Geography Literature Civic Science Civic

Geography

Literature Note. Adapted from Japanese Language Reader Volume 1 by Nan'yo-cho, 1937. In M. Mita, 2008, Remembering colonial experiences: Palauan elders' stories of being educated as imperial people, and being discriminated against as islanders, Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology, 33(1) , p. 100. Osaka, Japan : The National Museum of Ethnology.

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