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Gender, Equality and Diversity Branch

Working Paper No.

12014

The Disabled Beggar A Literature Review

Begging as an overlooked issue of disability and poverty

Nora Groce, Marie Loeb and Barbara Murray

Conditions of Work andEquality Department


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Copyright International Labour Organization 2014

First published 2014

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Libraries, institutions and other users registered with reproduction rights organizations may make copies in accordance with the licencesissued to them for this purpose. Visit http://www.ifrro.org to find the reproduction rights organization in your country.

ILO Cataloguing in Publication Data

Groce, Nora; Loeb, Marie; Murray, Barbara;

The Disabled Beggar A Literature Review. / Nora Groce, Marie Loeb and Barbara Murray; International Labour Office, Gender, Equality

and Diversity Branch. - Geneva: ILO, 2014. GED Working Paper No 1

ISSN 978-92-2-129059-9 (print)978-92-2-129060-5 (web pdf) ; 2014 No.1

International Labour Office; Gender, Equality and Diversity Branch

disabled person / begging / rights of disabled people / poverty / forced labour / social exclusion / literature survey

15.04.3

The designations employed in ILO publications, which are in conformity with United Nations practice, and the presentation of

material therein do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of the International Labour Office concerning thelegal status of any country, area or territory or of its authorities, or concerning the delimitation of its frontiers.

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Visit our website: http://www.ilo.org/publns

Printed in Switzerland


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Table of Contents

FOREWORD .............................................................................................................................................................. V

INTRODUCTION ...................................................................................................................................................... 1

DISABLED BEGGARS IN HISTORY .....................................................................................................................

AN URBAN PHENOMENON ......................................................................................................................................................... 2

TOLERANCE OF BEGGARS .......................................................................................................................................................... 3

WHAT MAKES PEOPLE WITH DISABILITIES DECIDE TO BEG? .............................................................................................. 4

Lack of social support networks ................................................................................................................................4

Internalized social stigma ............................................................................................................................................5

Education and skills levels ...........................................................................................................................................5

Limited employment prospects ..................................................................................................................................5

Social protection floors .................................................................................................................................................7

Downward spiral of poverty ........................................................................................................................................7

ORGANIZED BEGGING,FORCED BEGGING AND INTENTIONAL MAIMING ............................................................................ 7

LITERATURE ON INTERVENTION ............................................................................................................................................. 8

INFORMATION GAPS ................................................................................................................................................................ !

CONCLUSION ............................................................................................................................................................................ !

BIBLIOGRA!HY ..................................................................................................................................................... 11


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Foreword

This literature review originated as part of an exploratory study of beggars

with disabilities in Ethiopia, reported on in ILO Working Paper No. 141 published

in 2013. Prepared by Professor Nora Groce with Marie Loeb, ILO student intern

under the direction of Barbara Murray, the review has been updated and ispublished separately here, as a contribution to debates on the social and economic

inclusion of persons with disabilities, on poverty reduction and social protection.

Beggars with disabilities are among the poor and disadvantaged in society. Yet

they are virtually invisible in the policy agenda of countries around the world, and

indeed are overlooked in advocacy efforts to improve opportunities for people with

disabilities in general. This is the case, even in countries that have ratified and are

moving to implement the UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities

(CRPD). The CRPD requires States to promote the right of persons with disabilities

to work on an equal basis with others; and emphasises the importance of fostering

respect for their rights and dignity, and raising awareness of their capabilities and

contributions, as well as the need to combat prejudices and stereotype in all areas oflife. Coming to an understanding of why people with disabilities end up as beggars

on the streets of towns and cities around the world is important if the vision of the

CRPD is to make a difference to persons with disabilities at all levels of society. It

is also relevant to the discussions taking place about the adoption of a post-2015

development framework, in which poverty reduction and the promotion of decent

work opportunities for all women and men are likely to feature prominently.

Shauna Olney

Chief

Gender, Equality and Diversity Branch,

Conditions of Work and Equality Department

ILO, Geneva


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Introduction

Worldwide, persons with disabilities who beg for part or all of their living are one of

the most visible but least understood groups within the global disabled population.

This literature review was undertaken to identify existing data on the livedexperiences of these individuals and the information gaps that continue to exist in the

literature about this largely overlooked population.

lthough references to disabled beggars are found throughout history !"aiser, #$$%&

'ipkin, ())*& 'u, ())*& +avon, #$$%& +orton, #%$*, almost nothing is known about

people with disabilities who work as beggars in the twenty-first century. This is in

many ways ironic, because disabled beggars are visible in communities around the

world. They can be seen on the streets and on the steps of churches, mosues and

temples, in marketplaces and public gathering spots. /ndeed, they knock on people0s

car windows and appear on their very doorsteps. /t is not that people cannot see

them& it is that they rarely notice them.Part of this oversight may be cultural. /n many societies it is assumed that disability

and begging are inevitably linked. 1ertainly, throughout the literature, there is a

strong association between poverty, disability and begging. /f a person is born with a

disability or becomes disabled, it is often assumed that most or all other options close

and the only choice left to meet basic needs is to beg.

/t is further assumed that people who beg do so because they are trapped in a 2cycle

of poverty3 and that begging is an activity or adaptation of last resort. There is a

strong association between disability and poverty. Poor people are at greater risk of

becoming disabled through lack of adeuate housing, food, clean water, basic

sanitation and safe working environments. People with disabilities, in turn, are at

increased risk of becoming poor through restricted access to education, health care,

4ob training and employment opportunities. These factors, in combination with the

effects of stigma and social isolation, limit the ability of people with disabilities to be

full participants in their societies and to find employment that will support themselves

and their families !5ont, ())%& 6raithwaithe and 5ont, ())%& Trani et al, ()#)& 7roce

et al, ()##. This has economic and social implications not only for the person with a

disability but also for the household in which he or she lives, and increases the

likelihood of turning to begging.

8espite the strong links between disability and poverty however, the global

development community, as well as the global disability advocacy community, has

paid little attention to men, women and children with disabilities who make theirliving in whole or in part by begging. This gap in knowledge and focus is particularly

striking because, worldwide, begging is among the most common and most visible

forms of making a living outside the home for people with disabilities.

This review was undertaken as the first component of an exploratory study in 9thiopia

that is among the first to directly interview beggars with disabilities on what their own

lives and personal experiences might be. :esults of this study are published

elsewhere# but findings from the literature review are presented here in the hope

1Groce N., Murray B, Loeb M, Tramontano C, Trani JF. Mekonnen A. 2013. Disabled Street Beggars in

Ethiopia: Findings from the UCL/ ILO Pilot Study. Employment Working Paper 141. Geneva:International Labour Organization, United Nations. 2013;

http://www.ilo.org/employment/Whatwedo/Publications/working-papers/WCMS_213889/lang--en/index.htm


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that these will generate further attention to people with disabilities who beg

worldwide, in particular by policy makers, service providers and advocacy groups.

6egging is defined for the purposes of this review as a range of activities through

which an individual asks fellow community members or strangers for money, food or

other resources on the basis of being poor or needing charitable donation for basicsurvival, health or religious reasons.

Disabled Beggars in History

When begging actually began is unknown. ;istorically, as early as the written word

appears, references to begging are found, with some of these references being

specifically to disabled beggars. stler, ())*?(). :eferences to disabled beggars and

begging are found throughout the 6ible, in 7reek, :oman and 1hinese history, as wellas in the historical accounts of many other ma4or civilizations.

Presumably, in traditional societies, the needs of vulnerable individuals who cannot

provide for themselves are first met by family, extended family or through group

action within the community. /f these resources are exhausted, many traditional

societies have as the next step, organized sources of social and economic support

through clan groups, religious organizations, guilds, associations or other established

groups. This kind of giving is often done on an 2as needs3 basis, with everyone aware

of the history and needs of a particularly vulnerable individual or household. 6ut once

these resources are expended, if the individual or household has more reuirements

than can be met with local resources, or if the individual is not willing to conform to

the expectations for receiving these resources, then begging may become an option.

6egging is an activity which allows an individual to call upon people with whom he or

she has no close ties for small donations to meet basic needs. /t is a mechanism

through which the community ensures that its very poorest members will not starve.

An "#ban $%eno&enon

While begging is not unknown in rural areas, beggars in rural hamlets and villages are

rare, and even market towns and smaller cities usually have no more than a few

beggars visible on the streets. The population base in such communities is simply too

small& few beggars can be sustained. 5oreover, in relatively small-scale social

systems, the identity of the beggar and his or her immediate family would be wellknown and leaving a relative in dire straits would reflect poorly on the immediate and

extended family. !7roce #$$( /n such communities, families would presumably avoid

having a relative beg unless they were absolutely unable to provide the needed

support. @rban areas however, can provide both greater anonymity and a broader

base for support.

/t is perhaps then unsurprising that references to beggars in urban areas are found as

soon as city-states begin to appear. The population of beggars in urban areas also

reflects the rising population within the cities themselves. ccounts of beggars being

drawn from the countryside to urban areas appear throughout the historic record.

There are a number of reasons why beggars are more common in urban areas than inthe countryside. People in urban areas tend to be more isolated, know less about their


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immediate neighbours and little or nothing about people who live in other parts of

their city. 6eggars can be more anonymous and autonomous, asking for help without

having people know much about them or pass 4udgement on the beggar or the

beggar0s family, who may be unable or unwilling to support them.

The needs of poor and vulnerable individuals cannot therefore be identified on thesame basis as it is done in smaller-scale societies. /nstead, a system whereby many

members of the general community each share a small amount of their own wealth A

coins, pieces of bread, used clothing A seems to have arisen as a mechanism through

which people in true need are provided for. larger population allows each individual

to give a small amount irregularly and still provides for those who beg.

6eggars in urban areas are also likely to make more money, as they are not

continually reuesting alms from the same limited population, as is the case in rural

areas, small towns and villages. While there are few statistics available comparing

income of beggars in rural versus urban areas, in a recent popular publication, "amat

!())$ estimates that while rural beggars in /ndia may collect two to three rupees per

day, city beggars can collect up to =)) rupees per day !@SB#).

This link between begging and the growth of urban centres is not only of historical

interest. The unprecedented growth and increasingly rapid pace of rural to urban

migration globally !@+ ;abitat, ())C means that begging may well grow rapidly over

the coming decades as millions continue to pour into urban areas from the

surrounding countryside !7arau et al., ())*. This is compounded in times of political,

social and economic instability, or when humanitarian or environmental disaster

leaves many with no other options for taking care of themselves and their families

!SP;9:9, ()##.

Tole#an'e of be((a#s

Support is not given to all beggars eually. /n every society, there are priorities about

groups which deserve support from the general public and charitable organizations

and groups which, for whatever reasons, do not. This has been labelled as a

distinction between the 2deserving3 and the 2undeserving3 poor !Stone, #$%=.

6egging by individuals whom the public considers deserving because they are

otherwise unable to meet the most basic of needs A such as the need for food,

housing, and clothing A is tolerated& begging by those the public perceives as

undeserving because they are 2lazy3 or 2choose not to work3 is not.

Throughout history, popular culture has been full of stories and folklore about beggars

who take advantage of the system? begging when they do not need to& making far

more money than people with 2real3 4obs& or stories of non-disabled individualspretending to be disabled in order to make money through begging !1onan 8oyle,

#%$(& "umarappa, ())D& Srivastava, ())%& l-;arazi, ())E& Swissinfo, ())$& 6orland,

())$. 9xamples of people begging when they are not impoverished have gained

considerable press attention in several countries in recent years. /n Pakistan, for

example, it has been reported that some middle-class people have added to their

income through begging after working hours !/'>, ())=a. Several years ago, Femen

was abuzz with reports of 2seasonal begging3, with families whose earnings were

otherwise well above the poverty line turning to begging at certain periods of the year

to meet electrical bills and health expenses !l-;arazi, ())E. /n 5orocco, a

government survey found that E(.= per cent of beggars had bank accounts and a

number had procured real estate with the money they collected from begging!'ahcen, ())%.


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/ndividuals who beg but who could really earn their living from other sources A the

2undeserving poor3 A are almost universally regarded with ill-favour. They are seen as

taking advantage of a system of support intended only for the very needy.


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who are already poor into destitution. Such factors must also play a part in tipping

some people with disabilities already living in poverty over the dividing line between

income-generating work A however limited A and begging !7roce et al., ()##b. There

are currently no statistics either on the numbers of people with disabilities who live by

begging or on the percentage of the larger disabled population that this constitutes. /n

#$$%, it was reported that ## per cent of all unemployed people with disabilities infrica survive solely on money acuired through begging !+diaye, #$$%, although the

relatively small sample size of the study limits the extent to which the findings can be

taken as genuinely representative for all of frica. 1omparable data are unavailable

for other regions.

Internalized social stigma

The decision to work as a beggar may not be wholly economic. Some have argued that

adoption of begging as a means of survival by people with disabilities is linked to their

internal acceptance of social stigma !9bimomi, ())%. Stone !#$%= notes that

characteristics associated with disability, such as low productivity and helplessness,

become cemented into the minds of people with disabilities who prefer to accept the

role constructed for them& to beg rather than struggle to find employment

opportunities. rguing that people with disabilities beg because they have

2internalized3 prevailing social stigma, however, often 2blames the victim3 without

considering larger social, cultural, economic and political pressures. +or does it

explain why some people with disabilities choose to beg and others with comparable

disabilities from similar backgrounds do not. :aising yet another point, Thurer !#$%%

has argued that in some cases, begging is a choice made by people with disabilities to

preserve their autonomy, even when alternative sources of support are available to

them.

Education and skills levels

nother key uestion is why begging might be seen as the best or only option

available, either by the individuals or the society in which they live. The literature on

poverty and disability indicates that begging may be the result of a series of 2knock

on3 events in the lives of people with disabilities and not 4ust as a single decision

based on perceived limited choices of livelihoods. People who are born with a

disability or who become disabled in childhood or adolescence are often excluded

from mainstream education or 4ob training, face social exclusion from the general

community, and experience a lack of family support and low self-esteem !1entre for

Services and /nformation on 8isability, #$$$& "ennedy and GWorld 6ank, ()##& 7roce and 6akhshi, ()##a. Those who acuire a

disability later in life may find that their education, skills and work history count for

little if they are unable to perform their previous 4ob and if rehabilitation and

retraining are unavailable.


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countries, in developing countries much of the labour force, including people with

disabilities, engages in the informal economy. /n such economies millions of people

with disabilities lack the financial resources and the entrepreneurial skills needed to

begin even the smallest of enterprises !/ngstad and 7rut, ())D& ;andicap

/nternational, ())E.

Statistics collected in developing countries tell us little about the informal economy,

but they do reflect strikingly lower employment rates among persons with disabilities

that, in the absence of social protection floors or disability benefits, may help explain

why persons with disabilities may turn to begging. /n Himbabwe, for example, less

than # per cent of disabled people participate in the formal workforce !8isability

wareness in ction, #$$*& 6eresford, #$$E. /n Paraguay, #%.* per cent of people

with disabilities are employed in the formal workplace compared to *$.% per cent of

non-disabled people !87991, ())(, and ($ per cent of disabled 1hileans work in the

formal economy compared to *D per cent of non-disabled 1hileans !/+9 1hile, ())).

8ata collected by the >rganization for 9conomic 1ooperation and 8evelopment

!>918 found employment rates for people with disabilities in its member countries of4ust over =) per cent in the late ()))s, compared to D* per cent for non-disabled

people !>918, ()#). +or are these markedly lower levels of employment confined to

low- and middle-income countries. The @nited States 8epartment of 'abor concluded

that rates of employment among people with disabilities in the @nited States were

about half of those for non-disabled people !


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Social protection floors

/n countries with established social protection systems and dedicated disability

benefits for those who do not have paid work, or for those whose paid work does not

cover all expenses, begging by people with disabilities appears to be far less common

!7rosh et al., ())%& 5edeiros et al., ())E& 5itra, ())*& 5ont, ()#). /deally, suchsocial protection schemes should provide a safety net, allowing individuals with

disabilities and their families to meet basic needs with dignity and choice. ;owever,

even in countries with social protection schemes, benefits are often not sufficient to

meet all needs of people with disabilities !7roce, #$%=& Thurer, #$%%. /n some

countries, eligibility restrictions and the complexity of application processes mean

that many people with disabilities do not receive the benefits to which they are

entitled. nd in some countries, certain people with disabilities continue to beg even

when funding is available and support systems work well, possibly because, as Thurer

!#$%% suggests, it allows them autonomy from the existing systems that place them

in the position of dependents or ob4ects of charity.

Downward spiral of poverty

>ver time, an unemployed and impoverished disabled person0s situation may be

further exacerbated by lack of basic housing, or lack of access to food and clean water,

health services and social support networks, creating a vicious cycle of poverty, ill-

health and social marginalization !Parnes et al., ())$. The result is that people with

disabilities are significantly over-represented among the poor and under-represented

within national workforces !6raithwaite and 5ont, ())%& Thomas, ())*& W;>GWorld

6ank ()##. This is true of both developing and developed countries and of the formal

and informal economies !"assah, ())%& /ngstad and 7rut, ())D& ;andicap

/nternational, ())E.

/n light of these challenges, the decision to trust to one0s own efforts to earn a livingby begging may be a rational economic decision, no matter what the social and

psychological toll the individual incurs. Thus people with disabilities may turn to

begging simply because they have no other options open to them or they may choose

to beg given the limited range of options they face.

O#(an+e, be((+n(/ fo#'e, be((+n( an, +ntent+onal &a+&+n(

:eview of the literature also shows that begging for people with disabilities may not

be simply an individual decision. rganized groups of disabled beggars are found in some countries and these groups

may represent unified social support mechanisms and protection for beggars. /n /ndia,

for example, 26eggar 6rotherhoods3 have been reported !"umarappa, ())D.

>rganized begging among non-disabled individuals has also been reported in

developed countries such as Switzerland, the @nited "ingdom and the @nited States

!Swissinfo, ())$& 6uck, ()))& 8ean, #$$$.

While groups may be formed by beggars, there are also freuent reports in the

literature of people with disabilities and others being coerced into begging by

2businessmen3 or criminal gangs !often referred to as 2beggar mafias3 who keep the

profits. 5any who beg under such circumstances exist in virtual slavery with the

continual threat of mistreatment, violence or death. /n such systems, people withdisabilities are often seen as more profitable than non-disabled beggars because they


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evoke sympathy or pity !Walker, ())E& Saini, ())$& 5alone, ())$. /ndeed, it has been

reported in the folklore and popular culture of many countries that children with

disabilities are routinely sold or stolen A usually from rural areas A to be used by

criminals or gangs of beggars !5alone, ())$. 8isabled children are especially

vulnerable to being forced into this type of begging, although disabled adolescents

and adults are also at great risk !"umarappa, ())D& 8atta, ())D& /ngstad and 7rut,())D& "ilbride et al., ()))& Sayem ()##& :anga, ())$& Wonacott, ())=. The freuent

mistreatment of disabled child beggars is so common in /ndia that 5alone !())$

reports that members of the public now refuse to give disabled child beggars any

donations, knowing that it will only end up in the hands of their 2handlers3.

The practice of maiming children in order to use them as beggars has been referenced

in folklore for centuries. There is almost no documentation on this, however, and

what does exist is largely anecdotal. The practice exists without a doubt, but its extent

may differ significantly between countries, and the percentage of such individuals

among those people with disabilities who beg, is as yet unknown. 6ibars !#$$%,

writing on street children in 9gypt, identified two of the nine children whose casehistories she gives as children intentionally maimed by relatives in order to enhance

their ability to beg !a girl, partially blinded by her father at age *& a boy 2forced to lose

both his legs3 by an uncle at age E. 5alone !())$ reports a case of two doctors

working in a government hospital in /ndia who were said to have been paid @SB())

for each amputation they performed on a healthy child. :ecent articles and

newspaper accounts from /ndia and 9thiopia also report non-disabled children being

purposely maimed, either by having acid poured onto them, or by being physically

maimed in order to increase the amount of money they can earn as beggars !frica

+ews, ())%& 5alone, ())$& 8emewozu, ())C. The practice of more severely in4uring

already disabled children and adults to make them capable of bringing in more money

as beggars has also been documented in recent years !Wonacott, ())=& 7roce, ())E&

frica +ews, ())%& 5alone, ())$& 8emewozu, ())C.

Whether intentionally disabled in order to beg, or disabled by other causes and then

encouraged or forced to beg, disabled children and adults are often brought to the

streets by people other than their families. number of scattered reports have also

documented the fact that children and adults with disabilities are often taught to beg

!1entre for Services and /nformation on 8isability, #$$$. training centre in :ohini0s

'al Iuarters in 8elhi, /ndia was discovered to be run by a 2beggar gang3 which trained

non-disabled children in the use of crutches and then forced them to pay #)-()

rupees in commission at the end of the day !Stone, #$%=. :eports from frica and

/ndia describe both disabled children and adults being taught to play music in order to

evoke more sympathy or to perform stunts or tricks to amuse the crowd as they beg!8emewozu, ())C& "umarappa, ())D& 8atta, ())D. 5ufti /mran, a researcher for Save

the 1hildren in 8haka, writes that disabled child beggars are 2taught different ways

and nuances of begging such as the most appropriate place to beg, the kind of people

one should approach, the kind of dialogues and mannerisms that would make

everyone sympathize3 !:anga, ())$& ndrabi, ())$. Training people with disabilities

to be more effective beggars is unfortunately nothing new. "anner !#$E= notes that

blind boys were trained to beg in ancient :ome.

L+te#at"#e on +nte#0ent+on

:eflecting the scarcity of research, policy and programming concerning begging in

general and disabled beggars in particular, there is limited discussion of how peoplewith disabilities can be kept from having to resort to begging in the first place or what


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sustainable routes out can be called upon for people who are currently working as

beggars !"ennedy and


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Info#&at+on (a$s

So little is known about people with disabilities who work as beggars that many basic

uestions remain largely unexplored cross-culturally? What alternative forms of

employment exist for these individualsK Where and with whom do these people liveK

What family and social support networks do they haveK What happens to them overthe course of their livesK What are the links between education, 4ob training and the

decision of whether or not to begK ;ow do disabled women fare on the streets, given

the significant disadvantages they face even in comparison to men with disabilitiesK

What is the interplay between violence, disability and beggingK

There are many other uestions as well. re individuals who beg able to keep the

money they collect or are they put on the streets by organized gangs who take the

moneyK ;ow do they manage this money in a way that allows them to live and

support their familiesK /s there any evidence of a practice of maiming individuals

!especially children to disable them and use them as beggarsK This is a practice that

has been referenced in literature and folklore for centuries, although it has almost

never been documented. /s it really the case that disabled individuals who beg bring infar more money than others who choose not to beg !a view repeatedly expressed by

many disability advocates and experts interviewed in the course of the 9thiopia study

!7roce et al ()#C that proved to be untrueK What does the surrounding community

think of these peopleK What do local disability advocacy groups think of these

practicesK What do persons with disabilities themselves think of these practicesK

;ow do persons with disabilities who beg see themselves or the lives they leadK When

and under what circumstances are some persons with disabilities able to leave

begging and what happens to them afterwardsK


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their day 4obs3. 5ail>nline. http?GGwww.dailymail.co.ukGnewsGarticle-

#()***CGProfessional-beggars-earning-())-night-supplement-day-4ob.htmlixzz)PNw(>o. ## ug. ())$.

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6untan, 5. ())*. 2Thailand Police rrest 6lind and other 8isabled

8emonstrators3. !6angladesh, 1entre for Services and /nformation on

8isability. csidUbdmail.net.

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6riefs ())$-CC. !Washington 81, 1enter for 9conomic and Policy :esearch

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7ambia. ())$. 2;ow 7ambian beggars became mobile S/5 vendors3.

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7roce, +. #$%=. 2 'ady +amed 6aybie? 6lind Street Singer3.


20/26

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;andicap /nternational. ug. ())E. 27ood practices for the economic inclusion of

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/ngstad, 6. and 7rut, '.


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/nstitudo +acional de 9stadisticas !/+9. ())). 1ensus, 1hile/ngstad, 6.& 7rut, '.

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'u, ;. ())*. Street 1riers? a cultural history of 1hinese street beggars. !1alifornia,

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23/26

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Conditions of Work and Equality Department,Gender, Equality and Diversity Branch

For more information visit our site:http://www.ilo.org/disability

International Labour OfficeEmployment Sector

4, route des MorillonsCH-1211 Geneva 22

Email: [email protected]

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