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METHODOLOGY OF Al-IMÓM Al-SHÓFIÑÔ IN TAFSÔR: TOWARDS A RESOLUTION OF THE CONTEMPORARY CONFLICTS

IN TAFSÔR LITERATURE

Muhammad Mokhter Ahmad*

ABSTRACT Al-ImÉm Al-ShÉfi'Ê is one of the greatest architects of Islamic thought in general and the Qur'Énic interpretation in particular. He is the founder of one of the largest denominations based on Islamic Jurisprudence which is followed largely by an increasingly greater segment of the Muslim community across the world including, chiefly, Turkey, North Africa, and Middle East, and Far East Asia. He also made, quite naturally and expectedly, substantial contribution towards formulating an epistemological methodology for a proper understanding of the Qur'Én, especially the Qur'Énic verses related to rulings (ÉyÉt al-aÍkÉm) which left a permanent imprint on and legacy for the later Muslim scholars dealing with Qur'anic tafsÊr and/or tafsÊr of ÉyÉt al-aÍkÉm. The ImÉm devised and developed this methodology at such a juncture of Muslim intellectual exercise when some alien philosophies and doctrines infiltrated into almost all branches of Islamic knowledge. The tafsÊr literature was no exception. Besides, the emergence of some deviated intellectual outfits from among the Ummah itself virtually challenged and threatened the very fabric, purity, uniqueness and even existence of a distinct Islamic intellectual identity. For the sake of developing their own principles of thought, these deviant groups heavily relied on the primary normative sources of Islam (i.e., the Qur'Én and the Sunnah) and subsequently deducted policies from those sources for running their intellectual denominations. Some of these policies and principles developed thereof were also related to the interpretation of the Qur'Én itself. At this time, Al-ImÉm Al-ShÉfi'Ê along with others came forward, developed epistemological methodologies for governing almost all branches of Islamic knowledge including the Qur'Énic interpretation, and thus set the course of Islamic thought on right track. The same scenario is again seen everywhere around the globe where the felid of tafsÊr is further intruded by some obviously alien and un-Islamic philosophical underpinnings. Scores of denominations have already emerged in the Ummah itself which offer such grotesque interpretations for the Qur'Én or some of its verses that fall squarely contradictory to the spirit of Islam, the basic sharÊ'ah principles, and the vivid Prophetic guidelines. Thus the need of the hour is to reassert the methodologies of Al-ImÉm Al-ShÉfi'Ê for the tafsÊr of the Qur'an with an avowed objective of evaluating his contribution in this field and investigating into his epistemological principles so that the current deviation in the Qur'Énic tafsÊr may be corrected and a worthwhile methodology for the contemporary interpretation of the Qur'Én may be developed.

* Associate Professor & Coordinator, Center for University Requirement Courses (CENURC), International Islamic University Chittagong, Dhaka Campus, Dhaka, Bangladesh, mahmad@teacher.com, mokhterahmad@gmail.com, +8801712540089

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Keywords: Tafsir methodology, Tafsīr literature, Contemporary conflicts

INTRODUCTION As Islam is the only surviving way of life approved and appointed by Allah and as the Qur’an is the only uncorrupted divine scripture revealed by Him, Islam’s superstructure is inevitably rested upon the Qur’an. This is why the Qur’an has been declared by Allah to be sole guidance for all human affairs, public and private, individual and collective, and religious and secular. This unparalleled position of the Qur’an propelled the Muslim scholars, right from the period of the ØahÉbah (r), the Prophet’s Companions, unto the present time, to relentlessly investing their time and energy for the study, interpretation, and exploration of the Qur’an. Over the centuries, this phenomenon developed into a tremendous movement when Islam was spread over the then three continents (i.e., Asia, Europe and Africa) bringing a large number of reverts under its fold who had their insatiable desire and religious obligation for the understanding of the Qur'an and this resulted into the emergence of a section of scholars devoting themselves for the Qur'anic studies. The development of tafsÊr literature was the need of the hour and is of huge importance because: firstly, Allah, though, uses the most clear, eloquent and concise language, and in doing so the meaning is clear to those who are well-grounded in the Arabic language, but not so clear to those who are not; secondly, the Qur’an itself does not always mention the events or references for which each particular verse was revealed, and these must be known in order for the verse to be fully and totally understood; and lastly, some words may have multiple meanings, and it is the job of the person that does tafsÊr to explain what is meant by the word. Besides, the science of tafsÊr is the most honorable of all sciences for three reasons. The first reason is with respect to its topic. It deals with the Speech of Allah, which contains every kind of wisdom and virtue. It contains pronouncements about what has passed and reports of what will happen and judgments concerning what happens between the people. Its wonders never cease. The second reason is with respect to its goal. Its goal is to lead mankind to the firm handhold of Allah, and to the true happiness, one that does not end. The third reason is with respect to the great need for this science. Every aspect of this religion and this world, in the near or distant future, is in need of the sciences of the Shari' ah and knowledge of the religion, and this knowledge can only be obtained through the understanding of the Book of Allah.1

The Qur'anic scholars, the MufassirËn, followed and maintained a well-structured format for the exegesis of the Qur'an despite some vicissitudes during the later Umayyad and early ÑAbbÉsid periods where the penetration of alien thoughts and philosophies took place in it. Al-ImÉm Al-ShÉfi'Ê put the course of Qur'anic exegesis on the right track which had a lasting effect on the latter generations of Qur'anic exegetes. But the colonial occupation of the Muslim lands, the intellectual bankruptcy of the scholars of the Ummah, the overwhelming challenge from the orientalists and/or western-educated new generations, and the seeming superiority of the secular

1 Al-SuyËtÊ, ÑAbdur RaÍmÉn, Al-ItqÉn fÊ ÑÕlËm al-Qur’Én, Al-Halabi Press, Cairo, 4th ed., 1978, p. 224; Zarabozo,

Jamaal al-Din M., How to Approach and Understand the Quran, Al-Basheer Publications, Denver, 1999, p. 12

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western education and its worldview encouraged a group of scholars to come with new brand of Qur'anic exegesis which is away either from traditionally held methodologies or from treating the Qur'an as an integrated whole. The methodology followed by al-ShÉfi'Ê is the panacea for correcting this sort of deficiency and deviation.

For the sake of collecting data, I studied the books written by al-ShÉfi'Ê, especially the books containing the tafsÊr of the Qur'an2. I also consulted, chiefly, a recent compilation of all the verses of the Qur'an explained by al-ShÉfi'Ê (like the one compiled by Dr. AÍmad ibn MuÎÏafÉ al-FarrÉn tiled 'TafsÊr al-ImÉm al-ShÉfiÑÊ' which was done as a Ph. D thesis) and another thesis done for the fulfillment of M.A degree titled 'Manhaj al-ImÉm al-ShÉfiÑÊ fÊ TafsÊr ÓyÉt al-AÍkÉm' by MuÍib al-DÊn ÑAbd al-SubÍÉn. LITERATURE REVIEW Al-ShÉfi'Ê has written many books but none of those is known to be an absolute collection of the Qur'anic exegesis though he is known to have a particular compilation on his commentary of the legal verses of the Qur'an but the work has not reached us. The commentaries of al-ShÉfi'Ê for the Qur'anic verses have been recorded in his the books by like Al-Umm, Al-RisÉlah, KitÉb JimÉÑ al-ÑIlm, IkhtilÉf al-×adÊth, AÍkÉm al-QurÒÉn and others where his primary concern was explaining the legal rulings out of the relevant verses. Besides, he has not mentioned anything significant there, so far we know, about the methodology he maintained there for explaining the Qur'an. The first work done centering the approach of al-ShÉfi'Ê to the Qur'an was the collection by al-BayhaqÊ (384-458 AH) of the legal verses of the Qur'an explained by al-ShÉfi'Ê in a book named 'KitÉb AÍkÉm al-Qur'Én' and the work has recently been published by DÉr al-Kutub al-ÑIlmiyyah, Beirut, in 1980 CE in two volumes where 475 verses of 76 sËrahs of the Qur'an explained by al-ShÉfi'Ê were collected. This book has been arranged and chapterized according to the chapterization of Islamic Jurisprudence (al-Fiqh). It does not contain much regarding the methodology maintained by al-ShÉfi'Ê for the Qur'anic hermeneutics.

The second work on the approach of al-ShÉfi'Ê to the Qur'anic exegesis is found at work of MajdÊ ManÎËr ibn Sayyid al-ShËrÉ, which is, according to him, the first attempt and foundational work for the collection of the full tafsÊr of al-ShÉfi'Ê. This compilation has also been published by DÉr al-Kutub al-ÑIlmiyyah, Beirut, in 1995 CE in one volume where the compiler relied upon three books of al-ShÉfi'Ê (namely Al-Umm, Al-RisÉlah, and AÍkÉm al-QurÒÉn by al-BayhaqÊ) and the number ÉyÉt and sËrahs he mentioned there are 274 and 37 respectively. He has not mentioned anything of the methodology maintained by al-ShÉfi'Ê for the Qur'anic explanation.

The ground-breaking work in this regard was a thesis submitted by MuÍib al-DÊn ÑAbd al-SubÍÉn, a student of Umm al-QurÉ University of Makkah for the fulfillment of his M. A Degree and the title of the thesis is 'Manhaj al-ImÉm al-ShÉfiÑÊ fÊ TafsÊr ÓyÉt al-AÍkÉm' (The Methodology of al-ImÉm al-ShÉfiÑÊ in the TafsÊr ÓyÉt al-AÍkÉm) and the thesis was done in 1407 AH/1987 CE and was approved in the following year. The thesis was in 565 pages and 215 pages were devoted for the biography of al-ShÉfi'Ê, 272 pages were devoted for the exploration of 2 For example: AÍkÉm al-QurÒÉn, Al-Umm, Al-RisÉlah, KitÉb JimÉÑ al-ÑIlm, IkhtilÉf al-×adīth and others.

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al-ShÉfi'Ê's methodology for tafsÊr of the Qur'an, and the rest of the pages were for bibliography and references. But the problem with the book is that it dealt with the methodology applied by al-ShÉfiÑÊ for explaining the ÉyÉt al-AÍkÉm (legal verses) and he did not mention an overall methodological structure of al-ShÉfi'Ê for the Qur'anic exegesis.

A real and relevant work in this regard was done by Dr. AÍmad ibn MuÎÏafÉ al-FarrÉn tiled 'TafsÊr al-ImÉm al-ShÉfiÑÊ' which he submitted as a Ph. D thesis under the faculty of Islamic Studies and Academic Research at University of Khartoum. He was awarded in Summer, 2004 and the work was published by DÉr al-Tadmoria, KSA in 2006 CE/1427 AH. The book is of 1529 pages where he devoted the first 30 pages for introductory remarks (1st part), the next 148 pages for exploring the methodology of al-ShÉfi'Ê for the tafsÊr of the Qur'an (2nd part), the next 1303 pages for mentioning the commentaries of al-ShÉfi'Ê for the Qur'an (3rd part) and the rest for list of the ÉyÉt and sËrahs of the Qur'an, the references and subjects which he cited in his work (4th part). The second part of his work is the real area where he explored the methodology of al-ShÉfi'Ê. He divided the second part into four chapters and in the first chapter he mentioned the sources maintained by al-ShÉfi'Ê for his exegesis of the Qur'an, in the second chapter he mentioned the stances of al-ShÉfi'Ê in his Qur'anic tafsÊr regarding some specific issues, in the third chapter he discussed the impacts of al-ShÉfi'Ê in tafsÊr of the Qur'an and the characteristics of his Qur'anic tafsÊr and in the last chapter he talked about the position of al-ShÉfi'Ê and his founding many important principles in the field of tafsÊr literature. But Dr. al-FarrÉn did not mention the deviations, past and present, made in the field of tafsÊr literature and the contributions made and/or may be made by al-ShÉfi'Ê for correcting those deviations. He also did not make any comparative study between the methodologies maintained by deferent groups, right or wrong, and has not suggested any measures may/might be taken in this respect. Here does stand the necessity of the present work and this work is aimed at fulfilling that gap. HISTORY OF THE GROWTH AND DEVELOPMENT OF TAFSÊR AL-QUR’ÉN i. The growth and Development of TafsÊr unto the era of al-ShÉfiÑÊ The movement of tafsÊr started during the lifetime of the Prophet (saas) when he would sit among his Companions to explain the injunctions of the Qur’an and to instruct them in the teachings of Islam. It was so because the Prophet (saas) was commissioned chiefly, among others, to explain the Qur’an to the followers, sometimes upon their appeal and sometimes on his own, through his statements, actions, and tacit approvals3. Though, the Prophet (saas) had the knowledge to give tafsÊr (exegesis) of every Éyah he did not do so. It is narrated that ÑÓisha (r) said: “The Prophet of Allah (saas) only gave interpretations of a few ÉyÉt from the Qur’an which were taught to him by JibrÊl.” These ÉyÉt deal with matters related to al-ghayb (the Unseen), together with some other questions that can only be understood through Revelation. The first serious necessity for a complete canonical and institutional interpretation of the Qur’an was strongly felt when the Qur’an was collected during the ear of Abu Bakr (r) and when Islam spread like wildfire later on during the era of ÑUmar and ÑUthmÉn pulling an unprecedented 3 Al-Qur’an: 16:44

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number of converts under its fold. Thus many centers of tafsÊr evolved at Makkah, Madinah, ÑIrÉq, Syria and Egypt during this era centering the most notable Qur’anic commentators from among the Companions like the four Righteous Caliphs, ÑÓishah bint AbÊ Bakr, ÑAbdullah ibn ÑÓbbÉs, ÑAbdullah ibn MasÑËd, Ubayy ibn KaÑb, Zayd ibn ThÉbit, Abu MËsa al-AshÑarÊ, ÑAbdullah ibn al-Zubayr, Anas ibn MÉlik, ÑAbdullah ibn ÑUmar, ÑAbdullah ibn ÑAmr ibn as-ÑÓÎ, and JÉbir ibn ÑAbdullah.4 The Prophetic Companions who scattered over different distant regions bearing the torch of Islam felt the sure necessity of a codified compendium for the Qur’anic exegesis while confronting an issue not experienced earlier or encountering a question not raised previously5. Notwithstanding, many Companions did not venture fearing stumble and/or not reaching the truth. For example, when Abu Bakr (r) was asked about the interpretation of a certain verse he said, ‘which earth would carry me and which sky would shelter me if I talk about the Qur’an according to my own opinion’6. Still many of them, especially the four rightly-guided caliphs applied their personal analogical reasoning for the interpretation of the Qur’an. ÑUmar’s (r) decision not to distribute the cultivable lands of Iraq to the fighters which was just away from the Qur’anic prescription in sËra al-AnfÉl and his interpretation of the 7th verse of sËra al-×ashr in an uncommon and unfamiliar way are just a few examples of this kind.7 Consequently schools of tafsÊr proliferated and over the centuries Muslim intellects roamed through the Qur’an along many different routes. Some were successful, others were not. Concerning the Prophet’s Companions who witnessed the Revelation while it was being sent down and knew the reasons for revealing, abrogating and abrogated ÉyÉt as well as the factors linking the ÉyÉt to real events8, so much has been said that al-GhazÉlÊ and al-QutËbÊ remarked:

It would be incorrect to assume that everything said about tafsÊr by the Companions actually came from the Prophet (SAAS) for two reasons. One is that it is only established that the Prophet (SAAS) gave tafsÊr of a few ÉyÉt…This was also ÑÓisha’s view. The other is that they themselves differ in their tafsÊr on various points that can not be reconciled and can not all have come from

the Prophet of Allah (SAAS) – even though some may have done so9. As tafsÊr from the Prophet (saas) and the Companions did not cover all the verses in the Qur’an requiring explanation, the TÉbiÑËn10 and their followers tried their best to fill up this gap by relying on the Qur’an, exegetic traditions of the Prophet (saas), commentary of the Companions, information from at-TawrÉt and al-InjÊl and their own individual judgments11. This attempt was championed by those Successors who flocked to the study circles of tafsÊr at various cities and townships and this overwhelming enthusiasm on their part saw the first-ever attempt and the 4 Al-SuyËtÊ, Al-ItqÉn, p. 239; Philips, Dr. Abu Ameenah Bilal, Usool at-Tafseer: The Methodology of Qur’anic

Interpretation, International Islamic Publishing House, Riyad, 2005, p. 22 5 See for details: Al-Dhahabi, Muhammad ×usayn, Al-TafsÊr wa al-MufassirËn, Maktabah Wahbah, Cairo, 6th ed.,

1975; Al-SuyËtÊ, Al-ItqÉn; Bilal Philips, Usool at-Tafseer pp. 19-34; Amin, Dr. Ruhul, Tafsir: Its Growth and Development in Muslim Spain, University Grants Commission of Bangladesh, Dhaka, October 2006, pp. 1-33

) برأءي\اي ارض تقلني واي سماء تظلني اذا قلت في القران ما ال اعلم( 6 This statement is found at the beginning of any tafsÊr book. 7 Al-FarrÉn, Dr. Ahmad Ibn Mustafa, TafsÊr al-ImÉm al-ShÉfiÑÊ, DÉr al-Tadmoria, KSA, 2006, p. 10-11 8 See Al-AlwÉnÊ, TÉhÉ JÉbir & ImÉd al-DÊn KhalÊd, The Qur’an and the Sunnah: The Time-Space Factor,

International Institute of Islamic Thought, 1991, P. 13 9 Ben ÑAshËr, Shaikh Muhammad al-TÉhar, TafsÊr al-TahrÊr wa al TanwÊr, al DÉr al TËnisiyyah, Tunis, 1984, p. 28-

29, See Al-AlwÉnÊ, TÉhÉ JÉbir & ImÉd al-DÊn KhalÊd, The Qur’an and the Sunnah: The Time-Space Factor, International Institute of Islamic Thought, 1991, P. 13

10 TÉbiÑËn: the Successors of the Companions of the Prophet (saas) 11 Al-DhahabÊ, at-tafsÊr wa’l mufassirËn, 2nd ed., Cairo: DÉru’l Kutubi’l HadÊtha, 1396 A. H. Vol. 01, p. 100

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earliest enterprise for the compilation of tafsÊr. The most noteworthy example is that of MujÉjid ibn Jabr (642-722 CE/40-103 AH), a student of Ibn ÑAbbÉs, which, however, is extinct now. The remark of MujÉjid is noteworthy:

“I read the whole Qur’an to Ibn ÑAbbÉs three times. During each reading, I stopped at the end of every verse and asked him about whom and why it was revealed.”12

Ibn ÑAbbÉs, the TarjumÉn al-Qur’Én13 (Translator of the Qur’an), produced a flock of erudite in the Qur’anic hermeneutics who advanced the movement for a more systematic Qur’anic exegesis and its codification. The most famous among them were SaÑÊd ibn Zubayr (d. 95 AH), MujÉjid ibn Jabr (d. 103 AH), ÑIkrimah (d. 104 AH), ÙÉËs ibn KÊsÉn al-YamÉnÊ (d. 106 AH), and ÑAÏÉ ibn Abi RabÉÍ (d. 114/115AH).14 The famous study circles of tafsÊr, especially the Syrian and Egyptian ones, were under the control of these students of Ibn ÑAbbÉs. In line with the will of ÑAbd al-MÉlik ibn MarwÉn, the mighty Umayyad Caliph, SaÑÊd ibn Zubayr, the famous student of Ibn ÑAbbÉs, wrote a complete tafsÊr for the Caliph and presented that to him15. Before that, he also wrote another exegesis comprising the ‘gharÉib al-Qur’Én’ (the oddities of the Qur’an) for the Caliph at his request.16 MujÉjid, another famous student of Ibn ÑAbbÉs, also compiled a tafsÊr at the behest of Ibn ÑAbbÉs. Al-ÙabarÊ reported from Ibn AbÊ MalÊkah that he said, ‘I saw MujÉjid asking Ibn ÑAbbÉs about tafsÊr of the Qur’an while he had tablets with him and Ibn ÑAbbÉs asking him to commit to those to writing until he asked him about the whole tafsÊr’17.

The most significant and systematic attempt in this regard was initiated with an edict of ÑUmar ibn ÑAbd al-ÑAzÊz to his Governors to collect and codify all aÍÉdÊth of the Prophet which at that time would include theology, ethics and exegesis. It triggered an unprecedented fillip initiating an era of structured movement for collecting the Qur’anic exegesis and the scholars of ÍadÊth maintained and devoted a separate and special chapter, from among other chapters into which they put the aÍÉdÊth of the Prophet according to their subject-matter, for the Qur’anic exegesis referred to the Prophet, his Companions and their Successors.18 This is why it is seen that a few books on tafsÊr came into existence after the first Hijrah century till the middle of the second Hijrah century19. This includes the books of al-DhaÍÍak, QatÉdah, ÑAtÉÒ, DÉËd ibn AbÊ Hind, ÑAbd al-MÉlik ibn ÑAbd al-ÑAzÊz, MuqÉtil ibn SulaimÉn, and others. This was followed by a more measured and matured approach to the Qur’anic exegesis which made it into an

12 Al-DhahabÊ, Siyar AÑlÉm al-NubalÉÒ, MuÒassasah al-RisÉlah, Beirut, 3rd ed., 1985, vol. 04, p. 450 13 This is the title given to ÑAbdullah ibn ÑAbbÉs by the Prophet (saas), or by ÑAbdullah ibn MasÑËd (r) according to

another opinion, because of his expertise for the Qur’anic hermeneutics. See: Husayn, Siyar AÑlÉm al-NubalÉÒ, vol. 03, p. 347

14 Al-SuyËtÊ, Al-ItqÉn; vol. 02, p. 242, See: Bilal Philips, Usool at-Tafseer p. 23 15 Al-RÉzÊ (Razes), MuÍammad ibn ÑAbd al-RaÍmÉn, Al-JarÍ wa al-TaÑdÊl, V. 6, pp. 332; Ibn ×ajr, AÍmad ibn ÑAli

al-ÑAsqalÉni, TahdhÊb al-TahdhÊb, DÉr al-Fikr, Beirut, Lebanon, vol. 7, p. 879 16 Al-SuyËtÊ, Al-Öurr al-ManthËr, vol. 01, p. 607 17 Al-ÙabarÊ, MuÍammad ibn JarÊr, JÉmiÑ al-BayÉn fÊ taÒwÊl al-QurÒÉn, DÉr al-Kutub al-ÑIlmiyyah, Beirut, 1st ed.

1992, vol. 01, p. 31 18 Al-QattÉn, MannÉ, MabÉÍith fÊ ÑUlËm al-Qur’Én, Maktabah al-MaÑÉrif, Riyadh, 8th ed., 1981, pp. 340-41; See:

Bilal Philips, Usool at-Tafseer, pp. 25-27; Ruhul Amin, Tafsir: Its Growth and Development in Muslim Spain, pp. 11-13. A few examples of this type are the collections of YazÊd ibn HÉrËn al-SalÉmi (d. 118 AH/737 CE), ShuÑbah ibn al-×ajjÉj (d. 160 AH/777 CE), SufyÉn ibn ÑUyaynah (d. 198 AH/814 CE), and ÑAbd al-RazzÉq ibn al-HammÉm (d. 211 Ah/864 CE).

19 See for details: Al-Fihrist, Ibn al-NadÊm, DÉr al-MaÑrifah Beirut, p. 51

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independent Islamic science where the tafsÊrs of the Qur’anic verses were compiled according to the order of the written text. The first of this kind is the tafsÊr of Ibn JarÊr al-ÙabarÊ.

Al-ShÉfiÑÊ was born in Gaza of Palestine in 150 AH/767 CE (and died in FustÉat, Egypt in 204 AH/820 CE) and then moved to Makkah at the age of two where he got his education. He got his orientation towards the Qur’anic hermeneutics and exegesis at the hands of the students of ÑAbdullah ibn ÑAbbÉs and their students. Besides, when al-ShÉfiÑÊ moved towards Egypt, he availed out of the exegetic collection of SaÑÊd ibn Zubayr, the famous student of Ibn ÑAbbÉs who wrote a complete tafsÊr at the behest of the mighty Umayyad Caliph ÑAbd al-MÉlik ibn MarwÉn, which was available there at that time. This is why one can see the influences and references of SaÑÊd ibn Zubayr over al-ShÉfiÑÊ’s commentaries of the Qur’an found in his books like al-Umm.20 From the era of the Companions and their Successors unto the era of al-ShÉfiÑÊ, a few trends developed among the people regarding tafsÊr. Firstly, as the knowledge of Arabic and her idioms of the time of the Prophet (saas) was needed for the correct understanding of the Qur’an, the scholars directed a great deal of time in collecting Arabic lexicography, phonology, grammar, great Arabic poetry, and classical usages. Secondly, the circumstances surrounding the revelations of the Qur’an known as asbÉb al-NuzËl were collected, studied, and developed into a separate subject. Thirdly, the traditions referring to the understanding and interpretation of the Qur’an by the Prophet and the Companions were studied with great enthusiasm and were preserved black and white. Fourthly, philological and linguistic study of the Qur’an started and few famous works were composed on this basis. The majÉz al-Qur’Én by AbË ÑUbayda (d. 210 AH), maÑÉnÊ al-Qur’Én by both al-KisÉÒÊ (179 AH) and al-FarrÉÒ (207 AH) individually, gharÊb al-Qur’Én by AbË SaÑÊd al-BÉqÊ (d. 141 AH) are a few examples of this class. Fifthly, a large number of scholars devoted themselves to the legal study of the Qur’an to deduce legal rulings from its selected number of verses. Scores of legal deductions from the Qur’an are known from al-ImÉm MÉlik ibn Anas (r) in this regard. Al-×Éfiz YaÍyÉ ibn Ódam ibn SulaimÉn al-QurayshÊ (d. 203 AH) is known to have composed a book for interpretation of the legal verses of the Qur’an styled ‘mujarrad aÍkÉm al-Qur’Én’ and the book written by al-ShÉfiÑÊ himself in the same field has been titled ‘aÍkÉm al-Qur’Én’21.

The tafsÊr of al-ShÉfiÑÊ is predominantly associated with the legal verses of the Qur’an though he made a few commentaries over some other verses of the Qur’an but in a very brief way. Though al-ShÉfiÑÊ is the pioneer in terms of a systematic care and compilation for tafsÊr of the legal verses of the Qur’an, he was preceded by many in this field like AbË al-Nadhr al-KalbÊ (d. 146 AH) who had a tafsÊr book about aÍkÉm al-QurÒÉn (the Qur’anic rulings) which he narrated from Ibn ÑAbbÉs, al-ImÉm MÉlik ibn Anas (d. 179 AH), ImÉm dÉr al-Hijrah and the founder of the MÉlikÊ school of thought, had a tafsÊr for aÍkÉm al-QurÒÉn which he did not compose in an independent book, but those were compiled by MakkÊ ibn AbÊ ÙÉlib later on in ten volumes with the title ‘al-MaÒthËr Ñan MÉlik fÊ AÍkÉm al-QurÒÉn wa TafsÊruhË’, and the book of al-×Éfiz YaÍyÉ ibn Ódam ibn SulaimÉn styled ‘Mujarrad AÍkÉm al-QurÒÉn’.22

20 Majallah al-SharÊÑah wa al-DirÉsah al-IslÉmiyyah, number: 27, ShaÑban 1416 AH, Year: 10th, pp. 42-85 21 ÑAbd al-SubÍÉn, MuÍi Uddin, Manhaj al-ImÉm al-ShÉfiÑÊ fÊ ÉyÉt al-AÍkÉm (A thesis submitted to the Umm al-

QurÉ University to fulfill the requirement of M. A. degree), Ruhul Amin, Tafsir: Its Growth…, pp. 14-15. 22 See for details: Al-Fihrist, Ibn al-NadÊm, pp. 56-57

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ii. The growth and Development of TafsÊr beyond the era of al-ShÉfiÑÊ This trend for tafsÊr continued unabated till the era of al-ShÉfiÑÊ. During this period people relied for the Qur’anic exegesis preferably on the Qur’an, Sunnah and commentary of the Prophetic Companions and their Successors and sometimes on their personal reasoning while on some other occasions many took recourse to some controvertible sources.

Towards the end of the ninth century CE, the field of tafsÊr evolved into an independent science where many world famous tafsÊr books were authored by, among others, Ibn JarÊr al-ÙabarÊ (d. 310 AH), Ibn MÉjah (d. 272 AH), Ibn AbÊ ×Étim (d. 327 AH), Ibn ×ibbÉn (d. 369 AH), al-×Ékim (d. 404 AH), and Ibn Mardawayh (d. 410 AH), and these anthologies were according to the order of the written text of the Qur’an. Near the end of the tenth and the beginning of the eleventh century CE, a new phenomenon emerged in tafsÊr literature. Although the next generation, somewhat, maintained the general format of the predecessors, they deleted the chains of narration from their tafsÊrs while keeping the names of the Companions or their Successors, and their next generation put more stress on the literary forms, grammatical constructions, variant readings of the Qur’an where they mentioned many unreferenced and anonymous statements to authenticate their points. By the eleventh and twelfth centuries CE, the door of tafsÊr according to personal opinion (tafsÊr bi al-RaÒy) was opened and Greek philosophy and science and other heretical thoughts started to exert influences in the body of tafsÊr literature. Though a large number of theological heresies emerged among the Muslims during the Umayyad period, like the KhÉrijites, the MuÑtazilites, the ShiÑÊtes, and other sects, their endeavor for sectarian exegesis of the Qur’an succeeded in this period. Al-Kash-shÉf of al-ZamakhshÉrÊ (d. 538 AH), MafÉtiÍ al-Ghayb of Fakhr al-DÊn al-RÉzÊ (d. 606 AH), the Twelver ShÊÑah tafsÊrs of Mullah MuÍsin al-KÉsh, and the ØËfÊ tafsÊr of Ibn al-ÑArabÊ (d. 638 AH) are few such examples.23

These phenomena also resulted into another comprehensive trend i.e., specialization among the Islamic scholars triggering a multiplicity of disciplines on the basis of Qur’anic study. Al-JassÉs (d. 369 AH) and al-QurÏubÊ (d. 671 AH) concentrated on the deduction of fiqh (Islamic law) from the Qur’anic passages according to their respective schools of fiqh, al-ThaÑlabÊ (d. 427 AH), a specialized in tales of ancient history, authored al-JawÉhir al-×isÉn fÊ TafsÊr al-QurÒÉn’ where he gathered all ancient narrations regardless of their authenticity, and others on the basis of their legal school of thoughts (maÌhÉhib) authored tafsÊr books. This new trend and other heretical and sectarian trends for the Qur’anic exegesis brought an admixture of truth and falsehood in the latter tafsÊr books. But those were never left unchecked and unchallenged. A potent example is the TafsÊr al-QurÒÉn al-ÑAdhÊm by al-×Éfidh ibn KathÊr (d. 774 AH).

On the other hand, among the modern-day people some other forms of tendencies are found for the exegesis of the Qur’an. Some venture to explain the Qur’an from pure scientific perspective, some from intellectual perspective, while others from rational or political perspective. Whereas science is changeable, human intellect or reason is limited, not perfect, and the political institutions are ever-changing, not-static. Besides, those who come to interpret the 23 See: Bilal Philips, Usool at-Tafseer, pp. 26-28; Ruhul Amin, Tafsir: Its Growth and Development, pp. 15-17.

23

Qur’an on the basis of their scientific background, intellectual or rational perspective do not have enough knowledge of other branches of Islamic knowledge, i.e. Islamic ÑAqÊdah, the nuances of Arabic Language etc... These may be categorized as ‘Scientific/Political/Rational/ Intellectual…Approach’. For example, some people who are deeply influenced by the natural and social sciences followed the materialists of Europe or the pragmatists. According to them, what the religion claims to exist, but which the sciences reject -like The Throne, The Chair, The Tablet and The Pen - should be interpreted in a way that conforms with the science; as for those things which the science is silent about, like the resurrection etc., they should be brought within the purview of the laws of matter...24 Thus under this approach the Qur’an is [mis]interpreted or explained away to adapt to the particular theory. Recently, another phenomenon for the Qur’anic exegesis developed among people called ‘Feminist Approach’ to the Qur’an.25 The movement/approach is led by Amina Wadud, Asma Barlas, Leila Ahmed, Fatima Mernissi, and others. For example, Amina Wadud, a [retired] Professor of Islamic Studies at Virginia Commonwealth University, Virginia, USA, called for a rereading and reinterpretation of the Qur’an from a feminist perspective. According to her, this is not the religion that has kept the women suppressed; it is in fact the patriarchal interpretation and implementation of the Qur’an which is responsible for this sorry state. Wadud breaks down specific texts and key words which have been used, she argues, to marginalize and limit public and private role of any woman, and even to justify violence against her. She contends that close examination of the original meanings and contexts of those words defy such interpretations.26 Barlas, another feminist Qur’anic interpreter who is also associate professor and Director of the Center for the Study of Culture, Race, and Ethnicity of the department of politics at Ithaca College, New York, argues, quoting many Qur’anic verses, offers a fresh comprehensive revisionist treatment of the Qur'anic hermeneutics, and contends that the Qur’an actually views women as equal and even superior to men. Barlas says that misogyny and patriarchy have seeped into Islamic practice through "traditions", or the “Sunnah”, or the ÍadÊths; and the sharÊÑah. According to her, a military-scholarly complex manipulated the Qur'an to establish these traditions in a successful effort to preserve the position of the military rulers and clerics of early Islamic history with women's status being the victim. She says that though the Qur’an speaks contrary, some flawed traditions coupled with the misinterpretations of the Qur’an were exploited to instill misogynistic patriarchy in the Qur’an’s exegesis.27 iii. Epistemological Critique of the Previously-Applied Methodologies for TafsÊr A deep and insightful analysis of the previously-applied methodologies, other than the ones applied by the Companions, their Successors, and the likes of al-ShÉfiÑÊ, for the Qur’anic tafsÊr

24 Al-TabatabaÑÊ, Muhammad Husayn, TafsÊr al-MÊzan, See: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tafsir#cite_note-3 25 McAuliffe, Jane (ed.), “Women’s and Feminist Readings of the Qur’an”, Cambridge Companion to the Qur’an,

Cambridge University Press, 2006 26 See for details: Wadud, Amina, Qur'an and Woman: Rereading the Sacred Text from a Woman's Perspective,

Oxford University Press, USA, 1999 27 Barlas, Asma, Believing Women" in Islam: Unreading Patriarchal Interpretations of the Qur'an, University of

Texas Press; 1st ed., 2002

24

demonstrates that due to the absence of any uniform, integrated, and convincingly clear-cut methodology, many problems and un-Islamic trends developed in and crept into the tafsÊr literature in which the following drawbacks are illustrious: 28 1. Penetration of alien cultures, traditions, superstitions, and philosophies in the tafsÊr literature

like the IsrÉÊliyÉt (Talmudic traditions) and Greek philosophy. Those who applied these have been seen to explain away the Qur’an to suit their philosophical underpinnings.

2. Selective reading of the Qur’an without dealing with its totality and as an integrated whole where the exegesis of the Qur’an was from pure lexical, philological, grammatical and/or other singular perspective/s. The earlier generations were almost concerned at and concentrated on painstakingly establishing the miraculous quality of the Qur’an as being the inimitability of its poetic language, style, and literary elegance representing the highest possible peak unknown in Arabic style.

3. During the Umayyad period there began the emergence of a large number of theological heresies and early sects among the Muslims while during the first century of the ÑAbbÉssid rule, there took place an outburst of intellectual activities and these two periods saw the production of either heretical and sectarian tafsÊrs or deeply conflicting juristic and ÎËfistic tafsÊrs. Despite various puritan attempts, during these periods an admixture of truth and falsehood in the tafsÊr literature took deep-rooted place which set the latter trend of composing more narrowly approached tafsÊr books and opened the door to ‘talking on the Qur’an on one’s own’ (al-TafsÊr bi al-RaÒy). All these produced the modern phenomena of ‘Scientific/Political/Rational/ Intellectual/Socialist/Feminist…Approach’ to the Qur’anic exegesis.

IMÉM AL-SHÉFIÑÊ’S CONTRIBUTION TO TAFSÊR AL-QUR’ÉN i. al-ShÉfiÑÊ’s Contribution to TafsÊr Literature

Al-ShÉfiÑÊ’s contribution to the Qur’anic exegesis is tremendous. His passion for al-Qur’an became evident from his very childhood. He memorized the Qur’an when he was seven and started teaching people the Qur’an in the masjid al-harÉm when he was only thirteen29. He was so much attached with the Qur’an that he would finish its recitation outside ÎalÉt everyday twice- once at night and once at day30. He also knew all the meanings of the Qur’an and the implications of all its words except two, as is reported from him31. His teacher and the scholar of Makkah

28 See for details: BJIT (Bangladesh Journal of Islamic Thought), Muhammad Mokhter Ahmad, The Exegesis of the

Qur’an: In Search of a new Epistemological Methodology, vol. 5, no. 6, Jan-June 2009 29 Ibn al- JawzÊ, Øifat al-Øafwah, Vol. 02, P. 141, Al-BaihaqÊ, ManÉqib al-ShÉfiÑÊ, Vol. 01, P. 279 30 Al-BaihaqÊ, ManÉqib al-ShÉfiÑÊ, Vol. 01, P. 279 31 Ibid, Al-BaihaqÊ, Vol. 01, P. 190-91. It is reported that he said: ) وحفظت القران، فما علمت انھ مر بي حرف اال وقد علمت

)دساھا(حفظت احدھما و نسیت االخر، احدھما -قال الراوي): المعني فیھ و المراد ما خال حرفین ‘I memorized the Qur’an, and I knew not if any of its words passed me but I did not know its meaning and its intended implication except two words’. The reporter said: I remembered one and forgot the other. The one which I remembered is: )دساھا(

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SufyÉn ibn ÑUainah said about him, ‘I do not know anyone more knowledgeable in the tafsÊr than him (al-ShÉfiÑÊ)’32.

ImÉm al-ShÉfiÑÊ talked about 95 sËra of the Qur’an and interpreted its 745 verses only which comprise 11.26% of the total Qur’an according to the counting of Ibn ÑAbbÉs (r) who counted the Qur’anic verses as 6616. His Qur’anic exegesis and interpretation is mostly related to the ÉyÉt al-AÍkÉm (verses related to ruling) as those are pertinent with fiqh and ijtihÉd.33 According To ÑAllÉmah al-ZarakshÊ, ImÉm al-ShÉfiÑÊ was the first who singled out the ÉyÉt al-AÍkÉm (verses related to ruling) of the Qur’an for collection and interpretation’34. This opinion is supported by al-SuyËtÊ35 and al-DÉËdÊ36. Though this is not a unanimous and uncontested opinion, still it does indicate to his pioneering position and epoch-making contribution to the development of this distinct branch of Qur’anic exegesis. The depth of his knowledge of tafsīr al-QurÉn is duly acknowledged by many including his own teachers. Whenever Ibn ÑUyainah, one of al-ShÉfiÑÊ's front-ranking teachers, was approached by anyone about tafsīr and fatwÉ (religious verdict), he would refer the matter to al-ShÉfiÑÊ and would say, 'ask this man'.37 The same is attested by no less a person than AÍmad ibn ×anbal: 'I have not seen anyone more knowledgeable for the book of Allah that this young Quraishite'.38

ii. Methodology of al-ImÉm al-ShÉfiÑÊ in Qur’anic Exegesis Everyone intending to go for Quranic exegesis should follow a well-defined source of reference. Al-ImÉm al-ShÉfiÑÊ also followed a distinct and well-structured source of reference. Abu Jahrah says, ‘al- ShÉfiÑÊ followed this sound methodology. For inferring from the Qur’an, he would take help of the Sunnah. If there was no relevant Sunnah, he took help of the statements of the Prophetic Companions in their agreements and disagreements. In case of no statement of any Companion, he took help of the Arabic style, reasoning and analogy (qiyÉs)’39. On the basis of this, Al-FarrÉn said that al-ShÉfiÑÊ relied on the following seven sources for his exegesis:40

1) The Qur’anic exegesis in the light of Qur’an 2) The Qur’anic exegesis in the light of mutawÉtir Sunnah and authentic aÍÉd aÍadÊth. 3) The Qur’anic exegesis in the light of consensus and was preferred over analogy. 4) The Qur’anic exegesis in the light of analogy on the basis of what preceded. 5) The Qur’anic exegesis in the light of the statements of the Companions 6) The Qur’anic exegesis in the light of the statements of the Successors to the Companions

and other scholars

32 Al-ÖhahabÊ, TaÌhkirat al-×uffÉz, Vol. 01, P. 263 33 Al-FarrÉn, Dr. Ahmad Ibn Mustafa, TafsÊr al-ImÉm al-ShÉfiÑÊ, DÉr al-Tadmoria, KSA, p. 12 34 al-ZarakshÊ, al-BurhÉn fÊ ÑulËm al-Qur’Én, Edited: MuÍammad AbË Fadl IbrÉhÊm, DÉr al-Fikr, Beirut, 2nd Ed.,

1413 AH, vol. 02, p. 03 35 al-SuyËtÊ, al-WasÉil fÊ maÑrifat al-AwÉil, DÉr NÉfiÑ Publishing House, P. 114 36 al-DÉËdÊ, Shamsuddin Muhammad ibn ÑAlÊ ibn AÍmad, Vol. 02, P. 103 37 Ibn ×ajr, TawÉli al-Ta'sÊs li-MaÑÉnÊ MuÍmmad ibn IdrÊs, Edited by: ÑAbdullah al-QÉdhÊ, DÉr al-Kutub al-

ÑIlmiyyah, Beirut, 1st Ed., 1986, p. 76 38 Al-RÉzÊ (Razes), Al-JarÍ wa al-TaÑdÊl, v. 7, pp. 203-204 39 Abu Juhrah, Al- ShÉfiÑÊ, ×ayÉthË wa ÑaÎsuhË, DÉr al-Fikr al-ÑArabÊ, Cairo, 2nd ed., 1948, p. 185 40 Al-FarrÉn, TafsÊr al-ImÉm al-ShÉfiÑÊ, P. 40

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7) The Qur’anic exegesis in the light of Arabic language and employing the language (Arabic) and its different styles.

Al-ShÉfiÑÊ maintained this style while remaining stick to its sequential order. It is because, according to al-ShÉfiÑÊ, knowledge is of five sequential stages41: the Qur’an and authentic Suunah; the consensus of the specialized scholars (in case of non-availability of the Qur’an and Sunnah); the statement of the Prophetic Companions; the disagreement of the Companions concerning any issue and one opinion of them was preferred which was thought to be closer to the spirit of the Qur’an and Sunnah and supported by analogy; and analogy in light of a matter whose ruling was known in the previous four stages. Al-ImÉm al-ShÉfiÑÊ commented well over 745 verses out of 9542 sËras of the Holy Qur’an. His commentary on the Qur’an though mostly related to the verses of ruling (ÉyÉt al-AÍkÉm)43, he also commented on verses relating to iÑtiqÉd (Islamic belief-system). His stance on verses relating to abrogation (naskh) and verses ostensibly referring to ‘choosing the best’ (istiÍsÉn) is also obvious in his Qur’anic exegetical methodology. Exegesis in the light of the Qur’an: Al-ShÉfiÑÊ is found to explain the Qur’anic verses in the

light of other relevant and similar verses, sometimes citing those merely to stress the points made by any verse at hand while other times mentioning those to press any intended meaning home.44 For example, while explaining verse 105 of sËrah Ól-i-ÑImrÉn Al-ShÉfiÑÊ adduced a very similar verse, verse 4 of sËra al-Baiyinah and said Allah condemned the disagreement of the people of the Book in that situation where the evidence was against them and they were also not permitted to do so. But for explaining verse 282 of sËra al-Baqarah he took support of verse 2 of sËra al-ÙalÉq to press his intended meaning home. It was because to al-ShÉfiÑÊ, ÑadÉlah (probity) of the witness is a fundamental requirement for his/her testimony to be granted. As verse 282 of sËra al-Baqarah does not stipulate any such condition, he adduced verse 2 of sËra al-ÙalÉq to press his opinion home.

Thus, al-ShÉfiÑÊ’s use of the Qur’an for the explanation of the Qur’an is of four methods: explaining the ambiguous (mujmal) in the light of more self-explained (mufassar); explaining any verse by the implications of the previous verse/s; specifying the meaning of any verse by virtue of another verse; and explaining the absolute (muÏlaq) by the qualified (muqayyad).45 Exegesis in the light and with the help of al-Sunnah al-Nabawiyyah: Al-ShÉfiÑÊ would

understand the Qur’an from the Qur’an and with the Qur’an. He would rely on the Qur’an only when any ruling is mentioned in one place or many places and that ruling is self-

41 Abu Juhrah, Al- ShÉfiÑÊ, pp. 162-63 (with adjustment); Al-ShÉfiÑÊ, Al-Umm, v. 7, p. 279 42 The SËra which have not been explained by Al- ShÉfiÑÊ are 19 in number and these are: Saba’, Al-DukhÉn, Al-

RaÍman, Al-×adÊd, Al-×Éqqah, Al-Naba’, Al-InfiÏar, Al-Fajr, Al-ÖuhÉ, Al-TÊn, Al-ÑÓdiyÉt, Al-QÉriyah, Al-TakÉthur, Al-Humazah, Al-FÊl, Al-Kawthar, Al-NaÎr, and Al-Masad.

43 Out of 745 verses of 95 SËra of the Qur’an explained by Al- ShÉfiÑÊ 452 are related to ÓyÉt al-AÍkÉm and these verses are spread across 16 SËra (Al-Baqarah, Al-NisÉ’, Al-Tawbah, Al-MÉidah, Al-AnÑÉm, Ól-e-ÑImrÉn, Al-NËr, Al-AÍzÉb, Al-AÑrÉf, Al-NaÍl, Al-IsrÉ’, Al-ShuÑarÉ’, HËd, Al-AnfÉl, Al-AnbiyÉ’, Al-×ajj).

44 See: KitÉb JimÉÑ al-Ñilm, p. 69-70, no.: 434-437, 441-443, 45 See for details along with examples: Manhaj al-ImÉm al-ShÉfiÑÊ fÊ ÉyÉt al-AÍkÉm, MuÍi Uddin, pp. 226-252

27

evident requiring no further explanation. For example: the Qur’anic ruling on Îawm and liÑÉn. But if and when any Qur’anic ruling required further explanation, al-ShÉfiÑÊ employed the Sunnah as the Qur’an frequently provides general guidelines on matters of law and religion, which are often specified or elaborated by the Sunnah.46

To al-ShÉfiÑÊ, the relationship of the Sunnah to the Qur’an is either of three capacities: (a) the Sunnah may consist of rules that merely confirm and reiterate the Qur’an (like aÍadÊth pertaining to the five pillars of the faith and rights of the parents, respect for others’ property, homicide, theft and false testimony, etc.); (b) the Sunnah may consist of an explanation or clarification to the Qur’an, clarifying the ambivalent (mujmal), qualifying the absolute, or specifying the general terms of the Qur'an (like the aÍadÊth explaining the Qur'anic expressions like ÎalÉh, zakÉh, Íajj and ribÉ, etc.); and (c) the Sunnah may consist of rulings on which the Qur'an is silent and the Sunnah introduces independent rulings there (like the prohibition regarding simultaneous marriage to the maternal and paternal aunt of one's wife, the right of pre-emption (shufÑa), the grandmother's entitlement to a share in inheritance, the punishment of rajm, all originate in the Sunnah as the Qur'an itself is silent on these matters).47

For explaining verse 103 of sËra al-NisÉ´ pertaining to ÎalÉh, verse 43/83/110 of sËra al-Baqarah pertaining to zakÉh, verse 97 of sËra Ól-i-ÑImrÉn pertaining to Íajj for example, al-ShÉfiÑÊ adduced many aÍÉdÊth as to the timing of ÎalÉh, number of obligatory prayers, their units, status, and other relevant rulings. As for zakÉt he cited aÍÉdÊth to elaborate on the zakatable and non-zakatable items, their conditions, rates, who to give and whom to give and other relevant issues. For Íajj, al-ShÉfiÑÊ mentioned many aÍÉdÊth to discuss the meaning of sabÊl (path) that it is al-zÉd wa al-markab (provision and transport) and then he explained the prophetic performances of Íajj.

Consequently, it is clearly seen that al-ShÉfiÑÊ’s use of Sunnah for the Qur’anic tafsÊr is of five basic categories: merely mentioning the Sunnah along with the explanation of the Qur’an; mentioning the Sunnah for clarifying the ambiguity of the Qur’an; specifying the meaning of the Qur’an by virtue of the Sunnah; preferring one of different possible meanings in the light of Sunnah; and mentioning Sunnah for augmenting his policy regarding ‘abrogation’.48 Exegesis based on al-ijmÉÑ: Al-ijmÉÑ (general consensus) ensures the correct interpretation

of the Qur'an, the faithful understanding and transmission of the Sunnah, and the legitimate use of ijtihÉd. The question as to whether the law, as contained in the divine sources, has been properly interpreted is always open to a measure of uncertainty and doubt, especially in regard to the deduction of new rules by way of analogy and ijtihÉd. Only ijmÉÑ can put an end to doubt, and when it throws its weight behind a ruling, this becomes decisive and infallible.49

46 Abu Juhrah, Al- ShÉfiÑÊ, p. 184-85 47 See for details: Al-ShÉfiÑÊ, Muhammad ibn IdrÊs, Al-RisÉlah¸ Paragraph: 97-103, pp.: 32-33, KamÉlÊ, Muhammad

Hashim, Principles of Islamic Jurisprudence, Revised Edition, ÑIlmiyah Publishers, Malaysia, pp.: 62-63 48 See for details along with examples: Manhaj al-ImÉm al-ShÉfiÑÊ fÊ ÉyÉt al-AÍkÉm, MuÍi Uddin, pp. 256-319 49 See: KamÉlÊ, Dr. Muhammad HÉshim, Principles of Islamic Jurisprudence, p. 158

28

To al-ShÉfiÑÊ, al-ijmÉÑ is one of the fundamental sources of Islamic sharÊÑah. He would take into consideration the ijmÉÑ of the Prophet's Companions and the ijmÉÑ of all scholars of the towns at a given time. But the ijmÉÑ of the people of a particular town which is opposed by people of other town/s and a silent ijmÉÑ (an ijmÉÑ which has not been reported to be opposed by anyone) are not accepted to al-ShÉfiÑÊ. Al-ShÉfiÑÊ used al-ijmÉÑ for the interpretation of the Qur'an, especially the aÍkÉm verses, but his use of al-ijmÉÑ was rather a bit implicit. It was sometimes in the form of giving preference to the opinion of the majority. Sometimes he would report the opinions of other without any judgment. For example, he would say, 'I heard from the people of knowledge', or 'I heard the people of tafsÊr', or 'the general scholars opined', or 'a group of scholars are of the opinion', etc.50 Exegesis based on al-qiyÉs: To al-ShÉfiÑÊ, al-qiyÉs (analogical deduction) is another

fundamental source of Islamic sharÊÑah. He would use qiyÉs in case of non-availability of the Qur'an and Sunnah. For applying qiyÉs in interpreting the Qur'an, al-ShÉfiÑÊ classified it into three types:51

Firstly, the new case (farÑ) is better in terms of ruling (Íukm) than that of the original case (aÎl)

because of the effective cause ('illah) which is in common to both. For example, while interpreting verse 23 of sËra al-IsrÉÒ he said beating the parents is prohibited because when saying 'Fie' (Arabic uff) is prohibited then prohibiting 'striking them' is a better ruling. He interpreted verses 7-8 of sËra al-zilzalah in the same way. He said as the person would see his/her good and bad deeds to the weight of an atom, then his/her virtue and/or sinfulness for something better or worse is more rewarding or punishable.52

Secondly, the new case (farÑ) is similar to the original case (aÎl) in terms of ruling (Íukm): On the basis of verse 25 of sËra al-NisÉÒ he deduced that a male slave (like a female salve), if accused of illegal sexual intercourse, would be punished with 50 stripes.53

Thirdly, the new case (farÑ) is weaker than the original case (aÎl) in terms of effective cause (Ñillah) of ruling (Íukm): On the basis of verse 233 of sËra al-Baqarah al-ShÉfiÑÊ deduced that the earning children should spend for their ageing fathers in light of the Ñillah (effective cause) that the fathers spend for them when they are unable to earn, so the earning children should spend for them when they are be unable to earn.54

Exegesis based on statements of the Companions of the Prophet: Al-ShÉfiÑÊ could not ignore the positions of the Prophetic Companions for the understanding of the Qur'an as they witnessed the Qur'anic revelation, lived its first-hand philosophy and were brought up by the directions of the prophet which were quite necessarily based on the Qur'an. But he would only subscribe to and/or prefer those opinions which agreed most with the Qur'an and Sunnah. And if there was nothing in the Qur'an and Sunnah identical to their differed

50 See the tafsÊr of the following verses in Al-FarrÉn, TafsÊr al-ImÉm al-ShÉfiÑÊ: 5:5, 4:129, 56:79, 22:33 etc. 51 See: Abu Juhrah, Al- ShÉfiÑÊ, his life and period, pp. 242-43 52 Al-FarrÉn, TafsÊr al-ImÉm al-ShÉfiÑÊ, pp. 73-74 53 Al-FarrÉn, TafsÊr al-ImÉm al-ShÉfiÑÊ, p. 74 54 Al-FarrÉn, TafsÊr al-ImÉm al-ShÉfiÑÊ, pp. 74-75

29

opinions then he would subscribe to and/or prefer the ones which were supported by the qiyÉs (analogical deduction) provided that the preferred opinion is not conflicting with a clear text of the Qur'an and Sunnah.

Al-ShÉfiÑÊ applied the first policy while interpreting the meaning of the word 'al-quru' (monthly course for women) in 2:228. The Companions differed on the meaning of this terminology as a group of them opined that its meaning is three 'menstrual period' (hayÌ) while others opined that the word meant three 'period of cleanliness' (tuhr) and al-ShÉfiÑÊ preferred the first one which is suggested by ÑÓisha, Ibn ÑUmar, Zayd ibn ThÉbit as that is the position of the Qur'an and the clear text of the Sunnah. It is reported that the prophet said to ÑUmar, 'Ask him (meaning Ibn ÑUmar) to divorce her in the period of cleanliness (tuhr) in which he touched her not, as that is the period in which Allah commanded to divorce the women'. 55

Al-ShÉfiÑÊ applied the first policy while resolving the dispute between ÑAlÊ and ÑUmar about three juridical problems and he favored the opinion of ÑAlÊ as that is, according to him, is supported by qiyÉs. The first juridical problem is regarding the wife of a lost man. According to ÑUmar, the wife should wait four years for the return of her husband and if he does not come back then she must observe a waiting period (Ñiddah) of four months and ten days and then may marry. But ÑAlÊ opined that a forgetful woman should never marry until the death or divorce of her husband is confirmed. The second disputed issue is about a man who divorces his wife while he is on a journey and then he retreats from divorce and takes her back (rajÑah). But the woman is informed of the divorce, not of the take back (rajÑah), so she marries. According to ÑUmar she should remain with the second husband provided he intimated with her while ÑAlÊ opined that she should remain with the first husband. The third issue is the matter of a man who married a woman in her waiting period (Ñiddah) and intimated with her. ÑUmar opined they should be separated and the man would never marry her whereas ÑAlÊ suggested that he should marry her latter.56

Resultantly, al-ShÉfiÑÊ’s policy for applying the statements of the Companions in explaining the Qur’an stands at: his accepting their opinions in totality on any issue when are found agreed; or preferring one of the opinions when they are disagreed and the preference is based on the basis of the relevant indications of the Qur’an, Sunnah, Consensus, and Rational Analogy; and accepting the opinion of even one Companion when he is not found opposed by any other Companion/s.57 Exegesis based on statements of the Successors to the Companions and their contemporary

scholars: Al-ShÉfiÑÊ would also consult the opinions of the Successors to the Companions and his contemporary scholars for interpreting any Qur’anic word and/or verse. It was if and when he would not find anything from the Companions of the Prophet (saas). But while

55 See the tafsÊr of 2: 228 by al-ShÉfiÑÊ in Al-FarrÉn, TafsÊr al-ImÉm al-ShÉfiÑÊ 56 See for details: Al-RÉzÊ, ÓdÉb al- ShÉfiÑÊ wa ManÉqibuhË, Edited by: ÑAbd al-GanÊ Abd al-KhÉliq, DÉr al-Kutub

al-ÑIlmiyyah, Beirut, 1953, pp. 232-35 57 See for details along with examples: Manhaj al-ImÉm al-ShÉfiÑÊ fÊ ÉyÉt al-AÍkÉm, MuÍi Uddin, pp. 326-355

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mentioning any opinion of the Successors, he would quite invariably make his comments and evaluation of their statements.58 Sometimes he would cite the opinion of ÑAtÉ and MujÉid and would say that was ÑAtÉ’s or MujÉid’s opinion and he accepted that opinion. Though there is a bit of controversy as to whether al-ShÉfiÑÊ did that imitating (taqlÊd) the Successors and whether he considered their imitation permissible, it is obvious that he was always on the lookout to augment his interpretation with a similar interpretation by any Successor and/or his contemporary.59

Exegesis based on linguistic study of Arabic: Al-ShÉfiÑÊ was from among the first who focused on the linguistic study of the Qur’anic words and applied rules of language for determining their proper implications. He classified the Qur’anic words into ÑÉm (general) and khÉs (specific); mutlaq (absolute) and muqayyad (the qualified) and classified those further into different classifications. Thus it is seen that sometimes he interpreted the apparent general into specific and vice-versa. For example: while he interpreted the words shai (thing) and dÉbbah (living creature) respectively in 39:62 and 11:06in their general and absolute meanings, but he interpreted the word ahl (people) of ahlahÉ in 18:77 to indicate to qualified general, not absolute general (meaning a section of the people of that town); and the Qur’anic obligatory rulings regarding ÎalÉt and Îawm in 02:183-84 and 04:103 respectively not as absolute general but as combining general at times and specific at other times; and the word al-nÉs (the people) in 03:173, 22:73, 02: 199 and 02: 24 despite being of apparent specificity to generality which would not incorporate all the people indicated.

Al-ShÉfiÑÊ also extensively drew upon the Arabic language for extracting the exact meaning of any given Qur’anic word. Abu HassÉn al-JunÉdÊ says, ‘I never saw anyone better able to extract the meanings of the Qur’an and citing from the language in favor of that meaning than al-ShÉfiÑÊ’60. For example, he interpreted the word shaÏra in 2:150 (fa walli wajhaka shaÏral masjidil ÍarÉm…) to mean ‘towards’ and cited the poems of four renowned Arabic poets in support of his opinion: KhifÉf ibn Nadbah, SÉÑidah ibn Juaiyyah, LaqÊt al-AyÉdÊ, and Qays ibn Khuwaylid al-HuÌalÊ respectively.

صدور العیش شطر بني تمیم –أقیمي : اقول ألم زنباع وما تغني الرسالة شطر عمرو –أال من مبلغ عمرا رسوال فشطرھا بصر العینین مسحور –ان العسیر بھا داء مخامرھا ھول لھ ظلم تغشاكم قطعا –وقد اظلكم من شطر ثغركم

Similarly, for the sake of determining the original meanings of the words 'wajh' (face) and 'kaÑb' (ankle) in 05:06, and the word mass (touch) in 56:79, he cited different poems to vindicate his philological analysis. He said, while producing the related poetry verses, that the term 'wajh' (face) in the verse of ablution indicate to a space between chicks, two ear-lings and the place in forehead where hair grows and the word 'kaÑb' (ankle) in the same verse for area exposed joint of leg and foot.

58 Al-RÉzÊ, ÓdÉb al- ShÉfiÑÊ wa ManÉqibuhË, p. 202 59 See for further details with examples: Manhaj al-ImÉm al-ShÉfiÑÊ fÊ ÉyÉt al-AÍkÉm, MuÍi Uddin, pp. 356-368 60 Ibn ×ajr, TawÉli al-Ta'sÊs, p. 89

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It is transpired from the foregone, al-ShÉfiÑÊ’s use of Arabic language for the interpretation of the Qur’an was either his search for the original meanings of the words in Arabic and his employing ancient Arabic poetry for determining the original use of those words.61 Use of the Occasions of Revelations: Al-ShÉfiÑÊ heavily relied on the ‘Reasons/Occasions of

Revelations’ (ShÉn al-NuzËl) for interpreting the Qur’an. It was because the Qur’an was not revealed to the Prophet (saas) once and at a time as a complete book, rather it was revealed over a vast span of twenty three years, fulfilling the needs of the ongoing Islamic Movement and facilitating the circumstances encountered by the Prophet and the Muslim Ummah. Thus the Qur’anic viewpoints are to be understood on the basis of the backgrounds behind the revelation of a particular verse. Otherwise, one is bound to commit mistake while interpreting the Qur’an. Al-ShÉfiÑÊ’s policy for mentioning and taking support of ShÉn al-NuzËl is that he would mention the source and reference in most of the cases and would lump together all the relevant narrations and then make preference. He would define and determine the exact date and period of the revelations of those verse and on this basis would decide whether anything of those was abrogated. Examples of this are abundant in his books.62

CHARACTERISTICS OF THE TAFSÊR AL- SHAFIÑÊ i. General Characteristics Al-ShÉfiÑÊ is the pioneer in terms of systematic approach to the exegesis of the Qur’an. He is the first to deal independently with the ÉyÉt al-aÍkÉm. His Qur’anic hermeneutics is unique in many senses. His is the earliest tafsÊr closer to the period of the Successors to the Companions and their Successors. This is why he has a lasting impression on the latter Qur’anic exegetes including al-TabarÊ, al-RÉzÊ, Ibn KathÊr, al-SuyËtÊ and others to the extent that it is nearly impossible to find any book of tafsÊr which does not contain the opinions of al-ShÉfiÑÊ, especially with relation to tafsÊr ÉyÉt al-aÍkÉm. His hermeneutics is in clear contrast to the hermeneutics of those who based their exegesis on personal opinion. He introduced a new trend and established a new school of thought for tafsÊr with the formulation of new principles and setting new rules for personal reasoning (ijtihÉd). His tafsÊr is free from biblical narratives while remaining committed to the school of thought of ahl Sunnah wa al-JamÉÑat. He is the first to lay down rules for ascertaining abrogation in the Qur’an and his hermeneutics is the first to apply ‘Rules of Interpretation’ (ÑÓmm, KhÉÎ, Mutlaq, Muqayyad etc.) for the Qur’anic exegesis. His one is an invaluable and comprehensive wealth and reference at a stretch for tafsÊr, fiqh, uÎËl, ÍadÊth, lughah, and other areas of scholastic knowledge.63

The tafsÊr of al-ShÉfiÑÊ is characterized by some unique distinctions like clarity and understandability of language, simplicity yet brevity of sentences, inference of new judicial

61 See for further details with examples: Manhaj al-ImÉm al-ShÉfiÑÊ fÊ ÉyÉt al-AÍkÉm, MuÍi Uddin, pp. 356-368 62 See for more details with examples: Manhaj al-ImÉm al-ShÉfiÑÊ fÊ ÉyÉt al-AÍkÉm, MuÍi Uddin, pp. 375-393 63 See for details: Al-FarrÉn, TafsÊr al-ImÉm al-ShÉfiÑÊ, pp. 162-165

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issues from ÉyÉt al-aÍkÉm, framing his school of thought and its fundamental principles in light of the Qur'anic verses, relying on the school of thought of the pious predecessors (salf ÎÉlihÊn) for ÑaqÉid issues, following the basic sources for Qur'anic exegesis in perfect sequential order (as stated above), direct or indirect quotation from the opinions of others, lumping together the opinions of others under certain verse, evaluating their opinions and giving preference to one of those by either explicit implication of the Qur'anic text or by the Sunnah or by the implication of Arabic language, and sometimes offering and substantiating his own opinion refuting all other opinions. Al-ShÉfiÑÊ would always prefer the right opinion with any prejudice against anyone and would mostly refer the correctness and perfection of knowledge to Allah.64

He would also gather and lump together all relevant verses pertinent to a particular topic and weave a central and consolidated theme out of all those verses while supporting that theme and central point through the relatable Sunnah. For example, in chapter Ñilm (knowledge) of his book al-RisÉlah, for answering a particular question al-ShÉfiÑÊ put together all Qur’anic verses65 related to JihÉd and weaved his point out of those that JihÉd is fardh (obligatory) but it is fardh al-KifÉyah. ii. Al-ShÉfiÑÊ’s Stance on Some Specific Issues Al-ShÉfiÑÊ on the ÑAqÉÒid Issues: Al-ShÉfiÑÊ pointed out the issues of Islamic ÑaqÊdah, especially

the controvertible ones, while interpreting the Qur’an. His stance on the issues of ÑaqÊdah was pure, obvious, and necessarily based on the Qur’anic perspective. For example, while interpreting 5:98 and 2:143 he vindicated his position that ÔmÉn is the combination of confession and application (qawl wa Ñamal) and while interpreting 9: 124-125, 18: 13 and other related verses he deduced that ÔmÉn actually increases and decreases. His stance on the attributive names of Allah made clear when he interpreted 2:143. He dismissed the argument of the ultra-rationalist muÑtazilite about the creation of the Qur’an in light of the 4: 162 and 9:6 of the Qur’an. He also made clear his position on other important but contested issues like the ‘Will of Allah’ and the difference between His Will (mashyat Allah) and the will of the human beings under 76:30, the issue of ‘Pre-destination (al-qaÌa wa al-qadr) and the creation of activities (khalq al-afÑÉl)’, the issue of the ‘Sight of Allah’ (ruiyat Allah) in light of 83: 15, the sight of the jinn community in light of 7:27, that the Prophet (saas) is the best and above all in light of 9: 128, 94: 4 and others, and the status of the Prophetic Companions, especially the four rightly-guided caliphs and the civil wars during the reign of ÑAlÊ between him and MuÑÉwiyah.66

Al-ShÉfiÑÊ and the ÓyÉt al-ÓÍkÉm: Al-ShÉfiÑÊ’s Qur’anic exegesis is basically based on his

interpretation of ÉyÉt al-aÍkÉm (verses of rulings) which was collected first by al-BayhaqÊ from different books of al-ShÉfiÑÊ like ‘Al-RisÉlah, Al-Umm, IkhtilÉf al-×adÊth, JimÉÑ al-Ñilm, Al-Sunnah al-MaÒthËrah, Al-Musnad, Al-ManÉqib, and TawÉli al-TaÒsÊs etc. Al-ShÉfiÑÊ’s

64 See for details: Al-FarrÉn, TafsÊr al-ImÉm al-ShÉfiÑÊ, pp. 152-156 65 The verses are: 9: 111, 36, 5, 29, 38-39, 41, 122, and 4: 95, 86 66 See all relevant places in Al-FarrÉn, TafsÊr al-ImÉm al-ShÉfiÑÊ

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exegesis of ÉyÉt al-aÍkÉm was based on a few policies: (1) he deduced some fundamental principles and basic juridical rulings and some secondary rulings based on those from those verses; (2) he inferred variegated rulings from a particular verse; (3) he supported his juridical deductions from the particular verses by the Sunnah if found, otherwise, he used his personal reasoning (ijtihÉd) for the new cases.

Al-ShÉfiÑÊ and Abrogation: Al-ShÉfiÑÊ’s stance on al-Naskh (Abrogation) is quite evidently

based on the perspective of the Qur’an. He said the Qur’an may be abrogated by the Qur’an only, not by the Sunnah and the Sunnah can not abrogate the Qur’an as it follows the Qur’an in conformity to its revealed text and explains what is ambiguous there.67 He established his opinion on abrogation while interpreting 10:15, 13:39, 2:106, and 16:101. For example, in the light of 2:106 al-ShÉfiÑÊ said, ‘So Allah informed us that abrogating the Qur’an and deferring its revelation is not except through a similar verse of the Qur’an’.

Similarly, the Sunnah may be abrogated by the Sunnah only, not by anything else. When asked whether the Qur’an may abrogate the Sunnah, al-ShÉfiÑÊ said if and when Allah abrogates anything of the Sunnah the Prophet brings about a new Sunnah replacing the previous one as if the new Sunnah abrogated the previous one. He went further to elaborate his position on the Sunnah being an abrogator of the Qur’an.

Upon examination, al-ShÉfiÑÊ's opinion vis-a-vis the position of Sunnah for abrogation in the Qur'an may well be classified into three:68 firstly, for anything abrogating or abrogated in the Qur'an the issue is substantiated partially by the Qur'an and the rest is established by the Sunnah. For example, according to al-ShÉfiÑÊ, 17:79 gives the impression that night-vigil prayer (ÎalÉt al-Tahajjud) was obligatory which is subsequently reduced through 73:20 and the matter is ultimately settled by the Sunnah which proves right-away that the number of obligatory prayers is five times a day. Secondly, both the Qur'an and the Sunnah indicate to the abrogation of something in the Qur'an. He proved this formula right while interpreting 2:142-144 where the qiblah was shifted to al-KaÑbah by the Qur'an and the Sunnah as the Prophet (saas) immediately announced and applied that. Thirdly, the abrogation in the Qur'an is sometimes done by the Sunnah and ijmÉÑ (scholarly consensus) in case no such indication is found in the Qur'an. To al-ShÉfiÑÊ, 2:180 of the Qur'an is suggestive of the obligation of making a bequest for the parents and the near relatives which is subsequently abrogated by the Sunnah as the Prophet has reportedly prohibited it during the Liberation of Makkah69 and the scholars have been found unanimous on this prohibition. Al-ShÉfiÑÊ and Ól-IstiÍsÉn: Whether al-ShÉfiÑÊ employed ‘al-istiÍsÉn’ while interpreting the

Qur’anic texts is a debated issue. Some argued that he used ‘al-istiÍsÉn’ while others denied it saying that he used ‘al-istiÍsÉn’ but extremely rarely in some jurisprudential branch issues and would refer those to the analogical reasoning. While studying the books of al-ShÉfiÑÊ, one will

67 See for details: Al-ShÉfiÑÊ, Al-RisÉlah¸ Paragraph: 314, p.: 106 68 See for details: Al-FarrÉn, TafsÊr al-ImÉm al-ShÉfiÑÊ, pp. 122-128 69 This is according to a Mursal ÍadÊth where the Prophet declared, 'no bequest for relatives and no Muslim is should

be killed for a non-Muslim'.

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observe that al-ShÉfiÑÊ has raised serious objections against istiÍsÉn, which he considers to be a form of pleasure-seeking (taladhdhudh wa-hawÉ) and 'arbitrary law-making in religion'… ‘Anyone who rules or gives a fatwa on the basis of a naÎÎ or on the basis of ijtihÉd which relies on an analogy to the naÎÎ has fulfilled his duty and has complied with the command of the Lawgiver. But anyone who prefers that which neither God nor His Messenger has commanded or approved, his preference will be acceptable neither to God nor to the Prophet. IstiÍsÉn involves, according to al-ShÉfiÑÊ, personal opinion, discretion and the inclination of the individual jurist, an exercise which is not in harmony with the Qur’anic ayÉh which reads: 'Does man think that he will be left without guidance [an yutraka sudÉ]?’ (al-QiyÉmah, 75:36).

Al-GhazÉlÊ has criticized istiÍsÉn on different grounds. He has observed that the jurists of the ShÉfiÑÊ School have recognized the validity of istiÍsÉn which is based on an indication (dalÊl) from the Qur'an or Sunnah. When there exists a dalÊl of this kind, then the case at hand would be governed not by istiÍsÉn but directly by the provision of the Qur'an or Sunnah itself.70 Al-IstiÍsÉn is, in fact, of two categories to al-ShÉfiÑÊ; one is permissible and praiseworthy and the other is prohibited and blameworthy. The permissible one is which is based on the analogical reasoning on a past precedent. If it is not based on a past precedent then it is blameworthy and prohibited. Because al-IstiÍsÉn is the departure of a mujtahid from an identical ruling in an issue which does have a precedent to a different ruling for an evidence more powerful than the previous one.71 An example of his use of ‘al-istiÍsÉn’ in tafsÊr is his opinion regarding not cutting the right hand off of a thief if and when the thief advanced his left hand and that was cut off72.

To the AÍnÉf, al-istiÍsÉn is in fact a preferred analogical reasoning based on hidden analogy (al-qiyÉs al-Khafi). According to the majority of jurists, istiÍsÉn consists of a departure from qiyÉs jalÊ to qiyÉs khafi. When the jurist is faced with a problem for which no ruling can be found in the definitive text (naÎÎ), he may search for a precedent and try to find a solution by means of analogy. His search for alternatives may reveal two different solutions, one of which is based on an obvious analogy and the other on a hidden analogy. If there is a conflict between the two, then the former must be rejected in favor of the latter.73

For the hidden analogy is considered to be more effective and therefore preferable to the obvious analogy. This is one form of istiÍsÉn. But there is another type of istiÍsÉn which mainly consists of making an exception to a general rule of the existing law when the jurist is convinced that justice and equity will be better served by making such an exception. The jurist might have reached this decision as a result of his personal ijtihÉd, or the exception may have already been authorized by any of the following: naÎÎ, ijmÉÑ, approved custom, necessity (darËrah), or considerations of public interest (maÎlaÍah).74 Al-ShÉfiÑÊ and Tolerance to Others: Al-ShÉfiÑÊ followed a very tolerant and moderate policy to

deal with the opinions of his opposition in tafsÊr as most of those were based on his personal 70 See: KamÉlÊ, Dr. Muhammad HÉshim, Principles of Islamic Jurisprudence, p. 229 71 Al-JundÊ, ÑAbdul ×alÊm, Al-ImÉm al-ShÉfiÑÊ: NÉÎir al-Sunnah, DÉr-Al-MaÑÉrif, 2nd edi, Cairo 1982, p. 243-44 72 MadkËr, Dr. MuÍammad SalÉm, Majallah al-FayÎal, Al-ShÉfiÑÊ: NÉÎir al-Sunnah, Issue: 23, p. 54, Year: 1979 73 KamÉlÊ, Principles of Islamic Jurisprudence, p. 224 74 ShaÑbÉn, UÎËl, p. 100, See for details: KamÉlÊ, Principles of Islamic Jurisprudence, p. 224

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juridical reasoning. Thus he would never excessively criticize those oppositions and would not often mention their names. His only concern was to present his own position and make a comparative study between his and his opponents’ opinion.

RECOMMENDATIONS AND CONCLUSION i. Recommendations on the Basis of al-ShÉfiÑÊ’s Methodology Al-ShÉfiÑÊ is the pioneer in terms of introducing and establishing some distinct policies for the exegesis of the Qur’an. Al-ImÉm Al-RÉzÊ (Razes) said, ‘Al-ShÉfiÑÊ’s relation with the science of ‘Principles’….. The Principles which Al-ShÉfiÑÊ followed across his works are essentially taken from the Qur’an and Sunnah, the basis sources of Islam. He said, ‘I wrote these books and I have not talked on my whims there. Still mistakes are bound to be found there, as Allah said: [If it was from anyone rather than Allah then they would have surely gotten there many disagreements (04:82).] So if and when you would get in my books anything that would contradict the Qur’an and Sunnah, then know that I retreated from that.’ The principles Al-ShÉfiÑÊ maintained while making his Qur’anic exegesis may be summarized and on the basis of that I make the following propositions to be adopted by the contemporary commentators of the Qur’an:

1) The Book of Allah should be given priority while interpreting the Qur’an, because that contains guidance for all happenings.

2) The Sunnah of the Prophet (saas) should be given second priority, only next to the Qur’an, because the Qur’an was revealed in the language of the Arabs and the Prophet (saas) was the best knowledgeable in Arabic plus the recipient of that Qur’an, thus there was none to understand the Qur’an more than the Prophet (saas).

3) The exegesis should be based on the apparent and manifest reading of its verses until or unless it is qualified by other verses of the Qur’an, or Sunnah, or textual implication of Arabic language.

4) The Qur’an and Sunnah should not be left conflicting between each other, rather both should be conciliated and reconciled.

5) The Qur’an should not be abrogated except by the Qur’an, not by the Sunnah because the Sunnah is the clarification, explanation and qualification of the Qur’an.

6) There should be no Biblical narrative for the explanation of the Qur’an, as Al-ShÉfiÑÊ has not mentioned anything from the biblical narratives in his Qur’anic exegesis, which abound in other books of tafsÊr.

7) One will have to take extensively from the Arabic literature for the sake of authenticating the meanings and implications he extracts for any word or verse of the Qur’an. But in this case one will have to maintain the sequence for the basis sharÊÑah sources (i.e., the

36

Qur’an, the Sunnah, the Consensus, the Analogy, etc.) which has been quite invariably followed by Al-ShÉfiÑÊ. 75

8) The Qur’anic tafsÊr should be an integrated whole which will comprise everything from among the issues related to interpretation, jurisprudence, principles, stories, prophetic statements, and language etc.

9) One should lump together all relevant documents for any particular issue from the Qur’an and Sunnah and discuss the issue with an open mindedness, tolerant attitude and deep impartial investigation.

ii. Some Additional Recommendations Beside all these, the following policies may also be adopted by an exegete while making any new enterprise for the interpretation of the Qur’an, and these policies are also implicitly found in the methodologies adopted by al-ShÉfiÑÊ:

a) The verses of the Qur’an should be arranged by order of subjects/topics for the proper and complete understanding of any particular topic. Because, many of the questions which may arise out of a certain passage of the Qur’an may have their explanation in other parts of the very same book, and often there may not any need to any sources other than the Qur’an.

b) The objectives of the SharÊÑah (MaqÉsid al-SharÊÑah) should be taken into consideration for the interpretation of the Qur’an. These MaqÉsid are in fact to be found out in and taken from the Qur’an.

c) The meanings of any particular sËrah or Éyah should be related to the stories/ examples mentioned in the Qur’an which will resultantly give a live account of the usage of a law or how to act in a specific situation. Allah says:

‘Verily, We have sent it down as an Arabic Qur’an in order that you may understand. We relate to you the best of stories through Our revelations to you, of this Qur’an. And before this, you were among those who were unaware’ (12:3).

d) The Qur’an and its tafsÊr should be related to the modern contexts, taking into consideration the time-space factors, so that the intricate problems of the modern world, methodological and otherwise, may be solved on the basis of the Qur’an.

e) The constant and unchangeable components of the Qur’an should be separated from the variable and changeable components. The laws of Allah (sunan Allah) and the laws of civilization should be kept in mind before going for any explanation of the Qur’an. Because the universe as well the fall and rise of civilizations are governed by certain laws of Allah, some of which are fix while others are general.

f) The theory of naskh (abrogation) should be reviews afresh so that the whole perspective of the Qur’an may be applied in space-time consideration.

g) Experts from all branches of knowledge should be mobilized to undertake a collective effort for formulating comprehensive and universal tafsÊr so that all branches of human knowledge maybe reconstructed in light of directives and guidelines contained in the text.76

75 See for details about this order in sharÊÑah sources by al-ShÉfiÑÊ: Al-FarrÉn, TafsÊr al-ImÉm al-ShÉfiÑÊ, p. 40

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h) There should be the combined and integrated reading of the Qur’an and the universe. These two readings are interconnected and must occur simultaneously. It will help us use the Qur’an for rectifying the prevailing methodologies of knowledge on one hand, and then the rectified methodologies of knowledge themselves will provide a means of delving deeper into and engendering a better understanding of the universe of the Qur’an77. This will again help us to over-come such impasses found in the classical books centering tension and conflict between reason and revelation78.

iii. Conclusion All honest attempts at tafsÊr must begin with the tafsÊr of the Qur’an by Quran itself. What remain unexplained must then be sought in the Sunnah. If the tafsÊr still can not be found, the explanation of the ØaÍÉbah (Companions of the Prophet) and their students must then be turned to. That which is left after the preceding steps can be found in the language of the Qur’an. Such an approach to tafsÊr takes into account Allah’s role as the revealer and explainer of His revelation, the Prophet’s role as the practical interpreter of Allah’s revelation, the ØaÍÉbah and their students’ roles as the conveyers of Allah’s revelation, and the Prophet’s interpretation and application of it, and the role of classical Arabic as the vehicle in which the revelation and its explanation were transmitted.79 Besides, more innovative methods, in compliance with the mandates of the Qur’an and Sunnah, may also be applied, like al-ShÉfiÑÊ’s innovation of concentrating on the legal verses of the Qur’an or lumping together the relevant verses to forge an integrated Qur’anic perspective on a particular issue rather than a myopic, parochial, and partial understanding of the Qur’anic concepts, because this will ensure the role’s of the Qur’an as an ever-green solutions to all problems, past, present and future. Any other approach negates one or more of the afore-mentioned vital roles and implies either a claim of direct revelation from God or an understanding superior to that of the Prophet (saas) and his Companions. A brief glace at the tafsÊr of those ignoring these steps will expose their claims to divine revelation cloaked in terms like “ilhÉm” (inspiration) and “kashf” (illumination). 80

76 Al-ÑAlwÉnÊ, Missing Dimensions in Contemporary Islamic Movements, IIIT, Herndon, VA, USA, 1996, pp. 20-

21 77 Ibid, Missing Dimensions, Al-ÑAlwÉnÊ, pp. 16-19 78 Ibid, Missing Dimensions, Al-ÑAlwÉnÊ, pp. 17 79 Bilal Philips, Usool at-Tafseer, p. 52 80 Ibid, p. 52

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APPENDIX This chart depicts the name and number of sËra and verses of the Qur’an explained by al-ShÉfiÑÊ. The sËra are arranged according to relatively maximum number of verses explained of each sËra.

SL Names of the sËra Number of verses explained by al- ShÉfiÑÊ

1 Al-Baqarah 83 2 Al-NisÉ 64 3 Al-Tawbah 50 4 Al-MÉidah 38 5 Al-AnÑÉm 26 6 Ól-i-ÑImrÉn 25 7 Al-NËr 25 8 Al-AÍzÉb 22 9 Al-AÑrÉf 18

10 Al-NaÍl 18 11 Al-IsrÉ 18 12 Al-ShuÑarÉ’ 15 13 HËd 14 14 Al-AnfÉl 12 15 Al-AnbiyÉh 12 16 Al-×ajj 12 17 Al-RÑad 09 18 Al-Zukhruf 09 19 Al-Mu’minËn 08 20 FuÎÎilat 08 21 Al-×ujurÉt 08 22 Al-Najm 08 23 Al-×ijr 07 24 Al-FurqÉn 07 25 Al-Zumar 07 26 Al-FatÍ 07 27 Al-MujÉdalah 07 28 NËÍ 07 29 Al-TakwÊr 07 30 YËsuf 06 31 Mayram 06 32 ÙÉhÉ 06 33 Al-RËm 06 34 Al-ShËrÉ 06 35 Al-×ashr 06 36 Al-MursalÉt 06 37 Al-Balad 06 38 Al-WÉqiÑah 05 39 Al-ÙalÉq 05 40 Al-Muzzammil 05 41 Al-InsÉn 05

42 YËnus 04 43 IbrÉhÊm 04 44 Al-Kahf 04 45 Al-QaÎaÎ 04 46 Al-ÑAnkabËt 04 47 YÉsÊn 04 48 Al-ØÉffÉt 04 49 MuÍammad 04 50 QÉf 04 SL Names of the sËra Number of verses

explained by al- ShÉfiÑÊ 51 Al-JumÑah 04

52 Al-MunÉfiqËn 04 53 Al-TÉriq 04 54 Al-MÉÑËn 04 55 Al-FatÍa 03 56 ØÉÌ 03 57 Al-MumtaÍina 03 58 Al-TaghÉbun 03 59 Al-TaÍrÊm 03 60 Al-MaÑÉrij 03 61 Al-NÉziÑÉt 03 62 Al-AÑlÉ 03 63 Al-Bayyinah 03 64 Al-Zilzalah 03 65 Al-ÑAÎr 03 66 LuqmÉn 02 67 Al-Sajdah 02 68 FÉtir 02 69 Al-JÉthiyah 02 70 Al-ÖÉriyÉt 02 71 Al-Qamar 02 72 Al-Øaff 02 73 Al-Mulk 02 74 Al-Layl 02 75 Al-KÉfirËn 02 76 Al-Falaq 02 77 Al-Naml 01 78 GhÉfir 01 79 Al-AÍqÉf 01 80 Al-TËr 01 81 Al-Qalam 01 82 Al-Jinn 01

41

83 Al-Muddaththir 01 84 Al-QiyÉmah 01 85 Al-MutaffifËn 01 86 Al-InshiqÉq 01 87 Al-BurËj 01 88 Al-GhÉthiyah 01 89 Al-Shams 01 90 Al-SharÍ 01 91 Al-ÑAlaq 01

92 Al-Qadr 01 93 Quraysh 01 94 Al-IkhlÉÎ 01 95 Al-NÉs 01

Total Number of SËra explained by al-ShÉfiÑÊ:

95

Total Number of verses explained by al-ShÉfiÑÊ:

745

(Source: Al-FarrÉn, TafsÊr al-ImÉm al-ShÉfiÑÊ, pp. 173-1