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Memories bridge the gap between theory andpractice in women’s leisure researchCoralie McCormack aa Centre for the Enhancement of Learning, Teaching and Scholarship , University ofCanberra , AustraliaPublished online: 14 Jan 2013.

To cite this article: Coralie McCormack (1998) Memories bridge the gap between theory and practice in women’s leisureresearch, Annals of Leisure Research, 1:1, 37-50, DOI: 10.1080/11745398.1998.10600865

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Memories bridge the gap betweentheory and practice in women’s

leisure research

Coralie McCormack

Centre for the Enhancement of Learning, Teaching and Scholarship

University of Canberra, Australia

AbstractA gap exists between women’s leisure experiences and the theoretical constructs availableto them to talk about and investigate their experiences. This paper suggests that the methodof memory-work, by offering women a framework for individually and collectively writing,sharing and reflecting on their leisure related memories, can begin to bridge this gap. Usingthis framework women participating in this research were able to challenge the traditionalview of holidays as leisure. Holidays as leisure were problematic because they could containfour elements not assigned to holidays by traditional leisure researchers: obligation, work,social disapproval and responsibility. Participation in this research led some women todiscoveries about leisure in their lives which changed the way they viewed leisure.

Introduction

This paper begins by establishing the existence of a gap between women’s

leisure experiences and the theoretical constructs available to them to talk about

and investigate their experiences. The method of memory-work, by providing

a framework within which women can talk about and investigate their leisure

experiences, has the potential to bridge this gap. Memory-work offers women

an opportunity to use their everyday experiences as represented in their leisure-

related memories as a source of knowledge from which to question existing

leisure knowledge. The process of memory-work also offers women an

opportunity to enhance their sense of personal empowerment by generating new

knowledge which has the potential to effect some change in their everyday lives.

The collective discoveries of two groups of Canberra women who used1

memory-work to investigate their holiday experiences and their meaning as

leisure, challenge the traditional picture of holidays as ‘unambiguously leisure’

(Deem, 1986: 61). They do so by introducing four elements common to these

women’s memories of holidays, which are not often associated with holidays by

researchers using traditional research approaches: obligation, work, social2

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Annals of Leisure Research, Vo1. 1, 199838

disapproval and responsibility. This challenge to the traditional picture of

holidays led some women to question, to reflect on and to change the way they

viewed leisure in their lives.

Establishing the existence of the gap

The potential for the separation of theory and practice with respect to women’s

leisure has existed within the field of leisure studies from its beginnings.

Research focused on theoretical implications and emphasised replication,

reliability and validity. Modelling and prediction prevailed. Researchers sought

a definition of leisure for ‘scholarly purposes’ (Hamilton-Smith, 1992: 243).

There was little concern for whether such a definition existed in women’s lives.

Women’s leisure was either ignored by male researchers and male dominated

funding agencies, or lumped into the ‘special’, ‘other’ or ‘problem’ group, to be

studied only after the ‘norms’ had been derived from male experience.

Researching within such an environment led researchers to differentiate

leisure from other phenomena such as ‘work’ and to definitions based on time

or activity (Clawson, 1974, cited in Neulinger, 1984; Kelly, 1982; Parker, 1985;

Roberts, 1978, cited in Kelly, 1983). Defining leisure in terms of time, for

example, is problematic for women. Defining leisure in terms of free time

presupposes some free time exists. When it exists, it is assumed women have

access to it and perceive it as free. It is also assumed that leisure can only occur

in periods of time designated as free. Time budget studies tend to identify total

periods of free time and amounts of time devoted to specific activities. This tells

us little about how women perceive this time and how they make decisions

about its use.

Activity based definitions, like those associated with free time, are

inappropriate for many women. Defining leisure as an activity assumes

researchers know the meaning of the activity for women. Equating leisure with

activity misses activities and aspects of particular activities described by women

as leisure. Activities, such as talking on the phone with a friend, taking a bath

or sitting down, would not be described as leisure according to an activity based

definition, but may be experienced as leisure by women. In addition, research

based on activity checklists fails to take into consideration the context of

participation.

As research from feminist perspectives emerged (Deem 1986; Green,

Hebron and Woodward, 1990; Wimbush and Talbot, 1988), so too did further

evidence of the gap between the theoretical constructs of leisure using

traditional research approaches, and the reality of leisure in women’s everyday

lives. Evidence emerged from women’s responses to the question ‘What is

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McCormack • Memories bridge the gap between theory and practice 39

leisure?’ and from the words women use to describe leisure in their everyday

lives. When asked to talk about experiences in their lives which have some

leisure meanings, women talked about feelings and the contexts in which they

experience these feelings, rather than periods of time or activities.

The feelings of relaxation (rest and recovery from everyday life),

enjoyment and pleasure (particularly the chance to please oneself), and the

importance of relationships, are central to most descriptions of leisure given by

women (Bella 1987, 1989; Green, Hebron and Woodward, 1987; Henderson et

al., 1989; Henderson and Rannells, 1988; Hunter and Whitson, 1991; Shaw,

1985; Wearing, 1990). Women also talk of a feeling of choice in association

with their leisure. They see choice as the chance to choose either to do

something that one personally wants to do, or to do nothing, and to choose

whether others, and which others, are to be involved (Bialeschki and Henderson,

1986; Green et al., 1987; Henderson, 1990a, 1990b, 1990c; Henderson and

Bialeschki, 1991; Shaw, 1985; Wearing 1990).

Leisure for women can be associated with unpleasant feelings, such as

guilt, selfishness, and of being ‘at fault’ (Anderson, 1974; Bella, 1987, 1989;

Crawford et al., 1992; Green et al., 1987). It can also be a site of conflicting

feelings (Bella, 1987, 1989; Deem, 1986; Green, Hebron and Woodward, 1990;

Hunter and Whitson, 1991). The emotions experienced by women in their role

of reproducing a family Christmas described by Bella (1987) bring into focus

both the strong negative and positive feelings associated with family leisure.

In addition to talking about feelings they associate with leisure, women

have emphasised the importance of context in giving meaning to their leisure.

Home is the most common context in which leisure occurs for women

(Anderson, 1974; Bialeschki and Henderson, 1986; Glyptis and Chambers,

1982; Henderson, 1990a, 1990b; Middleton and Tait, 1981; Shaw, 1985). Some

researchers have reported women describing special events or days as

containers for leisure (Bella, 1987, 1989; Henderson, 1990c). Women have also

found leisure through the social setting of the family (Henderson et al., 1989;

Henderson and Rannells, 1988; Shaw, 1985; Wearing, 1990).

The evidence suggests that, when women look to their everyday lives and

ask themselves about their leisure, they find their experiences do not necessarily

fit into the traditional confines of leisure.

Bridging the gap

Introducing memory-work

Memory-work, by using personal experiences revealed in written memories,3

places leisure firmly within women’s everyday lives and directs research

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Annals of Leisure Research, Vo1. 1, 199840

towards feelings and contexts rather than activities or time periods. Memory-

work also taps into the process by which women attempt to better understand

the feelings and contexts associated with their leisure.

The concern of the method with process means the accuracy of the memory

is not an issue. Each memory refers to a real event in the life of the person

recalling the memory. What is recalled is a reconstruction of the event, which

may not necessarily be the same as the event as it occurred. Memories are

reconstructions of the past from where we are now. Over time and with

reflection, construction of an event changes and hence the memory of the event

changes. Meaning is not inherent in the memory; rather the experience becomes

meaningful ‘as a result of being grasped reflectively’ (Arnold, cited in Bain,

1995, 240).

In addition to the power of memory-work as a tool to search for leisure-

related meanings in women's lives, the method is empowering for participants.

Conducted within a feminist framework, memory-work values women’s leisure

experiences and the written recording of these experiences as sources of

knowledge. Writing about everyday experiences gives them a significance as

topics for exploration and provides a permanent record of the experience.

Retrieving what may not have been previously spoken or written or perhaps

even remembered, is a personal achievement. Sharing this with others, and

having others recognise the shared experience in their lives, is particularly

empowering. Collective sharing of memories provides a source of immediate

support for participants. It can be a way of reducing isolation and loneliness and

a source of friendship. Working collectively, by revealing different perspectives

on personal issues, provides an opportunity to experience power over personal

situations (Butler and Wintram, 1991).

In addition, collective memory-work provides an opportunity to reduce the

power imbalance between the researcher and participants. Participants begin

with their experience, rather than an event chosen by the researcher. Beginning

with their chosen memory commences with a situation of interest to participants.

The information sharing begins on their terms. Each woman chooses the

memory and how much of the memory to share and, indeed, if she wants to

share a memory. The researcher can also become part of the group by including

her memories in the memory pool to be discussed.

Memory-work bridges the gap between theory and practice with respect

to women’s leisure by using women’s leisure related memories as a source of

knowledge from which to question existing leisure ‘knowledge’ and by

empowering women to use this new knowledge to effect change in their lives.

Establishing the memory-work groups

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McCormack • Memories bridge the gap between theory and practice 41

Women interested in participating in the research were sought through an article

in the university newspaper. This approach was consistent with the exploratory

nature of the research and with the aim to provide an opportunity for women

interested in the topic of leisure to talk and write about their leisure experiences.

Of the 11 women volunteering to participate in this research, four were

under 30 years of age, two were aged between 30 and 40 years and three were

in the 40 to 50 year age group. One participant was in the age range 50 to 60

years and one was over 70 years of age. Eight women were born in Australia,

one was born in the United Kingdom, and one each in India and China. Most of

the women lived in a household comprised of adults only. Children in

participants’ households were of primary school age or older. One participant

described her occupation as ‘retired/minimum housework’. The remaining

women participated in the paid workforce either on a full-time or part-time basis

and included a component of housework in their occupation description. Four

women also included ‘student’ in their occupation description.

For the purposes of this research the women formed two groups, one of

five members and one of six members. The researcher participated in both

groups. The groups were self-chosen based on commonality of meeting time and

day. Each group met weekly for one and a half to two hours over a six week

period.

Beginning memory-work

The process of examining leisure experiences begins by using the stimulus of

trigger words to generate memories. These memories are the initial texts on

which future discussion is based. The trigger words were chosen because of

their potential to give insight into: the feelings women associate with leisure

(pleasure, relaxation and free choice); the contexts in which women might

experience leisure (leisure and holiday); and how women come to develop their

feelings of leisure entitlement (obligation, entitlement, housework and

motherhood).

Writing memories

In the week before each meeting each group member wrote memories to two

trigger words chosen by the group from the list suggested by the researcher. The

instructions for writing memories were as follows.

C Write at least two leisure related memories of an event or events

(actions or episodes) triggered by reflecting on each of the words.

C Write in as much detail as possible, including seemingly inconsequen-

tial detail.

C Write without interpretation or explanation.

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Annals of Leisure Research, Vo1. 1, 199842

C Write in the third person.

C Take as much space as you need.

C Write in the format within which you feel most comfortable, e.g.,

points or sentences.

Including every detail in the written accounts of leisure related memories,

even seemingly inconsequential details, facilitates exposure of the role of social

forces in the construction of leisure in our lives. Social forces, as they construct

notions of relevance, naturalness and appropriateness, condition us to ignore

some details as inconsequential. However, it is often these very details which

are inherent in assigning meaning to an event and in reconstructing the meaning

of an event at a later time.

Writing in the third person encourages the writer to imagine herself as a

‘fly on the wall’ observing the scene as an outsider rather than a participant. The

resulting description is less likely to include interpretation or justification.

Asking each woman to write a memory before coming to the group meeting

had several advantages. There was a greater chance that each woman would

have something to say when the group met, and so feel more comfortable in the

group, and perhaps be more likely to speak during the group’s discussion.

Collective discussion of memories

For each of the trigger words group discussion of the written memories sought

responses to three questions.

C What does it mean to feel . . . ?

C Under what circumstances do you feel . . . ?

C Do these feelings in these circumstances have meaning for you as

leisure?

Discussion proceeded through the following sequence.

C A participant read a memory written in response to the trigger word

under discussion.

C The participant talked about the meaning of that memory for her.

C After each woman had read and discussed her memory the group

collectively reflected on the meanings of this memory with the aim of

uncovering commonsense understandings within the group’s memories.

When each woman had read a memory and the group’s discussion was

exhausted the group moved to the second memory written to that trigger word

and repeated the above steps. When discussion related to the second memory

was exhausted the group moved to the next trigger word.

Researcher’s appraisal of the memories

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McCormack • Memories bridge the gap between theory and practice 43

During the next stage the researcher reviewed the memories written in response

to each of the trigger words and the group discussion of them. Memories were

analysed using a ten step approach which drew on the work of Calaizzi (cited4

in Polkinghorne, 1989) and the feminist oral history perspective of Henderson

and Rannells (1988).

A week before the final meeting each participant received a copy of the

researcher’s analysis of the leisure memories. Each woman was asked to

critically assess this account by considering whether their experiences were

accurately and adequately represented. Participants were asked to consider two

questions: how does the researcher's account compare with your experiences?

And, have any aspects of your experience been omitted? At the final meeting

participants agreed that their experiences and meanings had been represented

in this account.

The method in action

Discoveries about holidays

Holidays have been described as times for visiting friends and relatives,

relaxing, enjoying the scenery, for shopping or for escape from work, a time to

get away from it all (Argyle, 1996). As an escape, holidays are times set apart

from ordinary life where not only the place changes, but also the pace of life.

Holidays are seen as ‘free time’ to do what you want when you want or to do

nothing at all. ‘There is a sense that the normal rules of everyday life are set

aside and new ones operate for at time’ (Crawford et al., 1992: 125). Such

images suggest holidays are eagerly anticipated and, later, recalled in our

memories as ‘unambiguously’ leisure (Deem, 1986: 61).

The method of memory-work challenges these taken for granted

assumptions about holidays. It does this by suggesting that while holiday

memories do contain elements assigned to holidays by researchers using

traditional research approaches, holidays for women also contain elements not5

commonly assigned to holiday experiences. For example, the memory-work of

Crawford et al. (1992: 45) suggests that, for the women they worked with,

elements of holidays such as work and social responsibilities meant that

‘holidays are a great deal of trouble, really more trouble than they are worth’

For the women participating in this research, holiday memories did contain

elements commonly assigned to holidays such as:

C enjoyment, relaxation and pleasure;

C the opportunity to get away from everyday life;

C time free from obligations;

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Annals of Leisure Research, Vo1. 1, 199844

C time away from home;

C time to yourself, to do what you choose;

C the company of family or friends; and

C new or different experiences.

The holiday memories also contained other elements not commonly

associated with holiday experiences, however: obligation, work, social

disapproval and responsibility. These women found their holidays had been

contradictory experiences. While it was hoped holidays would be opportunities

to get away from everyday life represented by the commitments of home and

paid employment and to experience something different, this was not always so.

When everyday life (and its commitments) intruded, the holiday feeling was lost.

Barbara recalled a time when her husband's work had ‘invaded’ their holiday.

Holidays were times of ‘freedom from phones, mail, housework and other

obligations .. [She] had not known they could be reached’. The invasion ‘spoilt’

her holiday ‘mood’ for ‘several days’.

Nicol agreed with Barbara, holidays should be ‘free from obligation’. ‘If

you still do things you have to do at home it's not a holiday’. For Ashley the

only way to have a holiday at home ‘is not to tell anybody, get rid of the kids’.

Mina recalled such a holiday when her partner ‘took the kids away’ and she told

no one she was home. Alice recalled her childhood holidays as times when she

had been ‘expected to take [her] parents to the dentist, the doctor, the hospital,

shopping, reorganising the furniture, baking, cooking, expecting visitors for long

or short periods. Holiday time was programmed and there was no getting away

from mother’. Alice felt that for adults too, there could be an element of

obligation in holidays when ‘you feel you have to go to a particular location

each year for a holiday to fulfil your obligations to your family and friends’.

Holidays away from home could be work for women. If the holiday

involved doing things you do at home such as cooking or washing, while others

don’t have these commitments, then it’s not remembered as a holiday. Barbara

recalled a holiday which had been ‘hard work’ and in which obligation in the

form of doing something for others when you would rather be somewhere else

had been present:‘Children always said “Three weeks, three weeks” and I would say “Oh,

two weeks would be enough” .. it was hard work for me [cooking and meal

preparation], warm conditions and mosquitoes and everyone else would be

on the beach .. it would have been easier to be at home’.

Barbara concluded that such a holiday was a ‘holiday for someone else’, a

‘holiday in inverted commas’.

For parents, enjoyment of a holiday without the children could be tempered

by the reactions of others. Alice remembered a holiday with her husband when

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McCormack • Memories bridge the gap between theory and practice 45

their children were left in the care of others. When they returned however, there

was the feeling of ‘not a punishment, but a kind of, not a good remuneration,

sort of a wrap on the knuckles’ accompanied by the message that ‘next time stay

where you are’. Women often feel responsible for others rather than for

themselves. The notion of doing something for oneself then becomes so

intertwined with the notion of doing for others that they become

indistinguishable. The success of the holiday is then measured in terms of how

others perceived the experience. ‘The boys still remember that holiday with

great affection’ (Janice).

The elements - obligation, work, social disapproval and responsibility - led

to a discussion of the notion of ‘enforced’ leisure. Enforced or ‘mandatory’

leisure was recalled in situations which on first impression could be described

as leisure, but which were not experienced as leisure by the narrator of the

memory because they contained one or more of these elements. The holiday was

not recalled as leisure when the negative feelings associated with fulfilling role

obligations outweighed the positive feelings associated with being on holidays.

These holidays were not the ‘getting away from it all kind’. These were the

doing something ‘for someone else’ kind of holidays, they were holidays ‘in

inverted commas’.

Obligations associated with special holiday occasions such as Christmas,

‘racing and rushing and cooking and performing’, often meant such situations,

while they might be described as leisure by others, were experienced as

enforced leisure. For Therese, Christmas was recalled as leisure only when she

gave up ‘her obligations around dutifully performing at Christmas’ and ‘decided

not to spend Christmas with extended families but to stay in the place where

[they] lived and go out for Christmas dinner’.

Holidays illustrate how feelings and contexts interact to define an

experience as leisure. New places, new people and new experiences and the

company of family or friends were contexts that could contribute to the holiday

being experienced as leisure. These contexts, either individually or in

combination, however, did not in themselves ensure the holiday was

experienced as leisure, nor did feelings of enjoyment, pleasure or relaxation

while remembered in association with holidays. What confirmed the holiday as

leisure for co-researchers was how these feelings and contexts interacted to

produce the feeling of being away from obligations and the feeling of freedom

to choose to do something or nothing and to implement that choice.

Discoveries about personal leisure

Empowerment for women occurs when they ‘speak with their own voices’ and

are ‘listened to by other women’ (Stanley, 1988: 28). The method of memory-

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Annals of Leisure Research, Vo1. 1, 199846

work used in this research provided such an opportunity through the reading and

recording of personal leisure memories and the collective discussion of these

memories. The method also enhanced the sense of personal empowerment of the

women participating in this research through the discoveries each made about

leisure in their own lives which then began to change the way they viewed

leisure. As Wimbush and Talbot (1988) suggest, empowerment for women

occurs when they are able to redefine their world in their own terms. The

women shared the following discoveries during the final meeting with the

researcher.‘I discovered leisure means a lot more, in all its forms, to people and for all

sorts of reasons. A better understanding of leisure has been the result for

me. . . . Several social gatherings recently have made me consider which of

the trigger words would be suitable for a particular event.’

‘Partners seem to make a large difference to aspects of leisure for those

who have families of their own to look after. Partners and other family

members seem to hold a lot of authority over women’s leisure. Authority

and being allowed - I suppose it gets to entitlement but something more.’

‘Yes it has [changed the way I think about leisure]. By focusing on certain

words at a time I realised the differences and nuances of pleasure, leisure

and holiday. It was very enlightening and illuminating how other women’s

impressions strengthened my own views.’

‘I have had some insight into the fact that perhaps I do not give enough

entitlement to myself for leisure and that I do not see myself as feminine

enough to be entitled to such a ‘frivolous’ occupation as leisure’.

Exploration of the feelings other women associate with leisure has

inevitably led the researcher to consider her own feelings. I have now come to

know and accept that leisure for me is an intensely personal feeling,

occasionally involving others (particularly family members), more usually

experienced alone and within. Hence it is less likely to be recognised and

described as leisure by others.

Conclusion

Defining leisure, and by implication women’s leisure, in terms of activities, time

and in relation to paid employment has directed researchers away from what is

valued as leisure by women: feelings, contexts and relationships. To bridge the

gap between these definitions of leisure and leisure as experienced in women’s

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McCormack • Memories bridge the gap between theory and practice 47

everyday lives, researchers can adopt approaches such as memory-work which

tap into the feelings women associate with leisure and the contexts in which they

experience these feelings.

By giving voice to aspects of holiday experiences which have received little

attention in the leisure literature the women participating in this research were

able to question existing leisure knowledge and to begin to use their new

knowledge to think differently about leisure in their lives. In this way they were

able to begin to reduce the theory/practice gap in their everyday lives.

Notes

1. One group contained five members and the other six members.

2. For a discussion of what is meant by traditional research methods see Lincoln

and Reason (1996, 5), who suggest that, ‘Over the past 25 years, several new

approaches to human inquiry in the social and behavioral sciences have

emerged that .. move beyond traditional methods based on researcher control

of methodology, towards participative methods that evolve through dialogue’.

The authors report the five key differences between ‘traditional’ and ‘new’

methods suggested by Lincoln and Guba. These differences are presented under

the following headings: the nature of reality; the relationship of knower to the

known; the possibility of generalisation; the possibility of causal linkages; and

the role of values.

3. Memory-work as described in this research has been adapted from the work of

Haug (1987) and in particular, the work of Crawford et al., (1992).

4. For a detailed description of the steps involved in the analysis of memories see

McCormack (1995).

5. See note 2.

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