Principles of Religious Imitation in Mediaeval

Architecture: An Analysis of the Holy

Sepulchre in Jerusalem and its European

Copies from the Carolingian period

to the Late Romanesque.

Philippe Angers.

Department of Religious Studies (in association with the

Department of Art History), McGill University, Montréal.

Originally Submitted July 24, 1997.

Revised and resubmitted February 7, 2006

A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Graduate Studies and

Research in partial fulfilment of the requirements of the

degree of Masters of Arts.

© Philippe Angers 2006

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Abstract

This study concerns the concept of sacred architectural imitation, using the Platonic notion of mimesis which then later finds expression in the medieval idea of imitatio. In Religious as weIl as in artistic and architectural forms of expression, the notion of imitation is indeed a very central and complex issue. At the heart of this concept is the question of meaning, or, more precisely, the transference or translation of meaning; from original to copy, from prototype to reproduction.

In order to better illustrate and understand the principles guiding the notion of medieval sacred architectural imitation l have chosen to focus on five specific instances surrounding the replication of the Holy Sepulcher in Jerusalem, arguably the most revered landmark in Christendom.

A close examination of the relationships which exist between model and copy will bring to the fore the dynamics which govern the process of mimesis by which meaning is reproduced in the architectural replicas.

From this comparative analysis will emerge a more universal picture of the medieval concept of religious imitation. Indeed, if anything, a preliminary survey of the great many imitations of the Holy. Sepulcher spread throughout Europe reveals to the observer a surprising trend, namely a consistency of inconsistencies in their effort to "copy".

The present study will demonstrate that these inconsistencies within the application of the mimetic nevertheless reveal a somewhat unexpected structure.

seeming process

From clearer sacred Ages.

the pattern picture of

meaning via

of the the

these inconsistencies will emerge a principles governing the transfer of method of imi ta tio during the Middle

Résumé

Cette étude se rapporte au concept de l'imitation de l'architecture sacrée, utilisant la notion Platonique de mimesis que l'on retrouve plus tard exprimé sous la forme medièvale de l'imitatio. Dans les formes d'expression religieuses aussi bien que dans celles artistiques ou architecturales, la notion d'imitation est en effet une question très centrale et complexe. La notion de signification se retrouve au centre de ce concept, ou, plus précisément, la notion de la tranférence de la signification; de l'original à la copie, du prototype à sa reproduction.

Dans le but de mieux illustrer et comprendre les principes qui guident la notion de l'imitation de l'architecture sacré du Moyen Age, j'ai choisi de me concentrer sur cinq exemples précis de la reproduction du Saint Sépulchre à Jérusalem, sans contredit le monument le plus vénéré de la tradition chrétienne.

Un examen approfondi des relations qui existent entre le modêle et la copie fera ressortir la dynamique qui définit le processus de mimesis par lequel la signification est reproduite dans les répliques architecturales.

De cette analyse comparative émergera une compréhention plus universelle du concept médieval de l' imi tation religieuse. En effet, une enquête préliminaire des nombreuses imitations du Saint Sépulchre à travers l'Europe révèle une tendance surprenante, à savoir une constance d'inconstances dans les efforts de ucopier".

La présente étude démontrera que ces semblants d'inconstance dans l'application du processus mimetique révèlent néanmoins une structure quelque peu inattendue.

A partir de ces inconstances on aura une idée plus claire des principes qui gouvernent le transfert du sens sacré via la méthode d'imitatio pendant le Moyen Age.

Acknowledgments

To my parents, Claire and Alexandre Angers whose Love and support has never failed. To the Cistercian Brothers at the Monastary of Emmaus who offered me shelter and guidance during my stay in Jerusalem. To professor Joseph C. McLelland, rarest of scholars, my advisor and mentor whose deep humanity and profound wisdom will never be forgotten. To professor Victor Hori whose guidance and sense of justice have been of incalculable value. To professor Barbara Galli whose passion for learning, love of teaching and diligence has taught me so much. To Jeff Sims, a great friend and colleague whose gifted mind and subtle insights proved invaluable. Finally, to Etienne Hellman and David Crawford, my oldest and dearest friends of whom l could write volumes.

To all these people, without whom this thesis would not have been possible, l extend my warmest gratitude and deepest thanks.

CONTENTS

-INTRODUCTION.

-CHAPTER ONE: The Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem.

PART 1: The Constantinian Complex: 334-614 A.D.

PART 2: The Subsequent Reconstructions of the Holy Sepulchre.

(A): The reconstruction by Modestus: 614-1009 A.D.

(B): The reconstruction by Constantine Monomachus: 1030-1120 A.D.

-CHAPTER TWO The European Copies Of the Holy Sepulchre.

PART 1: St. Michael at Fulda, 822 A.D.

PART 2: The Holy Sepulchre at Paderborn, 1036 A.D.

PART 3: St. Bénigne in Dijon, 1001 A.D.

PART 4: Santo Stefano in Bologna, 1141 A.D.

PART 5: The Holy Sepulchre in Cambridge, 1120 A.D.

-CHAPTER THREE: The Art of Imitation: Comparative Analyses of the Structures.

Part 1: Comparative Analysis of the Sizes and Proportions.

Part 2: Comparative Analysis of the Elevational Schemes.

1

13

42

42

45

56

57

66

70

79

90

93

95

98

Part 3: Comparative Analysis of the Support Systems.

Part 4: Comparative Analysis of the Ground Plans.

-CONCLUSION.

-BIBLIOGRAPHY.

-ILLUSTRATIONS.

100

103

111

122

Introduction

This study will address sorne of the basic questions surrounding

the concept of sacred architectural imitation in the Middle Ages.

More specifically, it will examine the principles which governed

the application of the imitative process as weIl as explore the

particular symbolic mechanisms employed by the medieval builders

in their quest for a meaningful solution to the complex problem

of sacred reproduction. Central to this thought is the Greek

notion of metaphysical. mimesis which later finds expression in

the medieval idea of imitatio. In religious, artistic and

architectural forms of expression, the notion of imitation is

indeed a very central and enigmatic issue l• At the very heart of

the concept of imitation is the fundamental question of meaning,

or, more precisely, the transference or translation of meaning i

from initial Event to ritualized (re) creation, from original to

1 In the Christian tradition alone, one need only think of the ideal of the Imitatio Christi, the (re)creative ritual of the transubstantiation, the retracing of certain pilgrimage routes, the meaningful (re)creation of sacred forms and symbols (architectural imitation), the (re)creation of ritual movement such as the benediction, and the (re)citation of

2

copy, from prototype to reproduction.

What prompted my initial interest in the topic was a voyage to

Jerusalem and a quote by Robert Ousterhout in his 1989 article

"Rebuilding the Temple" where he states: "It is perhaps because

of the continued religious importance of the site that the

architectural history of the Holy Sepulchre remains poorly known,

and its influence on the architecture of the Middle Ages has not

been properly assessed".2

To a significant extent, the literature which to date has dealt

with the topic of imitation in the Middle Ages has largely

concerned itself with analytical comparisons of architectural

styles and construction techniques. What this purely formalistic

approach amounted to was the cumulation of neutral data which

categorized and/or classified the manifold structural differences

which distinguished a reproduction from the original prototype.

The implicit assumption inherent in this type of analysis is that

there is no rational pattern of meaning guiding the mimetic

process in the Middle Ages, there are only differences,

inconsistencies and aberrations between prototype and replica. In

other words, each instance of medieval imitatio was simply

sacred chants, psalms and prayers. 2 Ousterhout, Robert; "Rebuilding the Temple: Constantine Monomachus and the Holy Sepulchre". Journal of the Sodety of Architectural Historians, March 1989, vol XLVIII #1, p.66.

3

percei ved as a haphazard and chaotic undertaking bereft of a

coherent architectural canon because it did not conform to our

largely post-Renaissance expectations concerning the nature of

similitude and reproduction.

The possibility that medieval designers may have been adhering to

a series of mimetic criteria at variance with those with which we

are familiar is hardly ever posited, much less discussed.

With the notable exception of Richard Krautheimer who briefly

addressed the topic of meaning and imitation in his 1942 series

of lectures at the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes entitled

"Introduction to an "Iconography of Medieval Architecture"",3 and

André Grabar in a few passages of his brilliant study Martyrium,4

very little in depth consideration has been given to the actual

nature, purpose and symbolic intent specifically underlying the

imitative process in medieval architecture. 5

If the ambition in any act of sacred imitation (be it ritual,

symbolic or formaI/architectural) is to capture and reproduce

sorne portion of the original prototype's power and meaning, then

the central question becomes: what are the mechanisms involved in

3 Krautheimer, Richard: "Introduction to an "Iconography of Mediaeval Architecture"". Journal of the Courtauld and Warbut;g Institutes. 1942, p.2-33. 4 Grabar, André: Marryrium: recherches sur le culte des reliques et l'art Chrétien antique. Variorum Reprints, 2 volumes, London, 1972. 5 It should be noted that Krautheimer and Grabar are not the only scholars to examine symbol and meaning in medieval art. Indeed, other seminal scholars in this field include Emile Mâle and Erwin Panofsky. Krautheimer and Grabar are the only ones who discuss the concept of imitatio in any detail however and what is more, they do so in the specifie context of architecture.

4

this type of complex mimetic transfer?

In order to more lucidly illustrate the principles governing the

process of architectural replication in the Middle Ages, it is

first and foremost necessary to select for analysis a series of

buildings which have clearly been copied from an established and

well documented prototype.

Among the great number of edifices erected throughout the Middle

Ages with the intention of imitating a highly venerated

prototype, one group stands out as particularly suitable for

studying the nature of medieval imi ta tio: namely the European

reproductions of the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem. This choice has

a great many advantages for these replicas exist not only in

sufficient numbers but also depend on a model which is still

relatively well preserved and can reliably be reconstructed in

its original aspect. Moreover, because this study is interested

in the deeper understanding of medieval imitatio (specifically in

its fundamental function regarding the significant transfer of

spiritual meaning), one could hardly find a more appropriate and

pertinent model.

This study will therefore concentrate its focus on five Western

replicas of the Holy Sepulchre. Although the intention of

imitating the holy edifice is expressly stated in all instances,

5

the copies which will be examined not only vary surprisingly from

each other, they are also astonishingly different from the

prototype which they mean to follow.

This controlled comparative framework will both effectively

illustrate the seeming state of chaos inherent in medieval

imitatio and also provides a very good comparative matrix from

which to evoke the subtle connecting principles which intimately

bind the various replicas of the Holy Sepulchre one to the other

as weIl as to the original prototype.

The procedural outline followed in the course of this study will

be both simple and straightforward. In order to establish a solid

comparative background, the first chapter "The Holy Sepulchre in

Jerusalem" will provide a thorough structural analysis of the

original Holy Sepulchre complex, examining its intricate building

history, its formaI architectural attributes as weIl as its many

layers of iconomorphic symbolism.

Central to this section of the study will be contemporary

chronicles of Eusebius of Caesarea' s Vita Constantini6 (340 A.D)

as weIl as the theoretical notions of three thinkers: Charles

Coüasnon in the field of archaeology and structural architecture,

Mircea Eliade in the domain of historicism, mythology and

symbolic analysis, and Richard Ousterhout in the area of

6 Eusebius of Caesarea: Vita Constantini, translated in The Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, Series Two, volume 1,

6

architectural history.

Chapter two "The European Copies of the Holy Sepulchre" will

consist of an architectural and symbolic analysis of the European

copies of the Holy Sepulchre. As previously mentioned, these will

number five in total: the church of St. Michael at Fulda

(Germany) 800-822 AD, the Holy Sepulchre at paderborn (Germany)

1036-1039 AD, the church of St. Bénigne in Dijon (France) 1001-

1038 AD, the church of Santo Stefano in Bologna (Italy) 1141-1154

AD and finally the Holy Sepulchre in Cambridge (England) 1120-

1132 AD. These buildings have been selected because of the very

strong comparative basis which they will provide to the study,

for they not only represent the most weIl known and weIl

documented medieval reproductions of the Holy Sepulchre, they

also offer an illustrative chronological as weIl as geographic

cross section of medieval Europe.

Chapter Three "The Art of Imitation: Comparative Analyses of the

Structures" will draw out the salient features which link the

five structures within this study. This section will consist of a

synthetic analysis of the formaI and symbolic relationships which

exists between this group of copies and the nature of the

original prototype. From this comparative analysis will emerge a

reprinted, Grand Rapids, 1961.

7

more universal picture of the medieval concept of religious

imi ta t ion. If anything, a pre l iminary survey of the grea t many

imitations of the Holy Sepulchre spread throughout Europe reveals

to the observer a surprising trend, namely a consistency of

inconsistt?ncies in their effort to "copy".

Using the theoretical categories of Paul Tillich7 (Form and

Import) and the comparative notions of the iconographer Richard

Krautheimer,8 the study will demonstrate that these seeming

inconsistencies within the application of the mimetic process

nevertheless reveal a somewhat unexpected yet significant

structure and pattern of meaning.

Finally, the conclusion will recapitulate and contextualize the

data which has thus far been gathered. From a careful analysis of

the pattern of these "inconsistencies" will emerge a clearer and

consistent picture of the subtle principles governing the

transfer of sacred meaning via the method of imitatio during the

Middle Ages. The Platonic and Neo-Platonic notion of Mimesis will

be explored and will help gain a greater understanding of how the

Medieval notion of Imitatio was formed. This will help us

illustrate that a very coherent set of criteria for mimesis were

at work and how these were applied in order to create a

7 Tillich, Paul: On Art and Architecture. Crossroad Publishing, New York, 1987, p.53. Tillich, Paul: What is Re/~ion? Harper & Row, San Fransisco, 1969, p.163.

8 Krautheimer, Richard: "Introduction to an "Iconography of Mediaeval Architecture"". Journal 0/ the Courtauld and

8

meaningful relationship between the sacred prototype and its

replica.

Introductory notes on the "psychological position"

of the Holy Sepulchre

To the medieval mind, Jerusalem was the center of the world.

The city was placed centrally on medieval world maps and was

central to much of medieval thought and spirituality.

When one spoke of Jerusalem however, one did not refer to i ts

walls or its houses, to its inhabitants or its streets. Indeed,

when one spoke of Jerusalem, one meant nothing other than the

Holy Sepulchre which occupied its very heart. The Holy Sepulchre

and Jerusalem were fused to such a unified and undifferentiated

extent within the believer's psyche that the texts and chronicles

of the time invariably referred to both sites synonymously.9

For the countless pilgrims making their slow and arduous way

across Europe and the Middle East, there was only one goal, one

sustaining vision: to pray before the Tomb of the Lord. All

WarbU1;g Institutes, V; 1942., p.2-33.

9

spirituality emanated from this point, the site of the great

Cosmic Drama, and aIl Christian devotion was in one form or

another directed towards it. Thus it is towards the East, towards

Jerusalem and the Sepulchre of the Lord that aIl European

churches directed their axes and quite literally oriented

themselves.

Throughout the age, the image of the Celestial Jerusalem haunted

and fascinated the medieval psyche. In a very real sense it

represented the "end" towards which aIl Humanity aspired. It

provided a nexus of numinous meaning which helped render bearable

and intelligible an otherwise difficult and uncertain existence.

For the faithful it represented an image of Perfection, a

prefiguration of Paradise and the quintessential symbol of Hope

and Redemption. Not only was i t the geographic center of the

physical provinces (the Omphalos Mundi) but more importantly, it

symbolized the absolute center of the greater Spiritual world. It

was the locus where the great cosmic drama for the redemption of

Humanity was staged and thereby participated in the spiritual

significance associated with creation's most important event. In

short, it was the place where Heaven and Earth meet.

Psychologically speaking, the Holy Sepulchre is at once the

9 Ousterhout, Robert; "The Church of Santo Stefano: A "]erusalem" in Bologna". Cesta, vol xx/2, 1981, p.312.

10

necessary point of origin and ultimate telos of the Christian

faith. Mircea Eliade provides a very clear formulation of the

spiritual necessity for the consecration of such a point:

For religious man, space is not homogenousi he experiences interruptions, breaks in iti sorne parts of space are qualitatively different from others. Nor is this all. For religious man, this spatial nonhomogeneity finds expression in the experience of an opposition between space that is sacred -the only real and real-ly existing space- and all other Space, the formless expanse surrounding i t . 10

In the homogenous and infinite expanse (of profane space), in which no point of reference is possible and hence no orientation can be established, the hierophany reveals an absolute fixed point, a center. 11

So it is clear to what degree the discovery- that is, the revelation- of a sacred space possesses existential value for religious mani for nothing can begin, nothing can be done without a previous orientation- and any orientation implies acquiring a fixed point. It is for this reason that religious man has always sought to fix his abode at the "center of the world". If the world is to be lived in, it must be founded-and no world can come to birth in the chaos of the homogeneity and relativity of profane space. The discovery or projection of a fixed point-the center- is equivalent to the creation of the world. 12

Within the Christian faith therefore, the Holy Sepulchre in

Jerusalem represents this foundational and cosmos centering

event. It is the edifice which symbolizes the mythological axis

of medieval spiri tuali ty and religious identi ty, the fulcrum or

fixed point around which order and meaning can crystallize.

Of particular concern therefore, when dealing with imitations of

10 Eliade, Mireea: The Sacred and the Profane. Harcourt, Braee & Wor1d, New York, 1959, p.20. 11 ibid, p.2l.

11

the Holy Sepulchre, is the fact that we are not merely focusing

on the replications of a simple architectural monument. Indeed,

what we have in this instance is a series of edifices which are

essentially attempting to recreate in a ritual mimetic fashion

the original creation and foundation of the world.

From the Original prototype therefore, other fixed points or

centers of meaning are generated. In effect, what this creates

are "peripheral centers of meaning" or secondary fields of

significance which all derive meaning via the process of imitatio

from the original source of sacrali ty, thus further subdi viding

the world into a more ordered and comprehensible whole.

If the ambition of the various imitations of the Holy Sepulchre

is in essence to re-create the world, to re-found it, thereby

creating secondary centers or foci of meaning, it remains to be

seen how exactly this aim is achieved. A close examination of the

relationships which exist between model and copy will bring to

the fore the dynamics which govern the process of imi ta tio by

which spiritual meaning is translated and replicated in the

architectural reproductions.

As we shall see, the relationship of imitatio which provides the

link between "model" and "copy" is not at all what one would

12 ibid, p22.

12

expect. It would seem as though a quite different set of mimetic

criteria was being applied to establish a relationship of

"similitude" between the Holy Sepulchre and its many medieval

replicas. This fact will inevitably lead us to re-examine the

comparative models which guided the medieval architects in their

attempts to reproduce and copy sacred prototypes.

CHAPTER ONE

THE HOLY SEPULCHRE IN JERUSALEM

PART 1: THE CONSTANTINIAN BUILDING.

It is ever my first, and indeed my only object, that our souls may all become more zealous, with all sobriety and earnest unanimity, for the honour of the Divine law. l desire, therefore, especially, that you should be persuaded that l have no greater care than how l may best adorn with a splendid structure that sacred spot, which, under Divine direction, l have disencumbered as it were of the heavy weight of foul idol worshipi a spot which has been accounted holy from the beginning in God's judgment, but which now appears holier still, since it has brought to light a clear assurance of our Saviour's passion. It will be well, therefore, for your sagacity to make such arrangements and provisions of all things needful for the work, that not only the church itself as a whole may surpass all others whatsoever in beauty, but that the details of the building may be of such a kind that the fairest structures in any city of the empire may be excelled by this .... For it is fitting that the most marvellous place in the world should be worthily decorated. 13

13

Such were the words spoken by the newly converted Constantine to

Macarius the Pat ri arch of Jerusalem thus launching in 326 AD the

13 Eusebius of Caesarea: Vita Constantini, 3.30,31; translated in The Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, Series Two, volume 1, reprinted, Grand Rapids, 1961, p.528.

14

construction of the Holy Sepulchre. 14

Following these imperial guidelines, the architect of the

Sepulchre complex, Zenobius Eustathios of Constantinople15 ordered

the extensive remodelling of the topographically irregular quarry

site which by this time had been built over and now occupied a

zone under the North-West part of the Roman forum. 16

More generally however, the Holy Sepulchre's geographic situation

within the larger urban context of late Roman Jerusalem was

indeed an interesting and privileged one. Let us therefore begin

our study of this unique site by first examining its relationship

to the larger urban context in which it found itself.

St. Helena' S17 rediscovery of the sacred site where Christ was

crucified and laid to rest proved among many other things to be a

14 Stem, Ephraim (editor); The New Enryclopaedia 0/ Archaeological Excavations in the Hofy Land. The Israel Exploration Society, Simon & Shuster Press, 1993, p.779. 15 Krautheimer, Richard; Earfy Christian and Byzantine Architecture, Penguin Books, Baltimore, 1975, p.67. 16 ln its earliest traceable form the area of Golgotha served as a quarry as early as the eighth century BC providing malachite stone for the early settlement. This fact is confirmed by the extensive signs of tool cuts in the rock unearthed ail over the are a and most notably in the area of the Chapel of the Finding of the Holy Cross also known as the chapel of St Helena. The resulting excavated area of the quarry was abandoned in the first century BC and transformed into a garden, becoming a weil protected area just outside the city walls of J erusalem. Various tombs were subsequently dug in the high wails surrounding the garden of Golgotha, among these is the "Kokhim" tomb popularly known as the tomb of Joseph of Arimathea. The garden of Golgotha remained outside the city wails of Jerusalem until the pressures of an increasing population and rapid urban expansion prompted the building of the third perimeter wall under the reign of Agrippa 1 (41-44 AD), thereby enclosing the site within the city proper. See Coüasnon, Charles. The Church 0/ the Hofy S epu!chre in Jerusalem. The Schweich Lectures of the British Academy. Oxford University Press; London, 1974, p.40. 17 St Helena mother of Constantine the Great was born circ a 255, and married to the Roman general Constantius Chlorus, who became emperor of Britain, Gaul, and Spain when Diocletian divided the Empire. In 274 she bore him a son, Constantine. In 306, after the death of Constantius, the army at York proclaimed Constantine emperor in his father's place, and by 312 he was mas ter of the Western Empire and issued an Edict of Toleration that made the practice of Christianity legal for the first cime in over 200 years. Helena worked enthusiastically to promote Christianity, and eventually went to the Holy Land, where she spent large SUffiS on the relief of the poor and on building churches on sacred sites. She is particularly associated with the discovery at J erusalem, near the probable site of Calvary, of a wooden cross that was accepted as the actual cross on which Jesus was crucified. See Borgehammer, Stephan; How the Hofy Cross was Found: From Event to Medieval Legend. Almqvist & Wikseil

15

geographically fortui tous one as weIl, for the Sepulchre would

now have the greatly enhanced symbolic distinction of being

situated at the very center of the Holy City. The sixth century

mosaic map of Jerusalem discovered at Madaba (in present day

Jordan situated 30km south of Amman) clearly places a very great

deal of emphasis on this situational fact. 18 [Figures 1 and 2] .

As we can see from the map, the Sepulchre's entrance led directly

off the Roman Cardo Maximus, only a few dozen meters from where

the latter intersected the Decumanos. Indeed, the red lozenge

shape visible immediately to the right of the Sepulchre

delineates the remaining open area of Hadrian' s central Forum

(originally constructed circa 120 AD)

Historically, the urban evolution of Jerusalem made it such that,

over the preceding centuries, the increasing demands of a growing

population coupled with defensive considerations set in motion a

graduaI yet significant demographic shift from the position

occupied by the original settlement know as the City of David. 19

International; Stockholm, 1991. 18 The mosaic map at Madaba was originally part of the floor of a Byzantine church, built during the reign of emperor Justinian, 527-565 AD. It is the oldest map of the Holy Land that is still extant. The mosaic represents the biblicalland from Egypt to Lebanon, including Sinai, Israel, Palestine, and Transjordan. Taking an eastern orientation, the map portrays the Holy Land, showing J erusalem at the center. And at the center of J erusalem is the most conspicuous building on the map, the Church of the Holy Sepulchre. The Temple Mount, despite its large are a, is only alluded to in the map. This may have been a reflection of the small importance which the Byzantine Christians attached to the Temple Mount, by then a long-neglected heap of ruins. See Alliata, Eugenio ofm; Studium Biblicum Franciscanum. Jerusalem, 2000. 19 The first settlement in the area ofJerusalem was located on the Ophel ridge overlooking the narrow and deep Kidron vallee (which separates it from the mount of Olives) and known not as the City of David. This settlement was effectively destroyed by the Babylonians conquest of 587-586 BC which removed into captivity the greater part of the population. The City of David was resettled by the J ews exiled to Babylon who returned during the Persian

16

[Figure 3]

Henceforth the nexus of Jerusalem was transferred from the Ophel

ridge, situated directly south of the Temple mount to a new area

located north and west of the Temple plateau. This transitional

trend was already weIl underway during the time of Herod the

Great (73-4 BCE) but was definitely completed by the middle of

the second century AD. Indeed, the city that Constantine

inherited was that of the Roman colony Aelia Capitolina, a city

which Hadrian built from the ruins of Herodian Jerusalem in the

first half of the second century to obliterate and effectively

replace the Jewish town described by Josephus in his work History

of the Jewish War20 and destroyed by Titus following the uprising

of 70 A.D. It is therefore within the context of this new urban

situation that the Holy Sepulchre found its privileged and

symbolically meaningful centralised location. [Figure 4]

The most evocative and direct architectural antecedent to this

type of centralized urban motif would undoubtedly be that of the

classical Heroon, a memorial monument, usually funerary in nature

dedicated to the founder of a new colony and invariably

period (6th century BC). During the Hellenisric and Roman periods, the city's centre shifted from the Ophel to the western hill. By Hadrian's rime in the first quarter of the second century (c 120 AD), the southern wall of Jerusalem was built along the line of the present Old City wall. Ag a result, the City of David, the site of biblicalJerusalem, remained uninhabited. See Armstrong, Karen; Jerusalem: One City, Three Faiths. Alfred A. Knopf Publishing, New York,1996, p.128. 20 Whiston, William; The Works rifJosephus: Complete and Unabridged. Hendrickson Publishers; New Update edirion, 1980.

17

established in the geographic center of the settlement. 21

In his seminal work Martyrium, André Grabar maintains that it was

with a conscious and profound symbolic intent of establishing a

monumental parallel between himself and Christ that Constantine

had constructed an eternal memorial or heroon for the founder of

the True Faith and the Emperor of Heaven at Jerusalem. 22 Not

surprisingly, he erected a parallel heroon monument for himself,

namely the Apostolaion or church of the Holy Apostles (330-356

AD), in the center of his newly founded imperial capital at

Constantinople.23 24

This type of architectural configuration clearly emphasized the

two essential poles of the universal order. Within this kind of

symbolic framework, Constantinople becomes the center of

political and worldly power with Constantine at its proper center

(enshrined as it were in the fashion of the thirteenth apostle)

just as Jerusalem becomes the center of cosmic, transcendent and

spiri tuaI power wi th Christ at i ts rightful center. 25 26

21 Coüasnon, Charles; The Church of the Ho!J Sepulchre in Jerusalem . The Schweich Lectures of the British Academy. Oxford University Press; London, 1974, p.37. 22 Grabar, André: MartYrium: recherches sur le culte des reliques et j'art Chrétien antique. Variorum Reprints, London, 1972. Vol l, p.212. 23 ibid, p.239. 24 Slobodan Curcic notes: "Such an arrangement had become fairly common among the Roman imperial mausolea built during the few decades before and after 300. In addition to the uncertain example of the Rotunda in Thessaloniki, invoked by Mango, one must also refer to such key examples in this category as the Mausoleum of Maxentius (often referred to in the literature as the "Mausoleum of Romulus" on the Via Appia outside Rome, and the Mausoleum of Diocletian at Split". See Curcic, Slobodan: "From the Temple of the Sun to the Temple of the Lord: Monotheistic Contribution to Architectural Iconography in Late Antiquity". Architectural Studies in Memory of Richard Krautheimer. Edited by Cecil L. Striker. Verlag Philipp Von Zaber, Mainz, 1996. Also see Cyril Mango, "Constantine's Mausoleum and the Translation of Relics". Byzantinische ZeitschriJt, 83.1, 1990, p.51-61. 25 Grabar, l\ndré: MartYrium: recherches sur le culte des reliques et l'art Chrétien antique. Variorum Reprints, London, 1972. Vol l, p.229.

18

Constantine obviously saw the great moral and political

advantages in establishing such a strong parallel between himself

and the Emperor of the Cosmos. During a time of great transition

in his empire, such a symbolic rapprochement and association

between both funerary complexes had two immediate and important

functions. Firstly, it greatly helped to sanctify and concretise

the shift of the imperial capital to its new location in

Byzantium, but more significantly, such a bold symbolic parallel

served the purpose of notably enhancing and confirming

Constantinels claim to power by clearly inserting his rule within

the divinely ordained hierarchy of things. 27 Indeed, the use of

such unambiguous architectural language helped reassert and

revitalise the essential identification with the divine,

traditionally the basis of Roman imperial power, establishing the

link this time within the context of the New Faith.

Let us turn our attention from the general urban context to that

of the Sepulchre site itself. The Holy Sepulchre complex is an

example of a centrally planned commemorative structure combined

26 Other notable examples of this type of commemorative motif include the once again Diocletian's domical tomb (303-313 AD) erected at the center of his palatine complex- in and of itself a microcosmic reproduction of the known world- situated in Split, the geographic center of the Roman empire. We can also evoke Charlemagne's very conspicuous use of the same symbolic Roman imperial funerary motif for his (indeed, the new Constantine's) domed tomb next to his palace at Aachen (800 AD), the geographic center of his early ninth century empire. 27 Grabar, André: Mar(yrium: recherches sur le culte des reliques et "art Chrétien antique. Variorum Reprints, London, 1972. Vol l, p.236-242.

19

with a basilica in which the daily prayer could be practiced. 28

The first aspect which strikes the observer about the

configuration of the complex is undoubtedly its very strong

emphasis on horizontal axiality.29 [Figures S, 6 and 7] .

The original Constantinian complex was laid out in a series of

connected structures along an east-west line, the precise

measurements of which were 60 meters in width by 130 meters in

length, measured from the Eastern entrance of the first atrium to

the Western extremity of the Anastasis Rotunda (the Dome of the

Resurrection enshrining the Tomb of Christ) .30

We notice also that this axial arrangement is characterised by a

sophisticated rhythm of alternating open and closed spaces,

thereby establishing a series of distinct zones, each of which

fulfilled a very specific religious and ceremonial function. The

complex itself consisted of four distinct areas. The first open

atrium, which led directly off the main Roman Cardo, offered the

visitor a zone of initial transition and meditation. The basilica

(also referred to as the Martyrion), provided an area for

li turgical ceremonies, prayer and deeper reflection. The second

28 This layout is very similar to the type of arrangement found in the Church of the Nativity in Bethlehem (also commissioned by Constantine in 327 AD) where an octagonal commemorative structure is placed over the grotto of the nativity and similarly attached to a basilica. 29 In architectural terms horizontal axiality creates a processional via that systematically leads the observer onwards and towards ever more sacred areas of the structure. Vertical axiality on the other hand attempts to give the observer an awe inspiring notion of striving for the heavens. In the case of the Sepulchre complex, the horizontal axiality predominates the layout as a whole until we reach the Anastasis Rotunda itself where a stronger vertical element takes over. 30 Stern, Ephraim (editor); The New Enryclopaedia of Archaeo!ogica! Excavations in the Hob Land. The Israel Exploration Society, Simon & Shuster Press, 1993, p.779.

20

open atrium, containing the rock of Calvary, presented the

visitor one again with a zone for meditation and reflection

before entering the Anastasis Rotunda itself, the site of

Christ's entombment and resurrection. 31

The overall effect resulting from this type of axial articulation

is the creation of a sacred processional Via which gradually

leads the believer along according to the typical Roman motif

seen in houses and palaces, from a public and profane sphere to a

progressively more private and privileged space. 32

What we have therefore in the general layout of the complex as a

whole is a series of carefully disposed emotional, architectural

and spiritual climaxes. These represent an elegant and

symbolically meaningful articulation of space and demonstrate a

refined interest in the resolution of the many practical problems

associated with the display and veneration of multiple sacred

sites. In this instance the various religious sites are arranged

progressively and in ascending order of sacred importance

creating a uniquely processional type of architecture.

On a more detailed level however, only limited archaeological and

31 Ibid, p.779 32 Büker, Hans; Seminar on Late Antique and early medieval architecture. McGill University, April, 1996.

21

textual information has survived concerning the precise

architectural and decorative characteristics of the original

Constantinian complex. What the modern researcher is le ft wi th

are descriptive fragments drawn mainly from early pilgrimage

diaries and guidebooks, the emphasis of which was frequently more

concerned wi th pious sentiments and impressions of awe rather

than precise ornamental traits and architectural features. 33 34

By far the most use fuI of these early textual sources are the

writings left us by Eusebius (circa 337 AD), the Bishop of

Caesarea, a writer who, unlike most of his contemporaries,35 was

present during the great works of the Sepulchre' s construction

and moreover, was acutely conscious of his primarily descriptive

function as the official chronicler of the acts and deeds of

Constantine. 36 Because of their lucid and richly descriptive

nature the accounts left us by Eusebius are invaluable,37

especially concerning constructions such as the entrance atrium

33 On page (i) of the preface to The Library of the Palestine Pilgrim's Text society, Professor Hay ter Lewis notes: "The pilgrims cared little about the form and size of the buildings which enshrined the objects of their devotion, and their descriptions are often so cursory and confused as to make their precise meaning very doubtful". See The Library of the Palestine Pilgrim's Text society, edited by John H. Bernard, A.M.S Press, New York, NY, 1971. 34 A typical example of this tendency (towards the nebulous) can be found in the chronicle left us by the Pilgrim of Bordeaux who visited the Holy sites in 333 Ad. Concerning the basilica, which was by that date nearly complete, his text simply says: "a basilica was built at the command of Constantine, that is to say, a church, of wonderful beauty". Coüasnon, Charles. The Church of the Ho!J Sepulchre in Jerusalem The Schweich Lectures of the British Academy. Oxford University Press; London, 1974, p.38. 35 Other early Literary Sources which describe the Holy Sepulchre include the chronicles of Egeria (390 AD), The Pilgrim of Bordeaux (333 AD) and Arculf (670 AD). For a complete list and translation of these early written sources, see volumes 1, 2 and 3 of The Library of the Palestine Pilgrim's Text society, edited by John H. Bernard, A.M.S Press, New York, NY, 1971. 36 Relevant extracts from the Vita Constantim; can be found translated by John H. Bernard in The Library of the Palestine Pilgrim's Text Society, AMS press, New York, NY, 1971. 37 It should be noted that Eusebius was not a historian in the modern sense of the word but rather the official chronicler of the life of Constantine. As such (as well as his role as the bis hop of Ceasarea), his writings naturally contain an implicit bias which the reader should be made aware of.

22

and the basilica for example, where his texts constitute the main

literary source of knowledge about the original state of these

long vanished structures.

Let us therefore begin our detailed examination of the complex

with this easternmost entrance area and then methodically work

our way westward through the basilica and the second atrium

towards the focal point of the complex, the Anastasis Rotunda

itself, much as a visiting pilgrim participating in the

peripatetic liturgical worship of the time would have done. 38

At the eastern extremity of the Constantinian complex stood the

atrium of the basilica, an open entrance court yard which Eusebius

describes as "surrounded by colonnades".39

The surviving remains indicate that the atrium was not

rectangular but trapezoidal in overall shape and measured sorne 36

meters in width (at the widest point) by 28-22 meters in length. 4o

The irregular shape of the entrance court yard was dictated by the

need to incorporate earlier Roman walls in the new structure, as

weIl as to conform to the path of the Cardo Maximus. The Madaba

map shows three steps leading up from the Cardo Maximus to three

38 Krautheimer , Richard; Ear!J Christian and Byzantine Architecture. Penguin Books, Baltimore, M.A, 1965, p.68. 39 Stern, Ephraim (editor); The New Enryclopaedia if Archaeological Excavations in the Ho!J Land. The Israel Exploration Society, Simon & Shuster Press, 1993, p.781.

23

doorways in the atrium' s eastern wall. Parts of the original

southern wall and part of its eastern wall, including the

foundations of the southern and central doorways, were

rediscovered and excavated in the nineteenth century and are now

visible in the Russian Hospice as weIl as in a shop just north of

the hospice. 41 [Figure 8]

The first Atrium therefore provided an initial sanctuary of

peace, a quiet medi tation zone which allowed the worshipper to

gradually proceed from the main public thoroughfare of Jerusalem,

the profane space of the Cardo Maximus, to the more sacred space

of the basilica and the Anastasis beyond.

Let us begin our investigation of the basilica by firstly evoking

the descriptions left us by Eusebius.

Concerning the ornamental description of the basilica, chapter 36

of the Vita Constantini (337-340 A.D) reads as follows:

The interior surface of the building was hidden under slabs of multi-colored marble. The exterior aspect of the walls, embellished with well-matched and polished stones, gave an effect of extraordinary beauty, which yielded nothing to the appearance of marble. As to its roofing, the outside was covered with lead, a sure protection against the winter rains; the inside was decorated with sculptured coffering, which, like sorne great ocean, covered the whole Basilica with its endless swell, while the brilliant gold with which it was covered, made the whole temple sparkle with a thousand reflections. 42

40 Ibid, p.779. 41 Ibid, p.779. 42 Coüasnon, Charles. The Church if the Ho!J Sepulchre in Jerusalem. The Schweich Lectures of the British Academy.

24

Chapter 37 proves to be even more informative, and of particular

importance and interest for architectural historians, because of

Eusebius' direct references to certain key structural components:

On the one and the other of its flanks, twin, double­porticoed, upper and lower galleries, with gilded ceilings, ran parallel to each other. The front row consisted of columns of large dimension, while the row behind was formed of square pillars, richly decorated on their surfaces. Three gates facing the rising sun were to admit the entering crowd. 43

From these texts therefore we can determine that the basilica was

a five-aisled structure, a motif logically befitting its imperial

patronage as weIl as its pre-eminence within the hierarchy of

Christian monuments. 44 We also note that the edifice had a set of

galleries as weIl as three doorways which echo the three

entrances which permitted access to the first atrium. [Figure 9]

This was a small basilica by Constantinian standards being only

1/3 the size of the Lateran basilica in Rome for example.

The question of the basilica's precise dimensions however remains

a point of contention between the two leading scholars on the

topic. Virgilio Corbo initially estimated the structure as

Oxford University Press; London, 1974, p.43. 43 Ibid, p.42. 44 The five aisled basilica motif, as opposed to the more conventional three aisled structures, is a hallmark of Constantine's more important religious buildings. Other notable examples of Constantine's 5 aisled Basilica motif are to be found at the church of the N ativity in Bethlehem as weil as at St. Peter' s in Rome. See Jackson, Thomas G.; Byzantine and Romanesque Architecture. Cambridge University Press, 1920. Vol II, p.24.

25

measuring 40 meters in width by 58 in length, measured from the

eastern doors to the western tip of the apse but his estimate was

later revised by Charles Coüasnon to a somewhat more modest ratio

of 38 meters by 46. 45

Due to the survi val of a small underground chamber variously

referred to as the chapel of St. Helena or the Chapel of the

Invention, situated directly below the central aisle of the

structure, we can as certain that the nave of the basilica had a

width of 13.5 meters. 46

Basing ourselves on Eusebius' textual evidence, we can

furthermore posit the presence of wide galleries over bath aisles

(as at the contemporary Lateran basilica in Rome) as weIl as a

gilded coffered ceiling, aIl of which conforms closely to the

established motifs present in other important imperial basilicas

of this time. 47

Charles Coüasnon maintains that the basilica's nave was probably

lit by a series of windows pierced into the clerestorey.48

Furthermore, in order to accommodate the roofing over the double

aisles these openings would have to be placed quite high in the

45 Stem, Ephraim (editor); The New Emyc/opaedia of Archaeological Excavations in the Ho!J Land. The Israel Exploration Society, Simon & Shuster Press, 1993, p.780. It is interesting to note that the Encyclopaedia makes no judgement on this topic, limiting itself to simply noting the divergence in the two estima tes. 46 Coüasnon, Charles. The Church of the Hafy Sepulchre in Jert4salem. The Schweich Lectures of the British Academy. Oxford University Press; London, 1974, p.4l. 47 Krautheimer, Richard; Earfy Christian and Byzantine Architecture. Penguin Books, Baltimore, M.A, 1965. p.62. 48 On this matter however, Krautheimer (unlike Coüasnon), takes a more conservative approach, citing the fact that no literary evidence points to either their existence or absence. Krautheimer therefore decides to err on the side of caution and omits these from his reconstruction. See Krautheimer , Richard; Earfy Christian and Byzantine Architecture. Penguin Books, Baltimore, M.A, 1965, p.63.

26

structure's elevation thereby giving the central nave's interior

space strong vertical proportions. Basing himself on foundational

evidence as weIl as on the weight bearing potential of' columns

reconstructed from various original fragments, he speculates that

the structure may have reached a height of approximately 22

meters measured from floor to ceiling. 49

Excavations conducted in 1968 by Athanase Ekonomopoulos 50 revealed

that the west end of the basilica terminated in a semi-circular

apse51 measuring 8.2 meters in diameter and flanked on either side

by rectangular chambers. 52 In chapter 39 Eusebius describes the

apse (or hemicycle) as being of particular splendour, of

"considerable height" and supported by twelve columns, a

numerological symbol which he emphatically associated with that

of the twelve apostles. 53 [Figure 10] .

Ekonomopoulos' digs around the apse reveal another interesting

fact, namely, the position of the apse indicates that the axis of

Constantine' s basilica was a continuation of the line extending

farther east, defined by the central entrance of the eastern

atrium from the Cardo. Continuing West of the apse however, this

49 Coüasnon, Charles. The Church of the Hofy Sepulchre in Jerusalem. The Schweich Lectures of the British Academy. Oxford University Press; London, 1974, p.44. 50 Ibid, p.37. 51 The apse within Roman architecture was the typically focal point of large public structures. It was used most often in Roman courthouses and was the site where the orator and/or judge spoke and ultimately proclaims judgement. 52 Krautheimer, Richard; Earfy Christian and Byzantine Architecture. Penguin Books, Baltimore, M.A, 1965, p.62. 53 Coüasnon, Charles. The Church of the Hofy Sepulchre in Jerusalem. The Schweich Lectures of the British Academy.

27

axis shifted slightly to the south of the axis of the rotunda's

atrium and of the rotunda itself. (See Figure 5. The floor-plan

of the complex clearly shows the shift in the axiality). Coüasnon

proposes that the reason for this discrepancy between the

alignments of the two main constituents of the Holy Sepulchre

complex was due to the necessi ty of incorporating the rock of

Calvary into the axis of the basilica' s southernmost aisle so

that this important spiritual site would harmonize itself more

homogenously wi th the complex as a whole. 54 If this is the case,

then the designers of the complex must have j udged that the

enhancement in the overall meaning gained by the inclusion of

Calvary within the general sphere of the basilical structure

clearly superseded the need for strict axiality. The New

Encyclopaedia of Archaeological Excavations in the Roly Land

furthermore suggests that the slight offset in axiality could

also be due to the fact that the builders of the basilica made

partial use of earlier Hadrianic foundations (probably those

belonging to Aeilia Capitolina' s original civic basilica which

served the function of courthouse) already extant at the site. 55

Whatever the cause, the disalignment consists of only 4 meters

and therefore, according to Coüasnon, does not significantly

Oxford University Press; London, 1974, p.44. 54 Ibid, p.42 55 Stern, Ephraim (editor); The New En0'clopedia of Archaeological Excavations in the Hof'y Land. The Isarael Exploration Society, Simon & Shuster Press, 1993, p.780.

28

offset the strong axiality of the whole. 56

The basilica therefore served as the main site of liturgical

worship. In the overall scheme of the complex however it acted as

a more significant meditation zone on the ultimate pilgrimage

towards the Anastasis Rotunda and the tomb of Christ.

Immediately to the west, occupying a zone between the basilica

and the rotunda was the atrium court yard of the Anastasis also

known as the Holy Garden. 57 This open space contained some of the

holiest sites of Christianity, most notably the site of Christ's

crucifixion, the rock of Calvary. The court yard consisted of an

irregular quadrilateral with colonnaded porticoes into which

projected the apse of the basilica. The dimensions of this atrium

measured 28 meters in length and 40 meters in width at its widest

point. 58 With reference to this area, Eusebius states:

Next one crossed over to a very large space of ground, to wit, the atrium, open to the pure air of heaven; the floor of which a polished stone pavement adorned, bounded by long porticoes which ran round continuously on three sides. 59

Access to this zone marked a very definite progression of

56 Coüasnon, Charles. The Church of the Ho!J Sepulchre in Jerusalem. The Schweich Lectures of the British Academy. Oxford University Press; London, 1974, p.42. 57 Stern, Ephraim (editor); The New Enryclopaedia of Archaeological Excavations in the Ho!J Land. The Israel Exploration Society, Simon & Shuster Press, 1993, p.780. 58 Coüasnon, Charles. The Church of the Ho!J Sepulchre in Jerusalem. The Schweich Lectures of the British Academy. Oxford University Press; London, 1974, p.42. 59 Bernard, John H.; The Library of the Palestine Pilgrim's Tex! Sodery. A.M.S Press, New York 1971. Volume l, p.7.

29

importance, for it not only contained the site of Golgotha in the

South-East corner but also, at its very center, the spot marking

the Omphalos Mundi, 60 the geographic and spiritual center of the

world, the mystical fixed point and axis around which all the

spheres of Heaven and Earth were said to revolve. 61

Similarly to the basilica, this court yard also found itself in a

slightly off axis position vis à vis the alignment of the complex

as a whole.

The off-centered angle of the courtyard's northern portico, much

like the basilica's slight misalignment, can similarly be

explained by the necessity to include yet another important site,

namely the stone altar, in this case an outcropping of indigenous

rock, upon which was to have taken place Abrahamls sacrifice of

Isaac. 62 The inclusion of this site became all the more imperative

considering the fact that this Biblical event was perceived as a

direct reference to the Passion and symbolic pre-figuration of

the martyrdom of Christ. 63

On a symbolic level therefore, the appearance of this site within

a few meters of Golgotha is not surprising.

What is unexpected however is the fact that this site, formerly

60 Ousterhout, Robert; "The Temple, the Sepulchre, and the Marryrion of the Savior". Cesta, vol XXIXj29, 1990, p.46. 61 Situated midway between the site of the Crucifixion of Christ and that of his Resurrection, it epitomized the quintessential spiritual balance point between Life, Death and Rebirth, representing in a distilled fashion the leitmotif for the entire cosmic spiritual drama. 62 The appearance of the Stone of Melchisedeck was first reported by the Pilgrim of Piacenza in 570. See Grabar, Oleg; The Shape of the Ho!J: Ear!J Is/amie Jerusa/em. Princeton University Press, New Jersey, 1996, p.29. 63 The sacrifice of Isaac representing a theme of deliverance, i.e. Isaac as a paradigm of the Eucharist. See

30

acknowledged as belonging on the Rock of the Temple Mount, has

seemingly migrated from there to its new location within the

Sepulchre complex.

This brings up an interesting relationship between the Sepulchre

and the Temple that should be noted. Although there is no strict

architectural parallel between the two buildings, in many

essential respects the Holy Sepulchre, from a Christian

perspective, begins to take over much of the ritual and symbolic

importance which was previously held by the Temple of Solomon,

holiest of aIl places according to pre-Christian Biblical

tradition. 64 In effect, the Sepulchre becomes the New Temple, and

the tomb of Christ is already referred to as "the Holy of Holies"

in the chronicles of Eusebius. 65 This critical and deeply symbolic

fact is abundantly attested to by the relocation of the most

religiously important sites from their previous position on Mount

Moriah to new locations within the open court yard facing the

Anastasis Rotunda.

This migrational phenomenon manifests itself quite early in the

folklore surrounding the Sepulchre's history. Indeed,

Apostolos-Cappadona, Diane; Art, Creativiry and the S acred . . Crossroad Press, New York, 1984, p.ll1. 64 Ousterhout, Robert; "The Temple, the Sepulchre, and the Martyrion of the Savior", Cesta, vol XXIX/l,1990, pAS.

the

31

connection between the Holy Sepulchre wi th the Temple seems to

have existed since its inception and demonstrates a desire for

the early Christians to root their faith within the prophesies of

the Old Testament. 66

As early as the sixth century the Breviarius67 emphatically notes

the presence of many previously distant sites within all parts of

the Sepulchre complex. For example, R. Ousterhout' s outstanding

article on the subject reports the following instance:

In the fourth century the Pilgrim of Bordeaux saw on the Temple Mount "an altar which has on it the blood of Zacharias -you would think it had only been shed today," as well as the footprints of the soldiers that killed him. By the sixth century, the site had migrated and the author of the Breviarius saw the "altar where holy Zacharias was killed, and his blood dried there," in front of the Tomb of Christ. 68

What is interesting to note however is the fact that this site,

formerly acknowledged as belonging on the Rock of the Temple

Mount, has seemingly migrated from there to i ts new location

within the Sepulchre complex. Such migrations are not altogether

unusual. They represent a clustering phenomenon which is designed

to add greater spiritual depth and historical layering to a site.

In fact, by the sixth century, sacred sites such as the Altar of

65 Ibid, p.4S. 66 Ibid, p.46. 67 The Breviarius dates back to the middle of the fifth century and is one of the earliest known surviving pilgrim's guide books to the Holy Land. 68 Ousterhout Richard: "The Temple, the Sepulchre and the Martyrion of the Savior". Cesta, vol XXIX/l, 1990, p46.

32

Abraham, 69 formerly associated with the Altar of the Temple, and

most notably the Omphalos Mundi had also firmly established

themselves within the Sepulchre complex, namely within the inner

court yard which stood before the Anastasis. 70

Legend also identifies the Rotunda' s atrium as being the same

Temple court from which Jesus, in a fit of rage, cast out the

merchants and money changers who were profaning its sacrality.71

According to the pilgrim Egeria,72 in the same chapel that housed

the wood of the cross, pilgrims could also see Temple relics such

as the Horn of Anointing as weIl as the pentagramed Ring of

Solomon, used to seal and subordinate demons as weIl as the jars

in which the demons were imprisoned. 73

Finally, the rock of Calvary74 also came to be identified with the

69 Altar of Abraham, where the life of his son Isaac was offered as a devotional sacrifice to God was clearly perceived as a symbolic pre-figuration of Christ's sacrifice upon the cross. It is not surprising therefore that this particular site eventually migrated and early on came to be closely identified with the rock of Calvary. Indeed, according to the Breviarius , the sacrifice of Abraham was to have taken place "in the very place where the Lord was crucified". See Richard Ousterhout; "The Temple, the Sepulchre and the Martyrion of the Savior". Gesta, vol XXIX/l,1990, p.47. 70 Ousterhaut Richard: "The Temple, the Sepulchre and the Martyrion of the Savior". Gesta, vol XXIX/l, 1990, p.47. 71 Ibid, p.47. 72 We donlt know when Egeria lived, but it was sometime between the fourth and seventh centuries AD. Egeria was born somewhere in the western part of the Roman Empire, perhaps in Galicia, in modern Spain, or in Massilia (Marseilles). Possibly a member of a religious order, Egeria made a three-year visit to the Holy Land and wrote down her observations in a book called Itinerarium Egeriae. While the beginning and end are lost, the middle part of Egerials writing survived as the Codex Aretinus, which was copied at Monte Cassino in the eleventh century. See Curtis, Ken; "GLIMPSES". Issue #129 published by Christian History Institute, Worcester PA, 2003. 73 Ousterhaut Richard: "The Temple, the Sepulchre and the Martyrion of the Savior". Gesta, vol XXIX/l, 1990, p.47. 74 The rock of Calvary itself consists of a vertical block of stone measuring 10 or Il meters, which must have remained isolated in the corner of the ancient quarry. By the time of Christ, earth had accumulated around the block leaving only its top showing, in the manner of a skull cap or ca/va in latin. (Similarly, Golgotha means "place of the

33

very spot where the creation and entombment of Adam was said to

have taken place, thereby confirming Christ as the "Second Adam"

and the "Son of Man". This site had formerly belonged to the

altar of the Temple of Solomon. 75 The crucifixion of Christ on

Cal vary therefore redeems the Original Sin of Humani ty on the

very spot where it had initially taken place. 76

In the words of John Donne:

We think that paradise and Calvary, Christ's cross and Adam's tree, stood in one place Look Lord, and find both Adams met in me. 77

To the medieval believer, who enjoyed a great fluidity regarding

symbolic and analogical thought, this mystical transference was

seen through the eyes of faith rather than through the eyes of

critical deduction. The very issue of logical implausibility

paled into insignificance when confronted with the more important

necessities of religious and symbolic integrity.

Similarly to the configuration found at the Sepulchre, the basic

layout of Herod' s Temple consisted of an open court yard which

gave way to a free-standing and eastward facing building in the

center of which stood the Holy of Holies, the Ark of the Covenant

skull" in Hebrew.) See Coüasnon, Charles: The Church if the HolJ Sepulchre in Jerusalem. The Schweich Lectures of the British Academy, 1972; Oxford University Press, London, 1974, p.39. 75 Coüasnon, Charles. The Church if the HolJ Sepulchre in Jerusalem. The Schweich Lectures of the British Academy. Oxford University Press; London, 1974, p.39-40. 76 Ibd, pAO. 77 Donne, John; Hymn to Cod, my Cod, in my sickness. Donne, John. Poems if John Donne~ vol!. E. K. Chambers, ed.

34

containing the Tablets of the Law.

The Constantinian arrangement essentially recreates this order

within a completely new religious context whereby the importance

and the meaning of the Ark is symbolically transferred to the

Tomb of Christ, the ultimate symbol of the New Covenant with

God. 78

The final structure of the complex, indeed that for which aIl the

others merely comprise a prelude, is the Anastasis Rotunda

proper. With reference to this most important of structures, we

are fortunate insofar as the archaeological and historical data

provide a somewhat more complete picture than the one available

for the basilica. [Figures 11 and 12]

Unfortunately, the texts left us by Eusebius could not provide us

with a description of the Anastasis itself, owing to the fact

that the commencement of work on the Rotunda79 postdates the

London: Lawrence & Bullen, 1896, p.211-212. 78 Ousterhout, Richard;_"The Temple, the Sepulchre and the Martyrion of the Savior". Gesta, vol XXIX/l, 1990, p.48-50. 79 The debate concerning the date of the Anastasis' construction are neatly summed up in a footnote by Krautheimer which reads "Much remains unclear in the Anastasis, beginning with the date of construction. Perhaps the structure was not yet built, or at least not yet completed, in 336, when Eusebius last visited J erusalem. On the other hand, the sermons of Cyril of J erusalem, c. 350, seem to have been delivered inside the building, and towards the end of the fourth century, Aetheria-Egeria reports seeing the Rotunda. Hence the Constantinian date proposed by Vincent and Abel is possibly too early, while the sixth-century date suggested by Dyggve is certainly too late. Wistrad arrives correctly perhaps at a date between 340 and 350". See Krautheimer, Richard; EarIY Christian and Byzantine Architecture. Penguin Books, Baltimore, 1975. Footnote p.489.

35

completion of his chronicles in 340 AD. 8D

Other sources of information remain however, most notably the

original foundation walls, which have survived in spite of the

vicissitudes of time, and still stand up to the level of the

arcades reaching a height of 11 meters. 81

Since the whole of the masonry work on the ground floor of the

Rotunda is of the fourth century, we are privileged te have a

precise impression of the layout of the original Constantinian

structure. From this evidence, we can ascertain that the

Constantinian Anastasis consisted of a circular building having a

total diameter of 36.50 meters. 82 The ambulatory level however was

of irregular circularity owing to the presence of two lateral

vestibules on the northeast and southeast corners of the

structure. 83

At this point, the description provided by the Frankish bishop

Arculf, who traveled to the Holy Land in 670 AD, becomes

particularly useful. His chronicles state:

This very large church, aIl of it built of stone, is wonderfully round on every side, rising from its foundations in three walls, by which one roof is elevated to a great height, having a broad space for a passage between each wall and the nexti in three ingeniously constructed places of the

80 Coüasnon, Charles: The Church of the Ho!J Sepulchre in Jerusalem. The Schweich Lectures of the British Academy, 1972; Oxford University Press, London, 1974, p.21. 81 Ibid, p.17. 82 Ibid, p.35. 83 Ibid, p.26.

36

middle wall there are also three altars. Twelve stone columns of wonderful magnitude sus tain this round and lofty church, which has the altars above mentioned, one looking to the south, another to the north, and the third to the west. It has twice four gatesi that is, four means of entrance through the three solid walls, the space-passage being intersected in straight linesi of these four places of exit look towards the north- east, and the other four look towards the south-east. 84

This description draws particular attention to the three niches,

those which Arculf calls the "three ingenuously constructed

places of the middle wall" projecting from the ambulatory, which

firmly establish the axes of the structure. 8S [Figure 13]

Beginning with the entrance, we notice a definite break in the

otherwise consistent circularity of the structure as a whole.

Indeed, digs conducted in 1970 by Charles Coüasnon have revealed

foundations which indicate that the Anastasis most definitely had

a rectilinear eastern façade which was adorned by a monumental

colonnaded portico. 86

As pointed out by Arculf, entrance to the Anastasis was gained

through two sets of quadruple doors each leading into vestibules

situated at the north-east and south-east corners of

84 Bernard, John H; The Ubrary rifthe Palestine Pilgrim's Text sociery. A.M.S Press, New York, NY, 1971, p.29. 85 The northern and southern niches were inscribed within the massively built wall whereas the western one (back) was partly hewn out of the native stone. Each niche rises to a height of 11 meters and measures roughly 6 meters in diameter. These niches are noteworthy because they will have a significant influence on later imitations of the Holy Sepulchre as we shall see in the following chapters. Niche measurements taken from Stern, Ephraim (editor); The New Enryclopaedia rif Archaeological Excavations in the Ho!J Land. The Israel Exploration Society, Simon & Shuster Press, 1993, p.781. 86 Coüasnon, Charles: The Church rif the Ho!J Sepulchre in Jerusalem. The Schweich Lectures of the British Academy,

the

37

structure. Indeed, parts of the western wall, including elements

of the original doorways, survive to this day to a considerable

height and are now incorporated in the façade of the Catholicon. 87

[Figure 14]

The net resul t of this type of arrangement therefore gi ves the

Anastasis a break in its overall rotundity, at least at the

foundational level.

The main internal support system, which encircled the Sepulchre

itself, measured 20 meters in diameter88 and further emphasized

the cardinal arrangement of the edifice. Although Arculf only

mentions the columnar supports, the complete set of supports

consisted of four pairs of massive square pillars arranged once

again at the cardinal points, and four sets of three columns

occupying the diagonal angles in between these. 89

This type of configuration therefore gives us a total comprising

8 pillars and 12 columns, a significant numerical symbolism

which, as we shall see, will not go unnoticed by the keenly

developed numerological sensitivity of the many subsequent

chroniclers and European designers of the Rotunda's medieval

imitations.

1972; Oxford University Press, London, 1974, p.32-34. 87 Stern, Ephraim (editor); The New Enryclopaedia of Archaeological Excavations in the Hob Land. The Israel Exploration Society, Simon & Shuster Press, 1993, p.781. 88 Bresc-Bautier, Geneviève; "Les imitations du Saint Sépulcre de Jérusalem: Archéologie d'une dévotion '; Revue d'Histoire de la Spiritualité. Vol 50, 1974, p.334. 89 Coüasnon, Charles: The Chur ch of the Hob Sepulchre in Jerusalem. The Schweich Lectures of the British Academy,

38

Whether this system of supports upheld a set of galleries cannot

be strictly confirmed, but the opinion of most scholars and

structural specialists would tend to suggest their presence. 90

Another issue which remains unclear is the question concerning

the nature of the roofing. It is not precisely known whether the

roof of the Anastasis consisted of a proper dome or of a cone-

shaped covering, nor whether the construction material consisted

of stone masonry or of wood. There is general agreement however

that the roof almost certainly had an open oculus at its apex,

much in the fashion of the Pantheon in Rome. 91

Those who support the theory of a conical superstructure point to

the description of the tomb aedicula provided by Antonius Martyr

in 530 AD:

The tomb, which is, as it were in the shape of a cone, is covered up with silver and an altar is placed before the tomb

1972; Oxford University Press, London, 1974, p.32-34. 90 Vigilio Corbo, Ephraim Stem and Richard Krautheimer all maintain that the Anastasis had a set of upper galleries. See Stem, Ephraim (editor); The New Enryclopaedia of Archaeological Excavations in the Hojy Land. The Israel Exploration Society, Simon & Shuster Press, 1993, p.781., as well as: Krautheimer, Richard; Earjy Christian and Byzantine Architecture, Penguin Boos, Baltimore, 1975, p.78. Only Charles Coüasnon seems to hesitate on this point. ln his opinion, a set of galleries above the ambulatory may well have been present but for lack of conclusive evidence, no firm conclusion can be drawn. In counterpoint, he proposes the following alternative: "When Arculf speaks of the upper-floor columns, 1 do not think that he can be alluding to a gallery, or gynaeceum, from which women watched the ceremonies. One does not get the impression that Egeria looked down, from a height of eleven meters, upon the ceremonies in the Rotunda. The gynaeceum, where women wer~ bumt during the fires started by the Persians, could only have been wooden stands, added later to the deambulatory, which was very high and measured 12 meters beneath its roof.". See Coüasnon, Charles. The Church of the Hojy Sepulchre in Jerusalem. The Schweich Lectures of the British Academy. Oxford University Press; London, 1974, p.32. 91 Stem, Ephraim (editor); The New Enryclopaedia of Archaeological Excavations in the Hojy Land. The Israel Exploration Society, Simon & Shuster Press, 1993, p.781.

39

beneath the golden rays of the sun. 92

They argue that if the covering of the tomb aedicula was conical

then it stands to reason that the same would apply to the

covering of the Anastasis as well. 93

The most compelling evidence concerning the shape of the roof

however, cornes from early Christian depictions of the Anastasis.

These include the apse mosaic of the 5th century church of Santa

Pudenziana in Rome (390-417 AD) [Figure 15], the mosaic of the

Holy Women at the Tomb of Christ in the Church of St. Apollinare

Nuovo (c 500 AD) in Ravenna, and the depictions shown on the

Monza ampullae and on the Sancta Sanctorum casket (now in the

Vatican Museum). All these early depictions are consistent in

their representation of the Anastasis and all strongly support

the hypothesis that the centre room was indeed surmounted by a

dome.

Lastly, the later domical reconstruction by Modestus (carried out

from 614 to 618 AD), would tend to favour the hypothesis which

maintains that the original Constantinian construction was

covered by a dome as well.

92 Bemard,John H; The Iibrary of the Palestine Pilgrim's Tex! society. A.M.S Press, New York, NY, 1971, p.27. 93 Both Virgilio Corbo as weil as Vincent & Abel support the theory of a cone shaped roof for the Anastasis. See Kazhdan, A.P; The O>ford Dictionary ofByzan!ium. Oxford University Press, Oxford, 1991. Vol3, p.1870.

40

Regarding the question of the materials used for the covering,

the architect and Sepulchral historian Father Charles Coüasnon,

after analyzing the weight-bearing potential of the interior

support system as well as that of the outer foundation walls,

cornes to the conclusion that these could not have borne the

weight of a masonry superstructure. Based on these architectonie

calculations, he therefore concludes that the roof must have been

by structural necessity a wood beam construction. 94

Finally, concerning the tomb aedicula itself, the focal point of

the edifice, it is described by Arculf as a small structure

constructed of marble which comprised of two rooms, the first a

small devotional antechamber and the second, the rock eut tomb of

Christ itself. 95 [Figures 16 and 17]

Externally, the structure was surrounded by engaged columns and

surmounted by a cone-shaped covering. Within the tomb, which was

entered by a very low opening, the dimensions were indeed that of

a small grotto measuring 2.2 meters in height, 2 meters in length

and approximately 1.5 meters in width. 96 To put things in medieval

terms however, Arculf's chronicle states that the height of the

94 Coüasnon, Charles: The Church if the Ho!J S epu!chre in Jerusalem. The Schweich Lectures of the British Academy, 1972; Oxford University Press, London, 1974, p.36. This view is supported as weil by Stern, Ephraim (editor); The New Enryclopaedia if Archaeological Excavations in the Ho!J Land. The Israel Exploration Society, Simon & Shuster Press, 1993, p.781. 95 Stern, Ephraim (editor); The New Enryclopaedia if Archaeological Excavations in the Ho!J Land. The Israel Exploration Society, Simon & Shuster Press, 1993, p.781. 96 Coüasnon, Charles: The Church if the Ho!J Sepulchre in Jerusalem. The Schweich Lectures of the British Academy, 1972; Oxford University Press, London, 1974, p37.

41

chamber was "one and a half feet higher than a rather tall man" 97

and then goes on to describe the length and width of the space by

remarking that it had room for nine people. 98 Immediately to the

right of the entrance was the only feature wi thin the modest

room, a small arcosolium where the Body of Christ was laid to

rest. 99

It should be noted that the Tomb aedicula does not occupy the

exact center of the Anastasis but is offset slightly to the west

of center, possibly to allow for a larger gathering space for the

faithful before the Holy of Holies, most notably during the

important Easter ceremonies. 100

This slight offsetting however does not detract from the

essential impression of centrality which the entire edifice

radiates. Indeed, what we have are a series of ever increasing

concentric centers, from the aedicula to the inner ring of

supports, from the inner ring to the outer walls, from the outer

walls to the center of Jerusalem and from the center of Jerusalem

to the center of the world, all emanating from this most sacred

and most centralised point.

97 Krautheimer, Richard: "Introduction to an "Iconography of Mediaeval Architecture"". Journal of the Courtauld and Warbm;g Institutes, V; 1942, p.12. 98 Ibid, p.12 99 Ibid, p.12. 100 Stern, Ephraim (editor); The New Enryclopaedia of Archaeological Excavations in the Hob Land. The Israel Exploration Society, Simon & Shuster Press, 1993, p.781.

42

PART 2

SUBSEQUENT RECONSTRUCTIONS OF THE HOLY SEPULCHRE; 614-1120 A.D.

(A): The reconstruction by Modestus; 614- 1 009 A. D.

In 614, Jerusalem was taken by the Persians under the rule of

Chosroes II who first ordered the Sepulchre closed and then

subsequently burned. The structure apparently suffered relatively

light structural damage in the fire and permission to repair and

rebuild is granted in 616, achieving completion in 618 under the

supervision of the patriarch Modestus. 101 102

From what can be ascertained of the reconstruction, almost aIl

the textual and archaeological evidence confirms the fact that

the seventh century planners entirely retained the original

layout of the complex. 103 Concerning the precise decorative

details of the renovation however very little is known although

we can be quite certain that this second incarnation of the

101 Duckworth H.T: The Chureh rifthe Ho(y Sepulchre. Hodder and Stoughton Limited, London, 1900, p.154. 102 Under the initial Persian occupation many Christian churches are pillaged including the Holy Sepulchre. Most notably the Holy Cross is removed from the Sepulchre complex and kept as ransom by the Persians. Jerusalem is recapturedby the Byzantines in 630 AD. The Emperor Heraclius stages a triumphant retum with the recovered Cross. Oleg Grabar proposes that the events referring to the Persian conquest were exaggerated by Christian Byzantine chroniclers for poli tic al and propagandistic purposes. lndeed, The Persians were hardly present in J erusalem which they regarded as a secondary outpost. Their main center of operation was along the coast and centered around Caesarea. See Grabar, Oleg; The Shape rifthe Ho(y: Bar(y Is/amie Jerusa/em. New Jersey, Princeton University Press, 1996, p.41-44. 103 Grabar, Oleg; The Shape rifthe Ho(y: Bar(y Is/amie Jerusa/em. New Jersey, Princeton University Press, 1996, p.42.

43

Sepulchre was distinctly inferior in glory and splendour, this

owing to records complaining of a chronic lack of funds from the

Emperor Heraclius whose treasury was exhausted by a variety of

military campaigns as weIl as otherorganisational demands within

the empire. 104

AlI in aIl however, we can infer that this incident left the

Sepulchre complex relatively unchanged at least in relation to

its basic layout, if not however in regards to its original

decorative details. Certain elements such as the roofing, the

decor and the furnishings had been destroyed or damaged but on

the whole, the great work remained as it was. 10S

An element which is especially noteworthy about this particular

phase of the reconstruction is that it is the first for which we

have any sort of rough plan or sketch upon which we can base our

studies. This first visual evidence is provided by the pilgrim

Arculf who visited the Holy land circa 670 AD. [Figure 18]

It must be borne in mind however that this plan was not made in

si tu, but was verbally dictated by Arculf to Bede after his

return to Adamnanus and then recorded by the latter, making it

such that the rough sketch, valuable as it is, cannot be depended

104 Coüasnon, Charles: The Church of the Ho!J Sepulchre in Jerusalem. The Schweich Lectures of the British Academy, 1972; Oxford University Press, London, 1974, p.17. 105 Grabar, Oleg; The Shape of the Ho!J: Ear!J Islamic Jerusalem. New Jersey, Princeton University Press, 1996, p.41.

44

upon regarding the precise relative positions of the several

sites. 106

What is of particular interest in Arculf' s plan is the obvious

disregard for the complex as a whole (the basilica and the first

atrium are ignored) and his almost exclusive focus on the

Anastasis itself and especially the element of its circularity.

It is apparent that Arculf's plan was never intended to provide

information of a precise and complete nature. Rather, Arculf has

limited his choice of elements to only the select few which he

regarded as essential for the understanding of the structure' s

religious and symbolic significance.

As we shall see, this type of selective approach towards

architectural reproductions will also be noted in the many

archi tectural copies of the Sepulchre in Europe and seems to

denote a typically medieval fascination with only a few essential

symbolic facets of a given edifice.

106 Duckworth H.T: The Church rifthe Ho!J Sepulchre. Hodder and Stoughton Limited, London, 1900, p.154.

45

(8): The Reconstruction of Constantine

Monomachus, 1030-1120.

Following these events, the Sepulchre knew approximately four

centuries of relative peace and security.

The next significant phase of the Sepulchre's history however was

to be far more devastating and profoundly transformational than

anything which it had known before, affecting the complex as a

whole right down to its most basic elements of layout and

structure.

Social and political troubles in Palestine began to reach a

crisis point in the years straddling the turn of the millennium

when tensions had once again become strained between Christians

and the ruling Muslim Fatimid dynasties. In 985, the chronicler

Mukhadaseh clearly noted the deteriorating cultural and religious

situations within the Holy City. Concerning these he writes:

Learned men of Islam are few, and Christians many, and the same are unmannerly. Everywhere Jews and Christians have the upper hand, and the mosque is void of either congregation or assembly of learned men. 107

107 Moore, Elinore; The Ancient Churches of Jerusalem: the Evidence of the Pilgrims. The Catholic Press, Beirut. 1961, p.32.

46

It was perhaps because of this uneven distribution of power

coupled with the growing independence of the Christians which led

to the persecutions by the Muslim authori ties which started in

100S. In that year, the Easter ceremonies were banned in

Jerusalem and many of the prominent members of the Christian

community were seized and strung up by their hands for several

days andnights, resulting in the death of an undetermined number

due to exposure. 108

In the following year 1009, Jerusalem's Fatimid caliph Al-Hakim,

the so called "mad caliph", 109 in a final act of retaliation for

alleged Byzantine attacks on Muslim buildings in

Constantinople, 110 orders a certain Baruch of Ramleh to have the

Christian complex razed to the ground "Until aIl traces of it

have disappeared and to endeavour to uproot its foundations" .111

The caliph's instructions are carried out to the letter.

Beginning on the lS th of October 1009 the entire eastern end of

the complex (including the entrance atrium and the entirety of

the basilica) is completely destroyed and is alas never destined

to rise again. The Anastasis as weIl is almost completely

dismantled, leaving only the lower foundation walls up to the

108 Ibid, p.33. 109 Grabar, Oleg; The shape of the Ho!J, Bar!J Is/amie Jerusa/em. Princeton University Press, NJ. 1996; p.142. 110 ibid, p.142 111 Coüasnon, Charles: The Chureh of the Ho!J Sepulchre in Jerusa/em. The Schweich Lectures of the British Academy, 1972; Oxford University Press, London, 1974, p.19.

47

level of the arcades (roughly 11 meters), which apparently

resisted aIl efforts of demo1ition. The fact remains however that

for aIl intents and purposes the entire complex is reduced to

little more than a pile of rubble. 112

Following the death of Al-Hakim in 1025, the situation of

political, cultural and religious tension began to ease somewhat.

His successor, Malek ed Daher, after a defeat by the Greeks in

1030, concluded a treaty with Byzantium in the following terms:

In exchange for aIl Muslim prisoners, the Emperor obtains the right to rebuild the Church of the Resurrection, to establish a Patriarch in Jerusalem, and for the Christians in the Caliphate to rebuild and restore their churches, except those that had been converted into Mosques. ll3

As stipulated in the terms of the treaty, only the "Church of the

Resurrection" namely the Anastasis and its porticoed court yard

are to be rebuilt. 114 [Figures 19 and 20]

Delays occurred in the rebuilding program however, mainly due to

political instability within the Byzantine empire as weIl as a

reported short age of funds needed for such an ambitious

project. 115 Thus, reconstruction only began in 1042, when

Constantine IX Monomachus, a noted patron of re1igious

112 Grabar, Oleg; The shape of the Ho!J, Ear!J Islamic Jerusalem. Princeton University Press, NJ. 1996; p.142. 113 Moore, Elinore; The Ancient Churches of Jerusalem: the Evidence of the Pilgrims. The Catholic Press, Beirut. 1961, p.33. 114 Ibid, p.34. 115 Ousterhout, Robert; "Rebuilding the Temple; Constantine Monomachus and the Holy Sepulchre". Journal of the Society of Architectural Histonans, March 1989, vol XLVIII #1, p.70.

48

architecture, acceded to the throne of Byzantium. The emperor

made the Holy Sepulchre one of his first priorities, immediately

securing the neces$ary funds. 116 From this point onwards the

building program proceeded swiftly, reaching full completion by

1048. 117

As rebuilt, the Byzantine Holy Sepulchre was much more modest

than the fourth century complex it was replacing.

The physical consequences of this episode resul ted in only a

partial reconstruction of the original ensemble. As a result, the

significant alterations of this near total reconstruction are

many. First and foremost, the fundamental layout of the greatly

reduced site is consolidated and synthesized, demanding a radical

condensation of the formerly axially aligned complex.

Fortunately most of the spiritually significant sites were

already contained within the western end of the complex with the

notable exception of the underground grotto of the invention

which remained buried below the rubble of the basilica. 11B

116 On the topic of funding, Ousterhout notes: "Funding was provided by Constantinople, and a Byzantine nobleman, Ioannes Karianitis, who had retired in J erusalem, acted as the intermediary to obtain the necessary subsidies from the imperial fisc. This information is provided by William of Tyre, who chronicles the rededication of the building in 1048". See Ousterhout, Robert; "Rebuilding the Temple; Constantine Monomachus and the Holy Sepulchre". Journal of the Society of Architectural Histonans, March 1989, vol XLVIII #1, p.70. 117 Coüasnon, Charles: The Church of the Hofy Sepulchre in Jerusalem. The Schweich Lectures of the British Academy, 1972; Oxford University Press, London, 1974, p.20. 118 The Grotto of the Invention refers to the site where St. Helena is said to have rediscovered the True Cross upon which Christ was crucified. It was located beneath the nave of the basilica and therefore was rendered inaccessible following the destruction of this structure. This problem was subsequently solved during the Crusader reconstruction (1099-1140) by the digging of a lateral staircase leading down in an easterly direction from the courtyard in order to once more gain access to the underground site. See Stern, Ephraim (editor); The New Ençyclopaedia of Archaeological Excavations in the Hofy Land. The Israel Exploration Society, Simon & Shuster Press,

49

The new restrictive spatial limitations imposed on the architects

demanded that the many sacred sit~s be distilled and concentrated

into a much smaller area. It therefore became imperative that the

spiritual and symbolic essence, if not the physical extent of the

original site, be maintained. To this end, a series of chapels

were added to the eastern extremi ty of the newly reconstructed

court yard. Because of their closely grouped proximity one to the

other as weIl as the strict linear fashion in which they are

arrayed, this new configuration of chapels gave the site a higher

degree of formaI organization than it had formerly known in its

Constantinian incarnation. 119

Interestingly, the previously noted migrational phenomenon of the

sixth century is resumed with an even greater vigour. 120 New

spiritually significant sites are introduced to the location,

thereby weaving additional threads into the already rich

historical, mythological and symbolic fabric of the Anastasis

court yard area.

starting at the Northeast corner of the court yard, where in the

6th century configuration we had only the site commonly believed

to be that of Abraham's sacrifice, we now also have overlaid upon

1993, p.780. 119 Ousterhout, Robert; "Rebuilding the Temple; Constantine Monomachus and the Holy Sepulchre". Journal of the Society of Architectural Histonans, March 1989, vol XLVIII #1, p.71. 120 Ibid, p.66-78.

50

this latter a chapel representing the prison of Christ. 121 [Figure

21]. Next in line along the courtyard's eastern wall and

following a southerly axis, we encounter the new chapel erected

on the supposed site of the flagellation, followed by another

chapel dedicated to the crowning of thorns, and yet further along

the eastern wall, the location where Christ's garments were

di vided by the legionnaires. 122

This series of chapels reaches its point of culmination in what

remains by far the most important of these commemorative sites,

namely, the new Chapel of the Crucifixion situated in the south-

east corner of the court yard atop the outcropping of indigenous

rock traditionally held to be the location of Golgotha. At the

base of the rock, a small chapel dedicated to the creation and

entombment of Adam makes its appearance, finally concretizing in

architectural form what had previously existed only as an

apocryphal legend. 123

Once again, the geographic implausibility of this type of

arrangement did not seem to greatly preoccupy the eleventh

century designers of the new complex. Rather, their foremost

concern seems to have been the creation of a meaningful and

121 Ibid, p.71. 122 Ibid, p.71. 123 Coüasnon, Charles: The Church 0/ the Ho!;; Sepulchre in Jerusalem. The Schweich Lectures of the British Academy,

51

richly layered symbolic series of related spaces in order to

recreate in a greatly synthesized, systematized and distilled

form, a Via Dolorosa124 in miniature. 125

In a symbolic sense the new Holy Sepulchre "became" Jerusalem.

Through its the Byzantine reconstruction the site was transformed

into a Christian microcosm, the distilled essence of the Passion

experienced by Christ, with sites and relics from throughout the

ci ty incorporated into the complex. 126

New chapels are also added to the southern and northern flanks of

the Rotunda. To the south of the Anastasis, we find a chapel

dedicated to St. James, followed by a a baptistery and a chapel

dedicated to St. John the Baptist. 127

Counterbalancing these, we find to the immediate north of the

Anastasis the chapel dedicated to the Virgin Mary (forming with

1972; Oxford University Press, London, 1974, p.40. 124 A Via Dolorosa is a symbolic re-creation of the various stages (14 in ail) of Christ' s passion. The fourteen stations are as foilows: (1) The judgment of Pilate; (2) the taking of the cross; (3) Christ's first fail; (4) Christ's meeting with rus mother; (5) The bearing of the cross by Simon of Cyrene; (6) the wiping of Christ's face with a handkercruefby St. Veronica; (7) Christ's second fail; (8) Christ's word to the women ofJerusalem, "Weep not for me"; (9) Christ's trurd fail; (10) Christ stripped of his garments; (11) the cruciflXion; (12) Christ's death; (13) the descent from the cross; (14) the burial. 125 Other than the desire for integrity and the condensation of sacred sites, the pragmatic need for this unprecedented migration of sites was also due to the difficulties associated with Christian worsrup in the other areas of the Muslim city. See Richard Ousterhout; "The Temple, the Sepulchre and the Martyrion of the Savior", Cesta, vol xx/2, 1981, p.17. 126 On trus topic Ousterhout notes: "In the version of the 7);pikon of J erusalem employed during the l1th century, verses read in the courtyard during the Good Friday service refer specificaily to each event (of the passion), and the proximity of the chapels and relics to the worsruppers would have heightened the sense of the real presence of the commemorated events". See Ousterhout, Robert; "Rebuilding the Temple; Constantine Monomachus and the Holy Sepulchre". Journal of the Society of Architectural His/orians, March 1989, vol XLVIII #1, p.78. 127 Ibid, p.78.

52

the chapel of St. John an interesting intercessor's motif

popularized in many apocryphal stories relating to the day of

judgment) as weIl as the Byzantine Patriarchate. 128

Insofar as the Anastasis itself is concerned, the reconstruction

appears to have adhered closely to the form of the fourth century

Rotunda. 129

The most significant occurrence in this regard is the fact that

the 4th century foundation walls, which had previously defied

demolition in 1009, are conserved by the Byzantine re-

constructors. Their decision to re-use these surviving walls

effectively preserved the original dimensions and form of the

Constantinian Anastasis. 130

The columns that separated the central space from the ambulatory

were re-erected on high bases, probably repeating the proportions

of the original according to Charles Coüasnon. 131 Furthermore, the

distinctive eight-pillared and twelve-columned internaI support

sequence of the original Constantinian structure was also adopted

128 The intercessor' s motif consists of Mary and John who stand on either side of Christ on the Day of J udgement and intercede for mercy on behalf of Humanity. This motif, here recreated in architectural form, can also be seen on many sculpted church and cathedral tympanums throughout the late Romanesque and early Gothic periods. The cathedrals of Chartres and Notre Dame de Paris boast excellent examples of these. This parallel was noted by Professor Hans Boker, Seminar comments for "Topics in Medievallconography", McGill Univeristy, April, 1996. 129 Ousterhout, Robert; "Rebuilding the Temple; Constantine Monomachus and the Holy Sepulchre". Journal of the Sociery of Architectural Histonans, March 1989, vol XLVIII #1, p.70. 130 Coüasnon, Charles: The Church of the Hob Sepulchre in Jerusalem. The Schweich Lectures of the British Academy, 1972; Oxford University Press, London, 1974, p.54. 131 Coüasnon, Charles: The Church of the Hob Sepulchre in Jerusalem. The Schweich Lectures of the British Academy,

53

and reproduced by the Byzantine re-constructors. 132

The set of galleries which these supports formerly upheld are

once again included in the new design. The series of supports for

this second storey however, consisted of a unique sequence of

alternating piers and columns which contrasts sharply with the

rhythm of one pier followed by three columns established on the

ground floor. A possible explanation for this may have been a

shortage of columns attested to by the extensive re-use of Roman

spolia in this part of the structure. 133

Above the gallery level, a closed-off clerestorey zone, which in

the fourth century Anastasis had been pierced by sets of windows,

is now articulated with blind arches into which mosaics were

inserted. This represents yet another unusual decorati ve motif,

especially if we take into consideration the marked lack of light

within the structure. 134

Finally, the roofing consisted of a cone shaped superstructure

(rather than a dome) made of wood and which once again had a

single oculus at its apex providing the only source of

1972; Oxford University Press, London, 1974. p27 -32. 132 Ousterhout, Robert; "Rebuilding the Temple; Constantine Monomachus and the Holy Sepulchre". Journal of the Society of Architectural Histonans, March 1989, vol XLVIII #1. p70 133 Ibid, p.70-71. 134 Ibid, p.71.

54

illumination for the building. 135

Due to the greatly reduced area and most notably to the loss of

the basilica in 1009, the Anastasis must now also assume the role

of the main church for the worship service and, to this end, a

large apse is added to the eastern façade, changing the

orientation of the structure along a more traditional West to

East line. 136

AlI these alterations had very profound repercussions on the

layout of the Holy Sepulchre, essentially transforming the

axially arranged Constantinian complex into a smaller clustered

complex centered around the Rotunda.

Owing to the extensive Crusader rebuilding of 1099, the Byzantine

Holy Sepulchre of Constantine Monomachus was a relatively short

lived construction, lasting less than 80 years (1042 to 1120

according to best estimates) It was nevertheless of great

significance for the history of medieval architecture for two

important reasons.

Firstly, this reconstruction marks a significant transformation

135 Coüasnon, Charles: The Church if the Ho!J Sepulchre in Jerusalem. The Schweich Lectures of the British Academy, 1972; Oxford University Press, London, 1974, p.28. 136 The apse of the Anastasis is known only from partial excavations; it was removed by the Crusaders in the following century. See Ousterhout, Robert; "Rebuilding the Temple; Constantine Monomachus and the Holy Sepulchre". Journal if the S ociery if Architectural Histonans, March 1989, vol XL VIn #1, p.70.

55

for the site. Indeed, this phase in its history represents the

passage of the Sepulchre from an essentially late Roman-early

Christian monument to a truly medieval one. 137

Secondly, given the fact that the extensive Crusader

reconstruction of the site only began in 1120,138 it is therefore

the impression of the Byzantine version which the first

generation of conquering western knights, scholars, traveling

clergy and pious pilgrims brought back home to Europe following

the recapture of Jerusalem in 1099. 139

The Byzantine Holy Sepulchre therefore stood at a critical

juncture in time, namely one of very considerable contact between

the West and Palestine. Indeed, it represented, if only in a

symbolic fashion, the ul timate goal of the crusades (The

liberation of the tomb of Christ) and as such, it directly

inspired many of the 11th and 12th century European imitations

such as Santo Stefano in Bologna, the Baptistery at Pisa as weIl

as the Holy Sepulchre in Cambridge. 140

137 On thls topic Ousterhout notes: "If we make allowances for the unique nature of the site and the reuse of the fourth century elements, the restoration of the Holy Sepulchre fits weil into our picture of middle Byzantine architecture. In thls respect, the abandonment of the Early Christian basilica is not surprising: churches generally decreased in size in the Byzantine period. Still, the Holy Sepulchre was huge by Byzantine standards". See Ousterhout, Robert; "Rebuilding the Temple; Constantine Monomachus and the Holy Sepulchre". Journal of the Society of Architectural Histonans, March 1989, vol XLVIII #1, p.72. 138 Stern, Ephraim (editor); The New Ençyclopaedia of Archaeological Excavations in the Ho!J Land. The Israel Exploration Society, Simon & Shuster Press, 1993, p.780. 139 Ousterhout, Robert; "Rebuilding the Temple; Constantine Monomachus and the Holy Sepulchre". Journal of the Society of Architectural Histonans, March 1989, vol XLVIII #1, p.69.

56

CHAPTER TWO

The European Copies of the Holy Sepulchre.

In discussing the influences of the Holy Sepulchre on

Carolingian and Romanesque structures in western Europe, one must

bear in mind that very few if any of these "imitations" have

anything but a passing physical resemblance to the original.

Indeed, many have little or no architectural resemblance

whatsoever wi th the Anastasis, the only link to the original

edifice being in their dedication. 141

Of the edifices which are in fact structurally based on certain

formal elements of the original Jerusalemite monument, many

modern observers would altogether fail to see anything other than

the merest incidental similarity. 142

This fact says as much about our contemporary notions of

imitation as it does about those of the Middle-Ages.

It is hoped that through an attentive study of a certain number

140 Krautheimer, Richard; "Introduction to an "Iconography of Mediaeval Architecture"", Journal of the Courtauld and Warburgh institutes, 1942, p.16. 141 Ibid, p.16. 142 A small octagonal structure for example was often deemed a proper imitation of the Anastasis' circularity.

57

of these "copies" we will be better able to understand the

medieval attitude towards the concept of "imitation" in general.

What for instance were their primary concerns regarding the

complex issues of symbolic and formaI reproduction? What did they

consider of pre-eminent importance and conversely, what did they

choose to disregard as secondary or unimportant? Finally, why are

these omissions so conspicuous and idiosyncratic to the modern

eye?

In order to better understand the nature of medieval immi ta tio

let us first examine the more outstanding examples of medieval

buildings which aim to imitate the Sepulchre.

PART 1

THE CHURCH OF St. MICHAEL AT FULDA.

The earliest known example of these imitative structures is

that of the early ninth century Carolingian Church of St. Michael

at Fulda. [Figure 22]. Commissioned by the Abbot Eigil and

possibly aided by the counsels of Rabanus Maurus of Fulda,

construction of the edifice was begun in 820 and reached swift

58

completion by 822. 143

In order to remove any doubt as to the initial prototype for this

edifice, the inscription on the main 9th century altar readj "Hoc

altare deo dedicatum est maxime Christo Cuius hic tumulus nostra

sepulcra juvat" . 144

Much of the structure which stands today in Fulda is a late

eleventh century reconstruction,145 rlowever, the foundation walls

as weIl as the crypt, held up by a single sturdy ionic column in

its centre [Figure 23], date back to the original early ninth

century structure, thereby conserving the essential details of

the original building's layout and dimensions. 146

Of the evidence which remains, the most outstanding features of

this structure are undoubtedly its small size, measuring only 13

meters in total diameter, and especially its rotundity. From

excavations we can further as certain the fact that the original

construction also had an ambulatory which was separated from the

6 meter wide central area by a series of eight columns, possibly

echoing the eight piers found at the Anastasis. 147 [Figure 25].

143 Krautheimer, Richard; "Introduction to an "Iconography of Mediaeval Architecture"", Journal if the Courtauld and Warbur;gh institutes, 1942. p16. p3. 144 Ibid, p4 footnote #1. 145 The original structure was destroyed in 947 AD and rebuilt as Salvatorskirche between 1100 and 1130. Ibid, p.ll. 146 Ibid, p.3. 147 Ibid, p.4.

59

The building also had an apse which consisted of a small

semicircular chapel which projected eastward. 148

Although the precise elevational details are unknown, Richard

Krautheimer speculates that the entire structure was covered by a

dome or an eight-sided domical vault. 149 What is more, the Vita

Eigilis adds: supra vero octonis subrigi tur columnis a tque in

summi ta te operis lapide unD concl udi tur, 150 confirming that the

material employed for the covering was indeed stone.

Completing the picture, a reproduction of the Tomb of the Lord

occupied the center of the small rotunda church. 151

Regarding the building' s function, there is little doubt that

this structure was to serve as the final resting place for Eigil

and certain other members of the abbey's religious community. On

this topic the Vita Eigilis states:

Now the abbot with the advice and consent of the brothers, built a small circular church, where the dead bodies of the brothers might be given over to the tomb to rest, and this chuch they call a cemetary. 152

148 Kinsley Porter, Arthur; MedievalArchitecture: Its Origins and Development. Hacker Art Books, New York, 1966., vol 1, p.l92. 149 Krautheimer, Richard: "Introduction to an "Iconography of Mediaeval Architecture"". Journal rifthe WarbU1;g and Courtauld Institutes, 1942, p.4. 150 Kinsley Porter, Arthur; Medieval Architecture: Its On gins and Development. Hacker Art Books, New York, 1966., vol 1, p.191, footnote #2. 151 Krautheimer, Richard: "Introduction to an "Iconography of Mediaeval Architecture"". Journal rif the WarbU1;g and Courtauld Institutes, 1942, p.3. 152 Kinsley Porter, Arthur; MedievalArchitecture: Its Origins and Development. Hacker Art Books, New York, 1966, vol 1, p.191. Footnote 2 of this page provides the original latin quote which reads: Pater namque monastenï ... cum consilio et fratrum consensu ecc/esiam parvam aedijicavit rotundam, ubi defuncta corpora fratrum sepulturae tradita requiescant, quam cemiterium vocant.

60

Both structures were therefore designed as sepulchres. Thus the

two constructions also share an essential similari ty in their

respective functions as weIl.

In these respects, St. Michael' s would appear to conform in a

very general sense to the Jerusalemi te model. This however is

where our knowledge of the architectural resemblance between the

copy and its prototype ends. Due to the later reconstruction, we

do not know, for instance, whether the 9th century structure had a

set of galleries nor whether it had clerestorey.

From this limited amount of data, we nevertheless have a partial

image of a structure which purports to reproduce the Anastasis

but which seems to do so in a very selective fashion. The

rotundity of the Anastasis has been identified as the defining

characteristic, but the builders of St. Michael's have

disregarded the fact that the Anastasis in Jerusalem is not a

strictly circular structure. In fact, the presence of lateral

vestibules as weIl as the rectilinear façade makes the

prototype's circularity somewhat irregular. The notion of perfect

rotundity however seems to have been of particular interest for

61

the Carolingian builders153 despite the fact that the model was

qui te different in actual form. 154

Moreover, when deciding upon the support system, the designers of

St. Michael's have chosen to reproduce only the eight piers of

the Anastasis (as columns in this instance) rather than its full

complement of eight piers and twelve columns.

The strict integrity of the formal relationship between model and

"copy" is further compromised at St. Michael' s, firstly by the

inclusion of a crypt which the Anastasis lacks, and more

importantly by the addition of a small projecting chapel to the

east acting as an eastern apse of sorts.

Finally, the three axial niches inserted into the walls of the

Anastasis and which Arculf particularly admired are conspicuously

absent in the Carolingian imitation.

We are left therefore acknowledging on the one hand the many

general similarities between the two structures (namely the

elements of circularity, the inclusion of an ambulatory, the

partial adaptation of the eight supports, the functions of the

two edifices as sepulchral monuments) but also, and perhaps more

153 On this topic Krautheimer notes: "According to Eigil the circle is a symbol of the Church, never ending and containing the sacraments; aiso it signifies to him the reign of etemal majesty, the hope of future life and the "praemia mansura quibus justi merito coronantur in aevum". See Krautheimer, Richard; "Introduction to an "Iconography of Mediaevai Architecture"", Journal of the Courtauld and Warbut:gh institutes, 1942, p.8. 154 Coüasnon, Charles. The Church of the Ho!J' Sepulchre in Jerusalem. The Schweich Lectures of the British Academy. Oxford University Press; London, 1974, p.32.-34.

62

importantly, the many divergences between the Model and its

supposed imitation.

The final question to be addressed concerns the possible sources

from which the ninth-century builders derived their knowledge of

the prototype.

The constructors of St. Michael's may have known Arculf's plan of

670 but there is no way of firmly establishing this.

Another possibility could be traced to the influence of Willibald

the Bri ton who also made a pilgrimage to the holy places of

Jerusalem in 721 and provided a rough description of its sacred

sites and churches. 155 Willibald later becomes a bishop in Bavaria

and we can postulate that sorne of his writing survived intact in

the region and thereby may have served as a rough guide for the

ninth century designers.

What is most interesting, however, are the hints we have pointing

towards a series of direct contacts established between

Charlemagne and the rulers of Palestine. In her work The Ancient

Churches of Jerusalem, Elinor Moore suggests that early in his

reign Charlemagne was looking for a Muslim ally in order to

facilitate his volatile relations with the Omayyads in Spain. 156

Coincidentally, Haroun er Rashid, the ruler of Palestine at the

155 Moore, Elinor; The Anaent Churches ifJerusalem: The Evidence 0/ the Pilgrims. The Catholic Press, Beirut. 1961, p.21.

63

time, wanted a powerful Christian ally in order to help placate

the Byzantines wi th whom he was having diplomatie troubles. 157

Mutual need and opportunity therefore created a political climate

which greatly favoured a great degree of rapprochement between

Carolingian Europe and Palestine in the early 9th century.

Evidence suggests that this prevailing atmosphere of reciprocal

cooperation on a political and diplomatie level must naturally

have had many religious and cultura~ repercussions as well. Among

other things, Charlemagne is reported to have manifested a keen

interest in the state of the Latin Christians in Palestine. 158

This climate of collaboration gave Charlemagne the opportunity to

assist the Christian communi ty and also to inquire about the

state of the churches and clergy in the Holy Land.

As a result of Charlemagne' s interest in the region, in 806 he

commissioned the revelatory document known as the Commemoratorium

de Casis Dei 159 which consisted of a catalogue of the churches and

clergy present in Palestine as well as a list of requested alms

to be sent to Jerusalem for the restoration of these churches. It

is further noted that because of this document Charlemagne sent

funds for the explicit foundation of a Latin quarter in Jerusalem

as well as for the construction of the church of St. Mary Latine,

156 Ibid, p.18. 157 Ibid, p.18. 158 Ibid, p.19.

64

which served as a hospice for aIl pilgrims who spoke the Latin

tongue. 160

More significantly however, the Commemoratorium de casas Dei

provides critical measurements of many religious sites including

the Holy Sepulchre. It gives the circumference both of the outer

ambulatory of the Anastasis and of its centre room. The document

also records the distance between Calvary and the tomb of Christ

as being 28 dexteri (or 41.6 meters). We note in this document a

very selective transfer of information however as only a few of

the many possible measurements were recorded. For instance, the

writer of the Commemoratorium does not report to his readers the

measurements of the inner ambulatory nor does he indicate the

height of any part of the building. 161

AlI this evidence bears witness to the fact that a great deal of

religious, cultural and specifically architectural links existed

between the Carolingian court and the Latin as weil as Muslim

communi ties of Palestine. Gi ven these facts, the acquisition of

accurate information regarding the precise formaI specifications

of the Holy Sepulchre should not have posed serious problems for

Abbot Eigil.

This then begs the question of why his copy at Fulda should be so

159 Ibid, p.18. 160 Ibid, p.19. 161 Ousterhout, Robert; "The Church of Santo Stephano: A '1erusalem" in Bologna". Cesta, vol XX/2, 1981, p.312.

65

divergent from the original. One could understand this phenomenon

if the designers had only the evidence of Arculf to guide them

but such was plainly not the case. Clearly the correct

architectural information was potentially available. We must

therefore look for other reasons which could help explain this

perplexing deviation.

Given this type of situation, a potentially fertile field of

exploration may reside in attempting to understand the medieval

interpretation of this information in our search for satisfactory

answers. In other words, we must try to find out how these data

were filtered through the medieval mind in order to gain a proper

understanding of how late Roman and subsequently Byzantine forms

were received and integrated into the western architectural

canon.

After this initial study of the first known European copy of the

Anastasis, we find ourselves confronted by the exceedingly

complex notions surrounding the nature of medieval imitation. As

we shall see over the next few chapters, time and again precisely

the same issues will arise regarding the nature of medieval

mimesis. Clearly, a different set of criteria was being applied

by the constructors of St. Michael's when they set out to "copy"

the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem.

66

PART 2

THE HOLY SEPULCHRE AT PADERBORN.

The Holy Sepulchre at Paderborn was originally commissioned by

the bishop Meinwerk in 1036, and specifically designed to be "ad

simili tudinem Jerosolimi tane ecclesie". 162 [Figure 26]

In an effort to ensure the integrity of this statement, Meinwerk

gave Abbot Wino of Helmershhausen the difficult task of going to

Jerusalem in order to make the necessary observations and take

the proper measurements: "mensuras eiusdem ecclesiae et S.

Sepulgr i" . 163

One would expect that if bishop Meinwerk was willing to go to

such great lengths to obtain first hand data, this would tend to

show a great concern for accuracy and fidelity towards the form

and measurements of the original prototype. Despite these facts,

what we shall see however is what a modern observer would

consider rather dissimilar results.

162 Krautheimer, Richard: "Introduction to an " Iconography of Mediaeval Architecture''''. The Journal of the Courtland and Warbut;g Institutes, 1942, p.4. 163 Ibid, p.4.

67

As at St. Michael's we are left only with the foundations of the

eleventh century structure on which to base our study.

Surprisingly, these reveal a rather small octagonal building, the

diameter of which is only 14.5 meters (as opposed to the 36.5

meters of the Anastasis), with four proportionately large

rectangular chapels proj ecting from the outer circumference at

the cardinal points, making the Paderborn structure an

essentially cruciform church. The western arm acted as the main

doorway to the edifice and there is evidence to suggest that it

may have been flanked by two round towers, a typically German

Romanesque entrance motif. 164

What is more, excavations cited by Richard Krautheimer have

revealed a total absence of internal supports and therefore the

dearth of a set of galleries as well. Otherwise, the original

elevation of the building as well as the shape and materials

employed for the roofing remain unknown. 165

Even from this limited amount of archaeological evidence however,

we can clearly see that the Holy Sepulchre at Paderborn has

little in common with the Jerusalemite original other than its

allusion to circularity and its dedication.

164 Ibid, p.4.

68

There is one final similarity to be noted between the edifices,

namely the one pertaining to their likeness of function. In the

same manner as St. Michael's at Fulda, it would appear that the

building at Paderborn was originally intended as Meinwerk' s own

personal funerary sepulchre church. 166

Despite this, the differences far outnumber the similarities

however. The Church at Paderborn is a small octagonal structure

rather than a large circular one. The semicircular niches present

at the Anastasis have been transformed into square chapels in the

church at Paderborn whereas in the Arculf's plan of the Rotunda

they are clearly represented as rectangles. There is no inner

ambulatory or set of galleries present in Meinwerk' s structure,

features that feature prominently in the original monument. AlI

this despite the fact that a special messenger was dispatched to

Jerusalem with the express mission of returning to Paderborn with

the correct description and measurements of the original edifice.

It must be noted however that sorne measurements appear to have

been transferred from the Anastasis to the structure in

Paderborn. We note that the interior length of each segment of

Paderborn' s octagon is of 5.8 meters which roughly matches the

5.7 meter distance between the main interior piers found at the

165 Ibid, pA.

69

Anastasis. It would seem that Meinwerk's messenger noted only the

relationship between the eight interior piers of the original and

this to him determined the octagonal plan which was used as the

basis for the entire floor-plan of the imitation. 167

The differences between the two constructions are therefore much

more significant than any of kind of likeness, so much so that a

modern observer would find it difficult to even associate the two

structures, much less regard one as a copy of the other.

To the medieval mind however, at least insofar as the Holy

Sepulchre at Paderborn is concerned, it would seem as though the

mere suggestion of circularity within the central portion of the

structure (as well as the dedication and function) was deemed

sufficient to qualify it as an authentic and bona fide imitation

of the Anastasis and therefore worthy of the designation "ad

simili tudinem Jerosolimi tane ecclesie" . 168

166 Ibid, p.4. 167 Ibid, p.13. 168 Ibid, p.4.

70

PART 3

St. BÉNIGNE IN DIJON

As the first millennium of the Christian era neared its

completion, Western humanity feared the annihilation of the

world. Indeed, this transition marked a time of extreme anxiety

where many firmly believed that the millennial event would

trigger the great battle of Armageddon, the final judgment and

the end of historical time as we know it. One can only imagine

the great wave of relief as weIl as the sudden renewal of

religious devotion and fervour resul ting from the survi val of

Humanity into a second millennium. Not surprisingly, this

resurgence of religious ardour found its most tangible form of

expression through a veritable explosion of church building in

the few years immediately following 1000 AD. 169

The erection of St. Bénigne in Dijon clearly falls within the

scope of this devotional movement and therefore directly shares

in the élan of this great tide of sacred construction. This is

further confirmed by the fact that the foremost chronicler of the

169 Focillon, Henri; The Year 1000, translated by Fred D. Wieck. F. Ungar Publishing Co. New York, 1969, p.54.

71

time, Raoul Glaber, 170 was a resident monk at St. Bénigne during

the time of the great construction. Glaber was the very man who

would become immortalized because of his epoch-defining statement

concerning the "white garment of churches" l71 with which the

Western world seemed to clothe itself in the years immediately

following the turn of the millennium. l72

As a consequence of millennial fervour, in the year 1001 AD, the

decision was taken to entirely rebuild in a grand and maj estic

fashion the sepulchral church which housed the holy remains of

St. Bénigne, the saint responsible for the evangelization of

Burgundy in the 4 th century. 173

The ambitious structure at St. Bénigne was commissioned and

170 Glaber was a French chronicler in Burgundy at the end of the 10th century. He was a monk at Cluny, Auxerre and St. Bénigne and left a chronicle which spans the years 99S to 1046. Most notably, his memoirs depict the particular mentality and anxieties which surrounded the year 1000.

171 Selection from Raoul Glaber, Les cinque livres de ses histoires, III, 4, trans., G.G. Coulton, A Medieval Garner, London, 1910, p.S. "So on the threshold of the aforesaid thousandth year, some two or three years after it, it befeil almost throughout the world, but especiaily in Italy and Gaul, that the fabrics of churches were rebuilt, although many of these were still seemly and needed no such care, but every nation of Christendom rivailed with the other, which should worship in the seemliest buildings. So it was as though the very world had shaken herself and cast off her old age, and were clothing herself in a white garment of churches. Then indeed the faithful rebuilt and bettered almost ail the cathedral churches, and other monasteries dedicated to divers saints, and sm ailer parish churches .... When therefore, as we have said, the whole world had been clad in new church buildings, then in the days foilowing--that is, in the eight year foilowing the aforesaid thousandth after the Incarnation of our Savior---the relics of very many saints, which had long Iain hid, were revealed by divers proofs and testimonies, for these, as if to decorate this revival, revealed themselves by God's will to other eyes of the faithful, to whose minds also they brought much consolation. This revelation is known to have begun first in the city of Sens in Gaul, at the church of blessed Stephen, ruled in those days by the archbishop Leoteric, who there discovered certain marvellous relics of ancient holy things, for, among very many other things which lay hidden, he is said to have found a part of Moses' rod, at the report whereof ail the faithful flocked together not only from the provinces of Gaul but even from weil­nigh ail Italy and from countries beyond the sea, and at the same time not a few sick fold returned thence whole and sound, by the intervention of the saints. But, as most frequently befalleth, from the sources whence profit springeth to men, there they are wont to rush to their min by the vicious impulse of covetousness, for the aforesaid city having, as we have related, waxed most wealthy by reason of the people who resorted thither through the grace of piety, its inhabitants conceived as excessive in the ninth year after the aforesaid thousandth anniversary, the church at J erusalem which contained the sepulchre of our Lord and Savior was utterly overthrown at the command of the prince of Babylon."

172 Harvey, John H.; The MediaevalArchitect, Wayland Press, London, 1971, p.56-57.

72

constructed under the abbot Guillaume of Dij on and designed by

william of Volpiano,174 a Swabian of noble birth as weIl as a monk

formerly from the abbey of Cluny who would bring to his new

edifice many of the architectural characteristics found at that

most impressive of Romanesque churches. 175 [Figures 27, 28 and 29]

As on so many other occasions, the original eleventh century

structure has been significantly altered, firstly by a gothic

restoration and then by the anti-clerical vandalism of the

revolution of 1789. 176 On a more positive note however, St.

Bénigne's rotunda has been weIl described and graphically

documented by Dom Plancher in his Histoire particulière et

Générale de la Bourgogne of 1739. 177 [Figures 30 and 31]

Unlike its predecessors in Fulda and Paderborn, St. Bénigne

reproduces much more accurately the general scheme and layout of

the original set of buildings in Jerusalem, albeit in its own

particular fashion.

What is especially noteworthy in this instance is the fact that

the designers show a much greater concern for reconstituting the

173 Conant, Kenneth J.; Carolingian and Romanesque Architecture. 800-1200. Penguin Books, Baltimore, 1959, p.85. 174 Jackson, Thomas G.; Byzantine and Romanesque Architecture. Cambridge University Press, 1920. Vol II. p.121. 175 The great Romanesque abbey church of Cluny was extremely influential on subsequent religious architecture in France as well as in all of Western Europe. It is noted for its great size, the 9 towers which adorned its exterior as well as for its 5 aisled basilica. See Conant, Kenneth J.; Carolingian and Romanesque Architecture. 800-1200. Penguin Books, Baltimore, 1959, p.85. 176 Conant, Kenneth J.; Carolingian and Romanesque Architecture. 800-1200. Penguin Books, Baltimore, 1959, p.86. 177 Jackson, Thomas G.; Byzantine and Romanesque Architecture. Cambridge University Press, 1920. Vol II, p.119.

73

Constantinian complex as a whole rather than focusing exclusive

attention on the Anastasis Rotunda alone.

Thus we have at st. Bénigne the inclusion of a monumental five-

aisled basilica similar to the Constantinian structure found

prior to 1009 in Jerusalem. This is the first structure thus far

to reproduce both elements of the original Sepulchre complex.

The entire complex measured 91.7 meters in length, calculated

from the entrance of the basilica to the end of the rotunda. 178

The essential differences between the two basilicas reside in the

inclusion of vaulted transepts as well as a large eastern choir

at St. Bénigne making i t conform to the tradi tional occidental

model of basilical ground plans. 179 Furthermore, the Dijon complex

had no open atriums articulating the space between its

structures. 180 Instead, the elements of the basilica and the

commemorative rotunda are fused together creating a new hybrid

type of edifice. What is more, the complex included nine towers,

a common configuration for the larger churches of the era as well

as a distinctly Burgundian feature reminiscent of the church of

St. Riquier and once more the great Abbey church of cluny.18l

178 Conant, Kenneth J.; Carolingian and Romanesque Architecture. 800-1200. Penguin Books, Baltimore, 1959, p.85. 179 Ibid, p.86. 180 It may be argued that the zone created by the transepts and choir act as a substitute for this more private and privileged part of the complex. 181 Conant, Kenneth J.; Carolingian and Romanesque Architecture. 800-1200. Penguin Books, Baltimore, 1959, p.85.

74

Insofar as St. Bénigne' s rotunda is concerned, it appears to

conform somewhat more closely to the Jerusalemite Anastasis in

its general arrangement and layout than did its immediate

predecessors in Fulda and Paderborn. Be that as i t may, the

structure remains quite distinct from its late antique prototype

in many important respects. 1B2

As with the previous examples, the role of this structure is

fundamentally sepulchral in nature, thereby lending St. Bénigne a

critical similarity of function with the original as well as with

its European predecessors.

Moreover, we note that once again, the reproduction of the

Anastasis' circulari ty seems to have been the main facet and

overriding concern for the Burgundian constructors. The

circulari ty appears to conform more correctly to the irregular

rotundity which characterizes the Anastasis. Unlike its

predecessors, St. Bénigne has quite accurately duplicated the two

lateral vestibules flanking the entrance of the building. 1B3 As in

Jerusalem, the circularity of the Dijon structure is broken by a

rectilinear façade in order to integrate it with the choir of the

182 Kenneth Conant notes: "Clearly then Abbot William had his wish; he made the church of St-Bénigne mirabi/iorem basi/icis totius Ga/iae. But the building was also very ponderous. Supports in the basilica occupied one seventh of the floor area. See Conant, Kenneth J.; Caro/ingian and Romanesque Architecture. 800-1200. Penguin Books, Baltimore, 1959, p.87.

183 Jackson, Thomas G.; Byzantine and Romanesque Architecture. Cambridge University Press, 1920. Vol II, p.120.

75

attached basilica. 184

The inclusion of these elements within the general layout shows

on the part of the European imitators a more sophisticated

understanding of the original's actual ground plan. Nevertheless,

the rotunda at St. Bénigne also differs in many essential

respects from its prototype.

In this regard, its most striking divergent features are its

double annular aisles, i ts superimposed sets of galleries, and

thereby its general elevational scheme. [Figure 32]

This motif is unprecedented in the West and it has been

speculated that the designers wanted to continue the double

aisled archetype initiated in the Constantinian and Dijon

basilicas. 185 On the ground level, the innermost ring of supports

counts a total of eight columns which reproduces, as at St.

Michael, the eight pillars rather than the twelve columns found

in the Anastasis. The second or intermediary ring simply doubles

this number for a total of 16 supports and the outermost series

triples it, giving us a total of 24 columns. The diameters of the

three circles are respecti vely: 5.9 meters for the inner ring,

12.1 meters for the middle ring and 18.30 meters for the final

184 Ibid, Vol II, p.120. 185 According to Viollet-Le-Duc, the addition of the second set of galleries was to accommodate the great number of pilgrims which converged on St. Bénigne during the patron saint's feast day as well as during the Easter ceremonies. See Stem, Ephraim (editor); The New Enryclopaedia of Archaeological Excavations in the Ho!J Land. The Israel Exploration Society, Simon & Shuster Press, 1993, p.283.

76

ring of supports. 186

The two sets of superimposed galleries marks another clear

exaggeration of the motif found in the original prototype. Once

again, it is as if William of Volpiano had selectively isolated

certain essential characteristics of the Anastasis (namely the

ais les and elevation scheme) and then proceeded to double them,

perhaps thinking that by so doing he would thereby be doubling

the grandeur and importance of this particular design over that

of the source model. Whatever the motivations, the fact remains

that an arrangement such as this is indeed far removed from the

prototype in Jerusalem.

Given that the second set of galleries reaches aIl the way up to

the level of the dome, the prominent clerestorey found at the

Anastasis is completely absent at St. Bénigne.

Furthermore, the dome itself is not in the form of a continuous

sphere but consists rather of a broken sphere, the outer portion

of which rests on the external walls while the central part, in

the form of a cone, is upheld by the inner ring of columns. 187

This therefore gives St. Bénigne both a domical as weIl as a

conical roofing motif. This unique type of covering was made of

stone and therefore a break in the dome was necessary in order to

186 Jackson, Thomas G.; Byzantine and Romanesque Architecture. Cambridge University Press, 1920. Vol II, p.119.

77

properly dissipate the vertical thrust of the heavy roofing. 188

Like the Anastasis however, the apex of the dome is opened by an

OCUIUS.189

Finally, two of the complexe' s nine towers are found directly

flanking the rotunda, one to the north and the other to the

south, while a third one, only partially completed, forms a domed

rectangular chapel affixed to the eastern extremity of the

edifice. 190 These significantly divergent features further

emphasize the structure's distinctly un-Constantinian layout and

general profile.

At St. Bénigne therefore, we find a mix of Constantinian,

Carolingian and BurgundianjCluniac motifs, the nature of which

gives this complex a basic outline which is somewhat reminiscent

of the Jerusalemite complex, and yet an overall profile which is

very distinct from it in many essential respects.

Let us also note in passing the significant influence which St.

Bénigne exerted on the later development of the full blown

eastern chevet motif in late Romanesque and

187 Conant, Kenneth J.; Carolingian and Romanesque Architecture. 800-1200. Penguin Books, Baltimore, 1959, p.87. 188 Ibid, p.87.

Gothic

189 Heitz, Carol; "D'Aix -La-Chapelle à Saint-Bénigne de Dijon, Rotondes Mariales Carolingiennes et Ottoruennes". Les Cahiers de Saint-Michel de Cuxa, XXV, 1994, p.9. 190 Viollet-Le-Duc; Dictionnaire Raisonné de l'Architecture Française. A. Morel, Paris, 1868, vol VIII, p.279.

78

architecture. 191 Indeed, later builders wishing to integrate a

martyrium, reliquary or sepulchre into the eastern extremity of a

basilica could do so in a much less ponderous fashion than was

done at Dijon. Instead of appending to a basilica a complete

rotunda as a distinct and freestanding structure, it was realised

that the potential for such an arrangement was already inherent

within the choir and apse.

The extension of the chevet therefore takes on the symbolic

significance of a circular sepulchral structure yet one which is

nevertheless harmoniously integrated with the longitudinal scheme

of the basilica to which it is attached. As such St Bénigne

stands as a very important transitional structure which

emphasised the need for a more efficient solution to this basic

problem confronting western sacred architecture at the time.

In conclusion therefore, we must acknowledge that although the

attempt at copying is very clear in this instance the

relationship which exists between model and copy is more like

that of a recollection rather than what the late twentieth

century would regard as an "imitation" in the strict sense of the

term.

191 As noted by Hans Baker and George Galavaris in reviewing this paper. Mc Gill University, 1997.

79

PART 4

SANTO STEFANO IN BOlOGNA.

According to the vi ta Sancti Petronii 192 written in 1180, the

complex dedicated to Santo Stefano in Bologna was originally

founded in the middle of the fifth century by the bishop of

Bologna, St. Petronius who, upon its dedication named the site

"Jerusalem" . 193 The initial group of churches was designed and

constructed with the specifie intention of reproducing the

religious sites which the saint had visited during his pilgrimage

to the Holy Land. 194

Very little remains of this original foundation other than its

essential intent. 195 Al though the survi ving structures date to

1141,196 the initial aspiration of Petronius was to recreate the

ci ty of Jerusalem wi th in Bologna. This has remained a central

aspect of the organization and layout of the complex, and

provides the most complete and accurate Romanesque copy of the

192 Ousterhout, Robert; "The Church of Santo Stefano: A "Jerusalem" in Bologna". Cesta, Vol XX/2 1981, p.311. 193 Porter, Arthur, K.; LombardArchitecture. Hacker Art Books, New York, NY, 1967, vol II, p.128. 194 Ibid, vol II, p.129. 195 Porter ascribes the reconstruction of the complex to the Hungarian invasions of the early tenth century which left the original set of structures in a state of ruin. See Porter, Arthur, K.; Lombard Architecture. Hacker Art Books, New York, NY, 1967, vol II, p.134. 196 Ousterhout Robert; "The Church of Santo Stefano: A "Jerusalem" in Bologna". Cesta, vol XX/2, 1981, p.330. Although Porter suggests a somewhat later date for the octagone of Sto. Sepolcro itself; namely 1160. See Porter, Arthur, K.; Lombard Architecture. Hacker Art Books, New York, NY, 1967, vol II, p.138.

80

Holy Sepulchre in Europe. 197 [Figures 34, 35 and 36] If we

consider the arrangement of the various elements of the complex,

we immediately recognize the relative exactitude with which the

basic layout of the Byzantine complex of Constantine Monomachus

has been reproduced.

In essence the Bologna complex consisted of a centrally-planned

church known as Santo Sepolcro as weIl as a chapel of Santa

Croce; each contained imitations of the major relies of

Jerusalem, and, like the structures of the Sepulchre complex, the

two buildings were joined by an open, colonnaded atrium. 198

The core of the complex is naturally the octagonal edifice known

as Santo Sepolcro which has a model of the tomb of Christ in its

centre and is clearly intended to simulate the general form of

the Anastasis Rotunda. 199 The fact that this crude brick structure

was not circular but rather octagonal did not seem to hinder or

preoccupy the imitators overmuch. [Figure 37]. Indeed, even the

shape of the octagon is uneven and thus we have a building whose

diameter varies between 18 and 21 meters depending on where (or

between which 2 walls) the measurements are taken. 200 We can only

conclude from this fact that what appears to our modern eyes as

197 Ousterhout, Robert; "The Church of Santo Stefano: A "J erusalem" in Bologna".Gesta, vol xx/2, 1981, p.311. 198 Ibid, p.311. 199 Ibid, p.312.

81

an unacceptable compromise, nevertheless provided a sufficient

and adequate mimicry of rotundity in the eyes of the medieval

constructors.

Moreover, due to the irregularity of the outer walls, the

structure has a misaligned ambulatory which is separated from the

10 meter wide central area by an inner ring of twel ve columns,

reproducing in this instance the twelve columns, rather than the

eight piers, found in the Anastasis. On this topic, Robert

Ousterhout speculates that a possible explanation for the

octagonal shape of the structure is an attempt on the part of the

designers to somehow incorporate the number eight, with all its

symbolic significance, into the overall layout of the structure,

much like what was done at Meinwerk's chapel in Paderborn. 201

The ambulatory is surmounted by galleries as in Jerusalem, but

where the Anastasis had an alternating rhythm of second tier

supports the designers of the Santo Stefano have regularised and

simplified this pattern into a more standard Romanesque motif of

twel ve mullioned windows. 202

Within the octagon was a replica of the tomb of Christ placed in

200 Porter, Arthur, K.; LombardArchitecture. Hacker Art Books, New York, NY, 1967, vol II, p.154. 201 Ousterhout, Robert; "The Church of Santo Stefano: A "Jerusalem" in Bologna". Cesta, vol xx/2, 1981, p.313. 202 Krautheimer, Richard; "Introduction to an "Iconography of Mediaeval Architecture"". Journal of the WarbU1;g and

82

a slightly off centre position towards the west l similar to the

arrangement in Jerusalem. This was in order to allow more room

for gatherings in front of the sacred monument 1 especially during

the Easter ceremonies when Santo Stefano attracted a great number

of pilgrims due to its intimate association with Jerusalem l the

Anastasis and the events of Christ/s Passion. 203 In size and forml

Bologna/s aedicule tomb conforms in a general fashion to

contemporary descriptions of the original. 204 The exterior of the

reproduction is encased in marble and surrounded by engaged

columns l similarly to the prototype 1 and the low position of the

entrance Il so low a man could scarcely get through by going on

bended knee"w accurately reproduces the low cut entrance found in

the aedicule in Jerusalem. Within the tomb itself l to the right

of the entrance l is an arcosolium similar to the one believed to

have served as the resting place for the body of Christ. To the

left l an identical arcosolium is added to accommodate the remains

of St. Petronius. 206

As with its predecessors (Fulda l Paderborn 1 St. Bénigne) 1 we

again note the primarily sepulchral function of this type of

monument. Later references also make note of an altar in front of

Courtauld Institutes, 1942, p. 7. 203 Porter, Arthur, K; LombardArchitecture. Hacker Art Books, New York, NY, 1967, vol II, p.130. 204 Ousterhout Robert; "The Church of Santo Stefano: A "Jerusalem" in Bologna". Cesta, vol xx/2, 1981, p.315. 205 Ousterhout Robert; "The Church of Santo Stefano: A ''Jerusalem'' in Bologna". Cesta, vol xx/2, 1981, p.314. 206 Porter, Arthur, K; LombardArchitecture. Hacker Art Books, New York, NY, 1967, vol II, p.128.

83

the tomb, as weIl as a "Stone of the Angels", both of which were

known to have existed in Jerusalem. 207

To the east of the octagon of Santo Sepolcro is an open arcaded

court yard referred to as the atrio in medio but which

subsequently came to bear the name "Cortile di Pila to" . 208 [Figure

38]. Although access to the complex is now gained through a door

pierced through the western wall of the octagon, evidence

provided by Testi Rasponi 209 suggests that during the Middle Ages

nothing but a simple window occupied the present location of this

portal. This would have made the main entrance accessible only

from the east, through this court yard, and thereby reproducing . the reversed west-east orientation found in Jerusalem.

Unlike the entrance situation of the Byzantine prototype however,

there is no eastern apse attached to the façade of Bologna' s

octagon and only one door leads into the court yard as opposed to

the double set of four doors found at the Anastasis. 210

As was done in Constantine Monomachus' reconstruction of the Holy

Sepulchre, the eastern end of Santo Stefano's court yard is lined

wi th a series ofaxially aligned chapels, bearing a collective

dedication to Santa Croce, also referred to as Calvario or locus

207 Ousterhout, Robert; "The Church of Santo Stefano: A "Jerusalem" in Bologna". Gesta, vol xx/2, 1981, p.314. 2°BIbid, p.312. 209 Ibid, p.311.

84

ad crucem. 211 The central chapel wi thin this group was sa id to

contain a reproduction of the rock of Golgotha upon which was

placed a cross reportedly built by Petronius himself according to

precise measurements taken from St. Helena' s True Cross during

his pilgrimage to Jerusalem. 212

Other measurements seem to have made their way from Jerusalem to

Bologna. For instance, the distance between Calvary and the tomb

of Christ, as noted in the Commeroratorium de Casis Dei was of 28

dexteri or 41.6 meters, almost identical to the 42 meters

separating the chapel of Santa Croce and the reproduction of the

aedicule in the center of Santo sepolcro. 213

On this topic Richard Ousterhout notes:

Thus, the core of the Bologna complex imitated the two most important buildings and, within them, the two most important relics of the Holy Sepulchre, similarly connecting them with an open porticoed court and placing them at the same distance. 214

Immediately south of the octagon is the church of San Giovani

Battista. Its location, dedication and function corresponds to

the Baptistery and the chapel of St. John the Baptist similarly

210 Porter, Arthur, K.; LombardArchitecture. Hacker Art Books, New York, NY, 1967, vol II, p.147. 211 Ousterhout, Robert; "The Church of Santo Stefano: A 'Jerusalem" in Bologna". Gesta, vol xx/2, 1981, p.312. 212 Ibid, p.312. 213 Coüasnon, Charles. The Church of the Hofy Sepulchre in Jerusalem. The Schweich Lectures of the British Academy. Oxford University Press; London, 1974, p.32. 214 Ousterhout Robert; "The Church of Santo Stefano: A "Jerusalem" in Bologna". Gesta, vol xx/2, 1981, p.312.

85

placed immediately south of the Anastasis in Jerusalem. 21S

Finally, to the north, where in Jerusalem would be situated the

chapel of Mary as weIl as the Patriarchate, is the church of SS

Vitale ed Agricola. Although the dedications vary in this

instance, the basic layout of the Byzantine Holy Sepulchre of

1042 is conserved and thus we get that characteristic clustering

effect which typifies the Jerusalemite complex.

Over the next few centuries, addi tional holy si tes symbolically

drawn from aIl parts of Jerusalem and greater Palestine come to

enrich the symbolic fabric of the Bologna complex. It should be

remembered however that these are subsequent additions to Santo

Stefano and that the initial ambition of the site was to

reproduce sites found exclusively at the Holy Sepulchre. 216

Thus we have, in the court yard area, a basin which came to be

identified as the one in which Pilate metaphorically "washes his

hands" of the entire Christ problem. 217 [Figure 38] In the

octagon as weIl, an extra column is erected in the northeast

section of the ambulatory and eventually becomes known as the

215 Ibid, p.314. 216 Ibid, p.314. 217 Ibid, p.314.

86

Column of the Flagellation. 218

Other sites mark the location of the denial of Peter, the prison

of Christ, and the "Casa di Pilato", an elaborate second storey

chapel which was reached by a stairway known as the "Scala Santa"

at the top of which was a window depicting the Ecce Homo. In the

chapel itself there was a stone throne upon which Pilate sat in

judgment, and a mark on the floor indicating the place where

Christ stood before him. 219

Other si tes, not necessarily related to the Passion but rather

drawn from other parts of the scriptures and other regions of the

Holy Land, also find their place in the symbolic fabric of the

Bologna complex. These sites include the Pool of Siloam,220 a

marker dedicated to the Three Magi, the location of the

Annunciation to the Virgin and finally, the site of Christ' s

appearance to the Magdalene following his resurrection. 221

In and of itself the symbolism found at Santo Stefano effectively

created a very rich and meaningful tapestry, one which could

vividly recreate for the benefit of the many pilgrims and the

faithful of Bologna the essential religious elements found in the

Holy Land. Evidence suggests that Petronius' vision of creating a

218 Ibid, p.314-315. 219 Ibid, p315. 220 The place South of the Temple in the City of David where Christ heals a blind man Oohn 9:7).

87

Jerusalem in Bologna did not exclusively limit itself to

reproducing the Holy Sepulchre alone. Indeed it appears that the

entire city of Bologna was intended to be patterned on the basic

sacred layout of the Holy city. [Figure 39]. According to the

Vi ta Sancti Petronii, wi th Santo Stefano as a central reference

point, Petronius is said to have created an artificial mount

which corresponded both in compass orientation as weIl as in

approximate distance to the relationship which existed between

the Holy Sepulchre and the Mount of Olives. Upon this site he

erected a cruciform church bearing the name S. Giovanni in Monte

Oliveti in order to reproduce the site of the Ascension.

Ousterhout notes however, as a caution against sorne of the claims

of the Vi ta:

The mount in Bologna has been geologically proven to be a natural promontory, while the distances between the sites, alleged to be the same, vary by almost a kilometer. 222

Even so, the religio/spiritual objective to recreate the general

topography of Jerusalem at large remains clear, and furthermore,

to the medieval psyche, unburdened by preoccupations of absolute

imitative accuracy and "sameness" in the modern sense,

considerations of strict measures such as those stated above seem

to have occupied a secondary status vis à vis the pre-eminence of

the symbolic intent.

221 Ousterhout Robert; "The Church of Santo Stefano: A "J erusalem" in Bologna". Ges/a, vol xx/2, 1981, p.315.

88

The Vita also notes the church of S. Tecla which was intended as

a symbolic representation of the valley of Josephat. Although the

structure no longer exists, the map of Bologna dated to 1575 AD223

permits us to situate it midway between S.Stefano and S Giovanni

in Monte Oliveti in much the same way as the valley of Josephat

separates the Holy Sepulchre from the Mount of Olives. 224 For

centuries after the disappearance of the church, local tradition

notes that this area of Bologna continued to be referred to by

the inhabitants as the valley of Josephat. 225

There is also mention in the Vita of two more religiously

significant locations of Jerusalem which had imitative

counterparts within the city of Bologna. These were the Field of

Aceldama, situated in the Valley of Hinnom and once again the

Pool of Siloam, located in the southern part of the Valley of

Josephat under the Ophel ridge which used to house the City of

David. 226 Both Bolognese equivalents of these sites have been

eradicated however, and since the Vita never specifies their

geographic location, it is impossible to situate them within the

confines of the city. 227

222 Ibid, p.315. 223 Ibid, p.315. 224 Ibid, p.315. 225 Ibid, p.315. 226 Ibid, p.316. 227 As mentioned before however, the Pool of Siloam, from the Fourteenth century onward, cornes to be identified

89

We therefore have in Bologna evidence of a very ambi tious and

far-reaching attempt at imitation, one which far surpasses the

copying of the Holy Sepulchre complex alone. Indeed, a credible

facsimile of the Holy city was created in order to provide the

devoted with an essential if not entirely factual reproduction of

Jerusalem. The nature of the imitation in this instance is far

greater, both in accuracy and extent, than was manifest in its

predecessors.

As such therefore, Santo Stefano, in its twelfth century form,

offered a clear and specifie link to Jerusalem and its holy

sites. Through its architectural copying, it gave the citizens of

Bologna a visible connection to the holy city of Jerusalem as

weIl as a deeper sense of connection with the great cosmic drama

and the final hope of eternal salvation.

with a weil within the octagon of S. Stefano which is said to have miraculous curative powers.

90

PART 5

THE HOLY SEPULCHRE AT CAMBRIDGE.

The relitively small Norman period structure known as the Holy

Sepulchre at Cambridge was erected circa 1110 AD but, like so

many of its predecessors, it suffered the ill effects of a

careless renovation in the mid part of the nineteenth century. 228

In spite of this, enough archaeological evidence and written

documentation remains for us to reconsti tute a fairly accurate

idea of the state of the original edifice. [Figures 40, 41 and

42]

The initial structure was an entirely circular one with a

diameter of 15.5 meters,229 the rotundity of which was broken only

in 1313 by the addition of a small eastern choir. 230 The interior

supports consisted of eight heavy columns supporting unadorned

arcades, which separated the 7.3 meter wide central space from a

rib vaulted ambulatory.231 The ambulatory was surmounted by a mock

gallery consisting of twin openings (eight double arches) above

each of the eight main arcades and articulated by an alternating

228 In 1845 a conical roof is added to the structure and eight norman style windows are pierced in the clerestorey. See Sto11, Robert; Architecture and Sculpture in Ear!JI Britain. Viking Press, New York, 1967, p.340. 229 Bresc-Bautier, Geneviève; "Les imitations du Saint Sépulcre de Jérusalem: Archéologie d'une dévotion ': Revue d'Histoire de la Spiritualité. Vol 50, 1974, p.334. 230 Platt, Colin; The Architecture of Medieval Britain. Yale University Press, New Haven and London, 1990, p.341. 231 Bresc-Bautier, Geneviève; "Les imitations du Saint Sépulcre de Jérusalem: Archéologie d'une dévotion ': Revue d'Histoire de la Spiritualité. Vol 50, 1974, p.334.

91

rhythm of sturdy piers and slender intermediary columns giving

the gallery supports at Cambridge a more regular cadence than the

Anastasis' syncopated rhythm of supports. 232 [Figure 43]

Finally, unlike the open occulus found at the Anastasis, the

covering of the structure consisted of a small cone shaped tower

above the central room.

With regards to the structure's function we have in this instance

an edifice whose purpose was not essentially mortuary or

sepulchral in nature. Indeed, the Holy Sepulchre in Cambridge had

long been misidentified as a templar church due to the erroneous \

yet widespread belief that most such churches were necessarily

round in form. In fact, insofar as Templar architecture is

concerned, circular structures represent the exception rather

than the rule, characterizing only a very small percentage of the

Order's churches. m

232 Krautheimer, Richard; "Introduction to an "Iconography of Mediaeval Architecture"". Journal 0/ the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, 1942, pA. 233 Many of these misconceptions concerning the nature of Templar architecture were taken for granted even by such preeminent scholars as Viollet LeDuc who wrote in his Dictionnaire Raisonné de l'Architecture Française:

Les édifices circulaires connus sous le nom de Chapeles de Templiers sont des réminiscences du Saint Sépulchre. L'ordre des Templiers spécialement affecté à la défence et à la conservation des lieux saints élevait dans chaque commanderie une chapelle qui devait être la representation de la rotonde de Jérusalem.

Much of the confusion surrounding the state ofTemplar architecture most probably stems from the fact that two of their most important buildings, namely the Temple churches at Paris and London, were circular in form. Other than these two examples the only other circular church among the hundreds erected by the Templars is the one in Segovia Spain. Moreover, the nature of their links to the Holy Sepulchre in J erusalem remains to be firmly established. See Viollet-Le -Duc; Dictionnaire Raisonné de l'Architecture Française. A. Morel, Paris, X volumes, 1868.

92

What we have in this instance is rather a parish church, most

probably commissioned by "Randolf with the Beard". 234 Though

little is known of him he was most likely a nobleman returning

from the crusades. In this instance, i t is believed that this

particular type of edifice was employed as the status symbol of

an important and newly emerging social class, namely that of the

crusader knight. 235

234 Platt, Colin; The Architecture of Medieval Britain. Yale University Press, New Haven and London, 1990, p.340. 235 To shed light on the HS in Cambridge Ston points to a similar edifice erected during the same period. In direct connection to Cambridge, Ston notes: "Northampton's Holy Sepulchre, another round church, exemplifies trus. Simon de Senlis, Count of Northampton, founded it after returning unscathed from the crusades, probably in fulfùment of a vow. The same thing may apply at Cambridge. Neither of these churches was ever dependent on any monastic or knightly order." See Ston, Robert; Architecture and Sculpture in BarlY Britain. Viking Press, New

93

CHAPTER THREE

The Art of imitation.

COMPARATIVE ANALYSES OF THE STRUCTURES.

What can we deduce from this series of European imitations

which are so distinct one from the other, as weIl from the model

which they aIl purport to copy? More importantly, what does this

vastly divergent series of buildings tell us about the very

nature of imitation which guided the medieval constructors of

these sacred structures?

Despite its turbulent history, it must be noted that the

essential architectural elements of which the Anastasis was

composed changed relatively little over the course of the Middle

Ages. And yet, given the unit y and consistency of the prototype,

one cannot help but remain perplexed when faced with the

diversity of the edifices which aIl claim to be its copies. Sorne

are round while others are octagonal. The division of their inner

space can consist of a single nave but they are more commonly

York, 1967, p.341.

94

surrounded by either one or even two ambulatories. Sorne are domed

while others are covered with timber-framed cones. Sorne

structures have towers whereas sorne do not. The colonnade, when

one exists, commonly counts either eight or twelve supports which

can consist of either columns, piers or engaged piers. Sorne are

funerary in nature while others have no sepulchral purpose. Sorne

strive to reproduce the complex as a whole while others

exclusively focus on replicating Anastasis Rotunda alone. Sorne

have functional galleries; sorne have mock galleries while still

others have no galleries at all.

Given this diversity, it would appear that their mutual

differences considerably outweigh their commonalities.

And yet, despite all of these differences there nevertheless

exists among these structures an undeniable relationship which

can best be described as a "kindred resemblance H• It is therefore

within the nature of this resemblance that we must search for the

key which will permit us to understand the true character of

medieval imitation.

95

PART 1

COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF THE SllES AND PROPORTIONS.

Although, as we have noted, sorne measurements appear to have

been transferred from the Holy Sepulchre to certain of its

European copies, for the most part the imitations have simply

consisted of erecting a centrally planned structure with no

apparent regard for the initial proportions of the original

model.

Without exception, the Anastasis literally dwarfs aIl of its

copies, most of which do not for the most part surpass the

proportions of modest churches.

This contrast in proportions becomes particularly striking when

the respective diameters of the various structures are viewed

numerically: 236

Structure Total Diameler Total Oiameter of Colonnade

Anastasis 36.5m 22.5m

Fulda 13m 6m

Paderborne 14.5m no colonnade

St. Benigne 24m 6m/12m

Santo Stefano 18 to 21m 10m

Cambridger 15.5m 7.3m

236 Measurements taken from: Bresc-Bautier, Geneviève; "Les imitations du Saint Sépulcre de Jérusalem:

40 35 30 25 20 15 10

5 o

total diameter

diameter of the

colonade

96

• Anastasis

• Fulda

• Padderborn

eSt Benique

• Sto Stefano

.Cambridge

This type of disregard for the accurate reproduction of the

Anastasis' full dimensions would be more coherent if the copies

were recreated as scale models of the original. Here again

however, there seems to be a general neglect among the imitations

of the basic proportional relationship that exists in Jerusalem

between the diameter of the ambulatory and that of the colonnade.

In Jerusalem for example, the ambulatory is approximately 1/4 the

width of the centre room whereas in most of the imitations,

assuming ambulatories are present, this ratio has been increased

to 1/3 as is the case at St. Bénigne, and even as much as 1/2, as

is the case in Fulda and Cambridge. Thus in the copies we find an

entirely different relationship between ambulatory and center

room, a situation which by necessity significantly alters the

Archéologie d'une dévotion ': Revue d'Histoire de la Spiritualité. Vol 50, 1974, p.334

97

initial relationship of proportions which characterized the

prototype.

The issues of size and proportion therefore, even on a

proportionately accurate yet reduced scale, were clearly not

significant concerns when the European imitators dealt with the

many complex problems associated with architectural copying.

PART 2

COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF THE ELEVATIONAL SCHEMES.

When we compare the vertical proportions of the copies wi th

those of the original, we are once more confronted by a striking

variety of departures and permutations upon the original theme.

There would appear to be as many adaptations of the prototype's

elevational scheme as there are imitations.

For example, although most replicas have chosen to integrate

galleries into their design, they do not appear to be entirely

indispensable, as we have seen in Paderborn. 237 In the structures

where galleries are to be found, the motif seems to be applied in

a fashion which covers the full range of extremes. Thus, we have

98

greatly exaggerated situations like the one in St. Bénigne where

we find two sets of superimposed galleries each of which has

double ais les , contrasted wi th understated examples such as the

one in Cambridge, where mock galleries appear simply as a

quotation. 238

Moreover, the complicated rhythm of supports which characterized

the galleries of the Anastasis, namely one column flanked by two

piers,239 is not reproduced in any of these copies. In lieu of

this we find in the imitations an abbreviation and simplification

of the prototype' s unusual and more complicated motif. At St.

Bénigne for example, the 8 columns of the ground floor colonnade

are simply extended and continued through both gallery levels all

the way to the roofing. 240 At Santo Stefano and in the Holy

Sepulchre in Cambridge, twin openings with a slender intermediary

column are placed above each of the arcades, thus resolving the

issue in a typically Romanesque fashion. 241

Once again, the important element seems to have been the

integration of galleries for their own sake. In other words, so

long as galleries were present, the particular form which these

237 Krautheimer, Richard; "Introduction to an "Iconography of Mediaeval Architecture''''. Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, 1942, pA. 238 Stoll, Robert; Architecture and Sculpture in Earfy Britain. The Viking Press, 1967, p.340. 239 Ousterhout, Robert; "Rebuilding the Temple; Constantine Monomachus and the Holy Sepulchre". Journal of the Socie!} of Architectural Historians, March 1989, vol XLVIII #1, p.70-71. 240] ackson, Thomas Graham; Byzantine and Romanesque Architecture. Cambridge University Press, 1920. Vol II, p.119. 241 Krautheimer, Richard; "Introduction to an "Iconography of Mediaeval Architecture"". Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, 1942, pA.

99

adopted would appear to have been a secondary concern to the

medieval designers.

If we consider the elevational schemes of the imitations as a

whole therefore, we quickly realise that they in no way reflect

the initial coherence and pattern found in the original. The

particular interaction of colonnade, gallery and clerestorey

which characterized the vertical signature of the Anastasis has

been completely discarded by the copies. Instead, the medieval

designers have selectively borrowed elements and then freely

shuffled and reassembled these in entirely new ways. Many aspects

of the prototype are therefore reflected in the replicas, but by

disintegrating the initial uni ty of the model, each copy has

created an original hybrid made up of familiar elements which

nevertheless find themselves in an entirely new type of

relationship.

In the same way as the ratio governing the relation between the

width of the ambulatory and the width of the center room had been

altered, the interaction of the various parts making up the

elevation of the copies has also been adapted and regrouped.

100

PART 3

COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF THE SUPPORT SYSTEMS.

We encounter a similar situation when we turn our attention to

the number of internaI supports which the European imitators have

chosen to integrate within the various Western copies of the Holy

Sepulchre.

Once again we note a systematic discrepancy in the transfer and

application of the numeric motif guiding the rhythm of the

colonnade present in the original monument in Jerusalem. Indeed,

no imitation of the Holy Sepulchre has accurately reproduced the

full array of 20 supports (consisting of 8 piers and 12 columns)

which characterizes the support system of the Anastasis. 242 In

fact, structures such as Paderborn have none. When supports are

present, at best we find only a partial and selective transfer of

these elements leading to a situation where the copy integrates

either the 8 piers (St. Michael at Fuldaj St. Bénigne in Dijon)

or the 12 columns (Santo Stefano in Bologna and the Holy

Sepulchre in Cambridge) found in the prototype.

Firstly, i t would appear that only the selective transfer of

101

certain key numbers seems to be of importance to the imitators.

Where the number 8 (reflecting the number of piers) is

transferred, as was done at St. Michael and St. Bénigne for

instance, the corresponding form, namely the pier, is completely

neglected in favour of the column. The relationship between the

number and its associated form is thereby completely severed and

aIl emphasis is placed on the numeric symbol rather than on the

formaI shape. Once again, we note the pre-eminence of content, in

this instance conveyed through the number, over the reproduction

of the exact form.

What is more, the medieval imitator seems to have been content

wi th the notion of only a partial transfer of the essentially

meaningful elements. The ambition of imitation in the Middle Ages

therefore was not to transfer and integrate absolutely aIl of the

symbolically meaningful characteristics of the original into the

copy. Indeed, none have done so with regards to the symbolic

numbers defining the supports. Apparently, the medieval psyche

needed to find only a few of the essential aspects of the model

reflected in the replica. By no means was the likeness expected

or required to incorporate each and every significant element

found in the prototype. 243

242 Coüasnon, Charles: The Church of the Hob Sepulchre in Jerusalem. The Schweich Lectures of the British Academy, 1972; Oxford University Press, London, 1974, p.32-34. 243 Krautheimer, Richard; "Introduction to an "Iconography of Mediaeval Architecture"". Journal of the Warbur;g and

102

Given the fact that the numbers 8 and 12 each held a similar

degree of religious significance within the numerological

hierarchy of the age, 244 and faced with the impossibility or

impracticality of including both within the colonnades of the

much smaller structures, it would appear that the designers were

quite content in borrowing either the one or the other in a

rather indiscriminate fashion. As long as at least one of these

important elements made its appearance within the general design

of the structure, it would seem that the medieval observer was

satisfied that a sufficient portion of the significance and

meaning of the original had found its way into the copy.

Courtauld Institutes, 1942, p.19. 244 The number eight was regarded as the symbol of rebirth and règeneration. It was often interpreted as the sum of 7 and 1. In tum seven was understood as 3+4. Three represented the Trinity (Spirit) and four represented the number of material elements (Matter). Three + four therefore gives us the union of Spirit and Matter and as such symbolizes creation (brought into being in seven days). When 1 (the symbol of Dnity and of the Monad) is added the result is the number which dynamises creation. Eight is therefore the beginning of a new cycle of creation and is therefore identified with rebirth, salvation and ùltimately Christ himself. See De Vries, Ad; Dictionary of Symbolism and Imagery. North-Holland Publishing company, Amsterdam, 1974, p.159.

Twelve is sirnilarly seen as the number of perfection and completion. It is the result of 3x4, the Trinity multiplied by the Material realm. It shares in the perfection of the circle and the great cosmic cycle. Twelve furthermore represents the number of lunar months in the year. Along with the number eight it is also a very important number in connection with Christ. Twelve was the number of apostles and the Heavenly Jerusalem has 12 gates, 12 columns, 12 fundaments and 12 Patriarchs. See De Vries, Ad; Dictionary of Symbolism and Imagery. North-Holland Publishing company, Amsterdam, 1974, p.478.

103

PART 4

COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF THE GROUND PLANS.

When analysing the basic form of the various ground plans of

these structures we once again note a systematic discrepancy

between the copies and the prototype as weIl as between the

copies themselves. Sorne such as St. Michael at Fulda, St. Bénigne

in Dijon and the Holy Sepulchre in Cambridge, reproduce the

circularity which characterizes the Anastasis while others such

as the Holy Sepulchre at Paderborn as weIl as Santo Stefano in

Bologna are distinctly octagonal in form. 245 What can be made of

this fact and furthermore, what does this tell us about the

nature of medieval imitation when even basic elements such as

these are not transferred from model to copy? What is more, these

two examples are not exceptions or aberrations within the larger

family of Holy Sepulchre imitations. Indeed, there are as many if

not more examples of Holy Sepulchres with polygonal rather than

round plans. 246

To sorne extent this phenomenon can be attributed to the inherent

245 In fact, St. Bénigne's ground plan is circular yet the inner ring of supports is octagonal. The eight columns which surround the central area are linked by rectilinear walls carrying round arches and forming an octagon. See Jackson, Thomas Graham; Byzantine and Romanesque Architecture. Cambridge University Press, 1920. Vol II, p.119. 246 Krautheimer, Richard; "Introduction to an "Iconography of Mediaeval Architecture"". Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, 1942, p.20.

104

disregard for geometric precision prevalent in the Middle Ages.

Indeed, as Krautheimer notes, even otherwise lucid commentators

such as Isodore of Seville247 and Gerbert of Aurillac248 seem to

lapse into uncharacteristic fits of vagueness and ambiguity when

topics demanding any type of geometric description arise.

Krautheimer goes on to state:

It seems as though circle and polygon were interchangeable throughout the Middle Ages. For as early as the 4th century Gregory of Nyssa described the plan of an octagonal church as forming \\a circle with eight angles" although he apologizes for his somewhat loose terminology. From then on distinctions of this kind lose their precision more and more. To Arculf who visited the Near East late in the 7th century the octagonal church of the Ascension on Mount Olivet, the Imbomon, was \\rotunda" and so was the cross-domed plan of the Hagia Sophia in Constantinople. Even as late as 1322 Sir John of Mandeville called the octagonal dome of the Rock \\a circular edifice". It could almost be said that to medieval eyes, anything which had more than four sides was approximatelya circle. ( ... ). An approximate similarity of the geometric pattern evidently satisfied the minds of medieval men as to the identi ty of two forms. 249

If the meaning of a given form was not to be communicated through

exact geometric reproduction then how was it transmitted? It

would seem as though the medieval mind derived meaning from

sources other than those familiar to our modern eyes. This can

only mean that the basis for medieval architectural imitation

247 Isodore of Seville (560-636AD) was an inde fatigable compiler of ail existing knowledge. The most important and by far the best-known of ail his writings is the "Etymologiae", or "Origines", as it is sometimes cailed. 248 Gerbert of Aurillac (ca. 955-1003) reigned as Pope Sylvester II from 999 to 1003 AD. Before his ascendancy to the papacy he made a name for himself as one of the best known theologians of his age as weil as a pioneer in logic and mathematics. 249 Krautheimer, Richard: "Introduction to an "Iconography of Mediaeval Architecture"". Journal of the Courtauld and WarbuQ; Institutes, 1942, p.6.

105

used means other than formaI and visual similitude to convey a

sense of "sameness". The notion of "copying" therefore depended

on significantly different criteria in order to establish the

essential link which bound an imitation to its prototype.

Once again the contrast between circle and octagon seems to shed

sorne light and suggests a possible explanation to this perplexing

question.

Throughout antiquity and the Middle Ages the circle was perceived

as the symbol of perfection by the Greeks and as that of Virtue

by the Christians. Indeed, Augustine put it in clearly Platonic

terms when he defined the circle as the "Form of Virtue". 250

Perfection implied incorruptibility and eternity to the classical

mind and similarly, to the medieval one it represented the hope

for salvation and eternal life. This explains why the circular

ground plan was used so consistently throughout antiquity and the

Middle Ages in mortuary and sepulchral architecture. 251

It is very interesting to note however that the octagon appears

to have enjoyed a virtually identical set of meanings. 252 Firstly,

in an age where geometric exactitude seems to have been of little

250 Ibid, p.6. 251 Grabar, André: MartYrium: recherches sur le culte des reliques et l'art Chrétien antique. Variorum Reprints, London, 1972. Vol I, p.4S. 252 Krautheimer, Richard: "Introduction to an "Iconography of Mediaeval Architecture"". Journal of the Courtauld and Warbut;J5 Institutes, 1942, p.6.

106

concern, it is close enough in appearance to the circle to

inherit much of the symbolic value associated with the latter.

What is more, while geometric precision assumes a secondary role

in medieval thought, numerology and specifically numerological

symbolism takes on a very great deal of importance. Given this,

the octagon accordingly receives the added benefit of the

symbolic value associated with the number eight which is

similarly identified with rebirth and eternal life. Indeed, if 7

represents the number associated with divine creation, then 8

symbolizes the dynamic element within this great cycle of Being.

It is the magic number which returns the completed totality to a

new 1 and thereby triggers the birth of an entirely new creative

cycle. In this sense it is a magically significant number which

symbolizes dynamism, eternity and especially rebirth. For these

reasons it is intimately related to the Holy-day of Sunday (the

"eighth day" for the early Church), the celebration of Easter and

to the pre-eminent sacrament of Baptism. AlI this is related to

its function as the symbol which represents the central event of

Christiani ty, namely the Resurrection. Hence i t is the number

which symbolizes Christ himself. 253 254

253 De Vries, Ad; Dictionary of Symbolism and Imagery. North-Holland Publishing company, Amsterdam, 1974, p.159. 254 It is for this reason that the contemporary Church of the Nativity in Bethlehem (c. 333 AD) , a1so commissioned by Constantine, consists of an octagon p1aced over grotto of Christ's birth. This octagona1 structure is similarly

107

Ultimately therefore, circle and octagon share the same essential

meaning, and even though their forms are different they

nevertheless seem to have been used interchangeably throughout

the course of the Middle Ages.

All this would seem to suggest that what was valued by the

medieval psyche was not so much the strict shape of a given form

but rather the meaning which the given form implied. In other

words, insofar as medieval architecture is concerned, forms were

used for their symbolic significance, not their precise shape. If

two geometric figures had the same essential meaning then either

would be used freely because first and foremost it is the symbol

which is the central concern of the medieval architect rather

than the form.

This type of approach conforms very well with the categories of

"form" and "import" (translated from the German gehalt and also

referred to as substance, depth-content or meaning) elaborated by

the theologian and aesthetic philosopher Paul Tillich.

In his work entitled What is Religion? Tillich lays down the

basic relationship linking these two elements in the following

way:

Attention must be paid to two things in regard to the cultural-theological analysis. The first is the relation

attached to cathedral basilica.

108

between form and substance. Substance or import is something different from content. By content we mean something objective in its simple existence, which by form is raised to the intellectual-cultural sphere. By substance or import however, we understand the meaning, the spiritual substantiality, which alone gives form its significance. We can therefore say: substance or import is grasped in a content by means of the form and given expression. Content is accidentaI, substance essential, and form is the mediating element. 255

In Religious Style and Religious Material in the Fine Arts,

Tillich goes further to qualify and illustrate his observations

by noting that:

If we start the typology of styles from the contrast of form and depth-content, three basic types of style are the result: the form dominated styles (impressionism-realism), the Gehalt-dominated styles (romanticism-expressionism), and the balanced styles (idealism-classicism) .256

According to this model therefore:

The relation of import to form must be taken as resembling a line, one pole of which represents pure form and the other pure import. Along the line itself, however, the two are always in unity. The revelation of a predominant import consist in the fact that the form becomes more and more inadequate, that the reality, in its overflowing abundance, shatters the form meant to contain it. 257

Along the continuum of "import" and "form" therefore, the notion

of architectural imitatio, and indeed aIl of architecture in the

Middle Ages, clearly occupies a position very close to the

polarityof "pure import". In other words, medieval architectural

255 Tillich, Paul: What is Religion? Harper & Row, San Francisco, 1969, p.163. 256 Tillich, Paul: Religious Style and Religious Material in the Fine Arts in; On Art and Architecture. Crossroad Publishing, New York, 1987, p.53.

109

imi tation is almost exclusi vely gehal t dominated as opposed to

the modern notion of imitation which is almost purely form

dominated.

In order to illustrate this phenomenon, we again refer to

Krautheimer who reports that:

As a matter of fact, no mediaeval source ever stresses the design of an edifice or its construction, apart from the material which has been used. On the other hand the practical or liturgical functions are always taken into consideration. Not once, it will be remembered, does Suger refer to the revolutionary problems of vaulting and design in his new building at St. Denis. ( ... ) Evidently, the design of an edifice or for that matter the construction were not within the realm of theoretical discussion. On the other hand, the religious implications of a building were uppermost in the minds of its contemporaries. Time and again Suger discusses the dedication of altars to certain Saints. Questions of the symbolical significance of the layout or of the parts of a structure are prominenti questions of its dedication to a particular Saint, and of the relation of its shape to a specific religious- not necessarily liturgical­purpose . 258

Accordingly, the notion of form took on a secondary role and this

role had importance only because of its function as the vehicle

for the far more pertinent question of religious significance. In

this context, gi ven the virtually limi tless array of possible

shapes available, the choice of any particular form becomes an

almost elective process.

Within the language of medieval architecture therefore, circle

and octagon became synonyms wi thin the context of the visual

257 Tillich, Paul: What is Re/~ion? Harper & Row, San Fransisco, 1969, p.163. 258 Krautheimer, Richard: "Introduction to an "Iconography of Mediaeval Architecture''''. Journal of the Courtauld and

110

vocabulary because both forms pointed to the same import and

shared the same meaning. Consequently, in this light, it is not

surprising to find as many octagonally shaped Holy Sepulchres as

circular ones given that the very nature of medieval imitation

was not based on formal reproduction, but rather centered in the

notion that content supersedes form.

Thus, the many layers of symbolic meaning which the Holy

Sepulchre evoked within the medieval psyche could just as

effectively have been conveyed by the use of either form, which

indeed ended up being the case.

Warbut;g Institutes, V; 1942., p.l.

111

CONCLUSION

The language of medieval architecture, much like that of

medieval theology and medieval science, expressed itself in a

manner altogether different from that which the modern psyche is

accustomed to. This difference is no small matter for it reveals

the fact that each era displays a fundamentally distinct way of

interpreting and ordering its Cosmos.

Although the similarities and dissimilarities between our time

and the Middle Ages are indeed many, there nevertheless exists

one critical difference at the very root of either culture which

defines and distinguishes one from the other. Rather than

applying the method of inductive reasoning (the study of that

which is quantitative and thereby measurable) which has dominated

Western thought since the enlightenment, the medieval mind placed

a much greater emphasis on the methods of deductive reasoning (a

qualitative method which made bold accounts of particular events

by using reference to higher 1 unchallenged principles) and most

particularly on analogical reasoning. The understanding of this

basic change of analytic modes is central to a proper

understanding of the Middle Ages in general, and architectural

112

imitation in particular. What this represents is the fundamental

shift from an essentially qualitative approach to the world as a

primary basis for knowledge (exemplified by the analogical

method) to an inherently quantitative one (embodied by the method

of induction) With regards to the notion of imitatio, this

change symbolises nothing less than a pivotaI transformation of

the most basic and central criteria upon which the entire notion

of comparison is based, and has consequently led to greater

modern difficulties in understanding and establishing the

validity of medieval "copies".

Let me explain; the Platonic worldview of antiquity posited a

mimetic universe in which imitatio described the relationship of

transcendental Ideas to worldly reality. Within this type of

model deducti ve reasoning was the logical way of "dialectics".

The physical world was the flawed mirror of the metaphysical

realm (but a mirror no less) and thereby analogically related to

it. This approach began to be challenged by the rediscovery of

Aristotle's works in the thirteenth century. But the basic

Platonic-Augustinian philosophy was not displaced until the new

empiricism and utilitarianism of the enlightenment, of which

Francis Bacon's New Organon (1605) is the leading example. 259

Plato's cosmogony is an inherently mimetic creative process which

259 Kristeller, P.O; Renaissance thought and Its S ourees. Columbia University Press, New York, 1979, as well as

113

is intimately linked with his writings on aesthetics and

especially artistic imitation. Both the Phaedrus (section 247d-

250d) and Book X of The Republic clearly state that among the

arts, the highest is that of the Divine Maker (the Demiurgos,

Unmoved Mover, Divine Intelligence, etc) who composed the

universe as an imitation of the Eternal Ideas or Unchanging

Forms. However, given the inherently corrupt nature of matter and

the temporal realm, the imitations of the Ideal Forms also found

themselves corrupted and compromised, thereby leading to the

generation of an imperfect physical universe subject to the

deficiencies of motion, change and decay. Given this two-tiered

cosmic model (corrupt physical/ perfect metaphysical), imitation

within the human realm is consequently faced with two fundamental

options which Plato outlines in the Sophist:

Yet, for the sake of distinctness, l will make bold to calI the imitation which coexists with opinion, the imitation of appearancei that which coexists with science (knowledge), a scientific or learned imitation. 260

The imitation of appearance is that which seeks to reproduce the

visible forms within the lower corruptible realm. Since these are

merely illusions and compromised imitations to begin with, Plato

considers this type of imitation as the perpetuation of a lie,

McLelland, J.e; Prometheus Rebound. Waterloo; Wilfrid Laurier University Press, 1988, p.77ff. 260 Plato; Sophist, section 267d, selected from Hofstadter & Kuhns; Philosophies of Art and Beaury; Sclected Readings in Aesthetics From Plato to Heidegger. Modem Library, New York, 1964, p.4S.

114

"and what is more, a bad lie". 261

Learned imitation on the other hand is that which, like the

Di vine Intelligence, looks directly to the only source of true

Being, the Eternal Ideas, as the only valid prototypes.

Those who chose to imitate the world of appearance are therefore

thrice removed from the Truth or the knowledge True Being (namely

the Eternal Ideas) because the result is a corrupt imitation (the

replication of appearance) of a corrupt imitation (the material

world). This leads Plato to condemn the art which imitates

appearance as "an inferior who marries an inferior, and has

inferior offspring". 262

In book III of The Republic, Plato states that such art should be

banned by the enlightened statesman of a polis for it was

inherently harmful to the moral health of the souls of those who

were exposed to it. Indeed, because the art which merely imitates

appearances manifests an inferior degree of truth, it inevitably

leads the soul deeper into ignorance by guiding i t further and

further away from the true source of knowledge, virtue and

salvation, namely the knowledge of the Essential Ideas and

especially that of the "Form of the Good".

According to Plato therefore, the only valid, virtuous and

261 Plato; The Republic, Book II, 377. Ibid, p9.

115

meaningful type of imitation was that which referred directly to

the metaphysical realm. Indeed, the function of good art (and

architecture) is none other than to direct the soul towards the

remembrance of the Essential Ideas. The recollection of this

latent a priori knowledge is nothing less than the cognition of

the Absolute Transcendent Reali ty, (the foundation and basis for

aIl that exists), the understanding of which, for Plato,

represents the only true path to spiritual salvation.

The practice of learned imitation therefore had an essentially

moral and even soteriological purpose, a fact that was certainly

not lost on the Christian designers of sacred structures.

Such was the basic mimetic model that the Middle Ages inherited

from the classical world, albeit in the Christianized form

adapted mainly through the Neo-Platonism of Augustine. Modern

thought since the enlightenment, however, has abandoned the

mimetic model of the universe and thereby largely done away with

the need for the deducti ve and analogical modes of reasoning.

This is mainly due to a shift in philosophical focus, moving from

Truth and its form, to Method and its problems.

The implications of this paradigm shift on each culture's

understanding of the notion imitation are significant. According

262 Plato; The Republic, Book X. Ibid. p39.

116

to the medieval method of analogy, two things were deemed

meaningfully similar not because they resembled one another in a

visual, measurable or otherwise tangible sense but rather because

they shared a kinship of meaning, resembling one another in a

qualitative, metaphysical and essentially intangible sense. It is

not ha rd to see how fundamentally at variance this mode of

analysis is from our current form of interpretive methodology.

And yet, foreign as it may seem to a modern observer, analogical

thinking nevertheless formed the basis of medieval cosmology,

theology, symbolism, science as weIl as social theory. For

example, because the Divine World exhibi ts hierarchical degrees

of subordination, it was understood that human relationships

should similarly exhibit such subordination. Thus we have the

macrocosmic pattern of the Heavenly Order reflecting itself and

defining by analogy the pattern of relationships both social and

poli tical, wi thin the microcosmic earthly plane. That which is

above is as that which is below, on Earth as it is in Heaven.

Applied in a concrete sense, the primary analogy governing the

social and political system in the Middle Ages was that of God as

King of Heaven. Concei ving of God in such a manner provided

clarity and focus to medieval humanity's Cosmology. It not only

gave him an understanding of the greater spiritual ordering of

the Cosmos, it also allowed him to understand and justify the

117

social ordering of his own temporal world, namely the hierarchies

implicit within a monarchy, and his rightful place within it.

In the Middle Ages therefore, perception and understanding was

largely accomplished through the application of such analogical

models. Indeed, the medieval mind comprehended and ordered its

world, as weIl as aIl the complex relations within it, through

the quasi-exclusive use of analogical tools such as simile,

metaphor, parable and allegory.

Thus the two principal authorities of medieval scholastic

philosophy, St. Thomas Aquinas and St. Bonaventura (of whom the

former represents Aristotelianism and the other Platonism in

Christian philosophy) not only make use of analogy but also

assign it a very important theoretical role in their own

philosophical theologies. St. Thomas advances the doctrine of

analogia entis, the analogy of being, which is the principal key

to his philosophy. St. Bonaventura, in his doctrine of signatura

rerum, interprets the entire visible world as the symbol of the

invisible world. For him, the visible world is only another Holy

Scripture, another revelation alongside that which is contained

in the Holy Scripture properly said.

What is more, medieval science as weIl, which included

118

numerology, astrology and the Hermetic Arts (encompassing

physics, mineralogy and chemistry) was essentially a science of

symbolic and metaphysical correspondences entirely dependent on

the method of analogy for its ontological truth claims.

This analogical/qualitative approach, which typifies the medieval

interpretation of the material and spiritual world, is readily

apparent where the issue of architectural imitation is concerned.

Indeed, it is critical to its proper comprehension, for it

defines the very nature of correspondence and comparison employed

at the time.

As we have seen, the transfer of specifie forms and measures from

prototype to replica was not a central concern for medieval

constructors. The basis of imitation was not so much formaI as it

was symbolic and relational. The relation between a copy and its

model therefore did not consist of a visual mimicry of exacting

particulars but rather constituted a qualitative relationship

whereby the replica was expected to mirror a portion of the

original's religious and symbolic content. In other words,

imitations were expected to reflect meaning on an analogical

level rather than measure on an inductive one.

Paradoxically, if we assume an inductive model and mode of

thought in our efforts to understand the nature of medieval

119

imitation then the entire relationship between model and copy

will appear nonsensical. If we look for resemblance on a visual

level or within a measurable framework we are looking in the

wrong place. Indeed, we would be applying criteria of comparison

which were inherently foreign to the medieval understanding of

imitation. We would be speaking a fundamentally different

language if we expected to find similitude of an inductive

nature.

Where the modern viewer looks to compare a great number of

visible facts within the sensible and tangible realm to establish

the accuracy of a replica, the medieval beholder rather sought an

identity of intangible principles within the intelligible realm

in order to establish the validi ty, accuracy and strength of

resemblance within a copy.

< Laws

Focts

Original

Imitation > Medieval

<Madern ~ Imitation

Laws

Focts

CDPY

Intangible Realm

(S'ymbol) (Ideas)

Tangible Realm (Matter) (Appuorance)

120

In the hierarchy of medieval imitation the problems which centred

around the transfer of religiously significant principles were

paramount to the designersi the specific architectural facts

making up the prototype were of lesser relevance or at best were

given a secondary status. Using a linguistic analogy, the

particular facts of a structure were as words in a sentence,

acting as the bearers of meaning but not inherently meaningful in

and of themselves. Like words in a sentence, many synonyms could

be found to express an idea, just as many different or alternate

wordings could be used to communicate the same essential meaning.

Thus we have circle and octagon used synonymously precisely

because their inherent meaning did not reside in the form per se

but rather in what the form implied. What counted in the eyes of

the medieval imitators is that they expressed the same basic

principle of Perfection, Rebirth and hope of Salvation. In this

context form is not fixed but becomes fluid and versatilei a

dynamic means of communication on a spiritual and metaphysical

level.

Unlike ourselves, medieval humanity was living in a world of

symbols rather than one of measures. For them the act of

imitation was a symbolic enterprise devoted to the re-creation of

content and meaning rather than the methodological replication of

121

strict and hollow forms. In the final analysis therefore each

holy sepulchre represents a different architectural and visual

phrasing of the same set of essential religious ideas, and it is

only within this context that the merit and validity of medieval

imitation can be properly understood.

122

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Illustrations

Figure 1 The Mosaic map of Madaba showing Roman Jerusalem with the Holy Sepulchre at its center and giving

directly onto the city's main artery, the Cardo Maximus.

Figure 2

#2 on the map represents the Holy Sepulchre. #11 is the main Cardo of Aelia Capitolina (Rom: Jerusalem).

Other sites depicted in the map include:

1 Damascus Gate Plaza with large column in center 2 Church of the Holy Sepulchre (Eastern Atrium, Martyrdom, Triportico, and Anastasis; pictured u down) 3 Citadel and main western gate (today's Jaffa Gate) 4 Church of Hagia Zion 5 Cenacle or Coenaculum 6 Nea Church 7 The Haram al-Sharif (Temple Mount) 8 Beautiful Gate 9 Probatike Gate (St. Stephen's Gate, the main eastern gate) 10 Eastern Branch of the Cardo Maximus Il The Cardo Maximus (running north-south from the Damascus Gate to Nea Church)

Figure 3 Ancient Jerusalem. Note the site of Golgotha (identified as the church of the Holy Sepulchre) located

immediately outside the Second defensive walls.

Figure 4 Roman Jerusalem. Rebuilt as Aelia Capitolina under Hadrian c120AD.

l , , , ,

Figure 5 Floor Plan of the of the Constantinian Roly Sepulchre complex

Figure 6 Reconstruction of Constantine' s Roly Sepulchre

'.

Figure 7 Rooftop reconstruction of the Constantinian Roly Sepulchre complex

1

" 1

Figure 8 Remains of the façade of the Basilica in the Russian Hospice.

Figure 9 Cross section of the Basilica

Figure 10 Holy Sepulchre. Basilica, apse excavations.

Remains of the apse of the Martyrium unearthed in today's Greek Choir.

Figure 11 Floorplan of the Coanstantinian Anastasis and its atrium

/ " >

Figure 12

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CH. coOAS~N Al'«'"1I. "'" 12 ...... .- '1lRAY MU.

Reconstruction of the Constantinian Anastasis by Charles Coüasnon

Figure 13 A surviving niche from Constantine's Anastasis.

Figure 14 Remains from the Façade of the Anastasis built by Constantine

Figure 15 The mosaic in the church ofSta. Pudenziana in Rome, dating from c. 380 depicts two ofConstantine's

newly-built churches, the Holy Sepulchre immediately on the left of Christ and the Church of the Nativity on the right.

a b c Figure 16

a)Floorplan of the tomb aedicule, b) exterior reconstruction and c) early depiction of the tomb aedicule engraved on a lead ampoule (the Monza ampullae)

Figure 17 Reconstruction of the tomb aedicule

Figure 18 Three renditions of Arculf s plan.of the Anastasis

. •• , . 1 • ..

« c

• • Il .. li ..

.pt .. • .. .. • 1 ....... Il 11 ,.

Figure 19 Floor-plan of the Byzantine Roly Sepulchre as reconstructed by Constantine Monomachus circ a

AD

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Figure 20 Reconstruction of the Byzantine Boly Sepulchre complex

Figure 21 Prison of Christ in the second atrium.

Figure 23 Fulda, crypt with single ionic

colurnn as support.

Figure 22 Floorplan, St Michael' s at Fulda.

Figure 24 Fulda, Colonnade and gallery.

Figure 25 Fulda, inner ring of supports.

Figure 26 Holy Sepulchre at Paderborn, floor-plan

Figure 27 St Bénigne in Dijon, Floor-Plan

Figure 28 St Bénigne, reconstruction of the complex

Figure 29 St Bénigne, isometric cross section of the complex

, CondrudiofJ$ dt; XIII! .i;'d,

Co (nifUer ù,/I}$

Figure 30 St Bénigne, floor-plan of the rotunda

Figure 31 17th century illustration of St Bénigne' s rotunda

Figure 32 Cross section of St Bénigne's Rotunda

Figure 33 St Bénigne, crypt

Figure 34 Santo Stefano in Bologna, Floor-Plan

Figure 35 Santo Stefano, model of complex

Figure 36 Santo Stefano, exterior view, façade and octagon

Figure 37 Santo Stefano, exterior view of octagon

Figure 38 Santo Stefano, court yard with the basin of Pilate

), .. ;t >ss;;; 50 100 150M

Figure 39 Bologna, plan showing the relationship ofchurches. (1) S. Stefano; (2) Former location ofS. Tecl

S. Giovanni in Monte

Figure 40 Holy Sepulchre in Cambridge, floor-plan

Figure 41 Holy Sepulchre in Cambridge, exterior view

Figure 42 Holy Sepulchre in Cambridge, exterior view

Figure 43 Holy Sepulchre, Cambridge. Drawing of original interior from Brittan, Architectural Antiquities, 1807