meaning-making in cultural sociology: broadening our agenda

Meaning-Making in Cultural Sociology: Broadening Our AgendaAuthor(s): Michele LamontSource: Contemporary Sociology, Vol. 29, No. 4 (Jul., 2000), pp. 602-607Published by: American Sociological AssociationStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2654561 .

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602 Symposia 602 Symposia

Meaning-Making in Cultural Sociology: Broadening Our Agenda* MICHELE LAMONT

Princeton University

Meaning-Making in Cultural Sociology: Broadening Our Agenda* MICHELE LAMONT

Princeton University

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When I was asked to write an essay on where the study of the "social construction of meaning" should go in the twenty-first century, images of the developments in cultural sociology in the last two decades came to mind. Since I arrived in the United States in 1983, I have, with sociologists of my generation, witnessed an explosion of interest in cultural analysis, paralleling developments in other disciplines. In the early 1990s particularly, there was a terrific and exciting sense of momentum. All of the top departments of sociology in the United States came to feel that they needed a "culture person," in strong contrast with the situation in the 1970s. As the field of cultural sociology grew, one could also

* Special thanks to Bethany Bryson, Laura ]. Miller, Bess Rothenberg, and the editors of Contemporary Sociology for their very helpful comments.

When I was asked to write an essay on where the study of the "social construction of meaning" should go in the twenty-first century, images of the developments in cultural sociology in the last two decades came to mind. Since I arrived in the United States in 1983, I have, with sociologists of my generation, witnessed an explosion of interest in cultural analysis, paralleling developments in other disciplines. In the early 1990s particularly, there was a terrific and exciting sense of momentum. All of the top departments of sociology in the United States came to feel that they needed a "culture person," in strong contrast with the situation in the 1970s. As the field of cultural sociology grew, one could also

* Special thanks to Bethany Bryson, Laura ]. Miller, Bess Rothenberg, and the editors of Contemporary Sociology for their very helpful comments.

detect increased enthusiasm for things cultural in subfields traditionally less concerned with the topic, such as organizations, social movements, and network analysis.1 In 1994, the year I chaired the Culture Section of the ASA, well over 100 people attended the section's business meeting, at a time when other areas and sections were clearly losing steam and had problems attracting younger generations. Of course, "cultural analysis" came to mean different things to different people: Is it explanatory and/or inter- pretative? Should it be systematically empirical? What place should it give to political issues? Nevertheless, many found their place under this huge umbrella.

l For organization, see Dobbin (1994); for social movements, see Jasper ( 1997); for network analysis, see Emirbayer and Goodwin (1994).

detect increased enthusiasm for things cultural in subfields traditionally less concerned with the topic, such as organizations, social movements, and network analysis.1 In 1994, the year I chaired the Culture Section of the ASA, well over 100 people attended the section's business meeting, at a time when other areas and sections were clearly losing steam and had problems attracting younger generations. Of course, "cultural analysis" came to mean different things to different people: Is it explanatory and/or inter- pretative? Should it be systematically empirical? What place should it give to political issues? Nevertheless, many found their place under this huge umbrella.

l For organization, see Dobbin (1994); for social movements, see Jasper ( 1997); for network analysis, see Emirbayer and Goodwin (1994).



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believe that some of the most promising research agendas for cultural sociology in the early twenty- first century will emerge where they are least expected in our encounter with the historical- ly most structural fields of sociology, including demography and social stratification. These emerging agendas will derive from a confluence of interest between cultural sociology "insiders," culturally sensitive practitioners in other fields, and newcomers. To describe them, I focus on four research areas: race/ethnicity and immigration, inequality, comparative sociology, and the sociology of knowledge and science. Due to space constraints, I focus largely on interview- based and ethnographic work. I conclude with a reflection on our possible dialogues with nearby disciplines.

Race, Ethnicity, and Immigration The subjective experience of race, ethnicity,

and immigration is hardly a new topic. The assimilation debate alone, with its normative implications, is still very much alive (Alba and Nee 1997). Recently, scholars in these fields have come to focus on racial and ethnic identity construction (Cornell and Hartmann 1997), creating conditions for a convergence with cultural sociologists interested in identity (Cerulo 1997). Several books right off the presses, or forthcoming shortly, are defining this trend. Mary Waters's Black Identities (2000) examines the repertoires of cultures and identity that West Indian immigrants bring to the United States as well as their strategies of self-presentation and the ethnic and racial boundaries they find most salient (p. 12). This book helps us move beyond the simple "politicized dichotomies of structure and culture" (Waters 1999) that characterized the "culture of poverty" debate as well as tradi- tional Marxist and network-analytic frameworks. It also unveils meaning-making processes that are at work in all aspects of immigration and race relations. The same can be said of Mitchell Duneier's Sidewalk ( 1999), Mary Pattillo-McCoy's Black Picket Fences (1999), and Alford Young, Jr.'s (1999) work on the understandings of mobility and racial constraints developed by "rags-to-riches" young black men. These studies dissect the "mental maps" and "models for" living (to use Geertz's [1973: 93-94, 220] expression) found in various corners of American society. They are often informed by the analytic tools central to cultural sociologists, such as "repertoires of strategies of action," "symbolic boundaries," "cognitive classifica-

Now things are settling down. We have a canon, more or less, as suggested by the collec- tion of syllabi for courses in the sociology of culture assembled by Diana Crane and Magali Sarfatti Larson for the ASA Teaching Services in 1995. Several key concepts have come to form the deep intellectual structures of the field (Pierre Bourdieu's concepts of"field" and "cultural capital," Ann Swidler's "cultural tool-kits" and "repertoires," Wendy Griswold's "cultural diamond," Michael Schudson's "cultural reso- nance," Gary Alan Fine's "idioculture," and Robert Wuthnow, John R. Hall, and William Sewell, Jr.'s various "cultural structures" come to mind.) A fresh wave of readers and anthologies of the "new cultural sociology" is appearing (Smith 1998; Spillman forthcoming). Over the last few years, a relatively large number of tal- ented (generationally) "younger" cultural sociologists have published influential articles (e.g., Mustafa Emirbayer, Anne Kane, Ronald Jacobs, and John Mohr) while others have published well-received books and become certified mem bers of the guild (Victoria Alexander, Penny Becker, Nicola Beisel, Mabel Berezin, Sarah Corse, Nina Eliasoph, Wendy Espeland, Josh Gamson, Eva Illouz, Sharon Hays, Paul Lichterman, Francie Ostrower, and Andrea Press, to name only a few). Hence, this is a pro- pitious moment for speculating about the future.

Several predictable but unnecessary dualistic debates may be ahead of us: between those who stress the autonomy of culture and those who stress the embeddedness of meanings in net- works; between those concerned with meaning- making and those concerned with institutions; and between those who privilege cognition and those who privilege emotions. The spirit of col- legiality that has characterized the field in the booming '90s will, I hope, continue to facilitate the coexistence of a multiplicity of perspectives and research topics. With this in mind, I describe research agendas in formation that I see, or would like to see, as emerging in the next decade (I dare not speculate about the century as a whole).

The last 15 years has been a period of institu- tionalization and, predictably, of autonomiza- tion of cultural sociology. We frequently talked among ourselves about self-referential theoretical and empirical issues. It is important for the future vitality of our field that we build bridges to subfields that have not been particularly cultural to date as well as to nearby disciplines. I



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tion," and "scripts of personhood." They herald what our field has to contribute to the study of race, ethnicity, and immigration: new analytical frames and concepts that can identify neglected questions and broaden these fields' intellectual agendas. My edited volume The Cultural Territories of Race was conceived with these goals in mind, as is my forthcoming The Dignity of Working Men: Morality and the Boundaries of Race, Class, and Immigraiion. This book examines workers' conceptions of what makes people worthy and whom they include as "part of us." It also explains these conceptions by the cultural repertoires made available to workers and the structural contexts in which they live. It points to different models of cultural membership, just as Soysal (2000), Favell ( 1997), Kastoryano (forthcoming), and others study models of social membership, claim making, or constructions of the nation through immigration and immigration policy.

A focus on meaning-making is also likely to enrich the study of racism and antiracism. Whereas available studies of racism tend to focus on racism per se (e.g., Feagin and Vera 1995 ), we need to gain purchase on the broad cultural frameworks that facilitate it, and on those used to respond to it. For instance, we need to know more about the roles of particularism and uni- versalism in shaping racism and antiracism alike. Do middle-class, working-class, and poor African Americans presume that particularism makes the world go around? If so, what is the impact on the strategies they use to rebut racism and demonstrate or acquire equality? Anderson (forthcoming) is moving toward finding responses to these questions, as are Molnar and Lamont (forthcoming) in their study of the role of consumption in providing social membership to African Americans. DiTomaso (2000) also sheds new light on white opposition to affirmation action by looking at how middle-class and working-class whites construct their experiences in the labor market, and particularly how they and their children receive or do not receive- help in finding jobs. Karyn Lacy (2000) studies how middle-class African Americans manage their racial identity as they move between the black and white worlds. This work is important because it gives us empirical tools for discussing racial differences while avoiding the essentialist fallacy. Finally, in a more historical vein, Steinmetz (2000) focuses on the construction of racial categories through comparative imperial-

ism, while Beisel (1999) studies how race is depicted in nineteenth- and twentieth-century narratives about white people and abortion.

I should also mention the pervasive emphasis on boundaries of identities in the field of immigration. The lasting influence of Fredrik Barth and closure theory translates today into a renewed interest in the construction and main- tenance of national boundaries (see, for instance, Brubaker 1992; Baubeck 1992; and Zolberg and Woon 1999). The recent debate between Loveman (1999) and Bonilla-Silva (1999) also suggests that a focus on boundaries is becoming more salient in the study of racism and racial boundaries (see also Lieberson, forthcoming). The time is ripe for theoretical work linking these emerging literatures with the growing body of work by cultural sociologists on symbolic boundaries (see Lamont, forthcoming b).

Inequality The intersection between culture and

inequality has been one of the fastest-growing subfields of cultural sociology over the last 15 years. Pierre Bourdieu's contributions have giv- en the impetus, and sociologists as diverse as Bethany Bryson, Paul DiMaggio, Bonnie Erickson, John Hall, David Halle, and Richard Peterson have followed with important theoretical and substantive developments. Much is left to explore. Indeed, while much of the available work on cultural practices has focused on class differences, gender and racial and ethnic variations remain largely unexplored. Even less is known about how inequality shapes the self. Katherine Newman's No Shame in My Game (1999) reveals in poignant terms how the working poor construct selves that go beyond the lim- its of their immediate environment while hanging on to minimum-wage jobs. Similarly, Waller and McLanahan (1999) analyze how unmarried poor men understand their role as fathers, and the emotional and material contributions they make to the lives of their children. Annette Lareau (2000) shows important differences in childhood socialization across social classes, with upper middle-class parents being involved in "concerted cultivation" of the self whereas working-class people encourage "natural growth." Finally, Kefalas (forthcoming) ana- lyzes how white working-class people define and defend themselves in what they perceive to be an imperiled world, through the care with which they keep their home clean, cultivate their gar-



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dens, maintain their property, defend their neighborhoods, and celebrate the nation.

These four studies illustrate how meaning- making is an essential dimension of inequality and hint at a vast research area that remains largely unexplored. As Grusky and Sorensen (1998) imply, if the concept of class is to be salvaged through occupational location, for instance it will happen because sociologists heed the identity and lifestyle dimensions of inequality, as well as its structural dimensions. Hence, analysis of structural mobility should be followed by a systematic empirically based research program centering on the cultural dimensions of inequality. In particular, we need to understand better the cultural frameworks that accompany neoliberalism and lead us toward a reduction of welfare programs and nar- rower definitions of our symbolic community.2

Comparative Sociology In the eyes of many sociologists, the compar-

ative study of national cultures remains mired in functionalism. Nevertheless, in the wake of an ever more powerful movement toward globaliza- tion, this is one of the topics that will surely be revisited. The tools of cultural sociology, such as that of "cultural repertoire," may help us go beyond the limitations of the "national charac- ter" literature by focusing on the tools for acting and thinking that are unequally available to individuals across national contexts (Lamont and Thevenot, forthcoming). Several recent books point in this direction, including those by Corse (1997) on the American and Canadian national identity and their literary canons, Spillman (1997) onthecelebrationofbicenten- nials in Australia and the United States, Griswold (2000) on the worlds of the Nigerian novel in England and Nigeria, and Saguy (forthcoming) on the meanings of sexual harassment in France and the United States. This new literature could complement the very influential, phenomenologically inspired comparative research on the rationalization of the world-sys- tem done by John Meyer, John Boli, Francisco Ramirez, David Strang, and others.

Sociology of Knowledge and Science Another area where the study of meaning-

making should flower in the next century is the sociology of knowledge and science. Science

2 Boltanski and Chiapello (2000) and Block and Somers (2000) are working in this direction.

studies has been an extraordinarily active and dynamic field over the last 20 years, as it was revolutionized from the inside by the construc- tivist paradigm represented by the work of Karin Knorr Cetina, Bruno Latour, and others (for a review, see Shapin 1995). Unfortunately, the sociology of knowledge (defined here as the study of humanistic and interpretive knowledge) has not followed suit. While the work of Mannheim, Elias, and Merton is widely acknowledged to make up the canon of the field, the rest of the literature has yet to gel around clearly defined themes. This is not because nothing important is happening in the era. To the contrary, as suggested by the publication of the mighty Sociology of Philosophies by Collins (1998) and by the ongoing work of sociologists as diverse as Andrew Abbott, Steven Brint, Charles Camic, Harvey Goldman, Neil McLaughlin, Margaret Somers, Arpad Szakol- czai, Peter Wagner, and Robert Wuthnow. Perhaps because it sits between science studies and cultural sociology, the field is not engaging in systematic canon formation. Even the excel- lent review by Swidler and Arditi (1994) could be viewed as focusing more on cultural sociology broadly defined than on the sociology of knowledge per se. I propose that the time is now ripe for this new phase, and that the study of meaning-making in humanistic and interpretive disciplines should be part of a renewed agenda. In particular, whereas researchers associated with the Sociology of Scientific Knowledge have asked of the natural sciences "what counts as a fact or a discovery, . . . what is regarded as rational or proper conduct [in science], how obJec- tivity is recognized, and how credibility of claims is assessed" (Shapin 1995: 300), we need to ask of the humanities and social sciences how the significance or importance of a study is estab- lished; how its usefulness for the development of the field is assessed; what counts as a finding or theoretical innovation; what is regarded as a competent or legitimate style of presentation; how originality, elegance, obJectivity, and sophistication are defined; and which other cri- teria (e.g., political relevance) are factored into evaluations. For this area as for those mentioned above, the tools of cultural sociology may prove invaluable in identifying taken-for-granted cultural understandings that deserve scrutiny.

These changes may require greater dialogue with scholars in neighboring fields who are toil- ing on related topics. At times, some cultural



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sociologists have been accused of isolationism because of their lack of engagement with antipositivist currents perhaps because they practice a pragmatic "provincial positivism" (to borrow Griswold's [1990] term). While there are important diSerences in how cultural analysis is practiced within cultural sociology, and among cultural sociology, cultural anthropology, and literary cultural studies, these may be differences largely in emphasis, style, and method due to variations in disciplinary traditions. A clearly shared focus on meaning-making may be enough to counter tendencies toward disciplinary boundary policing by all parties involved. This is particularly important when the putatively com- monsense premises of rational choice theory about utility maximization are gaining influence across the social sciences. We need to join forces to express loudly and clearly that the rise of one distinctive worldview through social science discourse cannot account for the diversity of human orientations and experiences. The study of meaning-making in these fields should play a pivotal role in demonstrating this diversity and in unveiling hidden universalistic assumptions about utility maximization wherever they are shaping social science research at large.

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meaning-making in cultural sociology: broadening our agenda

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