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ping the Sem Terra of Brazil | Mobilizing Ideas

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Mapping the Sem Terra of Brazil

By Federico M. RossiTheMovimiento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra(MST)the Rural

Landless Workers Movementis the main social movement organization

(SMO) of the land reform/tenure movement in Brazil. The origin and

characteristics of the MST are traceable to three processes: the social

consequences of the Brazilian modernization of agriculture in the 1980-

1990s, the emergence of Liberation Theology in the 1970s, and the legacy of

pre-1964 coup land struggles.

Origin and goal. The MST was founded in 1984 as a result of thecoordination of peasants local struggles for land. In 1975, during the last

authoritarian regime, the Brazilian Catholic Church created the ecumenical

Commisso Pastoral da Terra(CPT), the commission for the organization

of rural Comunidades Eclesais de Base(CEB). Inspired by Liberation

Theology, the purpose of the CPT was to organize peasants for land reform

(Poletto and Canuto 2002). This goal was related to the lack of space for

landless claims within the main rural union, the Confederao Nacional dos

Trabalhadores na Agricultura(CONTAG). The first successful land

Come to the streets, but without

parties: The challenges of the new

Brazilian protests

The Left and the June Protests

in Brazil

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occupation under CPT guidance was coordinated in December 1980 in Rio

Grande do Sul. This event is considered the root of the creation of the MST

because it produced a diffusion of land occupations in the Southeast of

Brazil (Ondetti 2008: 67-71; Wright and Wolford 2003: 30-38).

The main goal of the MST is the claim to land tenure solely by those persons

that cultivate and live on the land (Harnecker 2002: 255). This

communitarian perspective is also related to a series of specific goals that

together imply a radical non-capitalist land reform with the hope of building

a new political and socioeconomic order (see MSTsite).

Organization. The MST is a very structured SMO that combines Leninist

and CEB organizational models (Hammond and Rossi 2013). It has a hymn

and flag (Fernandes 2000: 192), and it adopts the principles of democratic

centralism (Harnecker 2002: 271) combined with grassroots assemblies.

Although efforts to avoid the personalization of power are usual, the

relevance of a few founding members is evident. Some have claimed that theMST organization is very democratic (Veltmeyer and Petras 2002), whereas

others argue that it is highly authoritarian (Navarro 2002). According to

Branford and Rocha (2002: 121) the MST organization can be defined as a

SMO with strong personal leaders in which the bases have a say and relative

autonomy.

Repertoire of strategies. The MST adopts a wide repertoire of strategies.

While occupying unproductive and illegally appropriated lands, the MST

sustains an alliance with thePartido dos Trabalhadores(PT) and theCentral nica dos Trabalhadores(CUT) for specific or electoral campaigns

(cf. Navarro 1994; Ondetti 2006).

The MSTs contentious repertoire is related to pushing the Brazilian state to

apply Constitutional Article 184 on the social utility of land. This strategy

generally follows a sequence. First, the MST occupies land considered

suitable for expropriation. Then, the MST is quickly expelled from the

occupied land by police, and negotiations with land reform officials begin.

Because the process takes approximately two years, a camp is built on the

edge of the claimed land. Finally, if land is expropriated, a family-based

communitarian colony (assentamento) is formed. Land is distributed, and a

cooperative, school, and church are usually built (Harnecker 2002: chapter

2).

The MSTs institutional politics repertoire is based on the presentation of

candidates for legislative and local positions with the PT banner, the

coordination of a legislative pro-land reform group (Vergara-Camus 2009),

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and, when PT is in government, participation in land reform areas. This last

strategy began in Rio Grande do Sul with Olvio Dutras (PT) governorship

(1998-2002) and was expanded with Luiz Lula da Silvas (PT) presidencies

(2003-2010). The relationship with PT does not mean that the MST is part

of it; rather, it is a liaison with tensions that is based on a common origin

and some shared goals. Lastly, the MST has recently increased its

transnational strategy by creating the Va Campesinacoalition in Brazil.

Growth, diffusion, and resilience.Although it is one of the 71 SMOs in

the land reform/tenure struggle in Brazil (Telles Melo 2006: 133-136), the

MST is the only one that achieved wide national and international

recognition during Fernando Henrique Cardosos first presidency (1995-

1999). Fernandes (2000) argues that the main reason for this recognition is

the structural changes suffered by the rural economy in the 1980-1990s.

According to Ondetti (2006), structural changes are not as relevant as the

enormous media coverage of the Eldorado dos Carajs massacre (1996),

which required Cardoso to redefine its policies on land reform. In myopinion, the significance of the MST in the 1990s should be considered in a

long-term historical perspective. Some studies suggest that the MSTs

struggle is the continuation of the first incorporation of rural workers in

1963-1964 (cf. Pereira 1997; Welch 1999, 2009; Fernandes 2000).

However, the MSTs resilience to the unfavorable context of Cardosos

second presidency (1999-2003) and to the disappointing results of land

reform during Lulas and Dilma Russeffs (2011-) presidencies cannot be

explained only by structural changes or conjunctural events. The MSTs

growth and national diffusion seem to be the products of the modernization

of agriculture in the Southeast (1980s) and the collapse of the sugarcane

industry in the Northeast (1990s). Nevertheless, the growth of the MST

would not have been possible without the brokerage of CPT militants and

the participation of the MST in the PT-CUT family. Finally, the MSTs

resilience may also be a result of the CPT, PT, and CUT alliance, which offers

institutional access and support for political organizations.

References:

Branford, Sue and Rocha, Jan (2002), Cutting the Wire: The Story of the

Landless Movement in Brazil(London:Latin American Bureau).

Fernandes, Bernardo Manano (2000),A formao do MST no Brasil

(Petrpolis: Vozes).

Hammond, John L. and Rossi, Federico M. (2013), Landless Workers

Movement (MST) Brazil, in David Snow, et al. (eds.), The Wiley-Blackwell

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June Protests in Brazil

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Wright, Angus and Wolford, Wendy (2003), To Inherit the Earth: The

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