lutz 1986 anthropology of emotions

Ann Rev Anthroprt 19S6 15 405-'6Ci>pvrii;hi '^ 1986 f>v Annual Review\ In

THE ANTHROPOLOGY OFEMOTIONS

Catherine Lutz

Department of Anthropology State University ot New York Binghamton, New York1.390!

Geoffrey M White

Institute of Culture and Commumcdtion East-West Center. Honolulu. Hawaii 96848

INTRODUCTION

Interest in 'the emotional" has burgeoned in the lasr decade, not only inanthropology, but in psychology (e g 5 11. 113. 141), sociology (e g 72.81) philosophy (e g 153. 177), histor\- (e g 180). and feminist studies (e g176) A concem to understand the role of the emotional in personal and sociallife has developed in response to a number of factors, including dissatisfactionwith the dominant cognitive view of humans as mechanical 'informationprocessors." renewed concem wirfi understanding sociocultural expenencefrom the perspective of the persons who live it. and the nse of interpretiveapproaches to social science that are more apt to examine what has previouslybeen considered an mchoate phenomenon The past relegation ot emotions tothe sidelines of culture theory is an artifact of the view that they occupy themore natural and biological provinces of human expenence, and hence areseen as relatively uniform, uninteresting, and inaccessible to the methods ofcultural analysis In going beyond its onginal psychobiologicai framework toinclude concem with emotion's social relational, communicative, and culturalaspects, emotion theor\ has taken on new importance for sociocultural theor>'proper These cultural approaches have made it possible for a broad range ofiinthropologists. including those traditionally hostile to 'the psychological."'(o sustain un interest m emotion so construed

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This review examines approximately the last decade of anthropologicalresearch on emotions While some cross-cultural work by psychologists isincluded as well as some non-Amencan anthropological research, the empha-sis IS on Amencan anthropology Although research is hemg conducted in allgeographic areas, a disproportionate amount has been done in the Pacific,reflecting both an indigenous focus on emotional idioms and Oceanicethnography's traditional psychocultural emphases We begin by examiningsome ofthe theoretical and epistemological tensions which, often implicitly,servx to structure both debates and silences on the relationship betweenemotion and culture One of those tensions is between umversalist, positivistapproaches and relativist, interpretive ones, and it ser\ es to organize thereview that follows Those concerned with cross-cultural regularities in emo-tion bnng with them an interest in the ethological and evolutionary, thepsychodynamic, commonsense naturalism, and in language universals Thoseconcemed pnmanly with the social and cultural construction of emotion drawon a numher of different traditions, including the ethnopsychologicaL thesocial structural, the linguistic, and the developmental Like any schematicorganization of a diverse set of ideas, this one cannot do justice to the fullcomplexity of each individual approach, but does, we think, capture a centralset of dimensions that orients researchers toward the problem of emotion Inconclusion, existing ethnographic descnptions of emotions are organized viaa suggested comparative framework for looking at emotions as one culturalidiom for dealing with the persistent problems of social relationship

TENSIONS IN THE STUDY OF EMOTION

A number of classic theoretical or epistemological tensions are found in theemotion literature These include divergences on the issues of matenalism andldeahsm, positivism and lnterpretivism, universahsm and relativism, m-dividual and culture, and romanticism and rationalism While many of thesemay be rejected as false or unproductive dichotomies, they continue tostructure much anthropological discourse on emotion The positions eachobser\'er has taken on these matters are crucial for the way emotion isconceptualized and evaluated and for the methods used in its investigationWhile some of these issues have been debated explicitly as they relate toemotion, most have remained implicit positions, impeding communicationamong emotion researchers

Materialism and idealism, nature and culture, mind and body, and evenstructure and agency can be seen both as dichotomies and as the ends of acontinuum of positions (60) related to each other and central to emotiontheory The dominant paradigm in the smdy of emotion in the social sciences

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has been a materialist one Emotions are treated as matenal things, they areconstituted biologically as facia) muscle movements, raised blood pressure,hormonal and neurochemical processes, and as hard-wired" instincts makingup a generic human psyche This perspective is tound in both the evolutional^'and some of the psychodynamically onented anthropologicdl literature onemotion (e g 40, 105) Although culture is ohen conceptualized as mfluenc-ing these matenal forces, individuals and societies are pnmanly seen ascoping with" emotion's given matenahty

The View that emotions may be construed as. ideas as much as or more thanpsychobiological facts is evident in some recent research on cultural knowl-edge about person and emotion hmotions are treated as evaluative judg-ments" (106 129, 155. 156, after 177). and more emphasis is placed on theirvolitional and cognitive aspects The relationship between the body andemotions is often ignored or treated as a metaphoncal connection with culturalramifications (eg 181) For many who focus on emotion as judgment,however, the ideal aspect of emotion is embedded firmly in the real by virtueof the fact that emotional judgments are seen to require social validation ornegotiation tor their realization, thereby linking emotion with power andsocial structure Emotions are thus seen as ideological m at least one of theterm's marxist senses, that is as aspects ot consciousness linked to class and10 domination more generallv

The mind-body dochtomy is particularly evident in what can be termed atwo layers" approach In this, a distmction is made between natural, bodily.

precultural emotion and ldeai. cognitive cultural sentiment or second-orderemotion (S5 103, 131) The stratigraphy of bodv and mind in emotion studyoverlaps significantly with the iayenng ot mdividual and society (see below)

A second contrast in emotion study is found between the approaches ofpositivism and interpretivism Although positivism is purported to be on thewane in anthropology, it remains strong in psychology, the discipline mostidentified with the study of emotion The perspective of academic psychologytwhich has both incorporated and reformulated the popular westem views ofemotion) has been substantially imported into the cultural study of emotionThe positivist emphasizes discover\^ ofthe emotional (or motivational) causestor behavior The expenential epistemology ot positivism has meant that thediscovery^ process ts seen as relatively unproblematic. whether proceedingthrough empathy with one s informants or through the observation of be-havior more generally Supracultural truth about the relationship betweenemotion and culture can be know-n and iv accessible through careful observa-tion and recording of behavior

The recent trend toward interpretivism has also had an impact on theanthropology of emotion Emotion is treated as a central aspect of cultural

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meaning, with a corresponding interest in histoncal and cross-cultural varia-tion in emotional meaning Because the emotions are seen as embedded insocially constructed categones, truth about emotion becomes problematicInterpretivism's social epistemology. in which knowledge is constructed bypeople in relationship with each other, has entailed a new emphasis on thelanguage of emotion and the negotiation of emotional meaning This negotia-tion occurs not only both among tbe people being observed, but also betweenanthropologist and informant fe g 21, 26, 134) Both strong and weakversions of constructionism are represented, including tbe view tbat emotionalexperience is almost endlessly mediated tbrougb language and culture (144)and the alternative view that psychology is a pnvileged intemal domain whichmay. in theor>', remain untouched by culture {e g 46)

The tension between umversahsm and relativism is evident in how fre-quently and how precisely the question arises as to w^hetber or in what waysemotions can be said to be universal Usually positivist m epistemologica!onentation. the universalist focuses on emotion as a panhuman abiiit>' orprocess that is mvanant in its essence (typically defined as an mtemal feelingstate) and distnbution Any phenomenon acknowledged to be culturallyvanabie (e g the language available for talking about emotion) is treated asepiphenomenal to the essence of emotion (eg 157, 179) Those concemedwith tbe ways in w hich emotions var\ cross-culturally tend to define emotionmore as a socially validated judgment tban an intemal state, and hence theyfocus their research largely on the translation of emotion concepts and thesocial processes surrounding their use (e g 109. 144) Relativists var>' in tbedegree of constructionism to which they subscnbe. and many note universalsin some aspects of emotion as. for example, in the types of situationsassociated with them

Tbe debate over tbe universality of emotion parallels, in many ways, earlierdiscussions about cross-cultural variation in cognition Both come dow n tostruggles over concept definitions and over wbat differences matter, tbat is,over what cognitive or emotional differences are either crucial or interestingMost would agree, however, on tbe truisms that all humans bave the potentialto live emotionally similar lives and that at least the emotional surfaces ofothers' lives may appear different to tbe outside observer

The longstanding antagonism between individual and social approaches tounderstanding tbe person has been both bndged and continued in recentresearch on emotion and culture The individual remains the ultimate seat ofemotion in botb evolutionary and psychodynamic approaches (e g 105),confronting a social and cultural pattem into or against wbich the emotions areplaced This same schism, which is also maintained by Bntisb social an-thropology and symbolic culturology. makes necessary' a distinction between

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emotion, defined as pnvate feelings that are usually not culturally motivatedor socially articulated, and sentiment, defined a socially articulated symbolsand behavioral expectations (46) From this perspective, cultural views aboutappropriate emotions 'do not control the leelings ot the individual, which aresovereign" (73. p 197) Others downplay tbe importance or utility of adistinction between a psychological and a social analysis of emotion (e g 2.155)

Romanticism and rationalism represent two strains of thought that can bedetected in anthropological treatments ot the emotions For the rationalist whomakes use ot the general Westem equation ot irrationality with emotion, theemotions are. if not symptoms of the animal in the human (e g 49). at leastdisordering and problematic, thev are vague and irrational" (73. p 34). 'theresults of the impotence ot the mind"" (99. p 71) The antipathybetween science and emotion that this position posits may even lead to theexclusion of emotion as a proper obiect ot study

In the romantic view emotion is implicitly evaluated positively as anaspect of natural humanity" . it is (or can be) the site of uncorrupted. pure, orhonest perception in contrast with i.i\ilization"s artificial rationality Theability to leel defines the human and creates the meaningfulness in individualand social lite (eg 81. 157. 177; \ hybrid position is represented by thosewho would elevate the emotions to an important ordering place in society bylinking them with cultural logic (144), or by detining them as occasional o--potential sources of correct knowledge about the social world (103)

Each of these ver> basic stances has implications for the way emotion isinvestigated As a result of them emotion may be treated as sometbing to beexplained by other variables isui,h as the body social structure, or childhoodexperience), as something that can explain cultural institutions (such ashospitality, avoidance customs, or individual participation in religious ntual).or as an inseparable pan ot cultural meaning and social systems Thesetensions determine w^hether an investigator claims to study emotions directlyeither as affects or ideas about emotion or both .nd they mtluence the typesof methods that are used, including behavior observation, empathy, introspec-tion, or cultural analysis The various stances just descnbed help to determinewhether the focus of investigation is on emotional development (either toobserv'e the leaming ol cultural norms about emotion or the development of auniversal process), on the incidence ot emotional pathology (such as depres-sion), on the parallels between the ^tructure ot society and the structure ofemotion, on the language ot emotion (either as potential labels for feelings oras constituting emotion as a social and communicative process), on ritual(.either as the product of emotion or it*- generator) or on the social context ofthe social scientific studv ot emotion

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CROSS-CULTURAL UNIVERSALS IN EMOTION

Ethological and Evolutionary ApproachesResearch on the relationship between emotion and culture has often used theevolutionar)^ paradigm first outlined by Darwin in The Expression of theEmotions in Man and Animals Darwin's interest in the universality andtaxonomy of emotions has been replicated as has his view that emotion andexpression contribute to the organism's chances for survival The emotionsare portrayed as adaptive in that they function to organize human behavior inways appropnate to environmental demands Emotional expressions (particu-larly facial expressions) are seen as functiomng pnmarily to signal the in-dividual's intentions, thereby informing others about one's likely futureactions Several traditions of cross-cultural work on emotion draw on Darwin-ian insights, including ethology (39). cross-cultural psychology (41. 42. 165).sociobiology (187), and biological anthropology (88), as well as that psy-choanal)1ic anthropology (98, 105) which draws on the evolutionary' theonesof Bowlby (19)

The most ambitious and widely cited cross-cultural research program onemotion is led by Ekman. a program he terms "neurocultural" (4CM2) Hisstudies of facial expressions of emotion (see 41 for a summar)') includedasking the Fore of New Guinea to identify the emotional state of personsphotographed displaying particular patterns of facial muscle movementsThey were also asked to pose the facial expression of a person undergoing anumber of expenences such as a child's death or seeing a decaying pigcarcass On the basis of the results, Ekman and his colleagues concluded thathappiness, surpnse. fear, anger, disgust, and sadness are universal emotions,expressed with the same distinctive configuration of facial muscle move-ments

Although Ekman uses emotion terms such as anger, fear, and sadness torefer to a complex of facial expressions, ehcitors, interpersonal behavior, andphysiological changes, the essence of emotion remains for him the 'affectprogram." or biological system vvhich stores the pattems for each distinctemotion, including the muscle, facial, vocal, behavioral, autonomic andcentral ner\'ous system responses These programs for the six universalemotions (plus perhaps interest, shame, and contempt) are automaticallytnggered by their elicitors. some of which are culturally acquired

Ekman posits three central areas in which culture influences emotion Firstare cultural display rules, or acquired conventions, norms, or habits thatdictate what emotion can be shown to whom and in which contexts (also see6, 81), some rules are followed automatically and out of awareness, whileothers exist simply as ideals These display rules 'interfere with" the emotion-al responses that are dictated by the innate affect program Culture is seen as

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baving a strong influence on individual coping, or cognitive and bebavioralattempts to deal with the emotion and its causes Although evolution basresulted in some predispositions, such as coping with anger by attacking itssource, these can be ovemdden by cultural leaming The specific situationaleliciiors of emotion are also culturally vanabie Altbougb Ekman bas statedthat tbere is no emotion for which there is a universal elicitor. uniform in itsspecific details" (40. p 85), he posits universality in emotion elicitors whenthe latter are defined m an abstract way (cf 16)

Tbe ethologist Eibl-Eibesfeldt (39) bas focused on filming and analyzing arange of emotion-expressive nonverbal behaviors in a large number of societ-ies The goal is to examine chains of behavioral events m which emotionalexpressions tunction to control and communicate with others Universalitybas been claimed for some sequences (such as when pouting at the aggressiveact of another results in the elimination of tbe latter bebavior) Many ex-pressive movements (e g smiling, lowered gaze) are seen as innate motorpdttems wbith act as signals tbat usually trigger" a particular response in thereceiver, the facial expression is an uncontrollable and unconscious signal ofthe sender's intentions to whicb otbers are programmed to attend Thus, notonly interaction sequences but the meaning of some expressive signals andtheir contexts of ehcitation are said to be universal

Several anthropologists have drawn on both etbological and psychoanaKticperspectives on emotion in positing universaiN of emotional need Lindholm{105) proposes, after Bowlby, that the emotions surrounding attachment toothers represent universal needs that anse from the evolution of the instinctlor proximity to caretakers These emotions include anxiety, jealousy,fear, and aggression on separation and love when attachment is achievedFollowing many earher tbeonsts a panhuman emotional structure basedon this dialectic of love and hate is seen as the dnving force bebindmucb human behavior, and as constituting needs which each culture may ormay not satisfy particularly well, but which culture must allow to be ex-pressed

Several aspects of tbese lines ot evolutionar>^ research stand out. includinga shared concem witb tbe role of emotional expression in maintaining socialpositions The emphasis on the way m wbich emotional expressions maintainthe dominance hierarchy makes these primarily equihbnum models In addi-tion, most have focused on lnvoluntarv^ emotional expression, perhaps imply-ing that It IV more adaptive than voluntarv^ expressive control And finally,many of tbese emotion theonsts (c g 39. 88 187) have taken pains todescnbe or at least mention the socially useful or moral ends to wbich theirideas about tbe biological and innate nature of emotion migbt contnbute Onequestion that has been neglected is how pattems of iacial expression areincorporated into larger cultural and linguistic signaling systems

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Psychodynamic and Psychiatric PerspectivesPsychological approaches to emotion across cultures fall within two generaldisciplinar>' rubncs anthropological (traditionally, "culture and personality'')and psychological/psychiatnc These fields, diverse as they are m aims andmethods, share an important assumption m the 'psychic unit\'"' of humanemotional expenence. such as the complexes of anger/hostilit>'. fear/anxiety,and sadness/depression Whereas the anthropologist may find emotional unityin recurrent dilemmas of psychosocial expenence such as attachment/loss(105. 173). gnef (89. 96. 157), and oedipal conflict or aggression f70, 179).the psychologist/psychiatnst is likely to find it m psychobiology (41) or inelicitmg situations (16) In either case, the result is the kind of "two layers"theor>' mentioned earlier in which universal emotions are located in anunderlying layer of affect Much like Freudian pnmar>' and secondary' processthinking, the uniform or universal aspects of emotion are vanously 'shaped,"'"filtered," channeled." distorted," or masked" by cultural 'molds," 'fil-ters," 'lenses."" 'display rules."' or "defense mechanisms " Within this generalperspective, cultural forms and institutions are analyzed m functional termsfor the work they do in insulating the expenencing subject from the vicissi-tudes of emotion (see below on ritual) The kinds of problems dealt with bypsychoanalytic anthropology are often cast in terms of the fit between theemotional life of individuals and the shape of cultural institutions that functionto regulate or transform individual expenence (70. 89. 98. 100. 133. 134,179) Recent work in this area has moved away from strictly positivistapproaches to explaining cultural forms in terms of emotional function (179)toward hermeneutic concems with interpreting emotional meanings (26. 56.133. 134)

Oddly enough, the anthropological subfield that has been most concemedwith relations between emotion and culture has generally not attended toemotions per se as a problem for research Culture and personality''" theonstsgenerally assume that emotions are the basis for motivational constructs suchas needs, wishes, and desires, linking them to both action and symbolsystems Their role in thought and behavior is articulated in theones ofpersonality, usually psychoanalytic in persuasion, which are used in an-thropological analysis, but which are not themselves an object of lnvestiga-non In line with Bateson"s (7) influential concept of 'ethos"" as a culturallyorganized system of emotions, numerous studies have descnbed the operationof certam "core" emotions [usually posited as universal, but see (34)] inparticular cultures or regions, thus drawing emotive hnks among a vanety ofbehaviors or institutions (44. 93. 170)

Anthropological studies of the person have frequently viewed emotions as amajor source of evidence about unobservable and often unrecognized (uncon-scious or preconscious) motives As the public and observable counterpart of


personal expenence. expressions of emotion have figured importantly inefforts to develop a person-centered ethnography (21, 89, 98. 100, 133. 134)As in earlier culture and personality studies, recent work has analyzed sym-bolic systems as expressions ot unresolved, culturally patterned emotionalconflicts, but with more rigorous standards ot ethnographic evidence anddescnption See. for example. Hutchins" (74) study of implicit emotionalpropositions encoded in a Trobnand myth

The study of ntual has been an important focus tor research on the culturaltransformation of personal expenence The relationship between emotion andntudl has. been an anthropological concem with academic ancestors as variedas Durkheim and Freud, and more recently RadcUffe-Brown (J46) and Tumer(183. see also 25, 64. 68. 79. 133 167. 186) One ot the central debates hasconcemed the extent to which ritual torm and process can be explained byemotions, particularly when they are defined as universal propensities torespond in particular ways to events -luch as death Using funerary^ ntual as aparadigmatic case, some have argued that ntual allows for the expression orcontrol ot certain universal feelings (e g 89, 96. 158, 163) Those of aDurkheimian bent le g 73) who have rejected such an approach as reduction-ist have in tum been criticized for ignonng spontaneous emotion through anoverconcem with order in ntual 115" i Ritual has been examined as a cultural-lv constituted method tor distancing individuals from emotional expenence.particularly from emotions that express lorbidden interests (112) For ex-ample, Schetf (163), modifying Freud's concept ot catharsis, posits that ntualtunctions to regulate the individual's expenence ot the core affects of gnef.iear, embarrassment, and anger Others i ee ritual as only occasionally aidingpeople in their "emotional work" (73. 157) Some ethnographers have at-tempted to distinguish genuine' trom conventional' emotional expressionin ntual (e g 73. ''9), although emphasis on this dichotomy may emerge fromlocal concems with sincenty' and the (.onjunction between inner and outerlives (cf 50) and may be too simple to do justice to the vanety of w ays inwhich cultural thought and ntual act together to construct emotional expen-ence Ritual has also been examined tor what it reveals about the indigenousconceptuahzation of emotion, peison. and morality (64), for the disjunctionand conjunction between personal dnd cultural emotion-laden symbols (133).tor Its relation to more general everyday cultural scenanos of emotionalinteraction (167). and as a narrative that articulates emotional understandingsot self and other i96)

In contrast to culture and personality dpproaches, cross-cultural psychologyand psychiatr>- frequently have focused on particular affects as problems forinvestigation The psychologicaL/psychiatnc interest denves from the clinicaldefinition of emotional disturbance as illness, including the affective disor-ders" of depression, anxiety, and a host ot culture-bound syndromes " The

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focus on particular types of emotional expenence cross-culturally has openedup possibilities for mterdisciplinary collaboration while revealing senousdifferences of theor\' and method, and sharpening debates about the universal-ity of emotional expenence (58. 60. 86, 115. 117) As critics have pointed out(86). the typical cross-cultural psychiatric study applies standard Westemdiagnostic techniques in two or more cultures, thus sacnficing relevance andvalidity for reliability and replicabihty Efforts to save this 'checklist"' genre(e g 10, 24) have involved constructmg questions, scales, and lnventoneswith culture-specific meanings rather than second-order English ones (114.115) Despite these attempts, anthropological critics have called the entireenterpnse into question on more fundamental grounds than lnsensitivity toindigenous meanings Eor example. Obeyesekere (135) argues that attemptsto operational lze abstract measurements of depression across cultures aredoomed to impose medico-centnc interpretations on decontextualizedobser\^ations These methodological disagreements stem ultimately from di-vergent epistemologies or theones of language and interpretation (9. 56) Theemphasis upon socially constructed meaning in anthropological views oflanguage leads investigators to doubt the validity of single words or sentencesas invariant representations of knowledge or experience

In other areas, anthropologists and psychiatnsts have been jointly con-cemed with the role of emotion in crisis events such as migration (57).episodic mental disorders such as the 'culture-bound syndromes" (e g 175),and suicide (14. 49, 159) A continuing anthropological concem has been theproblem of interpretation, of determining what counts as a problem and how itIS constructed in actors" experience Eor example, an investigation of epidem-ic rates of suicide among male adolescents in Micronesia (159) shows that theexpected dynamics of anger and depression which figure in Westem suicidesdo not appear in any obvious way Rather, an understanding of actors'motives requires articulation of indigenous concepts of emotion in the contextof family conflicts Other studies have examined the role of emotion as anidiom for thinking and talking about personal distress (86. 132). notingmarked cross-cultural differences For example, the finding that Chinese talkrelatively less about emotions than Americans in accounting for psychosocialproblems (87) reflects a contrast in culturally constituted rhetorics of com-plaint, such that Chinese use a somatic idiom where Amencans speak in termsof psychology

Commonsense NaturalismA view of emotion that can be termed 'commonsense naturalism'' is at leastimplicit m many anthropological treatments of emotion The assumptions itmakes, however, may prevent it from being heavily represented in thisliterature as an explicitly espoused approach Commonsense naturalism is


based on the view that emotions are pnmanly to be understood as feelings,and that those feelings are universal in their essential nature and distnbution,if not in the cultural attention and subsidiar>' meanings that accompany themSad or angry feelings, for example, are everywhere the same, and thosefeelings are the essence of emotion Commonsense naturalism takes as itsimplicit conversational partner those who espouse the view that understandingemotions across cultures is either unimportant or immensely difficult

Two methods have been used for exploring emotional life in this vem.including empathy (e g 14. 21. 89) and the notion of social positioning(157) The former is the more common of the two and is based on the idea thatall humans have the ability to understand another's emotional state Thatunderstanding is effected through the special channels of empathic landusually nonverbal) communication and is conceptualized as either an in-tellectual understanding or a more direct emotional one In the latter caseparticularly, people"s emotions are seen as passed, sometimes in a contagion-hke process, to those around them The anthropologist, therefore, mustsimply be in attentive and intensive proximity to the ever>'day lives of othersin order to apprehend their emotions The paradox and problem in this view, ithas been pointed out (178). lies in the fact that the concept of empathypresumes what it often is used to prove, which is the universal and transparentnature ot an emotional expenence construed as intemal (for other cntiques see21. 51) In his 'introspective ethnography of the Fulam, Riesman (147!histoncizes the question of emotional empathv in the field by noting the waysm which alienation in the West and the nature of the lield encounter itselfmake empathy problematic (also ^ee 145)

R Rosaldo (157) has recently applied Bourdieu's (Hi notion of the'positioned subject'" to the methodological question of how the cross-cultural^tudy of emotion ought t<j proceed Each person is seen as occupying aposition m society which affords a particular view of events This position isstructured by such factors as age. gender, and status and typically gives theindividual a set of hfe experiences, expenences which naturally"' and univer-sally produce certain kinds of teelings To understand the other"s emotions,therefore, requires that the ethnographer has shared the basic life expenencesthat evoke those feelings (such as the death oi one s child or a sustained threatto one's hfe) From this perspective, adequately understanding others" emo-tional lives IS impossible through cognitive means, verbal descnption ormere words" cannot give access to the essence of emotion to which one is

admitted only by lived personal experience This view draws on the com-monsense notions that emotion is ineffable and that understanding requires'walking in the other person"s shoes " The perhaps uncommon sense that it

promotes is that the youth of the typical ethnographer is a liability in thecross-cultural investigation ot emotion insofar dS limited hfe experience

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makes her or him unprepared to understand some things about the emotions ofthose met

Language UniversalsInvestigations of tbe representation of emotion in language bear significantlyon epistemological debates about the universality of emotional expenenceMost researchers who posit emotional universals also expect them to bereflected cross-culturally in linguistic and cultural codes Color terms researchinitiated by Berlin & Kay (11) has been a seductive model for many wbohypothesize tbat emotion lexicons will be shaped in systematic ways by thebiological constraints of universal core affects For example, vanous wntershave borrowed the notion of ''prototype"' categones to suggest tbat the centralor "focal" meanings of emotion terms will overlap cross-culturally, eventbougb there may be vanation in the full range of their culture-specificmeanings (28, 54. p 142. 103. p 229) As far as we know, no one has yetproposed an evolutionary' ordenng of emotion words analogous to the typedemonstrated for color lexicons

Most speculations about universals in emotion language have been basedon lexical studies The strongest claims are made by psychologists wbo haveapplied fonnal techniques to tbe analysis of emotion lexicons cross-culturallyBoucber (15) reports that cluster analysis of the emotion vocabulanes of eightAsian, European, and Pacific languages shows major semantic groupings ineacb language corresponding to the six emotions found by Ekman in facialexpressions This finding so far bas not been replicated by lexical studies withother languages (53. 106) In other comparative work (160), multi-dimensional scaling of emotion words in several languages produces similarlexical configurations structured by two dimensions "pleasure-displeasure"and 'arousal'sleep" Tbe cultural relevance of these findings is unclear inlight of tbe study's procedure of beginning with a set of English emotionwords and then translating them into each of the target languages

Perhaps tbe most widely known cross-cultural research to have producedevidence of universal dimensions of 'affective meaning" is that of Osgoodand his associates (139) Research with tbe "semantic differential" techniquedoes not focus on the meaningful aspects of emotion so much as the denved.connotational features of language—pnmanly the three well-known "affec-tive dimensions" of evaluation, potency, and activity tbat have been related todescnptive words in a large number of languages These findings do not speakdirectly to the sense of emotion words, but do provide clues about tbe basisfor bighly reliable similarities in metaphoncal associations across culturesThus, It has been shown (29) tbat both Mayan Indians and English-speakingAmencans make similar judgments about colors associated with emotion

Studies that have examined the culturally relevant properties of emotion

ANTHROPOl.OGY OF EMOTIONS 417

words conclude that such words denve their meanings from a broad range ofunderstandings and practices, especially those which pertain to social rela-tions and interactions (see sections below) Both linguistic theory' (e g 9) andethnographic studies indicate that emotion words do not function solely, oreven pnmanly. as labels for feeling states or facial expressions Hence it isnot likely that semantic studies will yield direct evidence for universal physi-ological dimensions of affective expenence Consistent with this, others havesuggested that emotion words ma\ reflect universals m tbe social relationalmatrix of emotion (81. 189)

THE CULTURAL AND SOCIAL CONSTRUCTIONOF EMOTION

Emotion and Ethnopsychological UnderstandingIn contrast with the traditional view ot emotions as irrational torces, somerecent work has focused on the toniiuiation of emotion in conscious un-derstanding and m interactive discourse Detailed analyses of concepts for.and talk about, emotion have emphasized the primarx importance of culturalmeaning systems in emotional experience, challenging in some cases suchbasic oppositions in our theoretical vocabulary as reason emotion, culture/personality, and public'pnvate While some ethnopsychological research ispnmanly concemed with the psychological functions of emotional un-derstandmg (54, 100). most tocubcs on problems ot interpretation and thetranslation of emotional worlds

A key theoretical concept in much of this work on cultural understandingsof emotion is that of the culturally constituted selt positioned at the nexus ofpersonal and social worlds (see 66, 94 116, 174. 192") Concepts of emotionemerge as a kind of language ot the selt—a code for statements aboutintentions, actions, and social relations Thus. Lew. who has given one ofthetirst and fullest accounts of emotional understandings in social context (100).underscores the role of emotions in forming the actor s sense ot his or herrelation to a social world Consistent with thib point ot view, numerousethnographic studies have noted that emotions are a primar\^ idiom for defin-ing and negotiating social relations ot the self in a moral order (2, 6, 76, 111,127. 154, 191) In these studies, emoUons emerge as socially shaped andiocially shaping in important w'ays (see next section)

Perhaps the most fundamental difference among recent studies of emotionalunderstanding is in the degree to which emotions are granted an a pnonpancultural status as opposed to being seen as culturally created Differencesin theoretical stance on this issue translate into clear differences in method-ological strategy Compare Gerber's (54 p 159) argument that 'becausethese basic affects are panhuman the\ wall provide a basis for companson

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and translation between systems of emotion in different societies"' with MRosaldo's (155. p 136. n 4) plea that, 'as anthropologists interested inaffect, we might do well to work from [emotions that involve consciouscultural components] where the relevance of culture is clear, towards caseswhere it is more problematic, instead of starting (a la Ekman ) withpresumed physiological universals and then adding culture on' "' (emphasesin original)

These contrastive approaches are associated with diffenng views on thestatus of emotional understanding and expenence m actors' awareness Forthose who begin with a universal emotional 'keyhoard" (173) made up ofbasic affects, manifold discrepancies between the pancultural model andculture-specific understandings pose the question of how universal affects arevanously muted, amplified, or distorted in actors' awareness Thus, forGerber (54) there are ' inner experiences" left implicit and uncodified. and forLevy (102), cultural understandings of emotion are preceded by emotionalfeelings'" which are themselves informed by a kind of intuitive 'pnmarvknowing "' Levy (100. 102) has coined the terms "hypocognized" and ' hyper-cognized"' to refer to the tendencies of cultures to vanously mute or elaborateconscious recognition of particular emotions So. for example. Tahitians talklittle of sadness in situations where we would expect them to. and showheightened concem with anger, marking numerous varieties with specialterms The model of Tahitian 'hypocognized" sadness allows the observer toposit m/5interpretations of emotion, as m Levy's example of a person whosuffers sadness following a loss but complains of 'illness "'

For most studies of indigenous understandings of emotion, the assessmentof hidden or transformed affects has been less at issue than the problem oftranslation, ot explicaung the social meanings of emotion (21. 38, 103. 111.127. 147. 154. 190) Within this broader field of inquiry, several approachesare evident Researchers have variously located emotional meaning within themoral fabric of social relations (6. 80. 127). within institutionalized activitiessuch as headhunting (154) or ceremonial grieving (167), within global ideo-logical stmctures of the person (46. 83. 84) and gender (2). or within folktheories used to interpret events such as developmental changes (21, 142).crisis situations (14. 159). and interpersonal conflict (76. 190) Markingtheory has been shown especially useful by Fajans (47) in accounting for aculture's emotional emphases and meanings, with sentiments arising at mo-ments culturally marked as deviant While most researchers have tended tolook at a range of everyday or mundane discourse for evidence on theethnopsychological patteming of emotion, others have focused on culturalaesthetics as they relate to affect This includes studies of the emotionsevoked and invoked in indigenous poetry (2). song, music, and sound sym-bohsm (48. 167). dance (61), and the plastic arts (4)

^N^HR0P0LOGY OF EMOTIONS 419

One strain of research on emotional understanding has probed the cognitivestmctures or schemata used to conceptualize specific emotions The concemhere has been with the representation of cultural knowledge of the person andsocial situations underlying the meamng ot emotion words Based on theinsight thai emotion words and concepts encode significant social informa-tion, studies of emotion language have sought to identify the inferentialstmcture of emotional understanding 1110. 1911 These studies note that theinferences which underly talk about emotion refer simultaneously to bothevocative situations and appropriate responses The fullest analysis for anF^nglish emotion word is Lakoff & Kovecses" (90) discussion of the con-ceptualization of anger" evident in common metaphors and idiomatic ex-pressions By descnbing images which Enghsh speakers routinely draw uponto think about anger" as. for example hot fluid in a container (boiling,steaming, bursting, etc), the authors trace cultural w-ays of thinking about(and. we would argue, expenencing) anger' which have significant behavioral implications Furthermore this commonsense view of anger can beseen as one instance of the hydraulic metaphor'" that has influenced genera-tions of academic theones of emotion (177}

This cognitive approach and the ideological view of emotions both analyzeemotional understanding as pertaining to social situations Where cognitivistsspeak ot 'prototypic event sequences * i 144) the more interpretive approachsees cultural scenarios'' ot situated action (156. 167. 168) These approachesdiffer largely m the emphasis given to conceptual as opposed to social andinteractive processes in the formation ot emotional meaning In either view,however, actors understand emotion-- as mediating social action they arise insocial situations and carry implications tor tuture thought and action Emo-tional understandings, then, are not ^een as abstract, symbolic formulations—not thinking about feehng' so much as thoughts which are necessanly linkedwith social situations and valued goals that give them moral force anddirection

At a more global level question^ may be raised about the general role ofemotion concepts in ethnopsychological reasoning and discourse How doesthe cultural notion of teeling or emotion figure m understandings aboutperception, intention, motivation, purposetul behavior, and the like^ \nswersto these questions are likely to bear on the ways in which emotional itn~derstanding creates constraints and context tor social action For example, inthe Amencan 'folk model of the nund' (28). feelings link perceptions andbeliefs With desires and lnteniion^ m a causal chain of reasoning applied ver\'generally in the ordering ot social experience We can also ask about thesociocultural sources ot ethnopsy cho logical variation, asking, tor example,why Oths's (137) obser\'ation that in Samoa there does not appear to bemuch talk about feelings as origins ot behavior" seems interesting to Westem

420 LUTZ & WHITE

observers The fact that emotions are, in many societies, a cntical link incultural interpretations of action implies that emotion concepts are likely to beactively used in the negotiation of social reality Taussig (182) descnbes oneof the most pernicious forms this takes in demonstrating how histoneal andcontemporary forms of torture thnve in a 'culture of terror," or an emotionaland ideological matnx in which the victim is both expenenced and continuallyrecreated in discourse as a temfying and contemptible being Attention toemotional rhetonc and discourse, then, should be a fruitful focus forethnographic investigations of social life as an active and creative process(eg 6, 12, 20, 91, 110, 137, 185. 191)

Emotion and Soctal StructureResearch on the relationships between cultural meaning and emotion is justbeginning to expand into an examination of the social structural correlates ofeach (e g 2, 35). and draws on a vanety of traditions including structuralism(47), exchange theorv' (3), and histoncal matenalism (112) Emonon is seenas related to social structure in a variety of ways In the first instance, emotioncan be defined as being "about" social relations, emotional meaning systemswill reflect those relations and will, through emotion's constitution of socialbehavior, structure them In addition, social and economic structures arerelated to the way in which persons or selves are constructed more generallySuch things as the degree of individualism, notions of pnvacy and autonomy,multiplicity of selves, or sense of moral responsibility which result haveimportant consequences for the way m which emotion is conceptualized,expenenced, and socially articulated

More specifically, general pnnciples of social organization construct thesize, stability, and status characteristics of the usual audiences for the emo-tional performances of individuals (e g 93,194) Those charactensucs of thesocial group can also be seen as constituting a child-reanng environment, asin the debate on whether 'diffuse affect" is promoted in large households(124. 172) Emotion can be seen as a strategy for defending a group'spreferred type of social organization (35) When defined as a mode of action,emotion is presented as an active constitutor of social structures Appadurai(3), for example, examines the ways in which the particular forms thatgratitude takes in South India help to support caste hierarchy and the explicitcode of nonmarket reciprocity Keeler (80) descnbes how the 'fluid" statussystem of Java, which associates status with the self rather than with a socialrole, makes one's ldenuty crucially dependent on emouonal displays thatappropnately acknowledge the hierarchical position of others The relativeabsence of social structure has also been noted to have emotional con-sequences in forcing particular kinds of sentiments (for example, those thatcenter on the expansion and contraction of the boundaries of the self, andthose that motivate nonviolence) to cultural prominence (32, 47)

AVTHROPOLOGY OF EMOTIONS 421

Myers (129) and others have noted the ways in which the distnbutionof power in a society (for example, by gender, age, or political office) andthe ideological structunng of emotion are related Maher (112) presentsone vanant of such a framework ideologically prescnbed emotions can beseen as a form of false consciousness, with suppressed emotions beingsymptoms of the true matenal interests of a group Abu-Lughod (2) showshow Egyptian Bedouin individuals assert their acceptance or defiance ofthe system oi social hierarchy through discourses on emotion that are linkedto the ideology of honor and modesty The relations between nobles andex-slaves in Fulani society are demonstrated by Riesman (148) to corre-spond with differences in emotional demeanor in the two groups Workin this vein has often looked at gender (eg 2. 111. 112). with class arelatively neglected topic Scheper-Hughes (164). however, has eloquen-tly demonstrated how the emotion>» of a tiiother tor her children in a Bra-zilian shantytown respond to her disadvantaged class position Whent,lass has been examined lower class status sometimes is seen as entailingeither less emotionality, defined as personal subjectivity (71), or moreemotionality defined as chaotK aftect rather than refined sentimentalityUi8)

Others have looked at how particular institutions such as courts (91), socialmovements '35), or uxorilocality (126) are supported by cultural views oiemotion and emotions When emotion is defined as a statement about aperson's relationship with the world, and particularly problems in thatrelationship, the most commonly occurrmg emotions in a society can be seenas markers of the points of tension (or fuUillment) generated by its structureFrom a psychodynamic perspective, a universal human emotional structureconfronts and may conflict with panicular social structures Lindholm (105).tor example, argues that the combination of a segmentar\^ lineage system andland scarcity for the Swat l^ikhtun has resulted in a social system thatpromotes individualistic competition and hostility, the extensive elaborationof hospitality norms is seen as the site at which the more generally deniedaspects of emotional structure (i e attachment) appeal

The relationship between emotion and the family has been one of the moststudied aspects ot emotion^ m societ\. with a wide range of approachesutilized Some ethnographic descnptions have noted that kinship is the do-main m which emotional appeal is appropnate as opposed to either pragmaticor jural moves (64. 129) Most common has been a concem with the way mwhich local kinship systems construct the emotional tone of each dyad withinthe family (e g 2. 21. 53, 64, 147) In a related vein. Hams (64) describeshow Taita cultural beliefs about anger are used to regulate proper behaviorbetween vanous i.ategones of kin Of particular concem has been the way inwhich marriage and residence patterns as well as property rights and othermatenal forces influence and are affected hv authontv relations within the

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family and the emotional tenor of each type of kin relation (126) Many haveattempted to identify the emotional center'' (118) and margins ofthe familyin both their official and more covert aspects Also treated has been the way inwhich individual kinship roles are socially articulated and emotionally un-derstood Maher (112). for example, demonstrates how Moroccan women'sfundamentally ambivalent feelings about motherhood are conditioned by thecontradiction between their position as property owners and themselves as theproperty of their husbands

Elias's (43) seminal work on the relationship between historical change insocial structure and emotion has only recently been follow ed by new researchby historians and anthropologists (78. 118, 180) Emotion is treated as aresource that is both stmctured by changing conditions and stmcturmg of theirmeaning This historical cultural research has focused particularly on politicaleconomy and gender as they relate to emotional change, as when Hausen (65)looks at how the threat to traditional patriarchal order in Westem Europerepresented by women's changing work and child-beanng pattems led to thestaging of Mother'*; Day with its ideological construction and intensificationof the appropriate emotions of and toward mothers Anthropologists mightfollow the lead of the historians and others (e g 67. 92. 161) who haveexamined the implications, particularly as regards gender roles, ofthe separa-tion of the workplace and the home under capitahsm and the concomitantideological split between the notions of emotion and interest, expressivenessand instmmentality This would include a critique of the notion that house-holds can be analyzed exclusively as either economic or emotional units(118)

A number of the implications of social structure for emotion (many ofwhich are suggested by the work of M Rosaldo) appear to have broadcross-cultural applicability These include the relationship betweenacephalous political and legal structures and the elaboration of informalmodes of conflict handling which rely heavily on the idiom of emotion (127.150. 154. 186). and particularly on an elaborated and extensively used notionof shame (e g 44. 130, 155) There is, on the other hand, little to support thecommonly voiced notion (e g 95) that complex social systems generate alarger and more diverse number of emonons in tbeir members (by contrast see147. p 153) \ relationship has been identified between egalitanan socialstructure, autonomous selves, and the configuration of individual emotionsinsofar as such emotion implies a particular attitude toward the nghts andduties ofcompatnots( 155. 168) What M Rosaldo calls'bndeser\ace societ-ies" maintain a view of shame as generated by conflict and as mitigating anger(21. 127. 155) She has also noted that hierarchical societies appear muchmore concemed than others with the problem of how society controls an inneremotional self (156)


Emotion, Language, and CommunicationDating at least from Darwin's classic study (30). emotion has been studied onthe basis of behaviors and displays that are essentially communicative innature, even though their semiotic functions and contexts are usually notanalyzed Where emotional communication bas been studied, this bas beenprimanly under the rubnc of nonverbal communication (13. 39. 40-42). anemphasis that is in line with the traditional association of emotions with thebody Studies of the verbal communication of emotion have only recentlybegun to emerge (75) The ones that have dealt systematically with emotionand language fall into two general areas 1 semantic analyses, usually lexical,and 2 studies of tbe communication ot emotion in social situations

Given the extent to which English emotion words have been used forresearch, it is somewhat surprising tbat they have not come in for moreattention as objects o/research The work of Davitz (31) and Avenll (5) standas the most comprehensive descriptive studies of Englisb speakers intuitionsabout emotional meaning, based largely on tormally elicited and inter\qewdata {see also 162) Wallace & Carson (184) were among the first to examineEnglish emotion words, showing considerable variation m tbe content andstructure of the vocabulanes of individual laypersons and psycbiatnsts. ineluding differences that affect clinical assessments

Cross-cultural studies of emotion words are more concemed with problemsof translation and have variously focused on just a few key terms f52. 100,142. 154) or have inventoned the entire domain of emotion (15. 21. 53, 127)For Rosaido (154). who makes emotion a major focus for ber ethnography ofIlongot social life, tbe task ot interpreting tbe Ilongot term ligei ( anger") isvirtually indistinguishable from the ethnography itself, requinng a mapping otmultiple usages across a variety of social contexts In contrast some who takea domain-wide view ot emotion words examine relations of contrast andsimilanty among a set of salient words le g 53. 106)

In addition to semantic or cognitive studies, there is renewed interestamong socioiinguists and ethnographers of communication in the pragmatictunctions ol emotion language Beeman (9). for example, examines tbephenomenon of depression from a sociolinguistic perspective and notes tbatpsycbological assessments of emotion may err badly because of a naive theor>'of language that assumes a dit^ct correspondence between emotion words andemotional experience (eg 95. 123) Sociolinguistic approaches to emotionnote Its role in all aspects of language as a communication code phonologi-cal, syntactic, and pragmatic, as well as semantic Ir\-ine (75) lists a widerange of linguistic devices that encode Wolof affect, as does Besnier (12) for asingle Nukulaelae gossip session The data presented ior just these casessuggest not only that all sentences have an affective component, but that noaspect ot language is immune from appropriation by the semiotic of emotion

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B Schieffehn's (166) study ofthe acquisition of emotional understandingsm Kaluli children has been influential in focusing research on emotioncommunication in socialization and language acquisition (see below) Herwork and that of others {121. 137. 185) shows emotion to be a frequent topicin child/caregiver conversations and a frequent strategy in their interactionsOchs (137) suggests that the production and comprehension of feelings inlanguage are basic to the acquisition of grammar and. furthermore, that theylay the 'groundwork"' for the acquisition of cultural values and beliefs Thedevelopmental perspective entails important hypotheses about sequences inthe acquisition of emotional codes, such as that forms presupposing affect areacquired before those predicating affect in the form of an assertion (137)

Acknowledging his debt to sociolinguistic approaches. Bailey (6) analyzessituated uses of emotional display for their effects in managing impressionsand manipulating small group interaction {cf 71, 72) Taking data from avanety of English-speaking groups, ranging from university committees tothe Indian parliament, he identifies specific types of emotional rhetonc thatfunction as political or persuasive strategies in those contexts Bailey's inter-est in the use of communicative codes in managing situations, identities, andimpressions resembles that voiced by Irvine (75) and others who have ad-dressed the politics of emotion (12. 18. 91) Common issues in this workinclude the problem of sincenty, of actors' abilities to express emotionthrough multiple channels and to manipulate both overt and covert un-derstandings of events

In some respects, linguistic, pohtical. and psychological anthropologistsconverge m their use of naturalistic, situation-centered methods to ferret outthe social meanings and effects of emotion language Future research in thisarea appears to be headed beyond the simply descnptive task of cataloguingcommunicative codes to (a) specification of relations among codes {such asverbal and nonverbal, overt and covert, formulaic and ordinary' speech) (e g1), and (b) articulation of the pragmatic functions of emotional meanmgswithin broader systems of value (121. 137), identity (75). and ethnopsycho-logical understanding

Socialization and the Acquisition of Emotional Competence

Those of both universalist and social constructionist bent have been interestedin the question of how the child becomes emotionally mature For theuniversalist, socialization processes work on a set of universal, distinct,intemal feelings as well as on a more general emotionality (52. 173), the childlearns to mute or heighten the expression (and perhaps also the subjectiveexpenence) of each, much as one adjusts the volume on a radio Socializationprocesses also structure the child's environment in ways that make theexpenence of some emotions more likely For the constructionist. emotional


socialization is the process by which the child is introduced into an emotionallife constituted by the discourse of adults with each other and with the youngAlthough some have postulated an undifferentiated arousal capacity as theraw matenal on which socialization expenences work (151). most con-structionists remain uncommitted on or uninterested in this issue

Beyond this general distinction, there are at least three streams of researchon emotion and the child social behavioral, ethnopsychological. and linguis-tic Following the matenahst. ecological, and behavionst tradition of theWhitings (193). a great deal of research has focused on the ways in whichbroad aspects of economy and social organization stmcture the settings mwhich emotional socialization takes place ie g 125. 172. 188) These settingsare presumed to have a relatively unmediated impact on the chil(l"s emotionalbehavior (although see 62) The field methods used include behavior obser\'a-tions that focus on acts with observer-inferred emotional accompanimentssuch as smiling, teasing, mutual gaze, and aggression Discrete emotionconcepts such as anger or fear are generally not used in interpreting thesebehaviors Rather, such global (and questionable) concepts as low affect."positive affect," or 'matemal warmth" are frequently applied (e g 55, 82)

The emphasis has been on the amount"' of emotion (charactenzed as positiveand^or negative) caregivers direct toward children, and on the social stmcturalcauses and personality consequences of that affective mass " At its mostextreme, this concem has led to such oversimplifications as Rohner's (152)tross-cultural classification ot societies as either emotionally "accepting"' orrejecting" their children At the opposite end. LeVine's (97) psy-

t-hodynamically onented approach to emotional development uses a fullerrange of ethnographic and clinical data to interpret the emotional meaning andimpact of caregiver behavior

Ethnopsychological socialization studies (eg 21, 32. 53. 107. 142, 151)often make reference to H Geertz s seminal article (52) on Javanese emotion-al sociahzation which she presents as an example of the process of 'sociallyguided emotional specialization'' m which adults define, interpret, or con-ceptualize situations and feelings for the child Like the more centrallylinguistic approaches to emotional socialization (see below), ethnopsycholog-ical studies give a central place in their analysis to the cultural discourse aboutemotions which is seen as organizing caregiver's understandmgs andsocialization ot their children s emotional behavior Some studies combineethnopsychologica! descnptions of the child and emotion with psychodynam-ic assumptions about emotional development (22. 97. 100-102), as whenBnggs (23) examines the role of contradiction and conflict in emotional andvalue socialization

Anthropologists have looked at how ethnopsychologies outline stages ofemotional development and shape the kinds of emotional behavior considered

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appropnate toward and from the child at different ages (62. 63, cf 104, forspecific examples see 21, 32, 64, 80, 84, 142, 154) Also examined bavebeen the emotional meaning of children more generally, and specifically ofadoption (45. 53, 59, 169). the cultural values and goals into which acquisi-tion of emotional meaning is integrated, sucb as interpersonal gentleness (23,107, 122). self-protection (121). or submission (53), the development in thechild of particular cultural understandings of emotion concepts, and particu-larly of the situations m whicb an emotion is appropnateiy enacted (108, 136),and theuseof life cycle ntuals to create concepts of self and emotion (64, 68)

This research has asked a vanety of questions about cultural attitudestoward state cbange per se Does something like emotion exist as an organiz-ing concept for attending to children'' If so, is it seen as something that oughtto be self-regulated or managed by others'' Should it be explicitly addressed orIgnored'' Is Jt something that becomes more or less prominent with matunty^Descnbed systems range from the Califomia 'pro-natural" families, wbobelieve in promoting both emotional expressiveness and emotional self-regulation by the infant and child (188), to the Kipsigis of Kenya, whocombine the notion tbat others ought to manage the infant's state withinattention to state change in tbe older cbild (62). to the Semai of Malaysia,who define all emotional response as dangerous or fearsome (151) In eachcase, etbnopsychological studies demonstrate tbat cultural views of emotionand cultural views of tbe child overlap in crucial ways, giving meaning andmotivation to tbe relations between children and adults

Finally, linguistic approaches to the socialization of emotion have looked atthe ways in which children acquire cultural abilities to communicate theiremotional states to others (e g 63. 121, 136, 137, 166, I66a) The method-ological focus IS on the speech acts that occur in the contexts in whichchildren are involved, and more generally on tbe nonverbal, paralinguistic,and verbal expressions whose acquisition by the child is seen as crucial toemotional development Several linguistic analyses have looked at the child'sacquisition of contextualization cues which indicate bow senously an emo-tional display IS to be taken (121), including direct statements, emotion-linkedgrammatical constructions, gestures, faces, social rank of tbe speaker, and thescope of the audience viewing the display (136)

Although research on the relationship between society, culture, and emo-tional development has generally moved beyond a focus on tbe isolatedindividual (62). the overwhelming focus (particularly in the behavionst andlinguistic traditions) remains on the mother-child dyad, a focus tbat in somecases may reflect implicit normative assumptions about the putative source ofemotionality in the domestic and the female More promising has been anexpansion in the range of leaming contexts seen as relevant to the acquisitionof a culturally distinctive emotional profile in tbe cbild. from listening to

^N rHROK)LOCiY OF EMOTIONS 427

parental narratives about emotion (121) to the infant's kinesthetic expenenceofthe adult's emotions (151) Research on emotional development m culturalt.ontext has rarely looked however at the response of that development tosome of the crueler and more common facts ol children s worlds, includinggender inequality, class (but see 71. 121, 164). and war Future researchmight illuminate the ways in which moralitv, cognition, language, and socialcontext constitute the' essence" of emotion by demonstrating the precise waysin which the developing complexity of the child's social relations, culturalunderstandings, and cognitive and linguistic abilities make emotional de-velopment possible

A COMPARATIVE FRAMEWORK FOR THE STUDYOF EMOTIONS

The core ot the attempt to understand the relation between emotion andculture lies in ethnographic description ot the emotional lives ol persons intheir social contexts Although thi*. ethnographic task has only recently beentaken on. the number ol descriptums iv now impressive and raises thepossibility ot cross-cultural companwm Rather than using assumed universalbiopsychological critena or states as the basis for those comparisons, it wouldseem useful to begin with a set of problems ot social relationship or existentialmeaning that cultural systems often appear to present in emotional terms, thatIS. to present as problems with which the person is impelled to deal While theforce that moves people to deal w lth these problems may be conceptualized aspurely somatic, as tradition, as moral obligation, or in any other number ofways, tbe emotion idiom is often the central one

These problems include 1 the other's violation of cultural codes or of ego'spersonal expectations (or conflict more generally) (see 21, 64, 90. 96. 120.i2i . 136. 149, 150. 157, 159 168. 191), 2 egos own violation of thosecodes, including social incompetence or personal inadequacy, and awarenessofthe possibility tor >uch a lailure i2 18, 52, 69, 103, 127. 181. 194). 3danger to one's physical and psychological self and significant others (8. 23.32,35.96 151, 167 171, 182). 4 the actual or threatened loss ot significantleiationshipsd. 47. 86. 96, 127 1^7, 158). and the positive problems'" of 5the receipt ol resources (23 127t and 6 a focus on rewarding bonds withothers (34 38, 83 105, 14^) loi treatments ot the full range of problems,also see (21. 53 100. 106, 111, 147 154) A single real world event orproblem is rarely simply characterized via this typology, either indigenouslyor by an outside obser\'er Death, tor example, can at once represent danger,ioss, and a violation of one's sense ol what ought to happen The ambiva-lence, ambiguity, and complexity ot mui.h emotional expenence and interac-tion IS caused b\ this multiplicity 'i\ peispectives on events as well as by

428 LUTZ & WHITE

contradictions within ideological or value systems, by the incompleteness ofthe information people bave about an event, and by the fact that muchemotion is about the anticipation of future and hence unknown events orconsequences

It IS important to stress that these abstract characterizations of humanproblems are meant to serve as initial comparative reference points rather tbanas a prion or final statements about universal situational causes of emotionalexpenence Emphasis is shifted away from the question of whether a some-how decontextualized emotional expenence is "tbe same" or "different"across cultures to that of how people make sense of life's events Wbat needsto be explored are the particular ways in which cultural meaning and socialstructure relate to these general charactenzations Several possibilities exist

First, each culture will emphasize a particular aspect of tbe general prob-lem, as wben. in problems of type 2 above, the Japanese focus on theaudience for their errors (93) while the Ilongot adolescent expenences hisinadequacy as a challenge to be overcome (155) and the Amencan might tendto focus on tbe damage done by the error or on wbat the error says about one'scbaracter In addition, there is cultural vanation in bow much emphasis isgiven overall to each problem type

Second, the exact nature of the problem as it is typically encountered mever>'day life will be affected by cultural interpretations as well as differencesand similanties in material conditions This issue is often treated as a "mere"'question of content, but it must be central to any attempt to understand theimpact of emotion on ever\^day bebavior and social organization To knowwhat IS considered dangerous, a thing worth having, or a loss is crucial forunderstanding tbe motivational basis for all aspects of participation m sociallife Are many children a resource or a drain'' Is attachment to others at thecenter of life or life's illusion (135)^ Cultural systems go beyond definingsucb things as tbe nature of danger, moreover, to descnbe what nsks areworth taking, wbo ought to take tbem. wbat causes or may be held account-able for them (35), and whether or not a specific danger is controllable [adistinction Parkin (140) links to that between "raw'' and "respectful" fear]We would also want to consider such things as the mortality rates wbichpresent the objective conditions for loss in any society (eg 164). sucbpractices as the adoption of children with living parents and tbe socialstructural condiuons which make bonds with otbers tenuous (e g 105)

Third, people develop knowledge about the relationships between some ofthese problem types Thus, there is often an lntnnsic link between tbe otber'scode violation and furtber responses, a link that ties together, m important andcomplex ways, "justifiable anger" and "fear'" among the Ifaluk, "anger" and' sbame" among the Ilongot and tbe Tahitians (100. 155), and 'anger" and"admiration" among tbe Kaluli (168) As another example, one's own lm-


proprieties (problem type 2) are often, but not always, seen as emphaticallydangerous (problem type 3) for a variety of reasons Particular emotion-emotion links (cf 77) may then be emphasized as the result of a variety ofsociocultural factors, and will sometimes be explicitly coded as yet otheremotion concepts These links reflect both the fact that the problems of sociallife unfold and develop over time and the deep embeddedness of emotion insymbolic systems

Fourth, each problem may be ^cnpted for a particular kind of behavioralsolution The tears upon loss and the physical or symbolic attack of other'scode violations can be hnked to their functions in preserving or erodingpsychosocial integnty as can vanations in those scripts, as when the Utkuwalk away from the other's violation (21) and the Kaluli overtly and dramati-cally call attention to it (167) A,lthough a number of other comparative pointssuggest themselves (including divergent cultural treatment of a problem whenencountered in special contexts such as childhood or dnnking), the centra!task IS to contextualize each psychocultural approach to emotional problemswitbin broader ethnopsychogical and social structures—within the context ofwhat It means to be a person and of the contours of ecology and power withinwhich the person so construed must live

CONCLUSION

\t the outset of this review, we outlined a senes of oppositions (matenal/ideal, individual/social, etc) w hich underlie both popular and academic def-initions of emotion The alignment of emotion with one side of these di-chotomous oppositions has consistently shaped and. we would argue, nar-rowed theones of emotion and social life The view oi emotion which givespnmacy to inner bodily expenences has held sway in most psychologicaltheories in part hecause it is sohdlv consistent with our highly individuatedconcepts of person and motivation The result, however, has been a relativeneglect of the phenomenological and communicative aspects of emotion insocial science investigations We suggest that a number of the approachesoutlined above, which focu*- explicitly on cultural formulations of emotion insocial context, hold the seeds of a basic reconceptualization that will giverenewed emphasis to the public, social, and cognitive dimensions of emotion-al expenence While this emphasis seems a necessarv' corrective to thetraditional identification of emotions with the irrational, attempts to defineand explain emotion solely in terms of the public marketplace of ideas nsktheir own lmpovenshment unless links can be forged between the oftendichotomized worlds of the rational and irrational, public and pnvate. in-dividual and social

The oppositions affect/cogn Uion and personality'culture are central to our

430 LUTZ & WHITE

ways of thinking However, the view that affective expenence and motiva-tional force are analytically and^or ontologically distinct from cognition isnow being questioned on the basis of ethnopsychological research showingthat cultural schemata have many of the direcuve and morally persuasivequalities once associated pnmanly with affect {27) Challenging theoreticaldivisions which split the cultural and ldeational from the individual andaffective. M Rosaldo argues that emotions are not things opposed to thoughtso much as ^'embodted thoughts, thoughts seeped with the apprehension that Iam involved' '' (156, p 143) An analysis of the cultural bases for ourfamiliar contrast of 'thought" and * feehng" (111) shows how a broad range ofoppositions such as lnformau on/energy, rational'irrational. controlled/uncon-trolled, culture'nature, truth^value. and male/female support and sustain thatview, even as it proves inadequate to the explication of human expenence aslived The point of these cntiques is that de-constructing familiar notions maylead us to significant insights into the ways ideas are infused with value,affect, and direction, just as feelings are used to understand and communicateabout social events The enterprise, we suggest, is eminently cultural andcomparative

By way of final conclusion, we note two contributions that the comparativestudy of emotions might make to ethnography more generally First, it can aidin the development of the interpretive approach to culture by giving newmethodological relevance to the ethnographer's emotional response to field-work This would involve bndging the division of the cognitive product offieldwork {the ethnography) from its emotional product (the diary, 'personal"fieldwork account, and perhaps poetr\'). as Bnggs (21) first did in a ground-breaking way by making problems in the emotional interaction betweenethnographer and hosts the center of investigation and the route to culturalunderstanding While this bndging has been accomplished to vary ing degreesby a few recent monographs (26. 36. 37, 145, 147, 154) and articles (89.157), there might be a more general and systematic attempt to examine theobserver's anxieties that Devereux sees as the 'basic and characteristic data ofbehavioral science land as] more valid and more productive of insight thanany other type of datum" (33, p xvn) It would be important to explore 1these anxieties as signals of potential observer distortion (33). 2 the distanc-ing techniques involved in methodology (33), and in the methodologicalliterature (such as the notion of 'creating rapport"). 3 the ethnographer's ownpersonal and cultural assumptions about self and emotion, and 4 the specialcharactenstics of the anthropologist's social relationships (both in the fieldand at home), including such things as their lmpermanence. the possibilitiesof loss, danger, and alienation they present, and their inequalities of powerand social competence The culturally aided emotional interpretation of theseconditions is crucial to the way ethnographic description proceeds, making


this and tbe otber aspects of the field relationship important entrees toimproved cross-cultural understanding

Secondly, one of the promises ot the new mterest in emotion is that it canreanimate the sometimes robotic image of humans wbich social science haspurveyed The agricultural decision maker is rarely seen as suffenng througha choice between sometimes terrible alternatives, the health system of asociety IS often presented as if it were peopled by actors rather than familymembers confronting each otber s possible death Incorporating emotion intoethnography will entail presenting a tuUer view of what is at stake for peoplein ever\'day life In reintroducing pain and pleasure in all their complex formsinto our picture of people's daily lite in otber societies, we might furtberhumanize these others for the Westem audience That audience finds emotionat the core of being for reasons both cultural and political economic in origin,reasons that sbould simultaneously come under anthropological scrutiny Atissue IS not only tbe bumanity of our images, but the adequacy of ourunderstanding of cultural and social forms

ACKNOWLEDGMhNTS

We would like to thank Lila A.bu-Lughod. Jane Collins, Sara Harkness. FredMyers, Melford Spiro. and Vincas Steponaitis for comments and discussionthat contnbuted much to this review Tbe bibhograpbic and typing help ofNancy Chabot and Glona Gaumer are also much appreciated

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434 LUTZ & WHITE

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ANIHROKUOGY OF EMOTIONS 435

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172 Seymour. S 1983 Household structureand status and expressions of affect inIndia Ethos 11 263-77

173 Shweder. R A 1985 Menstrual pollu-tion, soul loss and the comparative studyof emotions See Ref 86, pp 182-215

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180 Stone, L 1977 The Family, Sex andMarriage m England 1500-1800 New-York Harper & Row

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185 Watson-Gegeo, K , Gegeo. D 1987Shapmg the nund and straightening outconflicts The discourse of Kwara'aefamily counseling See Ref 186

186 Watson-Gegeo, K A , White, G M1987 Disentangling The Discourse ofConflict and Therapy in Pacific Cul-tures Unpublished manuscnpt

187 Wemnch. J D 1980 Toward asociobiological theory of the emotionsSee Ref 141, pp 113-38

188 Weisner. T S , Bausano. M . Komfein,M 1983 Putting family ideals into prac-tice Pronaturalism in conventional andnonconventional California familiesEthos 11 2^8-304

189 White. G M 1980 Conceptual uni-versals in interpersonal language AmAnthropol 82 759-81

190 White. G M 1985 Premises and pur-poses in Solomon Islands ethnopsychol-ogy See Ref 192. pp 328-66

191 White. G M 1987 Emotion talk andsocial inference tn A'ara 'disentanal-mg' See Ref 186

192 White, G M , Kirkpatnck. J 1985Person, Self and Experience ExploringPacific Ethnopsychologies BerkeleyUniv Calif Press

193 WhiUng. B B , Whitmg. I W M1975 Children of SLX Cultures A Psy-chocultural Analysis Cambndge Har-vard Umv Press

194 Wikan. U 1984 Shame and honour Acontestable pair Man 19 635-52

lutz 1986 anthropology of emotions

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