lizzie spavins dmp thesis
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ThesisTRANSCRIPT
Academic Achievement
Running Head: ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT
Friendship Quality and Peer Attachment as Predictors of Adolescents' Subsequent Academic
Achievement
Elizabeth A. Spavins
Distinguished Majors Thesis
University of Virginia
May, 2007
Advisor: Joseph P. AllenSecond Reader: Nicholas D. Reppucci
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Academic Achievement
Abstract
This study investigated the hypothesis that peer influences in adolescence, specifically
friendship quality and peer attachment, predict improved academic achievement over time.
Participants included a diverse sample of 145 adolescents (M age = 13.3 years). In support of the
hypothesis, participants who reported greater levels of peer attachment at age 13 displayed
improved academic achievement at age 17, controlling for academic achievement at age 13.
Greater levels of certain aspects of friendship quality, such as validation and caring, as reported
by participants at age 13, also predicted greater academic achievement for participants at age 17.
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Academic Achievement
Friendship Quality and Peer Attachment as Predictors of Adolescents' Subsequent Academic
Achievement
School and “school-related activities” occupy more than one-third of the “typical”
American student’s day (Larson & Verna, 1999, as cited in Steinberg, 2005, p. 200). Beyond a
commitment of time, school success is pivotal to outcomes later in life. Academic achievement
predicts decreased juvenile delinquency (Chavez, Oetting, & Swaim, 1994), while educational
attainment is correlated with increased future income (Murphy & Welch, 1995) and decreased
substance use (Swaim, Beauvais, Chavez, Oetting, 1997). Thus, it is important to investigate
what factors contribute to and detract from academic success for adolescents.
Peer influences and interactions are likely candidates for factors that are important in
adolescents’ academic achievement. Previous research has found evidence for the importance of
peer relations in a variety of areas of adolescent functioning. Allen, Porter, McFarland, Marsh,
and McElhaney (2005) report that adolescents who were well-liked by many peers displayed
higher levels of ego development and secure attachment, as well as better interactions with their
mothers and best friends (p. 747). Popularity was also linked to “minor levels of…delinquency”
(p. 747) but less hostile behavior toward peers (Allen et al., 2005, p.757). Furthermore,
adolescents’ susceptibility to peer pressure from their close friends predicted future responses to
negative peer pressure, decreases in popularity, and increased depressive symptoms. Susceptible
teens also rated themselves as less competent in their close friendships (Allen, Porter, &
McFarland, 2006). Peer pressure susceptibility was also cross-sectionally correlated with deviant
behavior and substance use, especially if a close friend had experimented (Allen et al., 2006).
According to Santor, Messervey, and Kusumakar (2000), peer pressure and peer conformity are
better than popularity for predicting antisocial behavior such as substance abuse, delinquency,
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Academic Achievement
and worse school achievement. Berndt (1979) finds that peer conformity increases from third
grade until the ninth grade, at which point it begins to decline.
To be influenced by one’s peers does not uniformly predict negative outcomes, however.
Research has shown that the tendency to seek advice from peers over parents had no long-term
consequences for early adolescents (Fuligni, Eccles, Barber, & Clements, 2001). In addition,
attachment style influences the link between friendship and negative outcomes. Non-dismissing
attachment style has been found to moderate the link between general friendship quality and a
teen’s delinquency (McElhaney, Immele, Smith, & Allen, 2006). It has also been demonstrated
that adolescents’ friends’ behaviors have positive correlates. Prinstein, Boergers, and Spirito
(2001) report that teens were less likely to demonstrate antisocial behaviors, specifically violence
and substance use, when they had high proportions of friends who demonstrated prosocial
behavior. Thus, depending on the adolescent, the characteristics of the relationship, and the
extremeness of the susceptibility, teens may be differentially affected by their peers.
Due to the numerous findings of consequences of peer relationships, the characteristics of
adolescent friendships have been studied from various angles. Variability in friendship and group
status is normal (p. 1343), and friendships become more stable with age (Cairns, Leung,
Buchanan, & Cairns, 1995). The finding of friendship variability implicates that at earlier ages,
adolescents may have multiple salient friendships. As a result, studying friendships in general in
addition to studying one specific friendship may reveal more information about peer influences.
For both specific friendships and friends in general, further research needs to be done to
determine whether these early friendships, although shifting, have long-lasting impacts. Such
research would complement existing research on adolescent friendships, which does not examine
the effects of friendship over significant spans of time.
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Academic Achievement
Dishion found that one-on-one friendships between antisocial adolescent boys were
characterized by low quality and satisfaction and the presence of coercive behavior. These
findings did not suggest that such friendships were characterized by a lack of positive behavior
(Dishion, Andrews, & Crosby, 1995). It is plausible that the presence of these negative
friendship factors has a negative impact on overall adolescent functioning. Further research is
needed to examine the link between friendship qualities and areas of functioning that may suffer
as a result of antisocial behavior, such as academic functioning. Previous research has found
homophily, the inclination to associate with similar people, characterizes adolescent
relationships, specifically in elements of antisocial behavior such as delinquency (Chavez et al.,
1994) and drug use (Kandel, 1978). Homophily in adolescent friendships may apply to other
domains of behavior as well, such as academic success. Academic achievement is a likely
candidate for similarity to one’s friends given that most adolescents attend school with their
peers.
Beyond their relationships with these others areas of adolescent functioning, peer
influences have been shown to predict academic functioning in adolescence. One avenue in
which research in the field of peer relations and academic achievement has been conducted has
been the effect of peer orientation on academic achievement. Evidence shows that peer
orientation may have an effect on academic achievement at the farthest end of the spectrum.
Extreme orientation toward peers, involving willingness to ignore parents’ rules, schoolwork,
and one’s own skills for the sake of popularity, has been linked to greater problem behavior in
seventh, tenth, and twelfth grade and lower academic achievement in seventh and tenth grade
(Fuligni et al., 2001). The same study found evidence of homophily in antisocial behavior, in that
the proportion of an adolescent’s friends who drank alcohol, used drugs, and skipped class was a
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strong predictor of problem behavior and weaker predictor of academic achievement. However,
the proportion of a teen’s friends with academic orientation was not predictive on its own of
academic achievement (Fuligni et al.). This could be evidence for a lack of peer influence on
academic achievement, or for a need to investigate other aspects of friendships beyond similarity
in academic success. Fuligni et al.’s research primarily focused on the effect of negative aspects
of an early adolescent’s friendships on academic achievement. Friendships in adolescence are
not only characterized by negative aspects, however. Further research is needed on the positive
aspects of friendship and their effects on academic achievement.
The relationship between group norms and academic success has also been investigated.
Chen, Chang, and He (2003) examined the association between peer factors and academic
achievement of Chinese children. Peer groups of Chinese children are known to be homogenous
with respect to academic achievement, thus the goal of the investigation was to determine the
role of these group-wide characteristics, if any, in the academic and social success of individuals
within the group. The results showed that teens’ academic achievement was positively associated
with popularity, measured by sociometric nominations. Group norms for academics played the
role of mediator between social success and academic achievement (Chen et al., p.722). Wentzel
and Caldwell (1997) also found that group membership was a predictor of grades over time in a
sample of early adolescents. These results are encouraging because they provide evidence of peer
influence bolstering positive teen outcomes, namely school success. These results do not go so
far as to determine the mechanism by which group norms incite this effect.
The influence of peer relations on academic achievement appears equally strong across
both genders. Chen et al. (2003) found no gender effects on the relationship between academic
achievement and social functioning. Similarly, Fuligni et al. (2001) found no gender variation in
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Academic Achievement
the long-term effects of extreme peer orientation. Peer influences on academic achievement thus
may not differ significantly by gender.
Chen et al. (2003) found that academic achievement-oriented groups were more socially
adaptive, meaning prosocial behavior was encouraged along with academic performance in these
groups. The opposite was true in groups that were lower in academic achievement. In these
groups, negative behavior and low achievement were endorsed (Chen et al., p. 722). This link
between prosocial behavior, academic achievement, and peer success has been examined further.
Wentzel (1991) found that for early adolescents, socially responsible behavior predicted both
academic achievement and social abilities. In a later study, Wentzel and Caldwell (1997) found
that those aspects of friendships that were related to academic achievement were connected by
the common basis of prosocial behavior. These findings point to one specific antecedent of
academic and peer success.
Research concerning the impact of peer orientation and group norms on adolescents is
one lens with which to examine peer relationships. From a different angle, previous research has
investigated the impact of peer rejection on academic achievement. Research shows that peer
rejection at all points of time (both recent and in the past) has negative effects on school
attendance, as well as externalizing and internalizing behavior problems (DeRosier, Kupersmidt,
& Patterson, 1994). This finding supports the idea that one’s peers are salient in academic
success because they are ever-present during instructional and testing time. Peer rejection could
cause a fear of participating in class or general dread of school, both of which would impede
academic success. Further, peer rejection need not be recent to be harmful (DeRosier et al.).
Complementing these findings that peer influence can have negative academic effects, the
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Academic Achievement
current research aims to uncover the relationship between positive peer effects and academic
success.
Interestingly, adolescents neglected by their peers have a different outcome than
adolescents rejected by their peers. Wentzel and Asher (1995) find that socially neglected early
adolescents may fare better than average in terms of academic achievement. This finding
highlights the importance of further breaking down the elements of adolescent friendships to
determine which are salient to academic success. If peer rejection can prevent a student from
wanting to go to school, and peer neglect does not cause academic failure, then it should be
investigated whether positive peer relationships can compel students toward academic
achievement.
Previous research has uncovered a variety of connections between peer factors and
academic achievement. The current research investigates several other peer factors hypothesized
to impact academic success. Previous research has maintained a broad focus by focusing on
general friendship status and peer acceptance levels. The current research examines individual
teen’s reports of attachment to friends and qualities of close friendship dyads. Assessing
adolescents’ views of their friendships is important because these views target more closely what
is perceived by the adolescent as the quality of their friendships overall. Previous research has
demonstrated the importance of friendship groups in antisocial behavior conformity (Berndt,
1979) and cigarette use (Urberg, Degirmencioglu, & Pilgrim, 1997). This research will
investigate the role of several qualities of friendships in general on academic achievement.
Close friendships may matter even more than friendships in general when predicting
adolescent academic achievement. Adolescents have different relationships and interactions with
their closest friends than with their group of friends in general. Thus, factors in the closest
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friendship may be more salient to adolescent functioning overall, or may impact the adolescent
in different ways than friends in general. The differential influence of the closest friend versus
the friendship group is supported in the literature. Urberg et al. (1997) found closest friends
influence adolescents in different ways than teens’ friendship groups in terms of cigarette
smoking and alcohol use. Urberg et al. also posited that academic achievement is a more
“sensitive” respondent to friendships than substance use. Based on these findings and logic, it is
important to investigate the possibly differential effects of the friendship group and closest peer
on academic achievement.
Evidence in these closest friendships of prosocial behavior characteristics linking
individuals to positive academic achievement would also support and extend previous research
of Wentzel and Caldwell (1997). Beyond the hypothesis of prosocial behavior linking peer
success with academic success, the examination of close friendships may elucidate more factors
that bring about academic success. One’s close friendships may be more important than overall
peer status in academic functioning, and may link academic achievement to peer success in
different ways than general popularity does. It is important to investigate both types of
friendships so that these effects are not inappropriately lumped together and can be most clearly
understood.
The current research seeks to answer several questions regarding peer effects and
academic achievement. One aim of this study is to assess peer influences on adolescent academic
achievement during more of this critical developmental period. Although early adolescence is an
important time period for examining peer effects, it is not sufficient. The current research
assesses participants’ academic achievement over the course of five years, because it is also
important to examine impact over time. Little research has been conducted to determine whether
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specific peer factors in early adolescence affect academic outcomes beyond two years. If a causal
relationship is to be inferred, results beyond a short length of time must be found. Without such
evidence, it is difficult to determine whether the effect of friendships on academic achievement
is a temporary phenomenon that only holds in early adolescence or a more persistent
relationship. Longitudinal evidence of the effects of early friendship elements on later academic
achievement would strongly support the overall argument that peer factors are important for
academic success.
Other studies measured peer acceptance using sociometric nominations to assess
objective peer acceptance. However, many aspects of friendship quality are personal and thus
perhaps better measured subjectively. The use of teens’ self-report of friendship quality is thus
an important departure from the previous literature. The current research seeks to determine what
self-report friendship qualities are those elements of adolescent friendship that determine
academic success.
Based on these previous findings, teens with better friendships are expected to have better
academic outcomes over time. First, it is expected that higher levels of peer attachment will
predict higher levels of academic achievement over time. Second, it is expected that higher levels
of friendship quality with the close friend will also predict higher levels of academic
achievement over time. These specific links have not been previously assessed, and are
important to consider if the complex relationship between peer influence and academic
achievement is to be understood. In conducting this research, interactions between gender and
peer effects on academic success will also be investigated. It is hypothesized that there will be no
effects of gender on the relationship between peer factors and academic achievement.
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Academic Achievement
Method
Participants
Participants in this study were part of a larger longitudinal investigation of adolescent
development in familial and peer contexts. Participants included 145 seventh, eighth, and ninth
graders who had baseline data available for academic achievement at age 13 (M age = 13.3, SD =
0.62). The sample was racially and socioeconomically diverse. Of the participants included, 88
identified themselves as Caucasian (61%), 41 as African American (29%), and sixteen as being
from other ethnic groups (10%). Adolescents’ parents reported a median family income in the
$40,000 – $59,999 range.
Participants nominated their closest same-gender friend to be included in the study each
year. Close friends were defined as, “people you know well, spend time with and who you talk to
about things that happen in your life.” In all cases, adolescents were able to name at least one
close friend using these criteria. Participants completed measures about their relationship with
this close friend. The mean age of close friends was 13.4 years (SD = 0.85). Of the close peers
who reported gender, 69 were male (48%) and 74 were female (52%). The self-identified racial
background of the close friends was 63% Caucasian (89 participants), 29% African-American
(41 participants), and 8% from other ethnic groups (12 participants). Close friends reported that
they had known the adolescents for an average of 4.1 years (SD = 2.93) at age 13.
Formal attrition analyses revealed differences between adolescents who did versus did
not have data for academic achievement at age 17. Adolescents who did have academic
achievement data at age 17 differed from those who did not have these data in age, family
income, level of academic achievement at age 13, and minority status. Participants who did not
have academic achievement data at age 17 were older, had lower median family incomes, lower
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Academic Achievement
levels of academic achievement at age 13, and were more likely to be minorities than participants
who did have these data at age 17. Adolescents who did versus did not have academic
achievement data at age 17 did not differ in gender.
Adolescents were recruited from the seventh and eighth grades at a public middle school
drawing from both suburban and urban neighborhoods in the Southeastern United States. One
cohort of eighth graders was included, and two different cohorts of seventh graders were
included in successive years. The school was part of a system in which students had been
together as an intact group since fifth grade. Students were recruited through an initial mailing to
all parents of students in the school along with follow-up contact efforts at school lunches.
Adolescents who indicated they were interested in the study were contacted by telephone. Of all
students eligible for participation, 63% agreed to participate either as target participants or as
peers providing collateral information. Adolescents provided informed assent and their parents
provided informed consent before each interview session. Interviews took place in private offices
within a university academic building.
Procedure
Study participants were assured that all information would be kept confidential and that
their parents would not be informed of their answers. Data were protected by a confidentiality
certificate issued by the United States Department of Health and Human Services, which
protected information from subpoena by federal, state, and local courts. Transportation and child
care were provided if necessary.
Measures
Peer Attachment (Age 13). The Inventory of Parent and Peer Attachment (IPPA;
Armsden & Greenberg, 1987) was used to measure adolescents’ perceptions of their friendships
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at age 13. Participants rated 25 items relating to the level of trust, communication, and alienation
with their friends on a 5-point Likert scale. Sample items included: “My friend accepts me as I
am” (trust); “My friend helps me talk about difficulties” (communication); and “My friend
understands me” (alienation). The responses were summed (reversing the alienation items) to
create the adolescent’s total attachment to friends score. Cronbach’s alphas measuring internal
consistency for the three subscales were .91, .88, and .86, respectively, and .92 for the composite,
or total attachment, score. This questionnaire has been shown to have good test-retest reliability
and has been related to other measures of family environment and teenagers’ psychological
functioning (Armsden & Greenberg, 1987).
Friendship Quality (Age 13). The Friendship Quality Questionnaire (FQQ; Parker &
Asher, 1993) was used to measure adolescents’ perceptions of the quality of their friendship with
their closest friend at age 13. Participants rated 40 items measuring six different domains of their
relationship with their closest friend on a 5-point Likert scale. The validation and caring
subscale, hereafter referred to as validation, measured caring qualities of a friendship, and had 10
items. The conflict resolution subscale measured aspects of the friendship related to solving
problems, and had 3 items. The conflict and betrayal subscale measured how much disagreement
took place in the friendship, and had 7 items. The help and guidance subscale assessed how
much the dyad helped one another, and had 9 items. The companionship and recreation subscale
assessed the activities the friends did together, and had 5 items. The intimate exchange subscale
measured disclosure between the participant and close peer, and had 6 items. Sample items from
each domain included: “We make each other feel important and special” (validation); “We talk
about how to get over being mad at each other” (conflict resolution); “We fight a lot” (conflict
and betrayal); “We help each other with school work a lot” (help and guidance); “We go to each
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others’ houses” (companionship and recreation); and “We tell each other private things”
(intimate exchange). Cronbach’s alphas measuring internal consistency for the six subscales
were .90, .73, .84, 0.90, 0.75, and 0.86, respectively.
Academic Achievement (Ages 13 through 17). An annual, weighted grade point average
(GPA) was used to measure participants’ academic achievement. This average was calculated at
each grade level using scholastic records from the participants’ high schools. The initial rating
scale was zero to four points per class, with a grade of A worth four points, a B worth three
points, a C worth two points, a D worth one point, and an F worth zero points. Adjustments were
made in the calculations depending on course level. Advanced or honors courses were worth one
extra point; applied or special courses were worth half a point less; failed courses were factored
in as worth zero points. Grades were also adjusted so the number of credits awarded by the
school for each course was taken into consideration. Thus, one semester-long course was worth
half as much as one full-year course. All classes taken, electives and core subjects such as
English, math, and social studies, were included in the GPA calculation.
Results
Preliminary Analyses
Means and standard deviations for all demographic factors and variables examined in this
study are presented in Tables 1 and 2. Initial analyses examined the role of gender and family
income on the primary measures. Family income had a slight correlation with primary measures
in the study in several instances. As a result, family income was entered into analyses whenever
it was significantly related to any other variable in the analysis. Because adolescent-peer
groupings were automatically segregated by gender (participants could only bring in same-
gender friends), gender was entered routinely as a covariate in all analyses. Possible moderating
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effects of all of these demographic factors on each of the relationships described in the primary
analyses below were also examined. No such moderating effects were found beyond what would
be expected by chance.
Table 1
Demographic Variables for Target Teenagers and Peers
Teenagers Peers
Age (in years) Mean SD
13.319
.62
13.413
0.85
Gender Male Female
70 (48.3%)
75 (51.7%)
69 (48.3%)
74 (51.8%)
Race/Ethnicity Caucasian African American Other
88 (60.7%)
41 (28.3%)
16 (11.0%)
89 (62.7%)
41 (28.9%) 12 (8.4%)
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Table 2 Means and Standard Deviations of Primary Measures
M SD
IPPA
Trust 43.19 6.23
Communication 31.44 5.78
Alienation 13.66 4.22
Total Attachment 103.0 13.63
FQQ
Conflict & Betrayal -25.17 3.74
Validation & Caring 40.50 6.69
Help & Guidance 32.51 7.08
Conflict Resolution 11.4 2.76
Intimate Exchange 18.27 4.88
Companionship & Recreation 19.93 3.93
Academic Achievement
GPA age 13 3.00 0.72
GPA age 14 2.86 0.92
GPA age 15 2.66 1.16
GPA age 16 2.97 1.10
GPA age 17 3.13 1.09
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Correlational Analyses
For descriptive purposes, Tables 3, 4, and 5 present simple correlations among all
primary constructs. These analyses indicate numerous simple correlations between elements of
adolescents’ friendships and academic achievement, which are explored further in the next
section. These analyses also indicate that the elements of adolescents’ friendships being
considered are moderately highly correlated, and thus provide measures of different aspects of
the same broad construct of friendship quality.
Table 3
Perception of Attachment to Peers as Measured by the Inventory of Parent and Peer Attachment
Correlated with Scholastic Achievement
Peer
Attachment
GPA
Age 13
GPA
Age 14
GPA
Age 15
GPA
Age 16
GPA
Age 15
Trust 0.30*** 0.35*** 0.29*** 0.35*** 0.54***
Communication 0.27** 0.28*** 0.26** 0.34*** 0.51***
Alienation -0.20* -0.18* -0.15+ -0.10 -0.20+
Total
Attachment 0.32*** 0.34*** 0.29*** 0.33*** 0.52***
Note: ***p≤.001, **p≤.01, *p≤.05, +p≤.10.
Note: N’s vary by year, for age 13: 145; age 14: 140; age 15: 131; age 16: 117; age 17: 90.
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Table 4
Friendship Quality as Measured by the Friendship Quality Questionnaire Correlated with
Scholastic Achievement
Friendship
Quality
GPA
Age 13
GPA
Age 14
GPA
Age 15
GPA
Age 16
GPA
Age 17
Companionship
and Recreation 0.20* 0.18* 0.30*** 0.29** 0.32**
Conflict
Resolution 0.11 0.17* 0.17* 0.19* 0.30**
Help and
Guidance 0.22** 0.19* 0.20* 0.25** 0.38***
Intimate
Exchange 0.27*** 0.20* 0.26** 0.32*** 0.39***
Conflict and
Betrayal -0.28*** -0.31*** -0.27** -0.25** -0.37***
Validation 0.25** 0.35*** 0.35*** 0.36*** 0.50***
Note: ***p≤.001, **p≤.01, *p≤.05, +p≤.10.
Note: N’s vary by year, for age 13: 145; age 14: 140; age 15: 131; age 16: 117; age 17: 90.
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Table 5
Univariate Correlations Among Predictors
2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
1. Trust 0.79*** -0.47*** 0.94*** 0.36*** 0.41*** 0.53*** 0.49*** 0.51*** 0.63***
2. Communication – -0.30*** 0.88*** 0.45*** 0.48*** 0.64*** 0.67*** 0.46*** 0.66***
3. Alienation – -0.65*** -0.19* -0.18* -0.23** -0.19* 0.35*** -0.31***
4. Total
Attachment
– 0.41*** 0.45*** 0.58*** 0.57*** 0.54*** 0.66***
5. Companionship – 0.44*** 0.67*** 0.63*** 0.19* 0.56***
6. Conflict
Resolution
– 0.62*** 0.44*** 0.38*** 0.66***
7. Help and
Guidance
– 0.69*** 0.35*** 0.74***
8. Intimate
Exchange
– 0.30*** 0.63***
9. Conflict and
Betrayal
– 0.52***
10. Validation and
Caring
–
Note: ***p≤.001, **p≤.01, *p≤.05, +p≤.10.
N = 145
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Primary analyses
Hypothesis 1: Higher levels of peer attachment will be linked to higher levels of academic
achievement over time.
Analyses first examined the relation of peer attachment to adolescents’ academic
achievement. To address this hypothesis, a series of hierarchical linear regression analyses were
performed. In each analysis, one subscale of peer attachment was regressed onto academic
achievement, after first accounting for the effects of adolescent gender, family income level, and
academic achievement at age 13. Academic achievement at age 13 was highly correlated with
academic achievement at age 17. In order to calculate relative change over time of participants’
academic achievement, a baseline measure of academic success was needed. Given the high
correlation between academic achievement at ages 13 and 17, age 13 achievement was used as
this baseline measure to gauge change in academic achievement over time.
Table 6 presents the results predicting academic achievement at age 17 from trust of
friends at age 13. Main effects findings indicate that higher levels of trust were associated with
higher levels of academic achievement, even after covarying initial levels of achievement. Trust
of friends in general was positively related to academic achievement five years later.
Table 7 presents the results predicting academic achievement at age 17 from
communication with friends at age 13. Main effects findings indicate that higher levels of
communication were associated with higher levels of academic achievement, even after
covarying initial levels of achievement. Communication with friends in general was positively
related to academic achievement five years later.
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Table 6
Regressions Predicting GPA at Age 17 from Trust of Friends at Age 13
β entry β final Δ R2 Total R2
Step 1. Income .57*** .19*
Gender .13 .08
Statistics from step .33*** .33***
Step 2. GPA at age 13 .63*** .57*** .29*** .62***
Step 3. Trust of friends at age 13 .18* .18* .02* .64***
Note: ***p≤.001, **p≤.01, *p≤.05, +p≤.10.
N=89
Table 7
Regressions Predicting GPA at Age 17 from Communication with Friends at Age 13
β entry β final Δ R2 Total R2
Step 1. Income .57*** .20*
Gender .13 .05
Statistics from step .33*** .33***
Step 2. GPA at age 13 .63*** .57*** .29*** .62***
Step 3. Communication with friends at age 13 .18* .18* .02* .64***
Note: ***p≤.001, **p≤.01, *p≤.05, +p≤.10.
N=89
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Table 8 presents the results predicting academic achievement at age 17 from alienation
from friends at age 13. Main effects findings indicate that higher levels of alienation were
associated with lower levels of academic achievement, even after covarying initial levels of
achievement. Alienation from friends in general was negatively related to academic achievement
five years later.
Table 8
Regressions Predicting GPA at Age 17 from Alienation from Friends at Age 13
β entry β final Δ R2 Total R2
Step 1. Income .57*** .21**
Gender .13 .10 Statistics from step .33*** .33***
Step 2. GPA at age 13 .63*** .63*** .29*** .62***
Step 3. Alienation from friends at age 13 -.12+ -.12+ .01+ .63***
Note: ***p≤.001, **p≤.01, *p≤.05, +p≤.10. N=89
Table 9 presents the results predicting academic achievement at age 17 from total
attachment to friends at age 13. Main effects findings indicate that higher levels of total
attachment were associated with higher levels of academic achievement, even after covarying
initial levels of achievement. Total attachment to friends in general was positively related to
academic achievement five years later.
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Table 9
Regressions Predicting GPA at Age 17 from Total Attachment to Friends at Age 13
β entry β final Δ R2 Total R2
Step 1. Income .57*** .18*
Gender .13 .06
Statistics from step .33*** .33***
Step 2. GPA at age 13 .63*** .57*** .29*** .62***
Step 3. Total Attachment to friends at age 13 .20* .20* .02* .64***
Note: ***p≤.001, **p≤.01, *p≤.05, +p≤.10. N=89
Hypothesis 2: Higher levels of friendship quality with the close peer will be linked to higher
levels of academic achievement over time.
Next, analyses examined the relation of friendship quality to level of academic
achievement. As with the previous hypothesis, a series of hierarchical linear regression analyses
were performed. Each subscale of the friendship quality assessment was regressed onto academic
achievement, after accounting for the effects of adolescent gender, family income level, and
academic achievement at age 13.
Table 10 presents the results predicting academic achievement at age 17 from help and
guidance with the close peer at age 13. Main effects findings indicate that higher levels of help
and guidance were associated with higher levels of academic achievement, even after covarying
initial levels of achievement. Help and guidance with the close friend was positively related to
academic achievement five years later.
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Table 10
Regressions Predicting GPA at Age 17 from Help and Guidance with Close Peer at Age 13
β entry β final Δ R2 Total R2
Step 1. Income .57*** .19*
Gender .13 .06
Statistics from step .33*** .33***
Step 2. GPA at age 13 .63*** .61*** .29*** .62***
Step 3. Help and Guidance with close peer at
age 13 .16* .16* .02* .64***
Note: ***p≤.001, **p≤.01, *p≤.05, +p≤.10.
N=89
Table 11 presents the results predicting academic achievement at age 17 from validation
with the close peer at age 13. Main effects findings indicate that higher levels of validation were
associated with higher levels of academic achievement, even after covarying initial levels of
achievement. Validation with the close friend was positively related to academic achievement
five years later.
Table 12 presents the results predicting academic achievement at age 17 from conflict
and betrayal with the close peer at age 13. Main effects findings indicate that higher levels of
conflict and betrayal were associated with lower levels of academic achievement, even after
covarying initial levels of achievement. Conflict and betrayal with the close friend was
negatively related to academic achievement five years later.
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Table 11
Regressions Predicting GPA at Age 17 from Validation with Close Peer at age 13
β entry β final Δ R2 Total R2
Step 1. Income .56*** .16
Gender .13 .06
Statistics from step .33*** .33***
Step 2. GPA at age 13 .63*** .59*** .29*** .62***
Step 3. Validation with close peer at age 13 .22** .22** .03** .65***
Note: ***p≤.001, **p≤.01, *p≤.05, +p≤.10.
N=88
Table 12
Regressions Predicting GPA at Age 17 from Conflict and Betrayal with Close Peer at age 13
β entry β final Δ R2 Total R2
Step 1. Income .57*** .23**
Gender .13 .10
Statistics from step .33*** .33***
Step 2. GPA at age 13 .63*** .59*** .29*** .62***
Step 3. Conflict and Betrayal with close peer
at age 13 -.14* -.14* .01* .63***
Note: ***p≤.001, **p≤.01, *p≤.05, +p≤.10.
N=89
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Lower levels of conflict resolution within the friendship with the close peer were
predictive of improved academic achievement at age 17 when controlling for gender and family
income. However, the relationship was no longer significant when controlling for academic
achievement at age 13. Conflict resolution with the close friend was negatively related to
academic achievement five years later, but not when baseline academic achievement was
controlled for.
Higher levels of intimate exchange within the friendship with the close peer were
predictive of improved academic achievement at age 17 when controlling for gender and family
income. However, the relationship was no longer significant when controlling for academic
achievement at age 13. Intimate exchange with the close friend was positively related to
academic achievement five years later, but not when baseline academic achievement was
controlled for.
Higher levels of companionship and recreation within the friendship with the close peer
were predictive of improved academic achievement at age 17 when controlling for gender and
family income. However, the relationship was no longer significant when controlling for
academic achievement at age 13. Companionship and recreation with the close friend was
positively related to academic achievement five years later, but not when baseline academic
achievement was controlled for.
Hypothesis 3: Conjoint prediction of academic achievement at age 17 from friendship quality
and peer attachment predictors at age 13.
Table 13 presents the results predicting academic achievement at age 17 from total
attachment to peers at age 13 and all six measures of friendship quality with the close peer at age
13. Main effects findings indicate that higher levels of validation were associated with higher
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levels of academic achievement, even after covarying initial levels of achievement and all
friendship factors. Validation with the close friend was positively related to academic
achievement five years later.
Table 13
Regressions Predicting GPA at Age 17 from Friendship Factors at Age 13
β entry β final Δ R2 Total R2
Step 1. Income .57*** .14
Gender .12 .09
Statistics from step .33*** .33***
Step 2. GPA at age 13 .64*** .62*** .29*** .62***
Step 3. Total Attachment to friends .19* .04
Validation with close peer .19* .28*
Companionship with close peer -.06 .01
Conflict Resolution with close peer -.06 -.09
Help and Guidance with close peer .08 .09
Intimate Exchange with close peer -.15 -.16
Conflict and Betrayal with close peer -.02 -.02
Statistics from step .06+ .68***
Note: ***p≤.001, **p≤.01, *p≤.05, +p≤.10.
N=86
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Discussion
This study found that adolescent friendship factors were predictive of relative changes in
adolescents’ levels of academic achievement over time. Attachment to peers in general was
predictive of adolescents’ academic achievement. In addition, aspects of friendship quality with
adolescents’ close friends were predictive of relative changes in levels of academic achievement
over time. These findings indicate that adolescent friendships may be an important factor in
understanding factors that contribute to academic achievement.
One potential explanation of the association between friendship factors and academic
achievement over time is that better friendships improve grades by making school more
enjoyable and worthwhile. This finding is complementary to research showing that peer rejection
has been related to decreased school attendance (DeRosier et al., 1994). Friendship factors could
improve school performance in a number of ways. One possibility is that the presence of positive
friendships could enhance the overall atmosphere of school and thus encourage more school
involvement and higher levels of academic achievement.
In addition, specific aspects of friendships may act individually to improve school
performance. Adolescents who experience higher levels of validation with their friends could
receive more positive feedback from friends for class participation and school success, and thus
have greater academic achievement. Friendships which allow for communication and provide
help and guidance may support teens in their efforts to excel at homework and class-work.
Higher levels of trust in friendships could lead students to want to come to school more, and be
less afraid to participate in class. Lower levels of conflict and alienation would serve as less of a
distraction from academics than friendships with higher levels of conflict (Wentzel & Caldwell,
1997).
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The results of this study also suggest that certain aspects of friendships may be less
related to academics and school, and thus are less strongly related to academic achievement.
Intimate exchange with friends is a quality of friendship more likely to manifest itself outside of
a school setting, and intimate exchange was not strongly related to academic achievement when
accounting for baseline academic achievement. The content of what private information friends
share with one another may also largely not be related to academics. Conflict resolution is
another friendship factor less strongly related to academic achievement. One possible
explanation for the lack of predictive value of conflict resolution is that it is likely to be practiced
outside of school and focused on non-academic issues. Another explanation is that, within the
close friendship, conflict resolution abilities may be less important for academic achievement
than whether there is a large amount of conflict in the friendship overall. If friendships are
comprised of higher levels of conflict, this could be sufficiently distracting from an adolescent’s
academic demands that levels of conflict resolution would not become a protective factor. At the
same time, conflict resolution may not be a salient aspect of friendships if those friendships are
characterized by lower levels of conflict.
Companionship and recreation are two other aspects of friendship which are not as
strongly related to academic achievement. One possible explanation for the lack of predictive
value of companionship and recreation is that higher levels of companionship and recreation in
friendship serve as a distraction from academics (Wentzel & Caldwell, 1997). Another possible
explanation for the lack of predictive value of companionship and recreation is that the positive
aspects of a friendship are not equally salient. Merely spending time together with friends was
not related to higher levels of school performance, while other factors, such as validation, were
strongly correlated with academic achievement. This could be because a higher level of
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companionship within a friendship does not reflect any component of the friendship specifically
related to support or encouragement. This link may be critical in the association between
friendship and academic achievement.
Another possible explanation for the link between significant elements of adolescent
friendships and academic achievement is prosocial behavior. Wentzel and Caldwell (1997) have
found support for this relationship between teens’ own tendencies to behave in prosocial ways
and their social and academic abilities in a sample of early adolescents. Higher levels of
validation, help, guidance, trust, and communication, as well as lower levels of conflict, betrayal,
and alienation are all friendship factors that were predictive of subsequent academic achievement
in the current research, and could all be described as prosocial behaviors. One interpretation of
this link is that the specifically prosocial elements of a friendship are the most significant in
promoting academic achievement. Another possible explanation is that adolescents with
prosocial abilities bring these skills to their friendships, and that these friendships improve the
school environment and bolster school success. It is also possible that adolescents belong to peer
groups that encourage both academic achievement and prosocial behavior as acceptable norms,
similar to the findings of Chen et al. (2003).
Intimate exchange, conflict resolution, companionship, and recreation were friendship
factors not significantly correlated with academic achievement. One possible explanation is that
these friendship qualities are less related to an important element of prosocial behavior, such as
interpersonal support, than validation, help, guidance, conflict, betrayal, trust, communication,
and alienation, which were significantly correlated with academic achievement. It may be that an
element of prosocial behavior such as interpersonal support is responsible for the relationship
between friendship qualities and academic achievement, and therefore friendship qualities that
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do not involve interpersonal support would not be as strongly correlated with academic
achievement. It is also possible that intimate exchange, conflict resolution, companionship, and
recreation were modestly related to academic achievement, but the relationship was not detected
in this sample due to power limitations.
An alternative explanation is that two groups exist in the sample. One group is comprised
of adolescents with consistently high levels of social and academic skills who thus display higher
levels of friendship quality, peer attachment, and academic achievement. The other is a group of
teens with persistently low levels of friendship quality and academic achievement. The existence
of these two groups would create the relationship revealed in the current research between
friendship factors and academic achievement. It is possible that friendship quality and peer
attachment correlate with academic achievement in this way. Future research should examine
this possibility. The results of this study predicted relative change in academic achievement over
time, accounting for baseline levels of academic achievement. This makes it less likely that the
current findings are simply a reflection of the presence of two distinct groups of adolescents with
stable academic and social capabilities over time.
A further possibility, however, is that some external factor at age 13, for example, family
conflict or parental divorce, both affected adolescent peer relationships and increased the
likelihood of relative decreases in academic performance over time. Only experimental research
would be able to completely rule out such alternative explanations. Future research examining
these alternative factors directly would be useful in addressing this possibility.
Multiple interpretations exist for the manner in which friendship factors and peer
attachment relate to academic achievement. Each interpretation suggests that the overall quality
of early friendships is significant for adolescent functioning. Thus, despite research showing that
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friendships are fluid in early adolescence (DeRosier et al., 1994), early adolescence is potentially
an important developmental period in which to study long-term peer effects. Future research
could investigate at what point in early adolescence friendship factors matter most for concurrent
and future outcomes such as academic success, externalizing behaviors, and substance use.
This study also supports the many findings demonstrating the importance of peer factors
in adolescent development (Allen et al., 2005; Santor et al., 2000; Urberg et al., 1997). The
current research may also be evidence of positive peer influences in adolescence. Positive peer
effects on academic achievement are important for school and parent-understanding of
adolescent development. The many facets of peer relations in adolescence are critical in school
programs ranging from ability-tracking to behavioral interventions. Future research could
investigate what specific areas of peer interaction are best used in effective interventions
(Wentzel & Caldwell, 1997). Additionally, future research could look into what friendship
qualities are most instrumental in affecting academic achievement and by what mechanisms such
qualities operate.
The results of this study are important because they reveal a relationship between
friendship factors and an influential marker in adolescents’ lives, academic achievement. The
results also point to the fact that there exists a multitude of additional school outcome variables
that are of importance and interest. Future research should investigate the relationship between
friendship quality and school motivation, self-efficacy toward school, and pursuit of higher
education to capture fully the effects of peers on academic life.
The current research possessed several limitations which are important in understanding
these results. First, moderately high correlations exist between predictor variables. This indicates
that the predictor variables may not measure distinct aspects of friendship quality and peer
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attachment. As a result, it may only be possible to interpret the results of this study as relating
academic achievement to friendship quality and peer attachment in general, not to any specific
component of friendship.
In addition, when all of the predictor variables are accounted for together, the only
measure still significant is validation. Due to the high correlations between the variables, it is not
surprising that they would largely overlap when accounted for together. It follows that these
results are not able to discern which elements of friendships are more important than others. The
possible exception is validation within the close friendship, which alone remained significant in
the model. It is possible that validation is the most salient friendship factor that is associated with
academic achievement. Future research could pursue this question by using friendship factors
less highly correlated with one another to predict academic achievement. An additional option
for future research could be to use information about friendship quality and peer attachment from
multiple reporters, such as an adolescent’s closest friends and classmates. Such investigations
might reveal more about which peer factors are most important for school success.
A second limitation of this study was the decrease in number of participants over time.
Participants dropping out of high school may account for some of this decrease. This limits the
generalizability of the current findings because participants are not likely to drop out of high
school at random. Those students with the lowest levels of academic achievement are more
likely to drop out. These students thus cannot be included in the sample because no outcome
variable data is available for them. The current pool of participants is not entirely representative
of an adolescent population, because those students with the lowest levels of academic
achievement have been excluded. In addition, due to difficulty obtaining academic achievement
information from participants who matriculated out of the target high school via transfer to a new
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school, detention at a juvenile correction facility, or other situations, the sample size decreased
following collection of data at age thirteen. Future research should focus on participant follow-up
so that as much academic achievement data can be obtained as possible. Obtaining more detailed
records from all institutions of learning is also important for future research so that grades from
different schools’ records can be appropriately interpreted.
A third limitation is that, although these data provide longitudinal evidence of a
relationship between adolescent friendship factors and academic achievement, they cannot
provide evidence of a causal relationship. It is possible that peer attachment and friendship
quality in early adolescence cause improved academic achievement in later adolescence. These
results may also indicate that peer attachment and friendship quality are correlated with
academic achievement, but higher levels of both are caused by a third factor such as an
adolescent’s prosocial ability. Further research should seek to uncover the mechanism of the
relationship and its ramifications for adolescent academic achievement.
The study of factors that correlate with and could impact adolescent academic
achievement is a valuable pursuit. Academic achievement is an influential societal signal, and
becomes especially important in late adolescence, when the transition to higher education
traditionally takes place. The current findings show that friendship quality and peer attachment in
early adolescence are predictive of relative changes in levels of academic achievement over time.
Beyond family income and previous levels of academic achievement, friendship factors add
another piece of information to what is currently understood about predicting academic
achievement in late adolescence. This finding is significant in drawing up a complete picture of
an important aspect of adolescent development. Understanding what social and psychological
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influences are most salient to improving academic achievement is significant for students,
parents, educators, and the economy as a whole.
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