NON-GOVERNMENTAL ORGANIZATIONS AND

TARGET GROUPS IN NICARAGUA

A minor field study about grassroots effects of

professionalization

Kajsa Stenberg

Göteborgs Universitet

Institutionen för Globala Studier

Bachelor Thesis in Peace and Development studies

Registrerad vt 2010

Framlagd vt 2010

Abstract

This minor field study aims to see how aid donors, more specifically Northern based

development NGOs, affect the relations between Southern local NGOs and their target groups

in development projects in Nicaragua. The investigation was made by interviewing actors at

three levels in rural community development projects and looking at impacts of

professionalization and the target groups‘ possibilities for self sustainability. At least three

dimensions of donor effects on the relations between local NGO and target groups were

detected. Local NGOs fear to be limited in their interactions with target groups as they

perceive there is an emphasis on efficiency and administrative efforts in the management of

funds. On the other hand, activities for strengthening the capacities of target groups to manage

and plan projects might enforce local NGOs‘ roles as consultants rather than providers of

funds, as target groups grow in their responsibilities. But a second dimension suggest that

relying excessively on local NGOs‘ professionalism and competence might induce

expectations that may not be met. The third dimension relates to what projects are preferred

and funded by donors, specifically the encouragement of commercialization which entails a

more business oriented approach towards target groups, based on profit driven activities.

Key words: Non-Governmental Organizations, Target groups, Grassroots, professionalization,

capacity building, self sustainability, Nicaragua.

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CONTENT

1. Introduction ………………………………………………………………………………4

1.2 Purpose and aim ……………………………………………………………………...4

2. Method …………………………………………………………………………………….6

2.1 Interviews ……………………………………………………………………………..6

2.2 Selection of NGOs ……………………………………………………………………7

2.3 Selection of informants ……………………………………………………………….8

2.4 Interaction with informants ……………………………………………………………9

2.5 Previous research on the issue ……………………………………………………….10

2.6 Limitations, considerations …………………………………………………………..11

3. Background ……………………………………………………………………………...12

3.1 NGOs in the Nicaraguan context …………………………………………………….12

4. Theoretical framework ………………………………………………………………….14

4.1 NGO perceptions …………………………………………………………………….14

4.2 The professionalizing of NGOs………………………………………………………17

4.2.1 Capacity building …………………………………………………………………..19

4.4 Grassroots organizing ………………………………………………………………..20

4.5 Grassroots sustainability ……………………………………………………………. 22

5. Interview results and presentation of NGOs projects …………………………………23

5.1 Different types and roles of NGOs …………………………………………………. 23

5.2 NNGOs‘ contribution to SNGOs ……………………………………………………27

5.3 Target group organizing ……………………………………………………………..32

6. Discussion ………………………………………………………………………………...37

6.1 Influences of professionalization – controversial or not? …………………………... 37

6.2 Strengthened capacities – sustainability or limited impact on target groups? .............39

6.3 Action and its limits .................................................................................................... 40

6.4 Commercialization and economic sustainability …………………………………….41

6.5 Projects – too small to make a difference? …………………………………………..42

6.6 NNGOs – underestimated distant actors in relations? ……………………………….43

6.7 Changing roles rather than relations? ………………………………………………..43

7. Conclusions ........................................................................................................................44

8. References ……………………………………………………………………………….45

Appendix 1 - List of projects and NGOs & Appendix 2 - Interview guide

1. Introduction

There are many commentators who emphasize the potential of Non-Governmental-

Organizations (NGOs) as better suited development actors for aid management, in contrast to

State led management of foreign aid. It is believed that NGOs are ―collective voices of civil

society‖, more democratic, more cost-effective, flexible and better connected to the social

bases and the ones in need (Edwards and Hulme,1992). Although there is a relative consensus

as to the importance of NGOs as providers of development aid, resources and social capital,

the questioning of down-ward accountability and representation is highlighted by some.

In cooperation with Northern donors, Southern NGOs (henceforth SNGOs) face the risk of

becoming dependent on their northern funding source. To a varied degree they have to

comply with the terms set by donors (who respond to their country governments requirements

for efficient aid), which can distract the focus away from grassroots‘ prioritizations and

autonomy.

As a response to the criticism of this power asymmetry, aid actors have introduced paroles of

participation – to make the agenda setting locally owned; partnership– to emphasize a

mutually responsive relation; and empowerment – for disadvantaged to gain better control

over resources. These are important pillars for the sustainability and long term effects of

development efforts but will function only if aid donors adopt capacity building roles rather

than implementing projects in a given developing country. Making SNGOs capable of

becoming self sustainable or securing the organizations survival as to meeting targets and

missions can encourage the battle against poverty. Building the organizational capacities and

efficiency of SNGOs is presumably a suitable approach considering the requirements for aid

effectiveness, wherein professionalizing measures - the importance of administrative tasks

and formal organizational structures - are accentuated. However, in order for local NGOs to

receive funds, professionalizing and adopting such formal structures may put at risk the on the

ground work. On the one hand, there are reasons to believe that with a more professionalized

organization, for example through professional NGO-workers and priorities on managerial

issues, development projects will meet targets more professionally and efficiently and bring

about results for the good of target groups. On the other hand, although skilled and trained the

SNGOs might contribute to distance themselves from their target groups when exposed to

donor‘s priorities and methods for funding. Such aspects of development of NGOs and their

work question the actual importance of links between SNGOs and the grassroots they seek to

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support and what kind of interaction that is necessary to bring about change. Are the

capacities that a local organization receives, or the requirements put upon the organization, in

some way changing the interaction and relations with the target people for whom a project is

dedicated?

1.2 Aim and Purpose

This study intends to see how Northern NGOs affect local NGOs relations with target groups

by looking at the substance of the relationships NNGOs-SNGOs-grassroots and target groups

and at the effects of the trends of professionalization and capacity training in this relationship.

The fallowing questions will be answered in order to get closer to the understanding of this

aspect of development cooperation between northern and southern based NGOs;

How is the local NGO influenced by processes of professionalization enforced by Northern

NGOs?

In what ways are the related local NGOs and their target groups affected by this

professionalization? Is this leading to more sustainability in the long term of the projects

supported?

How can project experiences and new capabilities contribute to self sustainability of the

grassroots?

Departing from the discussion of NGO attributes and roles there are three interrelated

concepts that make up the theoretical framework of the research questions; those are

professionalization and the aspect of capacity building, sustainability and grassroots‘ relations

with NGOs. This study can hopefully bring some empirical substance to the debate on NGO

relations and casts light upon the effects on grassroots of community development projects. In

a wider context the cases explored can be useful when analyzing development methods and

development agendas specifically in relation to aid policies.

2. METHOD

2.1 Location and scope of the study

The study was conducted in the eastern and northern parts of Nicaragua1 during four months

in 2009. The subjects of study were five projects run by local Nicaraguan NGOs that are in

cooperation with and are supported by North based NGOs (henceforth NNGOs). I aimed to

observe the projects and their actors; representatives of NNGOs, representatives of the local

NGOs, and the people living, participating and benefiting from the project (the target group).

I chose to focus on projects in the rural agricultural sectors that concern food stability, self-

sustainability and community development. Project location and sector was made due to

basically three common observations about poverty and development. Firstly, the majority of

the world‘s poor populations are concentrated in rural areas, as is the case for Nicaragua

where almost 62 percent of the country‘s poor live in rural areas (Instituto Nacional de

Información de Desarrollo, 2001)2. Second, the importance of targeting the rural poor in

development efforts in combination with the sustainability approach that has become

accentuated in development aid strategies, make projects in rural community settings an

interesting subject for study. Finally, Nicaragua - like many Third World countries – received

tremendous amounts of development aid during the 1980s and 1990s, especially after

hurricane Mitch in 1998; development aid that was increasingly aimed for civil society and

filtered through NGOs (see Background section).

2.2 Interviews

I used semi structured interviews as the main source of information and interviewed a total of

31 persons, approximately four to five people from each of the 5 projects; people representing

the NNGO, the local NGO and target persons (see Appendix 2). The questions are adjusted to

each of the representatives involved in a project as I needed separate information from each of

the three groups. However, the interviews were conducted along similar lines and basic

questions about the tasks and roles of the informants, the impact and the project history were

1 León, Posoltega, Dipilto, Somoto and Estelí.

2 NB that this percentage only represent the group of poor while 54.7 percent of the not extreme poor and

76 percent of the extreme poor live in rural areas, making the average total rural poor higher.

7

asked of all the informants. The advantage of the semi structured interview method is that it

allows the interviewer to gain information outside the formal questions which broadens the

perspective and understanding of the interviewee. In the case of the studied NGOs this has

proven to be of good use as these NGOs differ considerably from each other hence making it

more productive to adapt questions according to their contexts.

For NNGO representatives, questions were asked about contact making with the partner

NGO, project history and changes in the way of working regarding cooperation methods,

expertise or knowledge offered to the partner and future cooperation. The local NGO is asked

about project implementation, the support for and connection to the project groups, the role of

NGO members, who controls resources, how the cooperation with NNGO partners works and

what use they‘ve had from new knowledge and how they think they‘ve been affected by

changes or demands in the cooperation. My target group informants were asked questions

about received benefits and the outcome of projects concerning occasions of capacity

building, contact with local NGO and foreign organizations, their general involvement in and

contribution to the project, and their future prospects. With this I wanted to explore the

understanding of and opinions about strengthened capacities in a target group and what

implications it might have for their self sustainability.

2.3 Selection of NGOs

First and foremost I decided to focus on community development in the rural sector, which

made me search randomly on the internet for NGOs and projects matching this criterion. I

also established contacts through Swedish people in the development sector. As I wanted to

prioritize the community development criterion there were several NGOs that I had to neglect

due to their too narrow aims or set of target persons3. A second criterion for selection was

based on my aim to interview three parts of a project; one funding NNGO (north based), the

intermediary or executive local NGO (south based) and people from the target group for

whom the project and hence aid funds are intended. In the selection process (in which I

contacted many NGOs per email, both northern and Nicaraguan) it turned out that some local

NGOs didn‘t have foreign funding at all. Some NNGOs, for their part, didn‘t work at all with

a Nicaraguan counterpart NGO but rather with a state institution as intermediate actor, or

3 Some NGOs were centered on one issue only, for example commercialization of soybeans which implied

that the target groups derived from a narrower selection of population (i.e. soybean producers).

directly with target groups. Thus, these were sorted out as they didn‘t correspond to my

criterion. In the process I got in contact with both NNGOs and SNGOs i.e. I didn‘t prioritize

neither of the two for getting a first contact. Most often the search (with search words both in

English, Spanish and Swedish) for projects brought me to NNGO sites. However, in the

majority of cases it was the SNGOs that ―showed interest‖ first, although the only Swedish

organization that I interviewed was very helpful in introducing me to local NGOs and

communities. Some projects and local NGOs, like the one supported by the Swedish NGO I

wouldn‘t even have been able to find without first contacting an NNGO. I was much aware of

the fact that local NGOs don‘t always have the resources to promote themselves through

internet or other public spaces. This fact definitely limits the range of selectable projects and

creates a biased situation in which more ―visible‖ organizations get attention.

2.4 Selection of informants

My selection of informants was not predetermined and made differently depending on group.

I aimed to interview SNGO staff working in direct contact with the target group. My aim was

to get project specific information from a promoter and overall information about the NGOs

history and cooperation with foreign organizations from a president, director or the like. The

selection of informants from the local NGO was usually prearranged per email prior to my

arrival in Nicaragua. My contact person in the local NGOs suggested grassroots informants

for my interviews according to what project I wanted to study. Most of the NGOs in my study

work with many communities of different sizes and differently dispersed over large areas –

some that are extremely difficult to reach without a 4W Jeep. For that reason I usually chose

to visit somewhat easily accessible target group informants, which also made me more

flexible and not dependent on the local NGO. In a first step when arriving to a new place, I

met with my SNGO informant that was usually also the promoter of the project. The next day

or so he/she accompanied me to the target group communities where I was introduced to some

of the beneficiaries (I asked for meeting at least 4 that I could interview). In a second step I

introduced myself to the beneficiaries in presence of the NGO, and the next day I would

return on my own to meet them. During the visits they would show me their gardens and other

parts related to the project, the surroundings and some would also introduce me to other

associate beneficiaries that I could interview. As I needed historical perspectives regarding the

projects and organizing of the target group I hoped to interview beneficiaries that had been

involved in the project for many years, although my aim was to get a wide range of

information from different beneficiaries. In the case of the NNGOs informants I hoped to get

9

as much information as possible about the specific cooperation with their counterpart NGO.

The NNGOs had usually only one or two representatives in Nicaragua and for periods they

were not even present in the country.

2.5 Interaction with informants

As having a relatively high level of Spanish I had the opportunity to get a great amount of

information from my key informants as well as from other people in the communities that I

visited. This gave me a big advantage to understand not only the answers and reflections but

also to notice variations in the use of language. Four interviews were made through telephone

as these persons represented an NNGO with no office in Nicaragua. One SNGO interview had

to be made through telephone. The target group interviews were all made in rural settings in

quite remote areas to which there was limited access. Being accompanied by an NGO

representative was comfortable for me because the beneficiaries I visited seemed to have

much confidence in the NGO-person which probably made them accept me more easily than

had I come there alone. In the cases when I did, it seemed more difficult for them to

understand why I had come to visit them although I explained myself, my mission and my

questions. Understandingly, their positions as beneficiaries and receivers of different kinds of

assistance could make them more willing to help me when in the presence of, or being in

contact with an NGO personnel. However, in almost all target group meetings and interviews

I was extremely well received and just once, in a group interview, I was met with a slight

apathy even though recommended by NGO staff. This group, it turned out later, where not

anymore specifically targeted (did not receive financial or material assistance) by the

corresponding local NGO that I had interviewed earlier, due to lack of funds.

The initial idea was to make interviews with each individual separately; but I soon realized

that this was difficult in the case of some of the target groups. Most of the target groups are

beneficiaries of a project as a group or a cooperative on the criterion that they are to be

organized. I found it inappropriate to insist on individual interviews in some cases when the

target groups themselves suggested making the interview in form of a group meeting with

several persons. Naturally, on these occasions some persons talked more than others which

probably hindered some interesting information to reach me. Still the meetings were

productive because the persons reminded each other of certain events and issues which

brought them into discussions about the project and the problems they had faced.

In general I was dependent on the local NGOs will to cooperate and to help me, which was

never a problem despite of one incident where I got a full and very informative interview with

two representatives of a Nicaraguan federation, but then didn‘t get the opportunity to visit the

target groups of its support. Although that study wasn‘t completed it did bring some insight

into the history of cooperative activity in Nicaragua - information which proved to be useful

when I later interviewed people from target groups organized in cooperatives.

2.6 Limitations and considerations

There are normally several funders and donors behind most of the local NGOs in this study

which makes it worth mentioning that my chosen NNGOs are not the only channels of

funding or influence for the projects studied. The support some local Nicaraguan NGOs

receive comes from different foreign sources be it other NNGOs or private persons. Most

local Nicaraguan NGOs were working in a variety of social areas, each one corresponded and

supported by a specific NNGO. Thus, I could only get access to the funding NNGOs that

actually are based in Nicaragua or visit the region of the project frequently. Consequently, as

complex as NGO-cooperation is, one cannot generalize but rather making an overlook of

some criteria that might be relevant for the relations between the three parts of each project

(NNGO, local NGO and target group). There are important power aspects as to the

cooperation between northern and southern actors which are worth studying, but which I

leave out in this study. As the study focus on relations between organizations and the bases

the analysis will mainly be at the community level. Focusing at this level I intentionally leave

out the connections between NGOs and wider global networks of social activism that may

affect the way NGOs chose to operate. I am of the point of view that generalizations are to be

limited, especially for my study that focus on a variety of organizations working in

community development. Method as well as relations between NGOs and target groups differ.

The different ways in which the local NGOs approach the improvement of the rural

communities make generalizing difficult. Moreover, the chosen NGOs and their target groups

are unique in constellation and history which makes it a challenge to define the limits for who

belongs to ―grassroots‖ and who does not. Some SNGOs are composed by people that

originate from the very same target groups they are supporting and have taken the role as

organizational and administrative body for managing progress of the target groups. The

composition of other SNGOs may look different regarding staff proximity to target groups.

11

The concept of community is widely used in development language. But the concept is tricky

in that it disguises power relations within communities and masks differences in gender, age

and class. Without due consideration of these differences within a village one can be mislead

to believe that communities are socially cohesive and egalitarian in its nature. The NGOs in

this study are, as we will see, mostly oriented towards supporting family units although the

benefits will serve the community as a whole. At this point I, as researcher, have to be aware

and scrutinize my own understanding of ―target group‖ or the ones receiving some kind of

support from NGOs; it‘s easy to think of these beneficiaries as collectives rather than

individuals – as if the ultimate aim always is to organize people in order for them to make use

of benefits. This perspective may be a romanticized view of communities, when in reality

they are perhaps better analyzed as individuals (or at least in smaller units as for example the

family). I use the community concept referring to the wider population of a village, but use

target group when referring to the beneficiaries of the specific projects. Furthermore, the

concept of social movement does not refer to any community; as communities are not always

organized (but can indeed be part of a broader movement).

2.7 Previous research on the issue

From the massive amount of literature on development aid and NGO- theories much relevant

information for this study are found in the journal Development in Practice. Edwards and

Hulmes (1992 and 1997) is a well quoted source of information on NGO related theories.

Tvedt (2002) stresses the importance of analyzing the linkages to funding sources to

understand the structures that have impacted the activities, history and functions of particular

NGOs. In line with the questioning of the common NGO attributes as representing the poor

and implementers of democracy, Jad (2007) argue that professionalization, as a process of

NGOization, might concentrate power into the hands of administrators or technocrats and

impede the spread of social movements. Sonia Alvarez‘ (1998) discussions on ―NGOization‖

are used as a reference for explaining the background to the professionalization of

movements. Ian Smillie (2001) presents a historical perspective on capacity building and its

application on development cooperation. A critical view on NGOs as advocates of grassroots

mobilizations is provided by Taylor (2004). David Lewis (2000) revise a set of issues related

to the management of development NGOs using perspectives of organizational theory,

business management and third sector theories. Adhikari and Godey use the concept of social

capital in exploring sustainability in community groups in development projects.

Some literature used for this thesis on third sector activities5 within a Northern context and

examples from Northern non-profit organizations, which complicates the applicability of

these theories to a ―Southern‖ context, specifically, to a development aid scene. Although

development NGOs are different in terms of approaches and contexts, Lewis maintain that

these theories are applicable, to a certain extent, within a ―southern‖ context as well.

3. BACKGROUND

3.1 NGOs in the Nicaraguan context

―NGOing‖ is a relatively young phenomenon in Nicaraguan history partly stemming from the

revolutionary years and the government led by Frente Sandinista de Liberación Nacional6 in

the 1980‘s. During the Somoza dictatorial regime (1937-1979) there were very few

Nicaraguan NGOs. Nevertheless, NGO activities can be traced back to the 50‘s Catholic

voluntary organizations and to the social theology of Paolo Freire that influenced the Catholic

Church and other religious communities during the 60‘s-70‘s (Tvedt, 1998:66). Moreover

some other NGOs, associations and committees were founded on the basis of women‘s issues,

solidarity, workers and farmers. With the Sandinistas entering the stage 1979, the existing

NGOs received legal status and new ones emerged although they were somewhat close to the

government and to some extent were instruments and implementers of government projects

(Tvedt, 1998; 52). Mass- or popular- organizations, open for all Nicaraguans and encouraged

under the Sandinistas, partly served to link the Party‘s ideological ideas with the general

population (Gilbert, 1988:64). Until 1984 the popular organizations had representatives in the

national legislature and were portrayed as ―the germs of the popular democracy‖ that

Sandinistas created in Nicaragua (Ibid. 65). Many social movements mobilized during the 70s

and 80s and gradually institutionalized themselves in the form of NGOs (Ewig, 1999:75).

The NGOs and other social mobilizations that emerged during the insurrection against the

Somoza dictatorship had been consolidated under the Sandinistas, and both national NGOs

and the government policy of mobilizing the masses received enormous financial support

from international donors and organizations. As Nicaragua became affected by the United

5 In reference to the public or the private sector.

6 The Sandinista National Liberation Front, the protagonist party of the 1979 revolution.

13

States economic boycott, the NGO co-operation represented one of the major sources of funds

(Tvedt; 67). Worsening poverty was seen in the wake of the economic crisis of the 1980s and

many NGOs were started as a response. As the Sandinista party lost elections to the

Conservatives in 1990 increased autonomy was projected by popular organizations like

neighborhood organizations and the women‘s association AMNLAE7. Many of the social

gains made during the Sandinista period were lost with the new government‘s neoliberal

strategies of cutting down state expenditures.

The overall trend during the nineties has been the development and emergence of women‘s

organizations along with indigenous and environmental organizations separated from and

unattached to FSLN and other political parties (Babb, 2001:259). Notably the women‘s

movement is described as the forefront of the autonomous movements being rather an

―offshoot‖ of the revolution than a result of FSLN. Many former Sandinista supporters turned

their activism towards non-party affiliated organizations that were more inclusive, less

hierarchical in its structures and absorbed a broader set of social issues (Babb, 2001:248).

Another experience that serves to describe the rise of NGO activity and NGO co-operation

relates to the authorities response to disasters. An earthquake that shook Nicaragua and

destroyed much of Managua in the 1970s drew international attention and financial support

which was filtered through the Somoza government. When the disaster stricken population

didn´t see any result or use of the international aid resources aimed to rebuild their homes, a

political activism started to grow in strength which in part led to the downfall of the dynasty

and the success of the Sandinistas. Almost thirty years later the history was about to repeat

itself when Hurricane Mitch struck the country (and other areas of Central America and the

Caribbean) in 1998. Also this disaster drew attention to the flaws and feeble government

response and spurred civil society groups to build coalitions for emergency assistance as well

as planning for a more sustainable development of their communities and the country (Babb,

2001:259).

The NGOs in this study where all affected to different degrees by Mitch (1998) and hurricane

Felix (2007) and some of them started their work as a direct result of the disaster (or were

consolidated due to increasing foreign funds) and the urgent needs, although they weren‘t

7 Asociación de Mujeres Nicaragüenses Luisa Amanda Espinoza

limited to emergency assistance. Some of them were founded much earlier and began their

work during the 80s, enjoying some governmental support, while others surge as a response to

neoliberal policies and the decreasing provision of public social services.

4. KEY CONCEPTS AND THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

The concepts in this study constitute parts of a development discourse, although my aim is not

to make an analysis of the highly interesting normative connections between words, practices,

values and ideologies that describe such a phenomenon. Rather, I will point to three somewhat

interlinking concepts that I find essential for investigating the effects of NGO cooperation on

grassroots relations; processes of professionalization and the connected meaning of capacity building,

as well as grassroots sustainability and independence. It is not possible here to fully visit the

debate about the function and role of NGOs. Rather, I will first present a brief overview of some

frequent perspectives on NGOs and sketch some perspectives and critique that underpin the

potential of development NGOs‘ activities.

4.1 NGOs within civil society

NGOs are also referred to as non-profit organizations or voluntary citizens‘ groups organized

on a local, national or international level. Furthermore, they are ―task-oriented and driven by

people with a common interest, perform a variety of service and humanitarian functions, bring

citizen concerns to governments, advocate and monitor policies and encourage political

participation through provision of information8. Definitions of NGOs are very unclear and

depend on the perspective. More specifically, development NGOs can be described as being

legal, institutionalized organizations within social movements, thus often go under Social

Movement Organizations (SMOs) or Civil Society Organizations (CSOs). Whichever

function and motive a development NGO has it normally works as an executive body existing

and working on behalf of disadvantaged people.

NGOs have always been players in development processes but it‘s only since the late 1980s

that agencies have put major significance to them (Lewis, 2000:155). The ideological

association with the end of the socialist societies would make civil society a concept which

were adopted by donor agencies and whose expansion would be the answer to many

8 www.ngo.org, 030210

15

development problems (Chandhoke, 2007:611). A common perspective describes NGOs as

main voices of civil society, flexible and more cost-effective and the ultimate bearers of

democracy - a perspective inspired by Post-Soviet politics and liberal traditions. From this

logic fallows that disadvantaged people within civil society need to be stimulated into taking

group action, that they collectively can have a discernible impact on the local situation, they

can confront oppressive social forces, and that the combined effort of grassroots mobilizations

have the potential to influence policies and politics at the national level (Edwards and Hulme,

1992:24). However, in lack of systematic assessments there are no firm evidence that civil

society groups in general have been successful in contributing to public policy formulation

and implementation, although this perception serve as a base for donors strategies (Robinson

and Friedman, 2005:2). Tvedt suggests that to analyze the function on NGOs a non normative

definition of NGOs is needed to avoid the foregone conclusion that they possess some shared

values or capabilities (2002:364). Furthermore, the importance of NGOs as development

promoters is often discursively connected to notions of a ―common good‖ for a country.

Mattson (2007) points out that the goodwill of NGOs – because of a supposed closeness to

grassroots and civil society needs and values - is seldom questioned:

“The legitimacy of NGOs and other development agencies is created and sustained precisely on basis of the

universalistic functions that they claim to be representing and spreading to the population”(Mattson

2007:161).

As counterweights to the State NGOs should step in where governments are only partly

democratic and where multilateral or bilateral aid cannot reach the poor. As put it by the World

Bank (cited in Koch 2007:11), in distorted environments that lack sufficient policies or

supportive systems, aid functions most effectively through civil society that put pressure on

the government and/or provide services normally supplied by the State. However, the notion that

many NGOs function as service providers (in, for example, health and education) in a

developing country has been scrutinized as being counter effective when discussing politics of

good governance. Through this perspective NGOs do not just fill the gaps where the

government cannot or will not reach but risk installing a parallel or alternative welfare system

outside the State (Mohan, 2001:19). Albeit to a minor degree compared to other actors, NGOs

have contributed to the ―rolling back‖ of the State, but doesn‘t reveal whether citizens have

been strengthened in influencing State actions or if the rolling back just contributed to the

―identification of the private sector as the main provider of essential goods and services for

the entire population‖ (Edwards and Hulme, 1997:9-10).

However non governmental, NGOs can indeed be government oriented and serve both

political and military objectives9. Examples from Brazil in the late 1990‘s indicate that the

―opening of channels of interlocution between civil society and the State was accompanied by

the progressive proximity of governments in relation to the organizations of civil society‖

(Teixeira, 2000:2). NGOs came to been seen as more effective and capable of legitimizing

government policies, as government administrations sought proximity with qualified and

efficient sectors of civil society. Partnerships with (and funding from) the government was

seen, by many NGOs, as an interesting substitute for partnerships with international

cooperation where funds were decreasing (Ibid; 2).

Robinson (2003) sees NGOs as a phenomenon that is part of a new transnational order

wherein the NGOs are mere channels for imposing hegemonic policies or discourses into the

sphere of development work. He suggests that within this order grassroots movements are

linked to the upper levels of the global system through various intermediaries. Resources are

organized from International NGOs and national states and down to the bottom level of

individual NGOs on ―the field‖ that are closest to the popular sectors. Robinsons‘ formulation

suggests that NGO networks have become a vehicle for penetrating the civil society from the

global system downward to the local grassroots (2003:226). Petras means that such policies or

discourses that are channeled are effects and expressions of the neoliberal hegemony wherein

NGOs are easily co-opted because of their historical ―non-statist‖ approaches and ―private

voluntary activities‖. ―Economic development compatible with the ‗free market‘ rather than

social organization for social change becomes the dominant item on the funding agenda‖

(Petras, 1997).

So, while wrapped up in definitions that regenerate their potentials for serving and

representing civil society, development NGOs can also be practical instruments for policies

that may be made far from (or in isolation of) the final targets of its efforts.

9 Se Alejandro Bendaña, 1999, NGOs and Social Movements A North/South Divide, Civil Society and

Social Movements Programme Paper Number 22 June 2006

17

4.2 The professionalization of movements

The perceptions of NGOs as development promoters are expressed and are, to a certain

extent, regenerated in the donors‘ preferences of what sectors and methods of civil society

action to support. Sonia Alvarez, uses the term ―NGOization‖ to explain the phenomenon

in which movements or parts of movements get increasingly specialized and

professionalized. She refers to the feminist movement during the 80s and 90s where

―feminist NGOs dedicated to intervening in national and international policy processes‖

(Alvarez et al, 1998; 306) somewhat contributed to the institutionalization of women

issues and feminist agendas in different parts of the world. Partly due to the acceptance

and absorption of selected issues on the feminist agenda some feminist NGOs specialized

in those recognized issues. These sectors of the feminist movement then became more

professionalized and financially supported, partly because of their function as public

service providers and role as ―professional voices‖10.

She mentions that among contemporary Latin American women‘s movements there is a

distinction made between the ―feminist NGO‖ and the ―movement‖, the latter referring to

a foundational, autonomous and less hierarchical women‘s activism (Alvarez et al., 1998;

306-307). In her own words ―NGOization [...] is not about the formation of more NGOs

but rather the formation of particular kinds of NGOs (Alvarez, AWID forum, 2008). What

triggered the NGO boom of the 1990s was the surge of such NGOs that were being more

politically collaborative and having more technically proficient feminist practices (ibid.).

Islah Jad confronts the issue of NGOization processes in the Middle East and criticizes

how NGOs in general are being described as successful examples of peace building actors

and true democratic elements, meaning that ―through professionalization and

projectization brought about by donor-funded attempts to promote ‗civil society‘, a

process of NGOization has taken place― (Jad, Development in Practice,17:4, 622). In the

case of the Middle East the increasing ―existence‖ of NGOs would be an expression of a

vibrating democratic social movement, wherein Jad downplays this ―glorification‖ of the

NGO;

10 As in contrast to a more blurry and differently organized movement.

―[NGOization is] a process through which issues of collective concern are transformed into projects in

isolation from the general context in which they are applied and without due consideration of the economic,

social, and political factors affecting these projects‖ (Jad, 17:4, 623).

A social cause for change is in this way put into a project plan with a time table and a

limited budget, which can impede the spread of social mobilizations that are in need of

deliberation, networking and personal connections. In this sense NGO led projects serve

as boiled down versions of social issues first acknowledged by social movements, but

chosen according to specific priorities that reflect international donor policies.

Or as put it by Jaime;

―NGOs have ‗accidentally, on purpose‘ been absorbed into the flourishing ‗aid industry‘, in which the logic

of development projects takes precedence over that of development strategies. The bureaucratisation of

NGOs and cuts in external funding have left us struggling to survive and compete in a tight marketplace. All

this has conspired to foster not only our subordination in terms of ideology, but also our financial

dependence on the outside‖. (Jaime, 2000; 391)

I addition to a bias of projects or themes, local counterparts (development partner groups in the

developing country) that are ideologically moderate and professional are preferred, while other

more radical protest organizations are neglected (Bartley, 2007: 230); because small

organizations may be unable to master the new technical requirements or language needed

for applications and evaluation of targets and indicators (Mawdsley et al., 2005:77-78).

And so, there is a dimension of competition for donor funds which spur processes of

professionalization through the creation of ―pressures and incentives for social movement

organizations to develop bureaucratic divisions of labor and professional staff, and fosters

dependency on donors and a neglect of grassroots organizing (Bartley, 2007: 230), which

might threaten flexibility. Focusing on filling in reports, rendering accounts and elaborating

projects might in some cases imply less time to dedicate to the sectors directly concerned (the

poor, the target groups) (Teixeira, 2000; 22).

Lewis (2000) describes the issue of NGO management and its central role for understanding the

increasing professionalization of some NGOs. Considering that many NGOs have a background of

movement activities driven by altruism and key individuals to mobilizing efforts (Lewis, 2000; 8),

many NGOs are driven by a ―culture of action‖ which means they rather go ―out there‖ and ―do

something‖ than spending time on administrative and managerial tasks. With strong associations

to business or public sector orientations, managerial and increased administration might be

obstacles for the ―alternative‖ thinking many NGOs are guided by. Such ―manageralism‖ make

business approaches become more accentuated in NGO work, hence putting at risk the

19

distinctiveness of more radical, value driven NGOs (Lewis, 2000; 188). In other words,

what primarily used to be activities driven by values and voluntarism is increasingly transformed

into professions, which has raised difficulties for NGOs to integrate their social mobilization and

their technical-professional roles (Alvarez, cited in Teixeira 2000;2).

So, development aid (influenced by international donor policies and/or neoliberal

hegemony) can contribute to local NGOs professionalization and more bureaucratic ways

of dealing with development projects. Causality is not evident here but hinge on whether a

structural point of analysis or a functional one is used. Either development aid (as it looks

today) is the structural and decisive main factor for contributing to the professionalization

of SNGOs – because SNGOs need to adopt to these criterion in order to receive funding

and survive; or there exist, prior to and independent of development aid interventions,

professional capacities within certain SNGOs that have emerged for other reasons and due

to other circumstances.

4.2.1 Capacity building

Shifting approaches towards aid cooperation have put in questioning the role of NNGOs;

rather than implementing projects and transfer resources they have increasingly focused

on the idea of building structures for self reliance and sustainability within the

communities they support (Lewis, 2000:180). Trough such capacity building efforts -

referring to the strengthening of the organizational dimensions of local NGOs – the

project supporters (NGOs) will be more effective in bringing about results and handling

the administrative tasks of the organization. The importance for SNGOs of managing

funds, writing reports and monitor projects has increased as NNGOs have withdrawn from

direct implementation and become more committed to technical and financial co-

operation. This means contributing to a ―reciprocal change‖ and suggests an approach to

development where local knowledge and strengths are enabled through external

knowledge and support (Devereux, 2008:1). Emphasis is put on the notion of self help or

peoples‘ self sufficiency, which Smillie compares with the functions of schools or

vocational training- it aim to build capacities for self-development. In other words, instead

of controlling the future through deciding appropriate output targets, it‘s about

―establishing conditions and capacities that will permit a given society to meet its

problems in the future‖ (Smillie, 2001:8). This new ―support industry‖ observed around

NGOs, is a way for SNGOs to efficiently reach their goals and deal with poverty

alleviation (Mawdsley et al 2005:78).

4.4 Grassroots and NGO interaction

I use the term grassroots when speaking in general about communities and people in a

wider context, while I use the term target group to refer to the communities and people

that I‘ve been studying. For this study I agree to Taylors (2004:79) definition of grassroots

as referring to those ―[…] who are most severely affected in terms of the material

condition of their daily lives‖. For it is for these people that the aid is ultimately aimed.

The way in which the term grassroots is used varies depending on level of analysis as well

as cultural and historical references. For example, in the globalizing era the term has come

to mean more than just a notion of the bases of society, and broader definitions than poor

or working class are being used. Although, in a perspective of global activism, the various

World Summits and Forums may be expressions of global grassroots voices, few of them

constitute the really poor or marginalized (Taylor, 2004:79). One way of differentiating

grassroots from non-grassroots is to look at the degree of vulnerability to changes in global

politics and economics. An imbalance can be distinguished between the grassroots activists

affected directly by global politics and those who function as spokespeople or advocates

for the same, which has an impact on the spaces for participation and hence who has the

opportunities to change. Who legitimately represent the grassroots voices comes into question,

particularly in relation to the popularity of the earlier mentioned professional SNGOs. SNGOs

may become efficient in helping a large number of people, through ―empowerment‖-activities or

the like. In this sense the professional NGO becomes valued for its ―agency‖ rather than its

―representativity‖ (Dominguez and Quintero; 2007: 3)

Emphasizing empowerment and participation of the grassroots in development aid

strategies, is combined with the fact that NGOs commonly serve as catalysts, advocates

and consultants for grassroots and development projects. An objective for empowering the

grassroots is to strengthen the possibilities for poor and disadvantaged to make themselves

heard at the local and national level, which is fundamental not only for solving local

problems but to transform a specific demand into a question of greater interest for the

whole population of a country (Teixeira, 2000:15).

21

Many NGOs have become experts in raising the consciousness of their beneficiaries on

the village level, which is essential not only for poor villagers but universally, including

global power holders (Korten, 1990). With the emergence of NGOs in Nicaragua, Mattson

(2007) assert that a new sort of political and social elite with considerable authority as

well as symbolic power, has grown rapidly and are involved in a so called ―consultancy

industry‖ (Mattson, 2007:18). This sector was seen as an attractive source of employment

and income considering the increased funds from outside, but seemed at times to

jeopardize staff genuine commitment to projects and target groups, particularly when

comparing the situation with earlier cultures of voluntarism during the 1980s

mobilizations (Ibid: 18ff).

Raising consciousness and encouraging skills have been criticized as being a too small a

scope of community development projects to change economic, political and social

structures that contributes to poverty and exclusion. As noted by Eade, training as capacity

building may be successful in its own terms but does little to enable participants to change

the realities of their lives (2007; 633). Broader coalitions and channels for more direct

influence on a national and international scale are suggested, to move outside the ―project

world‖.

A quote by Lister frames the essence of the interaction between NGOs and target groups;

“The dominance of personal relations within the organizational relationships calls into question much of

the theory currently being developed for NGOs in terms of capacity building, institutional strengthening,

scaling-up and diffusion of innovation, which all rely on organizational processes as the basis for

change”.(Lister 1999:15)

So, in relation to grassroots, NGOs can assume roles as consultative actors that adhere to

needs, act as intermediaries for putting demands on state authorities and advocate for the

poor and ―voiceless‖ in national as well as international contexts. Is this to the detriment

of the target groups by making them dependent on local NGOs, or does it contribute to the

strengthening of their self sustainability and independence from external funds?

4.3 Sustainability in grassroots organizing

The capacity development is, as mentioned above, an approach towards cooperation that aim

to deliberately refrain donors from local interventions and rather encourage local ownership

and sustainability of community groups (Devereux, 2008:1). A popular working method for

development has long been to strengthen (externally induced) community groups. Uniting

people in groups theoretically fosters trust and behaviour of cooperation through frequent

meetings and joint activities that lead to collective as well as personal benefits when

community governance is strengthened (Adhikar and Goldey, 2008:1). Also referred to as

social capital, Putnam (1993; Ibid.:1) describe these qualities as ―features of social

organization, such as networks, norms, and trust that facilitate coordination and cooperation

for mutual benefit‖. However, a study by Adhikar and Goldey (2008) of the sustainability of

social capital in community groups in Nepal indicates, among other things, that social capital

is generated and facilitated by the agency (project) but later ―fail to sustain it when the project

is phased out‖(Ibid.:191). Foreign agencies can be facilitators and mediators in heterogeneous

communities and link groups‘ efforts to the outside world, but this link often disappears with

the agency (Ibid.:192). The foreign agency as mediator link can thus be an important factor

for explaining the survival of grassroots organizing.

23

5. THE NGOS AND THE PROJECTS

The studied NGOs all differ considerably in terms of connections to their target group,

and the constellations of the target groups also varied. In this section I first explain briefly

the SNGOs‟ work history and how they relate to their target groups. Secondly, NNGOs

role and contribution to local NGOs and the project is described, and finally how target

groups are organized and what the project has meant for their situations and future

prospects.

5.1 Different types (and roles) of local NGOs

The NGOs studied differ considerably in terms of history and functions as well as their

links to grassroots. Two of the five NGOs have grown out from, or originate from a wider

grassroots movement while the three others can be said to have mobilized around specific

interests and due to specific circumstances. These distinctions are, of course, difficult

especially considering that the latter NGOs themselves can be said to be parts of a

movement and staff may have a history of movement activism. In four cases target groups

are organized by the local NGO, and in one case target groups self organized and

members of the NGO hence paying a member fee, albeit minimal.

Movimiento Comunal Nicaraguense (MCN) in the town of Somoto is, as its title indicates,

part of a movement with offices in different municipalities in Nicaragua. They work as a

center for information (about issues like rights, citizen participation and health) and as

promoters and facilitators of community projects. As a movement they have no central

administration but each organization work by its own agenda autonomously, although

they share common ideas about solidarity and democracy. The movement was born in

1978 as a civil defense committee - a response to the insurrection and following civil war

and spurred by the Sandinista party‘s initiatives to organize the population in order to

regenerate the revolution. Their tasks were to help build and organize refugee camps and

to work for food security. The movement served, for an appreciable time in the 80s, to

lead alphabetization campaigns, vaccinations in schools and health and environmental

education. In 1988 the movement started to focus on the promotion of human rights issues

such as right to water, education and women‘s rights. Since the mid 90‘s the MCN in

Somoto has NGO status13

and by that time the organization was formally separated from

the state although a Sandinista inspired philosophy persisted14

. Their connections to target

communities around Somoto are based on contacts established a long time ago, and also

on contact between community leaders and MCN promoters. They aim to enable target

groups to drive their own initiatives for developing their communities and in particular

that skills and knowledge are spread to the whole community, thus forwarding MCNs

efforts on the grassroots level. Formerly, MCN used to be run by voluntarism; today there

is few paid staff, usually contracted part time by foreign counterparts. Unemployment is

high in the region and professionals are not difficult to find, but they still rely on voluntary

staff.

―People work voluntarily but it isn‘t efficient because they obviously need to work somewhere else to gain

an income… If all had a salary our work would be much more successful; they could work full time which

means they could focus on different activities‖15

.

Union de Cooperativas Agropecuarias Miraflor (UCA) is based in Estelí and is an

organization composed of 15 cooperatives from the Natural Reserve Miraflor in northern

Nicaragua. The cooperatives are organized around production of coffee, corn, potatoes,

tourism, handicrafts etc. A common initiative, taken by some already existing

cooperatives, for organizing for the joint development of cooperatives and communities

led to the formation of UCA and its administration. The administration functions as a

facilitator for the cooperatives as to the commercialization of products (finding good

markets and prices, packaging, labeling etc), training and coaching in sustainable

agricultural methods, technical assistance and other capacitating activities adapted to the

specific cooperatives. A part of these costs is covered by common incomes from

cooperative products and tourism. The majority of staff working in the UCA office in

Estelí are representing different cooperatives in the reserve, each cooperative thus have a

direct link to the NGO administration, although a few of them have no familiar ties to the

Miraflor zone. Many of the coordinators and staff lived in or were in regular contact with

13 Meaning, they are registered as a non governmental organization which means they are more visible for

funding and “automatically” get a more serious profile regarding accountability and transparency.

14 MCN informant, 28/9/2009

15 Interview with NGO coordinator, 12/10/09

25

their home communities where the cooperatives are active. There is also a wish to have a

steady flow of members from the same cooperatives;

―Cooperative members and their children should be able to one day work in UCA and continuing the

strengthening of their communities.‖16

The dynamic of the organization thus reveals the possibilities for non-administrative

members to engage in work outside the cooperative activities, for the purpose of

supporting oneself as cooperative member, other cooperatives as well as the communities.

The other NGO group is differently structured as to the links to grassroots and

communities. They can be said to surge from private initiatives and narrower interests (as

compared with the variety of cooperatives of UCA for example). Some are organized for

the purpose of solving a specific problematic, by people directly affected by the problem,

by people that advocate for others or even created jointly with state initiatives.

Cooperativa de turismo rural communitario Las Pilas-El Hoyo17

is a cooperative that was

formally created (gained cooperative status) among 10 other cooperatives in the area

around León, as a result of a national development process (Processo de desarrollo

integral) wherein rural tourism is promoted to develop rural communities and bring

incomes for the national economy. The cooperative is active in a natural reserve

surrounding two active volcanoes, and function as a ―work group‖ for preserving and

managing the reserve. The reserve is community owned and the cooperatives‘ members,

or ―workers‖, are themselves community inhabitants, except for the three women

members who live in León. No one has a higher educational degree and they all are

farmers in addition to the cooperative work. The cooperatives‘ incomes and its efforts

depend on the entrance fees from ―volcano-tourism‖, and also on project support from the

Spanish NGO Ecología y Desarrollo (EcoDes) that sponsored the building material of an

information center in connection to the volcano ―entrance‖ as well as an EcoLodge18

. As

protagonists of the tourism in the area the cooperative members seek to engage the

communities in the activities once the hotel is finished:

16 UCA informant, 18/10/2009

17 Cooperativa de Turismo Rural Comunitario Las Pilas – El Hoyo

18 Hotel built ecologically with ecological solutions (for example rain water system and solar panels)

―All products and services will be produced in the communities; from my neighbors making tortillas and

washing clothes to other people that can provide horse hiring and guiding‖19

.

Thus, the whole community is an indirect beneficiary which will improve peoples‘ lives in

the long run.

ADEPROFOCA (Asociación de Desarrollo Forestal Campesino), like MCN, is an

organization with a longer history and experience from the 1980s‘ revolutionary years.

But rather than stemming from a broader social movement it was created by forest/land

owners (that was given land as a result of land reforms) that sought to improve sustainable

management of their forests as well as preventing forest fires. The association based in

Dipilto in northern Nicaragua, started out from the initiative of ten forest/landowners and

began to seek outside support (including government benefits). Funds and technical

support increased and more forest farmers became interested in joining the association

(membership is based on a small monthly fee). When the Sandinistas lost the election and

Nicaragua saw neo liberal policies that encouraged (forced?) exportation of raw material,

like timber, ADEPROFOCA work took a new turn. As forest resources waned and

government support abruptly stopped, the need for substitute incomes increased.

International aid funds and close relations with northern donors became vital for

continuing their work. ADEPROFOCA staff is a mix of associates and professionals from

other areas, and are accountable to its associates. There are, however, other people –

mostly landless and wage workers – that count as beneficiaries. They are not specifically

targeted by the organization, but are supported when project funds (i.e. foreign funding)

are available, and are invited for meetings and workshops. ADEPROFOCA played an

important role to continuing and follow up on the emergency assistance that was called to

Dipilto (as many other affected areas in Nicaragua) after Hurricane Mitch and Felix. They

were seen as good partners for taking over the long term restructuring and support of the

affected communities20

.

19 President of Las Pilas El Hoyo, 15/11/2009

20 Ayuda en Acción informant, 1/10/2009

27

Hurricane Mitch was also a determinant for the creation of Asociación Multidisciplinaria

por el Desarrollo (AMDES) in Posoltega. It started out of the immediate needs that were

created in the aftermath of the disaster. Two women, psychologist and psychotherapist,

started voluntarily to attend to traumatized people, especially children, through workshops

and psychological care. Because traumas must be worked on long term, and other basic

needs were great in the area (and exacerbated by the Hurricane) the founders organized –

initially voluntary - staff in order to continue assist and support poor and exposed people.

Their efforts aim to enable the target people to participate in public debate and influence

government authorities, but also contribute to the wider development of their

communities. They have grown from private initiatives of emergency assistance to a

multidisciplinary NGO with a consultative role. Staff is made up of professionals and

there is a need for employing more people skilled in social work, psychology and law in

order to attend to more target people through workshops and meetings to raise the

consciousness of communities.

5.2 NNGOs contribution to SNGOs

All NGOs studied are funded – albeit to different degrees – by one or several foreign

NNGOs. The methods and approaches differ from case to case; some are more active

visitors of their counterparts than others, which depend on whether they have an office in

Nicaragua, elsewhere in Latin America or mainly based in their home countries. The

government doesn‘t provide economic support although municipal authorities in some

cases may facilitate a dialogue between the NGO level and state officials. Interaction and

even cooperation between organizations and state authorities are common most evidently

for cooperatives like Las Pilas El Hoyo that works in tourism – which means an income

for the municipality in general. The legality of the cooperative21

is thus important – that

they are recognized by the state and municipality as an established group with serious

aims to take part in the development of the rural tourism sector.

Three of the four NGOs received bigger amounts of development funds five years ago and

the requirements for receiving those funds were less. The decreased funds were in most

21 That they are registered as cooperatives.

cases accompanied by higher demands on documentation and reporting back to funders.

An UCA informant describes the change in funding:

―In the 90s there were much more funds – money that was more or less given to the cooperatives without

due consideration of project plans for example. When, suddenly, the funds to UCA ceased, the cooperatives

had to create their own funding plans and contacts to develop their activities as well as continuing on their

own device‖.22

For the tourist cooperatives this was much more easily done because of their regular

contacts with ―home stay‖ visitors and private donations from tourist.

Some pressures as to the criterion and prerequisites for funds have been noticed the last

five years. In the case of UCA Miraflor, there is an increasing pressure on administration,

project reports and results, which partly stems from the new policies for development aid

appointed in the Paris Declaration of Aid Effectiveness23

. When evaluating projects there

is focus on tangible results like schooling, access to health and housing, which are

supposed indicators of poverty reduction, but not so much on how people get organized

and take initiatives24

. Broederlijk Delen, a Belgian NGO and counterpart to UCA

Miraflor, mentions that joint training sessions and workshops has become more frequent

for their counterparts in Central America, in order to inform about development indicators

and terms. Such ―capacitations‖ aim to strengthen the counterpart NGOs‘ organizational

management and preparedness for development aid.

“You have to change mentality as how to look into things; rather than just reporting about what have been

done, there must be a focus on what has changed[...] Instead of getting lost in just doing, doing, doing, they

need time to look into whether what they‟re doing has changed anything for the grassroots.”25

22 UCA informant, 18/10/2009

23 The Paris Declaration, endorsed on 2 of March 2005, is an international agreement to which over one

hundred Ministers, Heads of Agencies and other Senior Officials adhered and committed their countries and organizations to continue a joint progress toward enhanced aid effectiveness through harmonization, alignment and managing aid for results with a set of monitorable actions and indicators. www.oecd.org

24 Broederlijk Delen representative, 3/12/2009

25 Ibid.

29

The evaluation indicators, although questionable for mostly measuring quantifiable

effects, serve to spur the SNGOs capacities and tools for how to be clear about needs and

how projects can deal with those needs. Formulating needs in a well defined manner and

sketching possible solutions is good for showing donors that target groups are serious and

know what they collectively are working for. Another funder stress the importance of

documentation in all aspects of progress and targeting needs, as these requirements are

tied to their funds:

―A lot of time, effort and importance is put on the reports about project results, progresses and needs

because these reports are vital for future funding”28

.

For the target group in Los Anjones, recently organized around their project, showing

their progress was very important and they valued the accountability towards the funders

(VFSN);

―We want to show that we deserve the help - and that we work hard together‖29

.

Courses in project planning on the target group level, serve to make clearer formulations

about needs. An MCN promoter remarked that teaching the group about planning their

projects makes it easier to overview and define needs, what MCN and the group can do

for them, especially how they can do it30

.

There have been occasions when the organization hasn‘t been able to meet up to

requirements by potential donors, due to lack of specific capacities. One donor (Ford

foundation - not revised in this study) required ADEPROFOCA to obtain a forest

certificate which they couldn‘t afford. They also mention the smaller funds and

circumstances where the ADEPROFOCA staff needs to go all the way to Managua to

meet with funding NNGOs because of decisions for efficiency on behalf of the NNGOs.

28 VFSN informant, 29/9/2009

29 Quote from a group meeting with target group and coordinators for the Swedish counterpart NGO, Los

Anjones, 18-09-2009

30 MCN informant, 27/9/2009

SNGOs are chosen as partners according to converging interests to the ideas of the

NNGOs, but also personal relations and contact prior to formal cooperation. In some parts

of the country there are even announcements in the newspapers about NNGOs who are

eager to support local NGOs. According to an MCN informant, the popularity of such

opportunities in areas where needs are abundant do create a problematic where

competition for donor funds among local NGOs threatens not only sincere commitment to

work on behalf of communities, but the diversity of approaches towards development.

“Foreign organizations that often appear in advertising work thematically and so has the power to chose

what projects [hence NGOs] to work with, which normally implies that they chose the most established,

bigger NGOs that already are skilled in those themes”31

.

ADEPROFOCA gives one explanation why certain themes are seen as preferred in aid

cooperation;

“The aid community is not interested in giving money away that doesn‟t accumulate into nothing but will

rather support commercial business initiatives[…] We used to be an organization that only spent money, but

now we have changed into an organization that knows how to make business and get more skilled every

day.32

The support for strengthening the commercial side of SNGO activities is present in three

of the projects. The cooperative Las Pilas El Hoyo who is working in the tourism sector is

highly valued by their funding NNGO for having a ―business oriented spirit‖ (su carácter

empresarial). For ideas and plans to be approved the cooperative is required to be

technically and administratively consolidated and with thorough capacitations in

management and administrative skills (as well as environmental care and ecology) they

are increasing their potentials. The NNGO worker refers to the practical knowledge that is

achieved through capacitations;

“They used to be a group with dreams - with the skills they developed they can make ideas foreseeable and

feasible”33

.

31 MCN informant, 27/9/2009

32 ADEPROFOCA informant, 30/9/2009

33 EcoDes informant, 10/12/2009

31

NNGOs normally assist their local counterparts along two lines; a) project material like

seeds, plants, machinery and utensils, and b) what NGO staff usually call ―capacitations‖

(courses, workshops, training and coaching) about rights, participation, project planning

for target groups as well as SNGO staff, agro-technical education and management skills.

Some SNGOs may need specific assistance in the administration, for creating a web page,

or they need to employ more staff to cope with projects and administration.

What knowledge and courses to run is discussed between NNGOs, the local NGO and to

some extent the target groups, depending on the needs target groups have.

ADEPROFOCA mentions that sometimes capacitations have been unnecessary and

repeated what people already knew. It even created anger among target group participants,

especially considering that most live in remote areas and lost a working day travelling to

the gathering hall. ADEPROFOCA tries to avoid this problem through hiring local

assessors rather than Managua based specialists. VFSN has the advantage (?) to be based

in Nicaragua and so can visit projects more often than NNGOs that make annual visits.

The two coordinators are flexible when it comes to hold capacitations themselves which

implies avoiding hire staff from outside and so a cost-reduction.

Training and capacity building of SNGO staff and target groups are normal methods in the

projects studied. For ADEPROFOCA that have experienced the alterations of funding and

development cooperation since the 80s, capacitations in topics that don‘t directly capture

the practical concerns of associates mean a new way of working and thinking:

“Assistance nowadays is more about knowledge delivery and social issues like participation, rights and

gender and not so much about the agronomic and technical assistance we usually saw a decade ago…

Through our [foreign] partners we have become better in spreading such knowledge. But we‟re still

developing and much more is to be done”34

.

34 ADEPROFOCA administrator, 30/9/2009

5.3 Target group organizing

Most of the target groups were organized in their present form as a consequence of the

local NGOs‘ support35

. The processes wherein target groups are put together differ among

projects; normally NGOs staff meets with the leader/leaders of a community, in

community assemblies or the like, and discuss what needs and problems that exist. NGO

budget and duration of project support from donors decide how many people can be

targeted. ADEPROFOCA associates (forest farmers that own land) as well as some UCA

Miraflor cooperatives (cooperatively working farmers) were more or less organized prior

to the establishment of the administrative body (i.e. before formal NGO status) so project

groups where somewhat predetermined, although new people have entered the

organizations.

The aim of MCN for instance, is to try to target the most exposed and poor. The selection

was based on the size of land held by the families (few own land outside their garden lot),

their income as well as willingness to work. Some chosen families were taken out of the

group of 30 because of poor management of the resources given to them – when gaining

some income from received credits, instead of investing the money some chose to buy

consumer goods, which wasn‘t the aim of the credit. Targeting women was a way to

strengthen their participation and self esteem; furthermore, I was told that men use to

spend the money on ―alcohol and things not related to the family‖36

. Other families are

inspired by the projects, but due to lack of funding they wouldn‘t be able to receive the

benefits. Nevertheless, the capacities and knowledge this target group receives can be

passed on to the rest of the community and the women try to share as much as possible

with their neighbors.

One ADEPROFOCA associate says that (mostly) all of the associates have the basic skills

and resources to increase their income, develop their business and continue individually,

but support for the general community is important because;

35 Although in the case of Las Pilas El Hoyo an NNGO was the main organization to acknowledge them.

36 If there were real evidence of this in the community, or if this was theoretically learnt in classes from

professionals, wasn’t clear.

33

―Many associates also once started out as very poor people, some of them were landless just like the

majority of the people in the region‖37

.

Las Pilas El Hoyo stresses the importance of project relatedness to the wider community.

People in the village that are non-members of the cooperative will be able to provide

services connected to the hotel. Thus, the whole community is an indirect beneficiary,

which will improve peoples‘ lives in the long run, and securing the preservation and

sustainable use of their natural surroundings.

Being organized in its own sense is an aspect that is mentioned by many target groups and

an important factor for project progress:

―It‘s nice being organized because you learn from other peoples‘ experiences[…] Many people just want to

receive but not have responsibilities towards a group. You have to sacrifice time for getting strong as a

group. But there are people in the community who feel they don‘t have the time or they don‘t believe in

organizing to make things better.38

‖

The micro credit project the MCN beneficiaries in La Peña and Aguacate are involved in

makes them even more tied to each other as a group as they will use parts of the profits

they made out of their crop for common investments in the community, like a kinder

garden or a common poultry farm. One MCN informant explained the progress of the

project as a result of the organizing of the women, their confidence for each other and

their communication.

The president of Cooperativa Las Pilas El Hoyo is confident of the cooperative spirit,

which is an important factor for continuing the construction of the EcoLodge. Even

though they technically could need some extra helping hands, they are satisfied working

with the ones they trust, as they all work with a genuine commitment.

―We work full time because we trust each other - we‘re like a family.‖39

The protagonist character of the cooperative seems to be of vital importance to fulfill the

plans for the rural community tourism, which also seems to be a reason for EcoDes to

choose them as target group. The importance of being organized in order to reach success

37 1/10/2009

38 28/9/2009

39 10/11/2009

in a project, apart from being a prerequisite for getting funding, is described in this quote

by Swedish VFSN:

―The vegetables that you one day will sell at the market is the product of your organizing‖.40

The community project has only been in operation for six months at the time of my

interviews, so there has only been harvest on a small scale so far. Yet, both target persons

and the NNGO remarked that progress in the organizing of the target group is visible and

that participation is high. A woman from a cooperative that count as beneficiary of

ADEPROFOCA (but not specifically targeted) is positive about being organized but their

experiences also show another side;

―It‘s difficult to get organized and do something with it, without people who encourage you‖.41

She refers to their close and friendly contact with an NNGO who helped them with

material and workshops in the initial stages of organizing, but doesn‘t attend to them

anymore. Funds and capacitations are highly appreciated especially for advancing their

techniques and range of handicrafts, but much seem to depend on personal contacts

dedicated to the future of the cooperative.

Much importance is given to the environmental dimensions of the projects. All target

groups have seen the damages and negative results of conventional agriculture on their

surroundings, not least in the areas where big scale agro-industries are/were active (in

particular during the Somoza regime). Most people have witnessed the effects on water,

people and particularly the soil and lands they use for their survival. The projects in focus

for this study pursued agro-ecological activities including practical capacitations in

compost making, solutions for gardening, making of biological pesticides and soap etc. In

projects that involved developing kitchen gardens and smaller crop fields, there had been

a cut in fertilizer and pesticide expenses. The ecological methods and techniques may be

new for some target groups while there exists significant knowledge about eco-

management in others. Some of the knowledge necessary for the project in Los Anjones

40 VFSN coordinator in a meeting between target group, AMDES and VFSN, at a community visit. 18/9/2009

41 Woman in Cooperative Manos Mágicas, Dipilto, 1/10/2009

35

(an AMDES target group) is provided by local people as for example one of the elders in

the community, by NGO staff or by hired specialists like agricultural technicians.

A strong incentive for UCA farmer cooperatives to get organized was the environmentally

unsustainable situation in the agriculture by the time, and a will to get increased expertise

to change the damaging trends.

There is a strong will among the target groups to scale up their project efforts, and often

they mention commercial activities like starting a poultry farm or producing dairy

products. However;

―There are no projects [no funds] for doing it[…] but when we advance, when we have sold some we can do

more‖42

.

―We like working as a cooperative but when there is no project it‘s difficult to learn new [handicraft]

techniques that sell better. Moreover when there are no funds we cannot go to Managua to sell.‖43

These quotes suggest that on one hand, there is an eagerness for doing more, especially

when projects (production and harvest) go well, and the group feels confident in its work.

On the other hand, there is a reality where things ultimately depend on NGO input

somehow.

An UCA informant mentions that their cooperatives know they cannot fully rely on the

capacities of UCA; as cooperatives they are responsible for finding contacts and funding

on their own, if there is no sponsoring from foreign donors.

―The cooperatives are not expecting – and they shouldn‘t expect – that all capacitations are given by UCA,

even though we are the principal part of capacitating and serve as their ‗voice‘.‖44

This could be one reason for why two cooperative women wanted to take on tourism

activities which is a relatively good source of income. A similar attitude towards the self

sustainability of the project was expressed by another target group. The project, albeit

small in its present scale, gives them a push (empujoncito) in the right direction, with one

goal being self sustainability of the community.

42 Cooperativa La Esperanza, Miraflor, 19/10/2009

43 Cooperative Manos Mágicas, Dipilto, 1/10/2009

44 18/10/2009

ADEPROFOCA associates are involved in projects that aim to scale up their commercial

potential45

and can generate more incomes for the associates and, in the long run, for

ADEPROFOCAs capacities and the community. Although funds are stopped or

decreased, they can find technical support from the association for developing their

activities. Another factor may be that many of them own land and have assets that

facilitate their sustainability.

―We [the associates] feel safe because we have the basics, we don‘t starve and can focus on being better

every day in our production. If problems arise, like the gorgujo [a pine parasite] or drought and forest fires,

we have learned how to deal with them‖46.

Trust for the competence of ADEPROFOCA staff is high according to two of the

associates, but the administrator is worried about not being able to attend to all of the

associates professionally. The wish is to employ at least 5 more people in order to visit the

associates more regularly and be a better organization.

Although the EcoLodge project in Las Pilas El Hoyo is ―phasing out‖ the cooperative

informants believed they will succeed independently; the project and tourism business will

not die out when EcoDes draws back economically, because they are consolidated by their

work spirit and common goals and values. Nevertheless, there had been somewhat

negative experiences in the way an intermediary local NGO handled the economy in

connection to the building of the EcoLodge, and a cooperative member requested more

autonomy regarding the economic aspects47

.

45 Ayuda en Acción provided ADEPROFOCA with a coffee bean toaster for coffee farmers to jointly sell their

produce under the label “Café para todos”.

46 ADEPROFOCA associate, 30/9/2009

47 Unfortunately this intermediary local NGO “Fundación Día” was not able to be included in the study.

37

6. DISCUSSION

6.1 Influences of professionalization – controversial or not?

The broad discussions about development NGOs suggest that professionalization has

become a common feature of development aid strategies as donors seek counterparts that

have the suitable capacities to effectively deal with development problems and funds. For

the SNGOs in this study, as measured by scaled up administrative tasks and organizational

management, processes of professionalization have been a natural step (not necessarily a

problem free one) for the SNGO to be more efficient in its work, according to a majority

of the SNGOs interviewed. With reference to the diminishing funds for the NNGOs

counterparts, due to the global economic situation and/or changing development aid

policies, the SNGOs have to compete for scarce resources, which mean adopting an image

of solidity and show they have well defined goals and methods. The majority constantly

seek support from outside sources (donors). Although there are many foreign donor NGOs

that advertise about their will to fund local initiatives for development, there can be

difficulties getting funding. To a certain extent competition among local NGOs is

fostered, as local NGOs perceive that they have to live up to donor made standards and

preferred development themes. So there does exist a pressure for adapting to certain

themes, although particular NGOs are persistent not to, or rather that they prior to

receiving funds work along a fixed set of issues ―attractive‖ to donors.

In that sense development actors at the local level (SNGOs or cooperatives) are indirectly

obliged to professionalize in order to take part of the flow of development funds. The

theoretical assumption that the tendency for donors to support narrowly defined goals or

meeting tangible targets is partly confirmed, but does also imply a process wherein target

groups are (or should be) participants. That other forms of social mobilizations might be

neglected is not evident considering the small scope of projects; most projects are

focusing on encouraging human qualities (through capacitations for example) with the

intention of making grassroots more active in society.

Professionalization processes do not clearly influence the relations between SNGOs and

target groups. Alvarez refers to a context where there aid funds are increasing for NGOs.

In the context of this study, SNGOs don‘t go towards up-scaled foreign funds but rather

plan for the successive retreat, or decrease of funds for their projects. Some SNGOs has

stronger ties to grassroots than others, measured by history and constellation of the

organizations. Even so, there are no clear reasons why staff from NGOs that induced

organization of grassroots would retreat more to ―the papers‖ and the administrative parts

of searching and evaluating funds, than would ―grassroots-close organizations‖ (like Las

Pilas or UCA). Perhaps because of personal bonds and trust between the latter

organizations and the grassroots makes it ―easier‖ or ―more suitable‖ to divide

responsibilities. Supposedly, when represented by ―their own‖ in contact with foreign

funds and agencies, and when communicating more directly, grassroots would be able to

direct more of their energy to the operational dimensions of their plans (self-imposed

projects). There are, of course, serious objections to such analyze. As mentioned in the

method section, communities are heterogeneous and one cannot forget the power

structures of gender, class and race that exist and that may be expressed in the choice of

who is representing the group.

Three of the NGOs received bigger funds five years ago and the requisites were less. They

all mention the economic crises as a significant impediment for continuing projects which

reveals a sense of despair of being dependent on the dynamics of global economy. Most

seem to agree to that higher demands for evaluation, documentation, accounting and other

administrative work tied to project funding are pressuring them, but towards a better

organization and better results. However necessary, the administrative work is limiting the

efficiency of their already under staffed NGO. In this sense, rather than forcing a change

of staff as a result of higher requirements on professionalism, staff is sponsored to develop

their qualities as a function for further funding (but also for getting skilled in themes

connected to the projects). Voluntarism (among SNGO staff) might be valued for being

altruistic and reflect genuine commitment, but difficult considering the thorny socio-

economic climate that is a reality in Nicaragua. The dependency of SNGOs on their

northern counterparts is in this sense clear. Strengthening of organizational capacities of

staff instead of allowing employment of more, serve as filling the gap. With due

consideration of NGO work as a source of income for many people, there are strong

incentives to comply with donors terms although it might jeopardize accountability to the

target groups and their activities.

39

6.2 Strengthened capacities – sustainability or limited impact on target

groups?

Both education of staff and of target groups is presented in the study. One of the effects of

the target group‘s training sessions is that they have become better prepared to develop

and write down their own project plans, which make the process from idea to ―proposal‖

to funding NGOs shorter. With the target groups‘ knowledge about planning and

organization it is easier for the local NGO to approve a project plan and in the end to

receive outside funding. In this sense, much responsibility was given to the target groups,

who – except for getting skilled in administration –expressed a feeling of ―ownership‖ of

the project. SNGOs are getting a consultative role in this process rather than just provider

of tools and funds.

Project planning and documentation serve to enable target groups to make well formulated

plans about their needs. However, this last point is tricky, because it makes the

capacitation a means of facilitating access to funds, which means that it is a capacitation

adjusted for the purpose of continuing funds, hence not for the target groups to be

independent from them. Nevertheless, it redirects some responsibility from the local

NGOs in favor of the target groups getting more involved in formulating needs.

Theoretically this would permit NGOs to engage in other areas that need attention. But

improved powers in designing projects and defining needs are ultimately valued by

foreign donors who choose what projects and target groups to support.

Not being entirely dependent on NGO funds, capacitations or coaching, make space for

target groups to contribute themselves independently for the success of their families –

which is possible of course only under certain conditions. It differs from methods focusing

of giving and receiving and delegates more responsibility to grassroots, in particular the

ones willing (and capable) to enter projects. Material benefits and coaching how to use

them contribute – although by small steps - to help families to survive and make a

sustainable living. However there seem to be many sectors or parts around the projects, on

the community level, that are needed but aren‘t integrated or don‘t benefit from the

project, as for example the creation of kinder gardens or larger initiatives for income (for

example poultry farming, fish dams, expansion of community tourism). For local NGOs,

it mainly seems to be a question of budget, hoping that their future plans will be made

possible with the means target groups get through their present projects. One could

question if this has to do with such projects or priorities being too capital intensive and too

little ―participation-focused‖. Perhaps such larger initiatives are too close to a State

responsibility for donors to ―intervene‖? Either way donors approach projects with a spirit

of ―not rushing‖ in order to secure quality (although on a basic level) rather than quantity

of projects and themes.

Considering the importance of land and agriculture (target groups‘ subsistence),

environmental care and sustainable use of resources are much valued. Becoming skilled in

the use of organic techniques and agricultural planning, how to manage self sufficiency in,

nutritious food and herbs to improve health, have led to less dependency on fluctuating

food prices and expensive fertilizers.

6.3 Action and its limits

When discussing aid policies and the criterion for SNGOs to make thorough reports of

results, the pragmatic approach, or ―culture of action‖ mentioned by Lewis, is questioned.

There is a need for the local counterparts to understand the importance of indicators as it,

supposedly, will make the SNGO more capable of working with lesser funds and another

type of funding in the long run (―not get caught up in just doing, doing, doing‖).

However, a strong will exist in the target groups to scale up project efforts, especially

regarding the new skills they have got, and there is a belief that with those capacities that

have been encouraged everything is possible. Many express a will to go further in the

efforts to organize in order to improve the opportunities of the community. One group of

women was especially positive about distributing their newly learned skills and

knowledge to other families that aren‘t included in nor beneficiaries of a project. Others

say they‘re more likely to continue by themselves (i.e per family). Most beneficiaries

expressed that they‘ve become much more encouraged to participate and to improve not

only their family‘s conditions but the community in general, since they had started a

project. This was due to a large extent to the people engaged and willing to work and to

dedicate time and effort for working. From the grassroots point of view the anxiety about

not getting funding for their ideas is always present. It seems like they have all these ideas

for how to make a better living for their community but it all comes down to what

economic resources are available and what budget the NNGOs are capable and willing to

approve.

41

6.4 Commercialization and economic sustainability

There is also a difference in the way the local NGOs approach the improvement of rural

communities. The NGOs with a longer history and comparably larger budgets are scaling

up efforts in the commercialization of agricultural products produced in the communities,

by individual families or through cooperatives. It seems to be a natural step in the

continuation of projects and/or as an important parallel activity to other projects. The

income generation that is predicted from tourism activities and coffee commercialization

for example, are valued, according to the target groups doing this, as being a good way to

secure long term incomes even after the project is phased out. Moreover, stressing

commercialization, i e assisting the target groups to get access to markets and good prices

to raise their income, is vital for getting funds from foreign NGOs and institutions. Often

the local NGOs have to show in their future project plans that they seek economic self

sustainability – to convince donors that they won‘t be dependent on outside funds.

NNGOS value such commercial activities for the belief that target groups will drive their

own future.

It seems to me, that most of the organizations have a pragmatic economic approach to

developing the agricultural communities. Target groups‘ increasing access through local

NGOs to knowledge, agricultural techniques and so forth – is in some cases accompanied

by up-scaled commercial support, which is explained as being the natural road for them to

secure funding as well as improving lives of the targeted. However, it doesn‘t reveal the

significance of ―preparedness‖ of the target groups to enter activities that prioritize

commerce (over, let‘s say, reading ability or technical skills).

The studied projects showed that there was a strong will on the part of target groups to

intensify income generating aspects of projects because the belief in that it would make

them more independent. Formulating needs in such a way obviously attract donors. Even

if commercialization is a next step of the stairs, all NGOs agree, not surprisingly, that

there are still great basic needs to be met, that might reside outside the range of

commercial activities (improving literacy for instance). In the cooperative-cases and

where common incomes serve as a base for the NGO administration, business relations

between the NGO administration (―employer‖) and target groups (―associates‖ or

―employees‖) might be fostered. If accountability is maintained towards target groups,

there could – in such relation – create a base for more independent use of incomes…??

6.5 Projects too small to make a difference?

The scope for micro projects studied here may be considered ―in isolation from the wider

society‖ as Jad suggest, because target groups are engaged in activities which aim to

achieve a form of self sufficiency or basic autonomy (through promoting food production

for example). However, one can value not only the results and outcomes of certain

projects, but also the qualities it fosters in terms of self esteem and strengthened

friendships. Projects that focus on competence and direct practical skills may be small, but

many target groups express the will to spread techniques and ideas to the wider

community, which reflect a sense of solidarity that will reach beyond the group. A further

dimension of this spreading is that target groups get a sense of direct responsibility for

―making‖ community life and practices sustainable. A sense of trust, self-esteem and

believe in collectively achieving something important was created.

But over-emphasizing community group solidarity towards the wider community would

be as to referring to an ―invisible hand‖ and assume there is a universal ―community

character‖. This could be compared with the results Adhikari and Godley present for

sustainability of social capital in community groups, that after the project is over the

organizing and its efforts die out because of elite persons misconduct and declining

participation (Adhikari and Godley,2009; 190). The example illustrate a break with

theories of the sometimes over-enthusiastic positive attributes community group potentials

(and other civil society groups) are wrapped up in.

In the case of one group, albeit strengthened individually, organizing had limited effects

because much of their engagement and plans depended on the regular encouragement by

an NGO worker. When this link of encouragement (socially, psychologically) was

―broken‖ and the group was to be continuing on their own, it was difficult to maintain

motivation because they were still required to attend to priorities of children, the house

and the food.

43

6.6 NNGOs – underestimated distant actors in relations?

Eade suggest that broader coalitions and channels for influencing international and

national policies and structures should be strengthened, because the small scope of

projects and the suggested vague influences on structures. Personal relations rather than

(or in addition to) communication through reports is in reality very much present, and

should be more valued (Lister, 1999;15). When looking at social capital indicators of

sustainability, NNGOs as mediator could have a stake in such an aspect of moving outside

―the project world‖. Even though being clearly visible for target groups is not the intention

of NNGOs, this visibility can prove important for target groups. Target groups most often

express donor contact as positive; meeting face to face would be a chance to show their

work, that they are working (possibly they wouldn‘t want to show ―bad results‖?) or

simply for the fact that they are worth visiting. Could this willingness towards up-wards

accountability have to do with a lack of trust for the local NGOs report making of the

project? And if so, should there be (re)built stronger direct links between target groups

and funders?

6.7 Changing roles rather than relations?

In an environment where aid funds are covet and adaption to norms and methods is normal,

there is a restructuring of the roles of actors. NNGOs, drawing back from implementation and

direct interventions in developing countries while taking on roles of financial supporters and

consultants, are to create links of mutual trust with SNGOs in order to fund development

efforts. SNGOs are thus mediators of funds because they are supposedly close to grassroots

and poor people that are to be targets of development aid. This supposed link or relation to

grassroots differs considerably for cases in rural, community settings where SNGOs have

different responsibilities to and demands on their target groups. Roles can be described as

providers, consultants, promoters, advocates or a mix – usually the latter. Roles may be

changing, making SNGOs more dedicated to a consultative and coaching role as capacitations

for target groups become more frequent. Target groups - being occupied, engaged and/or

more or less ―obliged‖ to learn and organize through these trainings, to improve themselves

and succeed – might grow in responsibilities. Shifting roles in this sense, change the type of

relation rather than simply making SNGOs closer or more tied to target groups.

7. Conclusions

This study aimed to see how relations between local NGOs and their target groups are

affected by northern based NGOs, in development cooperation in Nicaragua. The

investigation was made by interviewing actors in community development projects and

looking at impacts of professionalization and target groups‘ possibilities for self

sustainability. The study shows that donor effects on relations between local NGOs and target

groups have at least three dimensions. In connection to the emphasis on efficiency and

administrative efforts in the management of projects and funds, SNGO staff fear to be limited

in their interactions with target groups. On the other hand, their roles as consultants rather

than providers of funds are strengthened when target groups‘ take on activities of managing

and planning projects. A growing responsibility of dedicated target groups can make SNGOs

draw back as the role as mere funding link between grassroots and foreign development aid,

thus creating a relation that is less one of giver and receiver. But a second dimension suggests

that relying excessively on the competence of professional local NGOs may induce

expectations that might not be met. A tutor-student relation may be fostered or maintained if

knowledge and skills depend on the SNGO. Finally, the third dimension relates to what

development themes and approaches that are preferred and funded, specifically the

encouragement of commercialization, which entails a more business oriented relation based

on economic activities. However, the support for ecological methods is enforcing

sustainability in terms of less dependence on markets and/or dependence on funding directed

for basic needs. Personal relations may still be important and relevant between SNGOs and

target group, but the role of SNGOs might in the future take other forms than one of

―representative‖ or ―voice for the grassroots‖.

These findings may shed light on what development interactions and policies that should be

scrutinized in order for aid to change poverty structures at the community level.

45

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Robinson, Mark and Friedman, Steven. 2005, Civil society, democratization and foreign

aid in Africa, IDS Discussion Paper 383. Available at:

www.ids.ac.uk/download.cfm?file=dp383.pdf [Accessed 6/6/2009]

Reports

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governmental Organizations: Between the State and Civil Society, Final Report 2000.

Books

Edwards, Michael, and Hulme, David, 1997, NGOs, States and Donors. Too close for

comfort? MacMillan Press, Basingstoke, London

Edwards, Michael, and Hulme, David. 1995, NGO performance and accountability.

Beyond the magic bullet. Earthscan, London.

Dagnino, Evelina, Alvarez Sonia E, Escobar, Arturo, 1998, Cultures of Politics Politics of

Culture, Re-visioning Latin American Social Movements, Westview Press, Oxford.

Mattsson, Anna, 2007, The power to do good. Post-Revolution, NGO Society, and the

emergence of NGO-Elites in Contemporary Nicaragua, Media-Tryck Sociologen, Lund.

Mohan, Giles, 2001, Participation, the new tyranny?, Zed Books, London.

Tvedt, Terje. 1998, Angels of mercy or development diplomat: NGOs and foreign aid, James

Currey/Africa World Press, USA.

Petras, James F, 2005, Social Movements and State power: Argentina, Brazil, Bolivia,

Ecuador, Pluto Press, London.

Electronic books

Babb, Florence E., 2001, After Revolution: Mapping Gender and Cultural Politics in

Neoliberal Nicaragua. Austin, TX, USA: University of Texas Press. Available at:

http://site.ebrary.com.ezproxy.ub.gu.se/lib/gubselibrary/Doc?id=10172738&ppg=258.

[Accessed 5/6/2009]

Ewig, Christina. 1999, The strengths and limits of the NGO women‟s movement model:

Shaping Nicaragua‟s Democratic Institutions, Latin American Research Review, Vol. 34, No.

3. Available at:

http://www.jstor.org/stable/2503963?&Search=yes&term=definition&term=NGO&list=hide

&searchUri=%2Faction%2FdoBasicSearch%3FQuery%3DNGO%2Bdefinition%26wc%3Do

n%26dc%3DAll%2BDisciplines&item=6&ttl=2265&returnArticleService=showArticle

[Accessed 13/11/2009]

Lewis, David. 2000, Management of Non-Governmental Organizations: Catalysts, Partners

and Implementors. Routledge, Florence, KY, USA. Available at:

http://site.ebrary.com.ezproxy.ub.gu.se/lib/gubselibrary/search.action?p00=Management+of+Nong

overnmental+Organizations+%3A+Catalysts%2C+Partners+and+Implementors&search=Search+ebrar

y. [Accessed 23/6/2009]

Robinson, William I., 2003, Transnational conflicts: Central America, social change and

globalization, Bath Press, UK, Available at:

http://books.google.se/books?id=z8u3PxJhHZIC&dq=Transnational+conflicts+Robinson&printsec=fro

ntcover&source=bl&ots=ogGf69w771&sig=LSaL0qwBvA25oxxtg3w1jTlZ0_k&hl=sv&ei=QlDzStPQA46f

8Ab9qq3cAQ&sa=X&oi=book_result&ct=result&resnum=1&ved=0CAsQ6AEwAA#v=onepage&q=&f=f

alse. [Accessed 16/8/2009]

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AWID – Association for Women‘s Right in Development, 2008, The NGOization of women‟s

movements and its implications for feminist organizing, Nov 2008. Available at:

http://awid-org.sitepreview.ca/eng/Forum-08/Break-out-Sessions/Break-out-Sessions-Day-Three/Break-out-

sessions-from-day-three/The-NGOization-of-Women-s-Movements-and-its-Implications-for-Feminist-

Organizing . [Accessed 10/1/2010]

INIDE - Instituto Nacional de Información de Desarrollo. Perfil y características de los

pobres en Nicaragua 2001. Available at:

http://www.inide.gob.ni/bibliovirtual/publicacion/perfil01.pdf [Accessed 5/9/2009]

49

Appendix 1

Interview guide in Spanish

La ONG extranjera

¿Cómo entraron en contacto con (la Organización Local)?

- ¿Cómo se conocieron – contacto establecido por redes o persona a persona?

- Hoy, se encuentran regularmente con el proyecto?

- Cómo están en contacto con el proyecto?

- Piensan que es importante ser visible a lo más posible para las personas en los proyectos?

Porqué, porqué no?

- Si comparan, se encuentran más seguido con los representantes de la organización local que el

grupo de meta?

- Cuando tengan reuniones, cuales son normalmente los participantes?

¿Qué es lo que ofrece la ONG a la organización local;

- acerca de ayuda, conocimiento, materiales?

- Qué tipo de financiamiento le ofrece? Qué requisitos o acuerdos hay para que puedan recibir

este financiamiento?

- Qué responsabilidad tienen a cuanto a informar y reportar a unos financiadores en el país de

origen?

- Se siente en algún momento presionados por esos requisitos? Han cambiado los requisitos en

alguna forma desde el principio de la cooperación?

¿Cómo trabajan con el proyecto?

- Mediante cursos? Quienes son los asesores de esos cursos?

- Si ustedes tienen ideas acerca del proyecto, cómo las presentan? Cómo las implementan?

Cómo las acogen la gente nuevas ideas desde el nivel del ONG extranjera?

Han tenido algunos problemas particulares acerca de la cooperación?

- Cómo los solucionan?

¿Qué visión de futuro tiene usted del proyecto (o de su contraparte)? (Que crezca? Que se

sostenga? Que sea más eficiente?)

- Quería usted poder hacer más por la organización o el proyecto específico si tendría las

posibilidades? Cuáles son los limitaciones?

- Le gustaría estar más en contacto directo con las comunidades con quienes trabajan?

- O prefiere que la organización local desempeñe el papel más importante en eso? Porqué?

La Organización Local

Quienes son los fundadores?

- La filosofía de la organización? Ha cambiado desde el principio?

Qué tipo de apoyo reciben en cuanto a por ejemplo

- financiamiento, nuevos conocimientos, nuevos socios?

¿Cómo funciona la implementación del proyecto?

- Fue la iniciativa de quién?

- Cómo ha desarrollado el proyecto los últimos años? En los cuales momentos ha sido difícil

realizar proyectos o programas?

¿Tienen estatus legal/jurídico ONG?

- Cómo hicieron para ser una ONG? Cómo fue el proceso de registrarse como ONG?

- Tuvieron que cambiar su meta o métodos de la organización cuando se registraron?

¿Cómo organizan la distribución de los recursos económicos?

- La organización elige lo que quiere hacer y cómo quiere disponer los fondos?

- En general, cuanto recibe cada proyecto que promueven? Se nota diferencias en las

preferencias de temas de donantes?

¿Qué papel desempeña los miembros de la organización?

¿Se encuentran regularmente con las otras organizaciones con quien están en cooperación?

Cómo? Reuniones, informes?

¿Piensa usted que necesitará más personal?

- Que tipo de personal?

- Cómo voluntarios o prefería asalariados?

- Cuáles serían las ventajas de voluntarios/ asalariados?

Qué metas tiene la organización acerca de las personas en las comunidades; que ellos avanzan una

carrera, que siguen trabajar adentro de la organización, que se pueden crear una vida auto-

sostenible de la comunidad?

¿Le gustaría que crezca la organización?

- En qué manera? Más gente involucrada, que puedan disponer más servicios? Que ampliará?

Si comparan la situación de la organización antes de que se encontrarían con las ONGs

extranjeras, ¿que son las diferencias principales?

51

- Ha cambiado en alguna forma las posibilidades de encontrarse con las comunidades? Cómo?

- Por ejemplo; sienten que las comunidades tienen la misma confianza en ustedes desde el inicio

de la cooperación con el organismo extranjera?

Los bases

Cómo conocieron a la Organización?

- Es miembro de la organización?

Cómo contribuye usted al proyecto?

- Qué tipo de trabajo hace?

- Cuál es su responsabilidad?

¿Participen a reuniones de la organización?

- Que otros actividades se organiza en el proyecto o en la comunidad?

- Su impresión general del proyecto y los beneficios del proyecto?

- Hacen evaluaciones regulares del proyecto y su trabajo? Cómo se hace eso?

- Cuáles son los planes para el proyecto, cómo quiere que desarrolle?

Qué quería usted que [la ONGN] necesitaran saber acerca de su comunidad?

- En qué forma le gustaría que ayuden?

Qué puede hacer usted como participante del proyecto para mejorar el proyecto?

- Si usted tiene una idea sobre el proyecto, cómo hace para presentarlo?

___________________________________________________________________________

Interview questions in English

NNGO interviews

How did you get in contact with the local NGO?

- How did you get to know them? Through personal relations or through networks?

- Today, how regularly do you meet with the organization? How often do you meet the project

target group (the community/ the cooperative)?

- How do you keep contact with the target group that you support?

- Do you find it important, as an organization, to be as visible as possible for the people

working in the project? What kind of profile do you wish to keep towards the people working

in the projects (both promoters and cooperative members)?

- With whom do you meet more often in the cooperation, the organization staff or the members

of the cooperatives?

- When you gather for meetings, who are normally the participants?

What kind of assistance or support do you offer the Nicaraguan organization regarding

- Knowledge

- Skills

- Material

- Services

If you support courses or workshops aimed for the local NGO; who are in charge of them or who

holds these courses and how do they work?

If you support courses or workshops for the people in cooperatives; who are in charge of these

courses and how do they work?

If you have ideas for the project (that is executed by the local NGO and communities) how do you

present them? How do you implement these new ideas? How do the project members receive these

new ideas?

What kind of financing do you offer?

What requisites are there for you to receive finance from your donor source?

- What responsibility do you have to inform and report to your donor source?

- At what times do you feel pressured or stressed for complying with the requisites? Why?

What are your contributions to the specific project? How do you work?

- Giving classes or training/education? Who are the ―teachers‖ during these courses?

- If you have new ideas or suggestions for the project, how do you present them? How do you

implement them? How do the target groups and local NGO receive such ideas?

What problems regarding the cooperation have you seen?

- How do you resolve them?

What future prospects do you have for the Project/for your counterpart?

- That it grows? That it is maintained? That it should be more effective?

- What would you like to do to contribute even more for the specific project, if you had the

possibilities? What are the limitations?

- Would you like to be more in direct contact with the communities with whom you work? (Or

should the local NGO rather have the most important role in direct contact? Why?)

Local organization

Who are the founders?

- Philosophy of the organization? Has it changed since the start?

What kind of support do you receive, for example:

- Financing, courses, new associates/staff?

How does the execution of the project look like?

- How has the project developed the last years/months? In what moments has it been difficult to

accomplish projects or programs?

Do you have legal NGO status?

53

- How did you do to become an NGO? Is it preferred in comparison to other forms of

organizing? Did you have to change methods or aims when you got this status?

How do you distribute the economic resources that the organization receives?

- For what kinds of projects are funds distributed?

- In general, how much does each project that you work with receive? Are you seeing any

differences in donors preferences?

What roles do staff/members have?

How often do you meet with your funding foreign counterparts?

- How? Meetings face to face? With target groups?

Do you think you will need more staff?

- What kind of staff? Voluntary or paid? What are the advantages of that kind of staff?

What roles do people in the target groups have in relation to the organization?

- Members? Should they be able to work in the local NGO? Work for the community?

Would you like the organization to grow?

- How? More staff, more target people, more resources or services to distribute, to broaden in

purpose and aims?

If you compare the situation of the organization before and after your encounter with the foreign

NGOs, what are the main differences?

- Have your possibilities or ways of interacting and communicating with the target groups

changed?

- Do you feel that target groups has the same kind of confidence for you, since the start of

cooperating with the foreign NGO?

Target groups

How did you get in contact with the local NGO?

- Are you a member of the organization (local NGO)? (if NGO is member based)

- What kind of work do you do (in the target group)?

- What is your responsibility (towards target group)?

Do you participate at meetings or reunions arranged by the local NGO?

- What other activities are organized regarding the project?

- What are the themes of capacitations, courses, workshops arranged?

What have you learned and how can you use the new skills/knowledge/ideas?

Do you make regular evaluations of the project and you work in the project? How?

What are the plans for the project? How do you want it to be/develop?

What can you do, as a participant and member, to improve the project?

- If you have an idea about the project, what do you do to present it? Through talking to the

local NGO? To make it regardless of the local NGO?

What do you think the foreign NGO should know about your community?

- What contact do you have with the foreign NGO?

- How do you want them to help/support you?

55

Appendix 2

List of Target groups, local NGOs and NNGOs

Target group/community Local NGO NNGO

Los Anjones (Posoltega) AMDES

Associacion multidisciplinaria

por el desarrollo

Vänförbundet Sverige

Nicaragua (Sweden)

La Peña y Aguacate

(Somoto)

MCN

Movimiento Comunal

Nicaraguënse

Vänförbundet Sverige

Nicaragua (Sweden)

Associates and beneficiaries

(Cooperative Manos

Magicas) in Dipilto

ADEPROFOCA

Asociación de Desarrollo

Forestal Campesino

Ayuda en Acción (Spain)

Cooperativa La

Esperanza (Miraflor)

UCA Miraflor

Union de Cooperativas

Agropecuarias

Broederlijk Delen

(Belgium)

Cooperativa de turismo

rural comunitario Las

Pilas El Hoyo (León)

(Fundación Día,

intermediate

organization, not present

in this study)

Ecología y Desarrollo

(Spain)