linking school effectiveness and school improvement: the background and outline of the project
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Linking school effectiveness and schoolimprovement: The background andoutline of the projectBert P. M. Creemers a & Gerry J. Reezigt ba GION, Groningen Institute for Educational Research , Universityof Groningen , The Netherlandsb Inspectorate of Education , Groningen, The NetherlandsPublished online: 16 Feb 2007.
To cite this article: Bert P. M. Creemers & Gerry J. Reezigt (2005) Linking school effectivenessand school improvement: The background and outline of the project, School Effectiveness andSchool Improvement: An International Journal of Research, Policy and Practice, 16:4, 359-371, DOI:10.1080/09243450500234484
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Linking School Effectiveness and School
Improvement: The background and
outline of the project
Bert P. M. Creemersa* and Gerry J. Reezigtb
aGION, Groningen Institute for Educational Research, University of Groningen,
The Netherlands, bInspectorate of Education, Groningen, The Netherlands
School effectiveness and school improvement have different origins: School effectiveness is more
directed to finding out ‘‘what works’’ in education and ‘‘why’’; school improvement is practice and
policy oriented and intended to change education in the desired direction. However, in their
orientation to outcomes, input, processes, and context in education, they also have much in
common. In the project Effective School Improvement (ESI), the merger of the 2 traditions has
been pursued. In the theoretical part, different orientations have been analysed and combined in a
model for effective school improvement. Based on this analysis, an evaluation framework was
developed for the analysis of the case studies of school improvement projects in the participating
countries. The theoretical model and the results of the analyses of the case studies were combined in
a framework of effective school improvement.
Introduction: Research and practice in school improvement
From the beginning, a major aim of the school effectiveness movement was to link
theory and empirical research relating to educational effectiveness and the
improvement of education. School effectiveness has its roots in research and theory
(e.g., the work of Brookover, Beady, Flood, & Schweitzer, 1979; Rutter, Maughan,
Mortimore, & Ouston, 1979), but also in educational practice and policy (Edmonds,
1979). School effectiveness research has attempted to find the factors of effective
education that could be introduced or changed in education through school
*Corresponding author. GION, Groningen Institute for Educational Research, University of
Groningen, Groningen, The Netherlands. Email: [email protected]
School Effectiveness and School ImprovementVol. 16, No. 4, December 2005, pp. 359 – 371
ISSN 0924-3453 (print)/ISSN 1744-5124 (online)/05/040359–13
� 2005 Taylor & Francis
DOI: 10.1080/09243450500234484
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improvement. Despite its relatively short history, school effectiveness and improve-
ment has shown some success in linking effectiveness and improvement: see for
example the National School Improvement (NSI) Project in The Netherlands. In this
project, knowledge about school effectiveness and early reading were combined in the
design of the programme. The programme was implemented in educational practice
through the existing system of school advising centres and strategies and methods for
support were improved—becoming more focused and structured—in the project
(Creemers & De Jong, 2000; De Jong, Houtveen, & Westerhof, 2002).
Scepticism, however, has been expressed about the possibilities of a merger
between school effectiveness and school improvement. Creemers and Reezigt (1997)
argue that there are intrinsic differences between the school effectiveness tradition,
which ultimately is a programme for research with its focus on theory and
explanation, and the school improvement tradition, which is a programme for
innovation focusing on change and problem-solving in educational practice.
At least in early stages, in school effectiveness circles it was expected that a more or
less ‘‘simple’’ application of school effectiveness knowledge about ‘‘what works’’ in
education would result in school improvement. In school improvement circles, this
was seen as simplistic and mechanistic which would not work in schools. Schools
have to design and invent their own solutions for specific problems and improvement
in general. Nevertheless, Creemers and Reezigt (1997) with others (e.g., Reynolds,
Hopkins, & Stoll, 1993) advocated further linkage between school effectiveness and
school improvement, for their mutual benefit. School effectiveness research and
theory can provide insights and knowledge to be used in school improvement. School
improvement is a very powerful tool for the testing of theories. School improvement
can also provide new insights and new possibilities for effective school factors, which
can be analysed further in effective school research. In recent years, there have been
examples of productive co-operation between school effectiveness and school
improvement, in which new ways of merging the two traditions/orientations have
been attempted (see Gray et al., 1999; MacBeath & Mortimore, 2001; Reynolds &
Stoll, 1996; Stoll & Fink, 1992, 1994, 1996; Stoll, Reynolds, Creemers, & Hopkins,
1996; for an overview see Reynolds, Teddlie, Hopkins, & Stringfield, 2000).
In school effectiveness research, some international comparative studies have been
carried out to find the similarities and differences between countries with respect to
the factors that are related to school effectiveness. Conditions at the contextual
level—and the differences between countries—which are supposed to explain
differences in outcomes of education (Thrupp, 1999), have been a particular object
of research (Reynolds, Creemers, Stringfield, Teddlie, & Schaffer, 2002).
Until the Effective School Improvement (ESI) Project, however, the links had not
been explored across countries. While sharing school improvement initiatives and
projects between countries has been common at International Congress for School
Effectiveness and Improvement (ICSEI) conferences since its inception in 1988, joint
international projects have been less frequently undertaken, especially those
attempting to understand if effective school improvement is a similar phenomenon
in different countries and to draw out findings that might be applicable beyond
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country boundaries. This was a key aim of the Effective School Improvement Project
(ESI), a project running from 1998 to 2001, that drew together teams from eight
European countries: Belgium, England, Finland, Greece, Italy, The Netherlands,
Portugal, and Spain (Creemers & Hoeben, 1998). Another aim was to continue to
establish stronger links between the two paradigms of school effectiveness and school
improvement to help both profit from each other’s strongest points.
The Effective School Improvement (ESI) Project
The project Capacity for Change and Adaptation in the Case of Effective School
Improvement (ESI), Framework Programme, was designed to investigate the relation
between effectiveness and improvement in order to increase the possibility for schools
to improve education. Drawing on the definition of improvement of Hopkins,
Ainscow, and West (1994), the concept of effective school improvement was defined
as follows: Effective school improvement refers to planned educational change that
enhances student learning outcomes as well as the school’s capacity for managing
change. The addition of the term ‘‘managing’’ emphasises the processes and activities
that have to be carried out in school in order to achieve change/improvement. To
evaluate effective school improvement, an effectiveness criterion is needed (does the
school achieve better student outcomes?) as well as an improvement criterion (does
the school manage change successfully?) (Hoeben, 1998). It is the final objective of
the ESI project to develop a model and/or strategy for effective school improvement.
The design of such a model took place in different steps: A draft model based on
analysis of theory and empirical research, was tested based against a (re)analysis of
improvement projects in the participating countries. The results of this empirical
testing was the input for a redraft of the model that was discussed with academics,
practitioners, and policy-makers in the participating countries. Their critique and
comments were taken into account by the project team in the final design of the
model.
The Effectiveness School Improvement Project originally consisted of two related
research tasks, namely:
1. The analysis, evaluation, and synthesis of theories that might be useful for
effective school improvement.
2. The inventory, analysis, and evaluation of effective school improvement
programmes in different European countries.
In the course of the project, it turned out that the development of the model in
these different phases was more complicated than expected and this became a
separate research task. The draft model was discussed at conferences of prac-
titioners, policy-makers, and researchers in each of the countries and the results
were the input for a final meeting of the research teams, resulting in rejection of the
idea of a model and development of a comprehensive framework for effective school
improvement.
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In the following sections, the outline/design for tasks 1 and 2 will be described. The
results of the analysis of theories and improvement projects will be presented in
separate contributions in this volume. The development of the comprehensive
framework itself will be discussed in the final contribution.
Theoretical Analysis of Effective School Improvement
The theoretical analysis for useful insights for effective school improvement
incorporated different points of view: (1) the integration of the school effectiveness
and school improvement traditions; (2) the search for additional insights in other
theoretical traditions such as: organisational theories, curriculum theories, beha-
vioural theories, and theories of organisational learning and human resources
management (Hoeben, 1998; Reezigt, 2000). These theories were selected based on
the expectation that they could provide concepts and relations between concepts
concerning the complex process of school improvement where educational issues
(such as the curriculum) and the organisation (of schools) and behaviour of
participants are at stake.
Integration of the Improvement and Effectiveness Traditions
The primary criterion, or dependent variable, to be explained theoretically, is the
output criterion from the educational effectiveness tradition. Most effectiveness
research defines the output criterion as achievement in basic cognitive skills. A
theoretical framework that offers a step forward needs to broaden the traditional
concept of school and classroom effectiveness from achievement scores in basic
school subjects to a new operational definition of educational effectiveness in terms of
the realisation of other and more ambitious cognitive and metacognitive goals. These
might be problem-solving, creative thinking, and other higher cognitive skills, transfer
of knowledge, or learning to learn. In contrast to most effectiveness research, which is
mainly directed at—operationally defined—basic skills, many innovative efforts in
education are deeply concerned with more ambitious kinds of—conceptually
indicated—goals (Fullan, 1991). Because school and classroom factors may be
correlated more strongly with basic skills than with higher cognitive skills, there seems
to be a central problem in combining both traditions. The theoretical analysis has to
address this issue. Although less outcome oriented, most improvement research
implies that other kinds of achievement may be as important, or more important than,
basic cognitive skills. In order to combine the effectiveness and the improvement
traditions successfully, therefore, the output criterion has to be broadened to include other
achievements implying higher order cognitions and metacognitions.
A theoretical framework also has to deal with the problem of influences of the
contexts on effective school improvement. Theories of educational change and school
improvement are sensitive to contextual differences. They link them to innovative
strategies, but not to educational effectiveness. School effectiveness research has
coined a concept of differential school effectiveness, and has the methodology to research
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the problem (Jesson & Gray, 1991; Nuttall, Goldstein, Prosser, & Rasbash, 1989),
but has, at this moment, no theory to explain different school effects in different
contexts (Scheerens, 1993). Contingency theory, central in the study of organisa-
tions, assumes there is no best way to make an organisation effective; which one of
several ways to be effective is contingent upon situational and contextual factors
(Mintzberg, 1979). A comprehensive theoretical framework of school effectiveness
and school improvement may combine these elements to develop hypotheses about
contextual differences, innovation strategies, and differential school effectiveness.
When these problems are solved, the theoretical framework has to find ways to
combine the knowledge about ‘‘what works’’ that is offered by research on
educational effectiveness, with the knowledge and experiences needed to change
education which is offered by school improvement.
The school effectiveness knowledge base makes clear which characteristics or
factors are important for effectiveness at different levels of the system (student,
learning, teaching, school, and context). Overviews based on theoretical considera-
tions and empirical findings were given by, amongst others, Levine and Lezotte
(1990), Creemers (1994a), Sammons, Hillman, and Mortimore (1995), Scheerens
and Bosker (1997), and Teddlie and Reynolds (2000). Stoll and Wikeley (1998) make
clear that school improvement efforts over the years have become more focused on
effectiveness issues such as teaching and learning processes and student outcomes.
Although school improvement may concern the school level or the teacher level (e.g.,
school improvement can be directed at the school organisation or at classroom
management), its main goal must essentially be stated in terms of student outcomes.
Although it may not be very important as to where changes are actually initiated (for
example at the level of the central government, or at the level of the individual school),
it seems more important as to whether a school is able to take charge of changes. A
school must be ready for change and show some signs of an ownership mentality.
For school improvement to be successful, the issue of school culture should not be
neglected. When the school structure is changing (which is often a sign of school
improvement) while the school culture does not change, the danger of short-lived and
superficial changes is real. For school improvement to occur, characteristics of the
school culture must be favourable. Schools, for example, must have shared goals and
feel responsible for success. Other requirements are collegiality, risk taking, mutual
respect and support, openness, and an attitude of lifelong learning.
A possible link between school effectiveness and school improvement may occur
through the school development planning process. In the description of this process
(Stoll & Wikeley, 1998), the concepts mentioned above (focus on effectiveness issues,
readiness for change, ownership mentality, and a favourable school culture) all have
their own place. A new dimension is provided by the four-stage cycle of needs
assessment, planning, implementation, and evaluation that underlies all change
processes. Attention is drawn to the fact that someone must start this cycle and keep
the school going as well during all the stages of the continuous cycle.
In the definition of comprehensive school reform, components stemming from the
two traditions are integrated. The meta-analysis of Borman, Hewes, Overman, and
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Brown (2003) provides evidence for the integration of ‘‘proven’’ components,
characteristics, and factors suggested in the definition and advocated in publications
on the merger of school effectiveness and school improvement (Gray et al., 1999;
Reynolds et al., 2000).
Additional Insights From Other Theoretical Traditions
The analysis of the available literature on the merging of effectiveness and
improvement pointed to the importance of the context for improvement. The study
of organisations which resulted in contingency theory (Mintzberg, 1979) offered
interesting perspectives for effective school improvement. Most of the literature in
this area stems from specific educational theories and research. To avoid a restricted
scope on effectiveness, and the factors that might enhance effectiveness and
improvement, the review and analysis of the literature was extended to other
orientations within education (the theories on curriculum and curriculum imple-
mentation and on related disciplines in psychology and sociology). The theories that
originally are included below will be presented shortly, with respect to the expected
outcomes of the analysis of the literature in the specific field for criteria and factors for
effective school improvement. In the contribution of Scheerens and Demeuse in this
issue, the results of the analysis for the development of the theoretical framework are
presented.
Organisational theories. In organisational theories, three other effectiveness criteria or
perspectives are used:
1. adaptability or responsiveness to external circumstances or changes;
2. continuity of the organisation in terms of stability of the internal structure and
acquisition of resources;
3. commitment and satisfaction of the members of the organisation (Fairman &
Quinn, 1985).
These three perspectives are also embedded in theories of educational change and
improvement as supportive conditions (Fullan, 1991). In school effectiveness theories
too, they are interpreted as supportive conditions and brought into means-goal
relationships with the primary criterion of output effectiveness (Scheerens, 1992,
1993). Adaptability and continuity of the school organisation, and the commitment
and satisfaction of its members, will be treated as conditions that indirectly support
educational effectiveness by stimulating the school organisation and its members to
work towards effective school improvement.
Curriculum theories. Curriculum theories provide other models that link the school as
an organisation to the work of teachers. Curricula are documents that should, or
might, be used in educational practice: They could be formulated as guidelines at the
national level for education in schools and classrooms, but usually curricula are
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reflected in the textbooks for students and teachers. Curriculum theories deal with
the characteristics of curricula in relation to the implementation of curricula and the
outcomes in student achievement. Examples are curriculum implementation strategies,
such as the fidelity perspective, the mutual adaptation perspective or strategies of
curriculum enactment; other examples are models of control, varying from central
control—the central office of the school or even the central government—to models
of empowerment of teachers (Fullan, 1991; Fullan & Pomfret, 1977; Simons, 1990;
Snyder, Bolin, & Zumwalt, 1992).
Behavioural theories. Schools do not change if the people within the schools,
particularly the teaching staff, do not change. ‘‘In the final analysis it is the actions of
the individuals that count’’ (Fullan, 1991, p. 77). Behavioural theories in (social)
psychology explain work towards changes in behaviour by stressing the mechanisms of
evaluation, feedback, and reinforcement (Carver & Sergiovanni, 1969; Debus & Schroiff,
1986). These mechanisms work in explaining and improving effective instruction in
classrooms (Creemers, 1994b) and in explaining and improving the impact of
curricula on achievement (Hoeben, 1994). Rational control of organisations that
depends on monitoring, evaluation, and appraisal of the functioning of the (people
within) organisations, also comes close to the findings of school effectiveness research
which consistently demonstrates that evaluation and assessment are associated with
high achievement (Scheerens, 1994).
Organisational learning theories. Organisational learning is involved in all processes of
adaptation to a changing environment, and in processes of purposeful change to
improve a school’s effectiveness (Louis, 1994). Learning of educational organisations
may be conceptualised by information richness, organisational procedures of
processing and interpreting information, procedures for evaluation and monitoring,
interpersonal networks of sharing and discussing information, and organisations as
makers of meaning by incremental adaptation, intellectual learning style, and
assumption sharing (Lundberg, 1989; Senge, 1990).
A special point of view is provided by the realisation that the productive work in
educational organisations is being done by highly trained professionals with a high
degree of autonomy, which is consistent with the view that organisational learning
requires considerable decentralisation (Fullan, Bennett, & Rolheiser-Bennett, 1990).
Learning by educational organisations may be studied specifically by analysing
their evaluation and monitoring processes and their staff development: that is, the
ways they determine their training needs and the ways they organise the training of
the staff.
In the analysis, these theories were related to each other and to a starting
framework comprising school effectiveness and school improvement. It was expected
that through the analysis, comparisons, and relationships an initial theoretical
framework would yield important factors for effective school improvement to be
included in a more elaborate model. This model will be combined with the results of
the second task: the evaluation of effective school improvement projects.
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The Evaluation of Effective School Improvement Projects
Inventory of projects. Comprehensive overviews of programmes that link educational
effectiveness and school improvement are available in the contributions to the
annual meetings of the ICSEI. The first congress was held in the United Kingdom
(London, 1988; Reynolds, Creemers, & Peters, 1989). Since then, a conference has
been held each year in another part of the world, and many contributions focus on
experiences in innovative programmes combining improvement and effectiveness
(for examples worldwide, see Townsend, Clarke, & Ainscow, 1999). Case studies
include Houtveen and Osinga (1995), Stoll and Fink (1992), Stoll et al. (1996),
Stringfield, Bedinger, and Herman (1995), and Townsend (1995). Because the
participating countries were not equally represented in ICSEI, the first step was an
inventory of possible projects for further analysis. The selection and description of
these projects needed an evaluation framework that guaranteed that in the analysis
of the project, the required information would be available (Hoeben, 1998).
Key questions were outlined in the evaluation framework (see Table 1), and each
of the questions included a range of subthemes that were investigated during the
case studies. When the information was not available on any one project, the
country teams gathered further evidence and further information. Where
insufficient information was available, the team made a decision as to whether
that project was to be included. After an initial presentation of possible projects to
the whole team, the country teams made a final selection of projects with at least
one (but preferably more) from secondary education. Sometimes the school
improvement project would be just one school, but more often schools, as units of
change, were part of a larger school improvement project together with other
schools.
Selection, data collection, and analysis. In the selection of the school improvement
projects for the analysis, it emerged that there were great differences between
improvement projects within the ESI project (for more detail see Stoll, Wikeley, &
Reezigt, 2002), for example with respect to:
. the available information regarding the improvement project, and especially the
processes in the school, the classroom, and the student results;
. goals of the improvement programmes, especially student results or intermediate
goals;
. the scale of the programme, macro and/or micro;
. the improvement technology used;
. the theoretical orientation of improvement projects;
. the theoretical notions related to the goals of improvement;
. the number of schools and students involved in the study.
However, the improvement programmes in the different countries all had some
common characteristics such as:
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. all had the school as the target for improvement and, therefore, as the unit of
analysis;
. ultimately they all intended to change, or to improve, student outcomes;
. all had intermediate goals on the level of the teacher, the curriculum, the school
organisation et cetera, in order to achieve the ultimate goals;
. (according to the guidelines for selection) there was information available about
the process.
Analysis was undertaken to find the factors promoting or hindering effective school
improvement in each specific country, and information about the educational systems
in each country was used to contextualise each country’s findings. Case studies were
written of each programme (De Jong, 2000), and country teams paired up to analyse
similarities and differences between the programmes, using a rating instrument
(Stoll et al., 2002). Whether the factors worked in the same way in different countries
was also explored. This was important for constructing an ESI model, especially
if they pointed to factors different from those derived from the theoretical analyses
and also because they helped the research team to understand how the factors worked
in practice.
Table 1. Key questions in ESI Evaluation Framework
1. To what extent do the student outcomes provide evidence for the school’s effectiveness in
attaining its goals?
2. To what extent do the intermediate outcomes provide evidence for the attainment of the
school’s improvement goals?
3. To what extent do the students show increased engagement with their own learning and
their learning environment?
4. To what extent does the curriculum in the classrooms contribute to the school’s attainment
of students’ goals?
5. To what extent does the cycle of improvement planning, implementation, evaluation, and
feedback contribute to the school’s attainment of its improvement goals?
6. To what extent does the school’s curriculum—where applicable—contribute to the
effectiveness of the classroom curriculum?
7. To what extent does the school’s organisation contribute to the attainment of intermediate
improvement goals and students’ goals?
8. To what extent does parental choice and involvement contribute to the school’s
responsiveness and to its attainment of intermediate improvement goals and students’
goals?
9. To what extent does the learning by the school organisation contribute to the school’s
management of change, i.e. to the attainment of the intermediate improvement goals?
10. To what extent do external change agents contribute to the school’s attainment of
intermediate improvement goals?
11. To what extent do the contextual characteristics allow for, stimulate, or hinder ESI, i.e., the
attainment of intermediate improvement goals and of the students’ goals? For instance: To
what extent does the national curriculum, where applicable, allow for, stimulate, or hinder
ESI?
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Conclusion
The results of the analysis of the theoretical traditions in school effectiveness and
improvement together with further insights that could be useful in the understanding
of a complicated process as effective school improvement were combined with the
outcomes of the analysis of projects in the field of school improvement which
addressed—mostly to a certain degree and in different ways—the effectiveness
criterion (student outcomes) as well as the improvement criterion (school’s capacity
to manage change). This resulted in a draft model for effective school improvement
which was discussed within the participating countries and using the reports of these
discussions, within the research team. In the discussions, it became evident that the
(draft) model could not serve as an explanatory model for ESI in all the participating
countries. The reasons were twofold; the complexity of ESI and the contextual
differences between countries.
ESI turned out to be not only far more complicated than was expected but also
more complex than represented in the theoretical traditions. This not only holds for
the combination of effectiveness and improvement, the topic of this research, but also
for the other contributing traditions. Both educational effectiveness and improvement
need further theoretical and empirical research with respect to their interrelationship.
Important issues for further development are the outcomes, inputs, and processes
and how to develop or install the processes in learning environments (classes) and
schools. Furthermore, ESI takes place in a context. Contextual factors such as the
degree of autonomy and the availability of the resources have a major effect on ESI.
These contexts were different in each participating country. The variability of the
contexts in the different countries meant that ESI could take different forms. In a
situation of strict centralisation, ESI is perceived as the reform of the (national)
system and there is no ESI at the level of individual schools. In most countries,
however, schools have the room and the responsibility for their own development
(through ESI). Furthermore, it can be expected that contextual factors more or less
determine which factors ‘‘work’’ at the school and classroom levels.
Further development of ESI theories and empirical research related to these
theories in different educational contexts, preferably through international compara-
tive research, is needed for the next attempt to develop a model for effective school
improvement. Maybe ESI was too early.
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