limitations and bias in the...
TRANSCRIPT
LIMITATIONS AND BIAS IN THE SOCIOLOGICAL
STUDY OF RACE AND ETHNIC MINORITIES
IN TWO PROFESSIONAL JOURNALS
by
Antje Freese
B.A., University of Colorado, 1992
A thesis submitted to the
Faculty of the Graduate School of the
University of Colorado at Denver
in partial fulfillment
of the requirements for the degree of
Master of Arts
Sociology
1994
Thi~ thesis for the Master of Arts
degree by
Antje Freese
has been approved for the
Department of
Sociology
by
~ornblom
Glenn
Date
Freese, Antje (M.A., Sociology)
Limitations and Bias in the Sociological Study of Race
and Ethnic Minorities in Two Professional Journals
Thesis directed by Professor Kjell Y. Tornblom
ABSTRACT
The sociological study of race and ethnic minorities
has often been described as limited and biased. This
claim is being investigated through a content analysis of
articles dealing with race and ethnic minorities
(identified by DIALOG Information System descriptors)
that were published in the American Journal of Sociology
and the American Sociological Review from January 1963
through December 1992.
The results of this analysis show that identified
race and ethnicity articles in both journals
predominantly cover topics of social organization, the
economy, social problems and urban ecology, followed by
an interest in the areas of education, demography,
family, and political institutions. When each of these
topic areas was examined in regard to their use of
available theoretical approaches, findings display tha·t
articles in these two journals are predominated by
iii
normative and integrational assumptions about society,
and present an often social-psychological view of race
and ethnic minority status.
This abstract accurately represents the content of the
candidate's thesis. I recommend its publication.
Signed ~ornblom
iv
CONTENTS
CHAPTER
1.
2.
INTRODUCTION
DISCUSSION OF RELEVANT LITERATURE • • • • • •
. . . . . . . . . . . . . .1
3
3. METHODOLOGY ••••••••••••••••••• 11
Sample . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11
Procedure • • .11
4. RESULTS • • • • .13
Proportions of Article Topics • .13
American Journal of Sociology • • ••• 13
American Sociological Review • . • 15
Total Distribution • • 16
Discussion of Topics in Terms of Theoretical Approaches • • • • • • • • • • • • 20
Economy • . .. • • 20
Social Problems . • • 22
Political Institutions ••••.•••.•• 24
Education ••• 26
Social Organization • .28
Demography • • • • 30
Family • • • 31
Urban Ecology •••••••••••••••• 33
5. CONCLUSION . . . . . . . . • 35
REFE~ENCES • • • • • • 41
v
CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
Mainstream contemporary sociology has often been
criticized as restricted and biased in its study and
depiction of race and ethnic minorities ( cf. Bash, 19 7 9;
Kinloch, 1979; Kinloch, 1988; Mirande, 1985; Nisbet,l966;
Rex, 1983). While studies have outlined the limitations
in research scope and representation of individual
theoretical approaches, an empirical examination of
research issues and utilization of race and ethnic
relations theories is absent. This analysis attempts to
provide some empirical insight into research topics and
their theoretical representation in the area of race and
ethnic minorities. Through a content analysis of articles
dealing with race and ethnic minorities (identified by
DIALOG Information System) that were published in the
American Journal of Sociology (AJS) and the American
Sociological Review (ASR) from January 1963 through
December 1992 this study will be able to give a more
comprehensive and detailed overview of contemporary
mainstream sociology • s approach towards race and ethnic
minorities. This analysis is, thus, another link in the
ongoing study of the subfield of race and ethnic
- 1 -
·relations' development. It provides empirical evidence
for previous descriptive research and establishes a basis
for future investigations of the representation of race
and ethnic minorities in terms of theory utilization,
research emphasis, and perceived image of minority
status.
- 2 -
CHAPTER 2
DISCUSSION OF RELEVANT LITERATURE
According to the literature, sociology's theoretical
approaches in the subfield of race and ethnic relations
can be broadly outlined by the following trends.
Initially, sociologists left the study of race and ethnic
groups to biologists and anthropologists, and did not
develop any distinct sociological approaches in theory
and methodology (Odum, 1951). Sociology, therefore, came
to the study of race and ethnic relations later than
other social sciences and partly built its early
theoretical and methodological approaches on procedures
of disciplines like, biology, psychology, or
anthropology. It further followed the general field in
it's extensive emphasis on moralistic Eurocentric social
thought, exhibiting early stages of research that
included Darwinistic and hereditary perspectives, derived
from organic/biological oriented theories. Initial
sociological approaches were very limited, often based on
racist and ideologically influenced standpoints. Race was
seen as a relatively stable and fixed biological factor
with predispositions of superior and inferior
capabilities (McLemore, 1991; Odum, 1951; Rex, 1983).
- 3 -
More contemporary interests of socio-biological
approaches include the study of intelligence, weakness of
black culture and family structure, ethnocentric versions
of underdevelopment and modernization (cf. Jensen, 1969;
Kinloch, 1979; Ryan, 1971).
After the initial stage of
the study of
Darwinistic and
hereditary perspectives, race and ethnic
relations adopted general sociology's increasing concern
with statistical matters and scientific methodology
(Brown & Gilmartin, 1969; Furner, 1975; McCartney, 1970;
Vidich & Lyman,
disappeared and
1985).
was
Open ideological advocacy slowly
replaced by the concept of
assimilation which is largely associated with professors
of the Chicago School of Sociology (Bulmer, 1984; wacker,
1983). Particularly ethnic groups were portrayed as
passing through a race relations cycle that ends with
the total assimilation to white Anglo-Saxon values (Bash,
1979; McLemore, 1991; Wacker, 1983). Little attention was
spent on independent minority cu1 tures and structures,
since they were assumed to gradually disappear (Bash,
1979; Kinloch, 1979). The perspective of assimilation
directed sociology towards a concern with adjustment and
integration of ethnic immigrants into American society,
rather than with the dynamics or relations of ethnic
groups, or with the changes new groups brought to the
existing social structures. Examples of theoretical
- 4 -
approaches deal with the establishment of ethnic enclaves
and their role in the process of assimilation and
pluralism (Gordon, 1964; Gordon, 1978). With the
research focus and the issue at hand being structural
integration, conflict was of secondary interest. No
concern was given to ethnic, economic, or cultural
differences of individual groups, and their influence or
persistence within American social structures (Bash,
1979; Nisbet, 1966; Rex, 1983).
The continuous existence of structural and cultural
differences between racial and ethnic groups forced
sociologists to broaden the scope of sociological
inquiry. The subfield of race apd ethnic relations, after
a nearly complete domination of the structural-functional
approach, added a general and wide spread concern with
social-psychological phenomena (Bash, 1979; Kinloch,
1979; McLemore, 1991; Nisbet, 1966; Odum, 1951; Rex,
1983). Early examples of research focused on the areas
of stereotypes (e.g. Katz and Braly, 1933; Berelson and
Salter, 1946; Gilbert, 1951); prejudice (e.g. Allport,
1958; Adorno, Frenkel-Brunswik, Levinson, and Sanford,
1950; Myrdal, 1944; Festinger, 1957; Bogardus, 1933); and
ethnocentrism (e.g. Sumner, 1906). This led to attempts
at theoretical development with regard to the
relationship between prejudice and discrimination (e.g~
LaPiere, 1934; DeFleur and Westie, 1958; Merton, 1949);
- 5 -
and the development of theoretical explanations for the
basis and general consequences of stereotypes and
prejudice: "self hate" of target group (e.g. Clark and
Clark, 1933; Horowitz, 1936); social distance (e.g.
Simmel, 1950; Park, 1924; Bogardus, 1933);
frustration-aggression-hypothesis (e.g. Dollard, Doob,
and Miller, 1939; Miller, 1941; Allport, 1958; Festinger,
1957). Of course, this is only a limited sample of.
research studies. According to the literature, however,
it is representative of the foundation of
social-psychological research studies in the area of race
and ethnicity (McLemore, 1991; Rex, 1983; Schaefer,
1990).
During the 1960s and 1970s conflict and Marxist
oriented perspectives became academically more accepted
and finally occupied an eminent role in the subfield of
race and ethnic relations, adding different theoretical
explanations for phenomena like stereotypes, prejudice,
discrimination, and social inequality. These theoretical
approaches, with their critical stand towards the social
structures and emphasis on conflict, stand in direct
contrast to structural functionalism•s and the
assimilation perspective • s consensus based view of
functionally operating structures. The focus was lifted
from the social issue of non-integration and
non-assimilation as a social problem, and redirected
- 6 -
towards the inherent inequ~lities of socio-economic
structures (Kinloch, 1974; Kinloch, 1979; Rex, 1983).
This resulted in the following kinds of theoretical
approaches: Group-Gains Theory (e.g. Noel, 1968; Simpson
and Yinger, 1972); Split-Labor-Market Theory (e.g.
Bonacich, 1972; Boswell, 1986; Beck, 1980); Institutional
Discrimination (e.g. Carmichael and Hamilton, 1967;
Feagin, 1977; Friedman, 1975; Baron, 1969); and Internal
Colonialism (e.g. Blauner, 1972; Moore, 1970).
Each of the available approaches offers distinct
insights into diverse aspects of the social environment
of race and ethnic minorities through different levels of
analysis (individual, groups, structure, organization,
institution) and subject matters under study (i.e.
discrimination, stereotypes, prejudices, structural
inequality, socio-economic integration) . Keeping in mind
the differing assumptions about society (i.e. integration
oriented, conflict oriented, cognitive emphasis,
behavioral emphasis), sociology has a relatively
extensive fund of available means of analysis. However,
there is an absence of empirical work that focuses on how
frequently any of these theoretical approaches are used
and how they affect the overall scope of research issues.
The question, therefore, is: To what extend does the
above outlined fund of theoretical approaches depict the
actual sociological study of race and ethnic minorities
- 7 -
in terms of research issues and theoretical explanations?
Some earlier studies, offer insight into the
research topics of the general field of sociology ( cf.
Kinloch, 1988; Simpson, 1961; Wilner, 1985; Vincent,
1938; Vincent, 1949). Graham Kinloch's (1988) content
analysis of articles published from 1895 to 1979 in AJS
and ASR, for example, shows that the general field has a
historical interest in self-definition, methodological
and theoretical concerns. This is followed by a
continuous interest in research issues found in the areas
of social organization, the economy and political
institutions. The discipline is further interested in
social problems, (i.e. deviance and crime), other
societies (i.e. during war), and the topic area
minorities, which includes women, the aged, and various
ethnic and racial groups. Religion, ecology, social
change, education, and the family round out the scope of
research interests (Kinloch, 1988).
In addition, studies are equally able to show that
mainstream sociology prefers to discuss its topics of
sociological interest in a distinct, possibly limited,
fashion (cf. Kinloch, 1984; Kinloch, 1988; Wilner, 1985).
Patricia Wilner defined it as,
the Parsonian influence tilting sociology toward concern with consensus ... and psychology and away from conflict. Survey research, ... which is appropriate for social psychological analysis, but .•• incapable of studying structure, ...
- 8 -
has emerged as the reigning methodology. [Thu~ ••. the dominant theoretical orientation and the dominant methodology in sociology lead in conventional directions, not toward the study of conflict and structure. (p.l8)
Turning back the subfield of minorities, it seems
reasonable to expect that the study of racial and ethnic
groups would exhibit the same patterns of representation
in AJS and ASR. However, since the sociological study of
race and ethnic minorities was not the focus of the
analyses referred to above, it is difficult to draw
distinct conclusions about research emphasis and
theoretical examinations found within the subfield. We
only know that the general topic area of minorities
(women and the aged are included) appears to be
historically of average sociological interest in these
two journals and does not reach a significant importance
until the 1970s (Kinloch, 1988, pp. 187, 189). The
literature does provide the information, that this
increase of interest is usually linked to the greater
political visibility of race and ethnic interest groups,
the social climate initiated during the 1960s, and
greater numbers of minority sociologists (Bash, 1979;
Rex, 1983; Kinloch, 1988; Wacker, 1983). However, which
theories and topics are emphasized within articles during
any of the publication periods is not stated.
The analysis to follow is based on articles dealing
with race and ethnic minorities published from January
- 9 -
1963 through December 1992 in the AJS and the ASR. An
attempt is made to examine sociological topics of
interest in the area of race and ethnic minorities and
assess the influence of theoretical approaches on the
representation and comprehension of sociology's study of
race and ethnic minorities. This analysis, obviously does
not reflect the total representation of race and ethnic
groups by contemporary American sociology. It should,
however, provide more detailed insight into some of the
most central research issues and means of analysis found
over the last thirty years.
- 10 -
CHAPTER 3
METHODOLOGY
Sample
The DIALOG INFORMATION SYSTEM counted 3929 articles
published in AJS and 2031 articles published in ASR from
January 1963 through December 1992. A total of 223
articles from this time period were identified by the
DIALOG descriptors "race", "racial", "ethnic",
"minority", and "minorities". Of these articles 119
appeared in AJS and 104 were published in ASR.
Procedure
First, a list of all identified articles by title
and year was compiled for each journal, and then
separately examined in chronological order. Based on the
central emphasis of each article (staying with the
central feature of each article title) a set range of
and was
(major
topics evolved,
eight categories
problems, social
classified into the following
topic areas): economy, social
organization, education, family,
demography, political institutions, and urban ecology.
- 11 -
Once articles were classified according to _major
topic area the distribution for each decade . ( 1963-72,
1973-82, 1983-92) was calculated. Then the two journals
were compared in regard to major topics and their
distribution.
Next, the total distribution (both journals
combined) of articles and major topics from January 1963
through December 1992 was computed. The articles within
each category were reviewed and classified in terms of
their particular research emphasis (see Table 4),
outlining in more detail what each major topic area
entails. Finally, the major topic areas and their
sub-topics were discussed in regard to their use qf the
theoretical approaches, assumptions about society, levels
of analysis, and subject matters outlined in Chapter 2
pp. 3-7.
- 12 -
CHAPTER 4
RESULTS
Proportions of Article Topics
Although the major article topics for each journal
are the same, proportional distributions by topics
differs. AJS has a greater proportion than ASR of
articles in demography and urban ecology, whereas ASR
pays greater attention to social problems and the
economy. The topic areas of education, political
institutions, the family, and social organization have
similar distributions in the two journals.
American Journal of Sociology
When we examine AJS over the last 30 years, by
decades of publication, we find that 32.7% of the
articles identified as dealing with race/ethnic
minorities were published from 1963 through 1972. The
greatest proportion (47.1%) was published during the
following decade (1973 - 1982), and the remaining 20.2%
were published from 1983 through 1992.
- 13 -
On the whole, the treatment of race/ethnic minorities in
AJS over the entire 30 year period is characterized by a
significant proportional drop in pub~ication for the
decade 1983-1992 and a predominance of the topic areas
social organization, urban ecology, the economy, and
social problems over the entire 30 year period (Table 1).
TABLE 1
MAJOR TOPIC DISTRIBUTION IN THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY
MAJOR TOPIC 63-72 73-82 83-92 TOTAL
ECONOMY 7.7% 21.4% 17.4% 16.0% ( 3) (12) (4) (19)
SOCIAL 5.1% 10.7% 30.4% 12.6% PROBLEMS ( 2 ) (6) ( 7) (15)
POLITICAL 2.6% 3.6% 4.3% 4.2% INSTITUTIONS (1) (2) ( 2 ) ( 5 )
EDUCATION 7.7% 5.4% 0.0% 5.0% (3) ( 3) (0) ( 6)
SOCIAL 30.8% 28.5% 17.4% 26.9% ORGANIZATION (12) (16) (4) (42)
DEMOGOGRAPHY 7.7% 12.5% 0.0% 8.4% (3) ( 7) ( 0 ) (10)
FAMILY 10.2% 3.6% 4.3% 5.9% ( 4) ( 2 ) (1) ( 7)
URBAN 28.2% 14.3% 26.1% 21.0% ECOLOLOGY (11) (8) ( 6) ( 25·)
TOTAL N: 39 56 24 119
- 14 -
American Sociological Review
ASR published 24.1% of its race/ethnic minority
articles from January 1963 through December 1972. 36.5%
of the identified articles appeared between 1973 and
1982, and the largest proportion (39.4%) was published
from January 1983 through December 1992.
TABLE 2
MAJOR TOPIC DISTRIBUTION IN THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW
MAJOR TOPIC 63-72 73-82 83-92
ECONOMY 16.0% 23.7% 34.2% ( 4) ( 9) (14)
SOCIAL 28.0% 34.2% 9.7% PROBLEMS ( 7) (13) (4)
POLITICAL 8.0% 2.6% 4. 9%. INSTITUTIONS (2) ( 1) ( 2)
EDUCATION 4.0% 7.9% 9. 7% (1) ( 3 ) (4)
SOCIAL 28.0% 21.1% 29.3% ORGANIZATION (7) (8) (12)
DEMOGRAPHY 4.0% 2.6% 0.0% (1) ( 1) (O)
FAMILY 8.0% 2.6% 2.4% (2) (1) (1)
URBAN 4.0% 5.3% 9. 7% ECOLOGY (1) ( 2) (4)
TOTAL N: 25 38 41
- 15 -
TOTAL
25.9% (27)
23.1% (24)
4.8% (5)
7.7% (8)
25.9% (27)
2.0% ( 2)
3.9% (4)
6. 7% ( 7)
104
The total picture emerging for ASR shows a steady
proportional increase in the publication of race/ethnic
minority articles over the three decades and a
predominance of the topic areas social organization, the
economy, and social problems for the whole 30 years
(Table 2).
To summarize: although, the proportions for certain
major topic areas differ between AJS and ASR, one can
draw the conclusion that both journals predominantly deal
with race/ethnic minorities in regard to issues falling
under the topic areas social organization, the economy,
and social problems. The one exception being AJS's
concentration on urban ecology, which is not reflected in
ASR. In addition, we know that the publication of
race/ethnic minority articles increased proportionally
for both journals through the decade 1973 to 1982. After
that point a dramatic drop in publication was found in
AJS, while a continued increase characterized ASR.
Total Distribution
Over the last 30 years 3.8% of all articles
published in AJS and ASR were identified as dealing with
race/ethnic minorities. 28.8% of these articles were
published from January 1963 through December 1972. The
largest proportion (42.4%) of identified articles was
published in the next decade (1973-82), and the remaining
- 16 -
29.1% ·Of race/ethnic minority articles was published from
January 1983 through December 1992. The total
distribution is dominated by the major article topics
social organization, the economy, social problems, and
urban ecology (Table 3).
TABLE 3
TOTAL DISTRIBUTION OF MAJOR TOPICS IN AJS AND ASR
MAJOR TOPIC 63-72 73-82 83-92
ECONOMY 10.9% 22.3% 28.1% ( 7) (21) (18)
SOCIAL 14.1% 20.2% 17.2% PROBLEMS ( 9) (19) (11)
POLITICAL 4. 7% 3.2% 4.7% INSTITUTIONS ( 3) (3) (4)
EDUCATION 6.2% 6.5% 6.2% (4) ( 6) ( 4)
SOCIAL 29.7% 25.5% 25.0% ORGANIZATION (19) (24) (16)
DEMOGRAPHY 6.2% 8.5% 0.0% (4) (8) (0)
FAMILY 9.4% 3.2% 3.2% ( 6) ( 3 ) (2)
URBAN 18.8% 10.6% 15.6% ECOLOGY (12) (10) (10)
TOTAL N: 64 94 65
- 17 -
TOTAL
20.6% (46)
17.5% (39)
4.5% (10)
6.3% (14)
26.5% (59)
5.4% (12)
4.9% (11)
14.3% (32)
223
Up to this point it appears as if mainstream
American Sociology over the last 30 years has dealt with
racial/ethnic minorities pre:dominantly in terms of issues
falling under social organization, the economy, social
problems, and urban ecology, followed by a much lesser
concentration on education, demography, family, and
political institutions. When looking at total
distribution for this thirty year period (see Table 3),
sociological interest in race and ethnic minorities
peaked during the period 1973 to 1982. This reinforces
the findings of other studies which linked an increase of
interest during this time period to the social climate,
the political visibility of race and ethnic interest
groups, and the influx of minority scholars (cf. Kinloch,
1988; Wacker, 1983; Rex, 1983).
Although, the emphasis on topic areas is restricted
and proportionally skewed towards issues dealing with
social organization, economy, social problems, and urban
ecology, it does not necessarily constitute a limited
examination of race and ethnic minorities. If available
means of analysis are being utilized in a balanced
fashion, sociology can still offer a comprehensive image
of race and ethnic relations. Therefore, to draw more
definite conclusions
representation of race
important to examine in
about mainstream sociology's
and ethnic minorities, it is
more detail the content (see
- 18 -
Table·4) of the published articles in regard to the use
of theoretical approaches.
TABLE 4
TO'J~AL DISTRIBUTION OF MAJOR TOPICS AND SUB TOPICS
ECONOMY (N = 46) stratification (28.3%); labor market/labor force enclave labor market (17.3%); mobility occupations (8.7%); discrimination (8.7%)
SOCIAL PROBLEMS (N = 39) crime/deviance (28.2%); social unrest/riots social agencies ( 23.1%); poverty ( 15.4%); delinquency (10.2%)
POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS (N = 10)
(26.1%); (10.9%);
(23.1%); juvenile
political participation (66.7%); political affiliation (22.2%); political structure (11.1%)
EDUCATION (N = 14) attainment (42.8%); education and education and social problems (14.3%)
SOCIAL ORGANIZATION (N = 59)
socialization (28.6%); (14.3%); segregation
socialization/social consciousness (30.5%); intergroup relations ( 22.0%); intragroup structure ( 20.3%); intergroup conflict (8.5%); prejudice/stereotypes (6.8%); roles ( 5.1%) ; assimilation ( 3. 4%) ; environmental conditions (3.4%)
DEMOGRAPHY (N = 12) fertility (91.6%); mortality (8.4%)
FAMILY (N = 11) marriage (54.5%); roles of family members (27.3%); family conditions (18.2%)
URBAN ECOLOGY (N = 32) segregation (56.2%); communities (37.5%); desegregation and integration (6.3%)
- 19 -
Economy
Discussion of Topics in Terms of Theoretical Approaches
Turning to the topic area economy, the most lasting
impression is left by articles dealing with the
statistical manifestations of stratification. An
overabundance of articles deals with quanti ta ti ve
descriptions of racial and ethnic economic
differentiation. Through statistical manipulations of
census data, studies describe the association between
socio-economic status and the racial composition of the
labor force (e.g. Frisbie and Neidert, 1977; Fossett and
Swicegood, 1982; Galle, Wiswell, and Burr, 1985). Other
empirical research depicts fewer employment opportunities
for African Americans and Hispanics (e.g. Aldrich, 1973;
Tienda and Lii, 1987), or describes the statistical
differences between white ethnics and Blacks in terms of
mobility, high status occupations, and earnings (e.g.
Kaufman, 1983; Rosenfeld, 1980; Snyder and Rudis, 1976).
In addition, to demographic studies, we find a
range of articles, discussing stratification in terms of
social class. Through the use of Neo-Marxian conflict
approaches, socio-economic attainments become a sign of
social class, and indicate access to power and
structural rewards (e.g. Szymanski, 1976; Wright, 1978).
Other research links stratification, discrimination, and
- 20 -
differential rates of mobility to attitudes (stereotypes
and prejudices) held by majority group members (e.g.
Butler, 1976; Cummings, 1980). Similarly, social
psychological phenomena like low self-esteem and
alienation are seen
discrimination. Which,
as consequences
according to some
of economic
articles, are
especially experienced by African Americans and often
result in a rejection of society's accepted goals (e.g.
DiPrete, 1981).
Ethnic/enclave labor markets, viewed from a conflict
perspective, indicate the exploitation (i.e.
underpayment) of ethnic groups by the dominant population
(e.g. Bonacich, 1972). This stands in direct contrast to
the depiction of enclave labor markets as agents of
assimilation, safe havens from discrimination, and means
of ethnic/racial solidarity (e.g. Bailey and Waldinger,
19 91). Indeed, a large number of articles stresses
aspects of consensus and cohesion and their positive
effect on socio-economic integration. In the case of
Japanese Americans, economic success is the result of
strong intragroup solidarity (e.g. Jiobu, 1988), whereas,
white ethnics achieve high rates of upward mobility
through motivation and cultural assimilation (e.g.
Featherman, 1971; Neidert and Farley, 1985).
- 21 -
Ln brief, race and ethnic groups are frequently
described in a quantitative fashion. The articles that do
work with distinct theoretical approaches mostly deal
with race and ethnic relations from a functional
perspective of ethnocentrism and structural assimilation.
Research studies of the conflict perspective and social
psychological approaches are emphasized the least.
Social Problems
Articles under the topic area of social problems
primarily discuss crime and deviance, social unrest, and
their association with poverty. A large proportion of the
articles dealing with deviant behavior of African
Americans is interested in the relationship between rates
of crime, biases in the justice system, poverty, and the
resulting "subculture of violence". While most articles
in AJS and ASR agree
among persons arrested,
to
that Blacks are overrepresented
they differ in attributing this
biases found in the criminal overrepresentation
justice system or a greater perpetration of crime by
African Americans. Research studies do show a greater
involvement of black males (age 18-25) in rape, robbery,
and assault. These
statistically related
higher rates of crime are
to urban segregation, racial
composition, the southern region, and economic inequality
and theoretically explained by the "subculture of
- 22 -
violence.. thesis (e.g. Blau and Blau, 1982; Messner,
1983).
poverty
Racial
leads
non-existing ties
residential segregation
to family instability,
to the larger society,
combined with
alienation,
and possible
criminal behavior (e.g. Blau and Blau, 1982; Eggebeen and
Lichter, 1991; Green, 1970; Hindelang, 1981; Messner,
1983; South and Messner, 1986; Quadagno, 1990).
According to these articles, economic deprivation
and limited access to the structural rewards system are
the major causes for crime. Because more African
Americans than whites, live below the poverty level and
in segregated, economically unstable areas, they get
locked in a cycle of poverty that breeds deviant behavior
and leads to more frequent arrests.
Once African Americans have entered the criminal
justice system, research studies point to a racial bias
in the police force and criminal sentencing. Articles
show that crimes with black victims often result in less
severe punishments. If the victim is white, however,
especially black offenders are generally charged more
severely, receive longer sentences, or the death penalty
(e.g. Hagan and Albonetti, 1982; LaFree, 1980). Juvenile
delinquency is discussed along the same lines of
socio-economic and environmental conditions (subculture).
In these studies, however, bias in the justice system is
primarily associated with the police force, rather than
- 23 -
with the courts (e.g. Dannefer and Schutt, 1982).
When discussing social unrest, articles are partly
interested in demographic factors of severity, e.g.
number of injured or dead, destruction of property,
number of demonstrators, size of police force (e.g.
Danzger, 1975; Spilerman, 1976). In addition, we find
research studies examining poverty, political
mobilization, and specific events (e.g. assassination of
Dr. King) as the underlying causes of "racial disorder"
(e.g. DeFronzo, 1971; Morgan and Clark, 1973; Spilerman,
1976). However, regardless of the motives or outcome,
articles tend to stress the disruptive aspects of social
unrest (e.g. Danzger, 1975; Morgan and Clark, 1973;
Spilerman, 1976). Through the use of
functional/integrational approaches in the area of social
unrest and the extensive application of the culture of
poverty/subculture of violence hypothesis, we find a
distinctly pathological view of African Americans within
this topic area.
Political Institutions
Political institutions is the proportionally
smallest major topic area. This is quite surprising
considering the dynamic political events of the 1960s in
particular. Radical political movements, however, were
labeled a threat to society and are, therefore, treated
- 24 -
as a social problem in AJS and ASR.
Articles that are classified under the topic area of
political institutions primarily use survey and census
data to give quantitative descriptions of political
participation and party identification (e.g. Ragin, 1979;
Knoke and Felson, 1974). Voting behavior and party
identification
Scandinavians,
statistically
of white ethnics
Germans,
correlated
Anglo-Saxons,
with cultural
(e.g. Irish,
or Jews) is
assimilation,
religious identification, income, and education (e.g.
Greeley, 1974). Political participation of Blacks, on the
other hand, is associated with residential concentration
and social-psychological factors like alienation and
political trust (e.g. Guterbock and London, 1983). The
overall picture emerging
partly of demographic
from this topic area consists
descriptions of political
participation. A few research studies discuss voting
behavior and political mobilization as a "struggle for
equality" and an expression of class consciousness (e.g.
Burstein, 1991; Leggett, 1963). The majority of articles,
however, is not interested in discussions of political
movements. Instead, they prefer to investigate the
effects of individual socio-economic and
social-psychological variables on political integration
(e.g. Greeley, 1974; Guterbock and London, 1983; Knoke
and Felson, 1974). In general, this topic area shows a
- 25 -
distinct preference for research of white ethnics, and
favors social-psychological, cultural, and adjustment
oriented discussions of differential political behavior.
Education
Articles in the major topic area of education focus
primarily on differential educational attainments for
race and ethnic groups. As in other topic areas, we find
some studies that offer only statistical descriptions.
Demographic articles, howe~~r, are in the minority, and
aside from a few statistical descriptions of public
school segregation (e.g. Farley and Taeuber, 1974), the
majority of research studies is based on distinct
theoretical approaches.
Articles base differences in the process of
educational attainment on parental status' race, and
aspirations of students. For example, status
differentiation create "insiders" and "outsiders" to
institutional channels of power and rewards. The gap in
educational achievement between Blacks and whites is,
therefore, not a question of intelligence but caused by
differences in socio-economic status (e.g. Fortes and
Wilson, 1976).
Articles
attainments
prejudicial
further
of Black
attitudes
associate lower educational
and Hispanic students with
held by majority group members
- 26 -
(i.e. ·teachers).· Some educators still tend to label Black
and Hispanic students as less competent or motivated.
Teachers, therefore, might have lower expectations
regarding their educational achievement and, thus, offer
them fewer educational opportunities. Similarly, some
minority students might accept these negative labels and
then experience low self-esteem, possible reject/give up
education, or try to escape through deviant behavior -
self-fulfilling prophesy (e.g. Middleton, 1963;
Tenhouten, Lei, Kendall, and Gordon, 1971; Yuchtman-Yaar
and Semyonov, 1979).
In addition to the just noted on
social-psychological theories of labeling, research
studies discuss differences in educational achievement
from a structural perspective. The differential financing
of predominantly black inner-city and white suburban
schools has created
systems (e.g. James,
quality of education
American students in
separate and unequal education
1989). Resulting differences in
lower the chance of many African
employment or access to· college.
Just as frequently, however, articles make no mention of
institutional inequality. Instead, studies work from a
theoretical perspective of adjustment. Education is,
thus, still seen as the "great equalizer" and agent of
socialization that could promote inter-racial friendships
and prepare students for successful integration into
- 27 -
society (e.g. Hallinan and Williams, 1987~ Hallinan and
Williams, 1989~ Ritterband and Silberstein, 1974).
overall, although of limited size, this major topic area
offers a relatively comprehensive discussion of the
causes and effects of minority status and its impact on
educational achievement.
Social Organization
Social organization is the proportionally most
dominating topic area. It primarily deals with issues
relating to the socially organized relationships between
groups and the influence of these relations on behavior,
attitudes, and social consciousness.
A number of articles investigate the influence of
class consciousness on social relations and show that
economic minority status of African Americans and
Hispanics results in feelings of subjugation, low
self-esteem, frustration, alienation, and stress (e.g.
Bloom, Whiteman, and Deutsch, 1965~ Jackson and Burke,
1965~ Hughes and Demo, 1989~ Hurst, 1972~ Yancey, Rigsby,
and McCarthy, 1972). More frequently, however, research
studies focus on intergroup relations in terms of
ethnocentrism, culture, and ethnic/racial identification.
Prejudices
associated
and stereotypes
with religious
held by white ethnics are
orthodoxy, strong ethnic
identification, and intragroup cohesion (e.g. Alba and
- 28 -
Chamlin, 1983; Borhek, 1970; Roof, 1974; Tomaskovic-Devey
and Tomaskovic-Devey, 1988). According to the above
mentioned articles,
socialization can
these
play an
factors
important
of intragroup
role in the
development of race and ethnic intergroup relations. On
the one side, strong intragroup cohesion has a positive
effect on the structural and cultural stability of the
group (e.g. Metzger, 1971). On the other side, it
creates strong feelings of ethnocentrism and superiority
which can lead to discrimination, ethnic/racial
antagonism and intergroup conflict (e.g. Bonachich, 1972;
Fendrich, 1967).
Articles
environmental
ethnic group
further examine the ·influence of
conditions on socialization and race/
relations. Communities, for example,
determine intergroup association and contact through
demographic composition (e.g. Blum, 1985). Equal-status
interracial contact positively influences self-esteem and
social identification, and leads to racially more
tolerant attitudes. Socio-economic segregation, on the
other hand, creates social distance and inhibits
interaction (e.g. Blum, 1985; Ford, 197 3: Johnston and
Yoels, 1977; Schooler, 1976; Schuman and Gruenberg, 1970;
Smith, 1981).
Overall, this major topic area deals with racial and
ethnic groups as agents of socialization. Social status
- 29 -
(relative access to power), race and ethnicity influence
group relations, social consciousness, attitudes, and
social behavior. These factors, either, help or hinder
individuals in becoming successful members of society,
and, thus, create minority or majority status. Aside from
a limited emphasis on social class, articles
predominantly
socio-cultural
organization.
Demography
focus on social-psychological and
aspects of minority/majority social
The major topic area of demography deals with the
study of socio-biological aspects of race/ethnic groups.
Extremely limited in focus, articles discuss the
different rates of infant mortality (e.g. Willie and
Rothney, 1962) and fertility rates of African Americans,
Hispanics, and Asians. Based on census and social science
survey data, articles are dominated by the debate between
proponents of a structural or cultural view of fertility.
High fertility rates for African Americans, Hispanics, or
Asians, are either discussed as the result of ethnic
norms, independent from structural integration, (e.g.
Goldscheider and Uhlenberg, 1969; Roberts and Lee, 1974)
or in terms of subordinate/structural group status (e.g.
Lopez and Sabagh, 1978).
of the debate, no clear
Because of the ambiguous state
theoretical approach emerges
- 30 -
which-confines the image of minority status to ·individual
statistical descriptions of fertility rates, ethnic
identity, or
education).
Family
structural attributes (e.g. income,
Marriage is a predominant sub-topic discussed within
the major topic area of family. Through the use of census
data marital instability is statistically investigated in
its association to race and socio-economic factors like
income or education (e.g. Urdy, 1967). The majority of
articles, however, is interested in aspects of
integration and deals with the effects of ethnici ty,
race, and spatial availability of marriage partners on
marital assimilation (e.g. Gurak and Fitzpatrick, 1982;
Lichter, LeClere and McLaughlin, 1991; Mittlebach and
Moore, 1968).
Articles discussing extended families, teen-age
mothers, and parental roles are focused on the aspect of
socio-cultural adjustment, socialization, and successful
socio-economic integration (e.g. Angel and Tienda, 1982;
Moore and Snyder, 1991).
utilization of theoretical
cultural preference as
Again, we
approaches.
the reason
see an uneven
Articles stress
for extended
households, not economic need. Teen-age pregnancy is not
examined in regard to structural or socio-economic causes
- 31 -
but in terms of social-psychological effects on the
children and their educational achievement. Particularly
striking is the emphasis on maternal authority in African
American families. Strong female role models are
discussed as important agents of socialization, that
positively affect the educational attainments of their
adolescent children (e.g. Kandal, 1971). Since father
figures are not mentioned, it leaves an impression of.
absence or non-significance.
Research and representation in this major topic area
reinforces the already noted emphasis on issues of social
adjustment, cohesion, and consensus. White ethnics
especially are referred to in positive terms of marital
adjustment, marital assimilation, and two-parent/stable
households. Black and Hispanic families are predominantly
described in negative terms, e.g. instability, low
socio-economic status, "non-normative" numbers of
children (often mentioned in association with poverty),
and unsuccessful agents of social integration (e.g.
Farley and Hermalin, 1971; Urdy, 1966). Again, available
means of analysis are being unevenly utilized, articles
primarily stress social-psychological influences of
family conditions and only mention institutional or
structural factors in the form of statistical
descriptions.
- 32 -
Urban .Ecology
Urban ecology is proportionally (number of artic~es)
one of the largest topic areas. In terms of theoretical
means of analysis, however, it is one of the most
limited. Urban population distributions and residential
concentrations are basically described in a purely
demographic and empirical fashion. Articles are more
concerned with mathematical models, than with distinct
versions of ecological theory (cf. Saunders, 1981).
Patterns of segregation are statistically related to
region, population size, racial composition, and
immigration patterns (e.g.
1980~ Taeuber and Taeuber,
Wicox, 1977). In addition,
Guest and Weed, 1976 ~ Roof,
1964~ van Valey, Roof, and
articles describe the close
association between residential segregation, social
class, and the "cycle of poverty" (e.g. Darroch and
Marston, 1971~ Erbe, 1975~ Massey, 1981).
A number of articles deal with community integration
and spatial assimilation, drawing the conclusion that
Blacks (in contrast to Asians and Hispanics) remain
spatially more isolated (e.g. Logan and Schneider, 1984;
Massey and Denton, 1985~ Massey and Denton, 1987~ Massey
and Denton, 1988). The more permanent residential
segregation of African Americans' influences
socio-economic conditions adversely, producing underclass
communities, family disruptions, crime, mortality, lower
- 33 -
educational standards, and increased welfare -dependence
{e.g. Massey, 1990).
The image of race and ethnic minorities emerging
from this topic area depicts African Americans in
particular, as living in inner-city, poverty stricken
neighborhoods. This hinders their successful
socio-economic and psychological integration into
society. The point needs to be made, that the majority of
articles, in this topic area, came only from one journal
AJS, which might have further contributed to this
limited and bias representation.
- 34 -
CHAPTER 5
CONCLUSION
This study analyzed articles (identified by DIALOG
descriptors) published from January 1963 through December
1992 in the American Journal of Sociology and the
American Sociological Review, as indices of mainstream
sociology • s study of race/ethnic minorities. Over the
last thirty years, 3.8% of all articles published within
these two journals, were identified as dealing with race
and ethnic minorities. Research primarily .concentrated on
the areas of social organization, the economy, social
problems, and urban ecology, followed by a lesser
emphasis on
the family,
issues found within education,
and political institutions.
demography,
The general
field•s major topic areas social change, religion, other
societies , theoretical and methodological concerns are
not independently present within the sub-field of race
and ethnic minorities (cf. Kinloch, 1988).
The analysis in terms of theoretical approaches
shows a predominantly demographic and integrational
approach for the major topic area economy. Conflict
theory and social-psychological perspectives are of minor
consequence. The topic area of social problems discusses
- 35 -
social unrest from a functional/integrational perspective
and exhibits a distinctly pathological view of the
African American community. Studies dealing with a
structural conflict approach- are confined to only a few
articles dealing with poverty. The research area of
political institutions mostly focuses on statistical
evidence of political integration. Although, additional
articles investigate the effect of class and alienation
on the differential political _mobilization of white
ethnics and Blacks, functional/integrational views are
predominant. In regard to theoretical perspectives,
education is the most balanced topic area. Cognitive,
behavioral, structural functional, as well as conflict
perspectives are being evenly utilized to investigate the
different aspects of educational minority status. The
largest topic area, social organization, predominantly
deals with the social-psychological causes and effects
of racial/ethnic intergroup differentiation. Only a few
articles work with a Marxist view of class and examine
intergroup conflict (ethnic antagonism) in terms of
economic exploitation. Research in socio-biological
studies is limited and dominated by a debate about the
normative or structural aspects of fertility rates. The
topic area of family offers statistical descriptions of
social status for black and white families, but is
predominantly interested in the influence of family
- 36 -
conditions and roles on the process of socialization.
Means of analysis are evenly distributed between
social-psychology and structural integration. Urban
ecology primarily deals with residential segregation and
poverty found for specific geographical areas.
Theoretical approaches are limited to a few conflict
articles dealing with the negative effects of segregation
on socio-economic status and some social-psychological
studies of the "culture of poverty" thesis.
The analysis of article topics in terms of
theoretical approaches shows a predominant use of
integrational approaches. This data supports Kinloch • s
(1988) and Wilner's (1985) observations of AJS and ASR's
" stable concern with social assimilation, morale,
adjustment, cohesion, and control (p.l93). We further
find a large number of articles that stress the
social-psychological causes and effects of race and
ethnic minority/majority relations. This tendency to work
from a micro perspective (e.g. labeling, social distance,
ethnocentrism), contributes to a psychological, instead
of a structural, reality of minority status. Of course,
this does not imply that conflict oriented perspectives,
evidence of economic exploitation and institutional
discrimination are ignored. What we do find, however, is
a very limited utilization of Neo-Marxian/conflict
approaches and a predominantly numerical depiction of
- 37 -
socio~economic differentiation.
Further research of contemporary sociology • s study
and representation of race and ethnic minorities is
obviously warranted. The role of integrational and
social-psychological approaches should especially be
investigated in journals catering to the study and
representation of race and ethnic relations.
Within AJS and ASR a one-sided utilization of
available theories, however, produced an image of race
and ethnic minorities that is more grounded in socially
learned attitude and behavior, than structure.
Integration, therefore, becomes a question of
"relearning" rather than more fundamental structural
changes. It
investigate
might, therefore, be
the influence of this
of
view
solutions, social policies and programs.
interest to
on proposed
The most lasting impression of these research
articles is definitely left by the overrepresentation of
negative statistical images of African Americans, e.g.
family instability, low educational attainments, criminal
deviants, segregation and high rates of poverty. Topic
area after toplc area stresses statistical evidence of
black-white differentiation. This creates an image of
minority status through variable relationships and
measurement responses, rather than theoretical
interpretations. Sociology's increasing concern with
- 38 -
quantitative methods (cf. Kinloch, 1988; McCartney, 1970;
Wilner, 1985), therefore, seems to have resulted in less
emphasis on qualitative research in the study of race and
ethnic minorities. Since the use of statistics has often
been positively related to funding (McCartney, 1970), a
more detailed analysis of the sociological study of race
and ethnic minorities in terms of financial pressures
would be of interest.
What other conclusion can be drawn from the
findings? First, the fund of theoretical approaches
outlined in the literature discussion appears to be
largely accurate. However, this analysis shows that the
subfield has not greatly advanced and added to its scope
of research issues and theoretical approaches. Instead,
we see a return to controversial views like the "culture
of poverty" thesis. To gain a
understanding of race and ethnic
research should include more
more comprehensive
minorities, future
examinations with
organizations and institutional inequality as the unit of
analysis. This would counterbalance an otherwise rather
individualistic and moralistic conceptualization of
minority/majority relations. Second, I would suggest a
greater exposure to research studies from minority
perspectives. This might balance out the overly normative
and integrational approach towards social problems. At
the very least, it would add another link to the total
- 39 -
spectrum of race and ethnic relations and help to
complete understanding of minority status.
The point needs to be made that this study is
subject to a number of limitations. First, by relying on
the DIALOG Information System • s identifiers, other
articles dealing with racial and ethnic minority issues
might have been missed. Second, the analysis is based on
only two journals. Since the 1950s, however, specialty
journals gave social scientists other outlets for their
work. But since the focus of this study was to gain
insights into mainstream sociology • s research interests
and representations of race and ethnic minorities, it
made sense to start by focusing on journals at the core
of the sociological profession. This of course means that
we are probably dealing with one of the more conservative
views of race and ethnic minorities, found within the
field of sociology. Nevertheless, AJS and ASR are the
two most prestigious non-specialty journals, and the
articles they publish do provide insight into the most
central research issues and theoretical approaches of
mainstream sociology's study of race and ethnic
minorities. Thus, it seems reasonable to conclude that
mainstream sociology, after all its professional and
academic advances, still shows the tendency to approach
racial and ethnic minorities from an often moralistic and
reformative perspective.
- 40 -
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