“le morte darthur” : notes de lecture ; volet 90

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  • 8/9/2019 “Le Morte DArthur” : Notes de lecture ; volet 90

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        V    e    r    s    i    o    n

        1

     

    Notes de lecture

    90 

    Le texte de base est celui de l’édition de Janet Cowen, Penguin Classics  (2 vol.). 

    BOOK V

    CHAPTER 1. How twelve aged ambassadors of Rome came to King Arthurto demand truage for Britain

    § 1  When King Arthur had after long war rested, and held a royal feast and Table Round with hisallies of kings, princes, and noble knights all of the Round Table, there came into his hall, he sitting inhis throne royal, twelve ancient men, bearing each of them a branch of olive, in token that they cameas ambassadors and messengers from the Emperor Lucius, which was called at that time, Dictator   orProcuror  of the Public Weal of Rome; which said messengers, after their entering and coming into thepresence of King Arthur, did to him their obeisance in making to him reverence, said to him in thiswise:

    ‘The high and mighty Emperor Lucius sendeth to the King of Britain greeting, commanding thee to acknowl-edge him for thy lord, and to send him the truage due of this realm unto the Empire, which thy father and other to-

     fore thy precessors have paid as is of record, and thou as rebel not knowing him as thy sovereign, withholdest andretainest contrary to the statutes and decrees made by the noble and worthy Julius Cesar, conqueror of this realm,and first Emperor of Rome. And if thou refuse his demand and commandment know thou for certain that he shallmake strong war against thee, thy realms and lands, and shall chastise thee and thy subjects, that it shall be ex-ample perpetual unto all kings and princes, for to deny their truage unto that noble empire which domineth uponthe universal world.’ 

    § 2 Then when they had showed the eff ect of their message, the king commanded them to with-draw them, and said he should take advice of council and give to them an answer. Then some of the young knights, hearing this their message, would have run on them to have slain them, saying that itwas a rebuke to all the knights there being present to suff er them to say so to the king. And anon the

    king commanded that none of them, upon pain of death, to missay them ne do them any harm, andcommanded a knight to bring them to their lodging; ‘and see that they have all that is necessary and requi- site for them, with the best cheer, and that no dainty be spared, for the Romans be great lords, and though theirmessage please me not nor my court, yet I must remember mine honour .’ 

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    After this the king let call all his lords and knights of the Round Table to counsel upon this mat-ter, and desired them to say their advice.

    Then Sir Cador of Cornwall spake first and said, ‘Sir, this message liketh me well, for we have manydays rested us and have been idle, and now I hope ye shall make sharp war on the Romans, where I doubt not we shall get honour .’ 

    ‘I believe well,’ said Arthur, ‘that this matter pleaseth thee well, but these answers may not be answered, for the demand grieveth me sore, for truly I will never pay truage to Rome, wherefore I pray you to counsel me. I

    have understand that Belinus and Brenius, kings of Britain, have had the empire in their hands many days, andalso Constantine the son of Heleine, which is an open evidence that we owe no tribute to Rome but of right we thatbe descended of them have right to claim the title of the empire.’ 

    Douze ambassadeurs de Rome, hommes de grand âge, viennent exiger d’Arthur que son royaume devienne tributaire

    § 1 Alors que le roi Arthur, se reposant à l’issue d’une longue guerre, tenait une fête royale et uneTable Ronde avec ses alliés (rois, princes et tous nobles chevaliers de la Table Ronde), firent leur entréedans sa salle d’apparat, alors qu’il siégeait sur son trône royal, douze hommes de grand âge, portantchacun un rameau d’olivier, signifiant qu’ils venaient en qualité d’ambassadeurs et messagers de la partde l’empereur Lucius, qu’en ce temps-là on appelait dictateur  ou procurateur du Bien public  de Rome ; les-quels messagers, s’étant avancés jusqu’à se trouver en présence du roi Arthur, s’inclinèrent devant luien signe de déférence, puis s’adressèrent à lui comme suit :

    « Le haut et puissant empereur Lucius salue le roi de [Grande-]Bretagne et t’intime l’ordre de le reconnaî -tre pour ton suzerain et de lui faire parvenir le tribut qui es t dû par ce royaume à l’Empire, que ton père et d’autresde tes ancêtres ont payé, ainsi qu’en font état les archives , et que toi, rebelle qui ne le reconnais pas comme ton suzerain, conserves par devers toi, en contravention des lois et arrêts édictés par le noble et honorable Jules César,conquérant de ce royaume, et premier empereur de Rome. Et, au cas où tu refuserais de te plier à son exigence etd’obéir à son ordre, sois bien persuadé qu’ il livrera une guerre acharnée contre toi, tes royaumes et territoires, etqu’il tirera un tel châtiment de toi et de tes sujets qu’il servira à jamais d’exemple pour tous les rois et princes, pourleur montrer quel sort est réservé à qui refuse son tribut au noble empire dont la domination s’étend à la totalité dumonde. »

    § 2 Une fois qu’ils eurent fait part de la teneur de leur message, le roi leur ordonna de se retirer,indiquant qu’il prendrait avis de son conseil, puis leur ferait réponse.  À l’écoute du message dont lesenvoyés étaient porteurs, certains jeunes chevaliers voulurent alors se ruer sur eux et les tuer, soute-nant que c’était faire injure à tous les chevaliers présents de permettre que de tels propos soient tenusà l’adresse du roi. Le roi interdit aussitôt à qui que ce fût parmi les chevaliers de les outrager en parolesou d’user de voies de fait sur eux, et ordonna à un chevalier de les accompagner à leurs quartiers ; « etveillez à ce qu’ils disposent de tout ce dont ils ont besoin et à quoi ils ont droit, avec la meilleure nourriture, sanslésiner sur les bons plats, car les Romains sont de grands seigneurs, et même si moi et les gens de ma cour trouvonsle message déplaisant, je ne dois pas oublier à quoi l’honneur m’oblige. »

    Après quoi, le roi convoqua ses seigneurs et chevaliers de la Table Ronde en conseil sur la ques-tion du jour, les priant d’exprimer leur avis à ce sujet. 

    Sire Cador de Cornouailles fut le premier à prendre la parole : « Messire, le message de la délégationest à mon goût, car nous sommes au repos et oisifs depuis longtemps, et maintenant j’espère que vous allez menercontre les Romains une guerre dans les règles où, je n’en doute pas, nous nous couvrirons de gloire. 

    — Je crois sans peine, répondit Arthur, que ce sujet soit à ton goût, mais ce sont là des répliques et non

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    des réponses ; ce qu’on exige de moi est blessant, car il n’est à vrai dire pas question que je paie jamais un tribut àRome, je vous prie donc de me donner votre avis.  J’ai conscience que Belinus et Brenius, rois de [Grande-]Bretagne,ont eu l’empire entre leurs mains de nombreuses années, et de même Constantin, le fils d’Hélène, ce qui constitue la preuve évidente que nous ne sommes redevables d’aucun tribut à Rome et qu’au contraire, nous, descendant de ces souverains, sommes fondé à justre titre à prétendre au pouvoir suprême sur l’Empire. »

    Note de J. Cowen :

    The source for this part of the story is the English alliterative poem Morte Arthure.Caxton has considerably reduced the alliterative cadence.

    № 1 throne royal… example perpetual locutions figées empruntées au français et où l’or-dre des mots de l’original s’est maintenu ; cf. Table Round, from time immemorial… 

    № 2 the Emperor Lucius, which was called at that time, Dictator or Procuror of the Public Wealof Rome empereur (αὐτοκράτωρ, puis βασιλεύς) imaginaire [Lucius H/Tiberius, chez Geoffrey of Monmouth] ‖ il n’y avait pas de dict āt ŏr  sous l’Empire (ajout de Caxton) ‖ ‘procuror’ :en latin,  pr ōcūrātŏr 1 [Du Cange, PROCURATOR : « Vicarius, locum tenens, qui alterius uice res ge-rit  »]; il existe des procureurs du bien public à Jersey ‖ ‘public weal’ (cf. ‘common weal’,‘commonwealth’) est, au départ, censé rendre le latin res publica, l’intérêt général2.

    Comme le soulignait Jean Frappier (1972), Lucius de rei publicæ procurator chez Geoff reyof Monmouth est devenu empereur de Rome dans le Brut :

    Luces qui Rome a em baillieEt de Rome la signorie.  (v. 10.919-10.920).

    Luces uns ber les conduisoit  

    Qui de Rome l’empire avoit .  (v. 10.024-10.025).

    № 3 commanding thee to acknowledge him for thy lord ‘Acknowledge’ résulte d’un amalgame (‘blend’) entre deux verbes moyen-anglais, aknouen  [vieil-anglais on-cnāwan] et knoulē   c̆hen  [du simple knouen  avec suffixe -lē   c̆hen]. Dans  Le Morte, Caxtonn’emploie que knouleche (com͂adyng the to knouleche hym for thy lord ; that incontynent they make tome their homage or to knouleche me for their Emperour and gouernour ; How ſyr Gareth knowleched thatthey loued eche other to kyng Arthur / & of thappoyntement of their weddyng [titre de VII, 34, volet 153]).

    OED donne comme 1re attestation une occurrence dans le Myrrour of the Worlde, publié par Caxton :

    1 Cf. dans le De Re publica de Cicéron (dont le titre s’inspire de Platon : Περὶ πολιτείας « Du gouvernement ») « bonus et sapienset peritus utilitatis dignitatisque ciuilis quasi tutor et procurator rei publicæ; sic enim appelletur, quicumque erit rector et gubernatorciuitatis

     », un chef bon, sage, conscient de l’intérêt général, jaloux de sa dignité, pour ainsi dire véritable tuteur du bien

    commun, soucieux de préserver la cohésion sociale : c’est ainsi que l’on doit qualifier quiconque est appelé à régir et dirigerla cité. ‖ L.R. Lind, The Idea of the Republic and the Foundations of Roman Political Liberty , in : Studies in Latin Literature and RomanHistory. IV. Edited by Carl Deroux, 1986, 44-108 : “Function as the characteristic feature of princeps is apparent in such quasi-synonyms as rector , moderator  (rei publicæ), procurator , or gubernator , as opposed to social position.” 2 Le texte de Geoff rey de Monmouth porte « rei publicæ procurator  ».

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    “in whiche tranſlacion I acknowleche myſelf ſymple, rude and ygnoraunt ” mais voici un clichéde l’ouvrage pris sur le site de la Cambridge Digital Library :

    № 4  Julius Cesar …  first Emperor of Rome César, qui a porté le titre de dictateur, n’a jamaisété empereur de Rome (le 1er est Auguste, près de 17 ans après l’assassinat de César ).

    № 5 Sir Cador   of Cornwall Cadwr  « guerrier » (gallois cad-wr , vieil-irlandais ca(i)th-fer ,de *katu-ui̯r-), cf. vieil-anglais heaþu  (en composition) « guerre », vieux-norrois Hǫðr  

    (frère de Baldr, qu’il tue), etc.

    Christopher W. Bruce, The Arthurian Name Dictionary (1999) :

    Cador1 [Cadwr] 

    Ruler of Cornwall and father of Constantine. Geoff rey of Monmouth tells us that Cador was of Roman stock butdoes not name his father. A Welsh translation of Geoff rey makes him the son of Gorlois, Igerne’s first husband, andin Geraint , his father is called Gwryon. He married a sister or half-sister of Arthur. According to Geoff rey, Guine-

     vere was raised in his household (from which Thomas Hughes seems to assume that he was Guinevere’s father).

    The chronicler John Hardyng makes him the son of Igerne, and therefore Arthur’s half -brother.Cador assisted Arthur in the battles against the Saxons, and killed the Saxon leader Cheldric at the Isle of Thanet.He assisted in the battle against the Scots at Lake Lomond, and later helped Arthur in the campaigns against Gauland Rome. After the first battle of the war, Cador escorted the prisoners captured to the prison in Paris. The Em-peror’s men lay in ambush to capture the prisoners, but Cador and Lancelot, with their knights, slew them all. Asthe commander of the rearguard at the battle of Soissons, Cador helped Arthur to finally defeat Lucius. He waskilled fighting Mordred’s army at Camlann, and his son inherited Arthur’s throne.[GeoffHR, Layamon, Dream, Geraint , Allit , Malory, HughesT ]* 

    * Geoff rey of Monmouth, Historia Regum Britanniæ ; Layamon, Brut  ; Breudwyt Rhonabwy (The Dream of Rhonabwy); Geraint andEnid ; Alliterative Morte Arthure ; Le Morte DArthur  ; Thomas Hughes, The Misfortunes of Arthur. 

    C.W. Bruce ne mentionne pas le fait que, dans le Brut , Guenièvre (élevée à la cour de Ca-

    dor, selon Geoffrey of Monmouth : quæ in thalamo Cadoris ducis educata) est présentéecomme sa cousine germaine :Cador la nori* longement   *« l’éleva »En Cornuaille riquement,Come sa cosine procaine.  (v. 9886-9888).

    № 6 I have understand l’apparition de ‘understood’ est postérieure à 1550. For thilke time, as I have under  ſ tond,Be ſ tes and briddes couden ſ  peke and ſ ing  (Chaucer)

    Lete this let ter be brent whan ye have underſ tond it   (Paston Letters, 1471)

    Dédicace de The game and playe of the che ſſ e, 1474, 1er livre imprimé par Caxton :

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    Cf. had understanden (volet 94).

    № 7 Belinus and Brenius  Geoff rey of Monmouth, Historia regum Britanniæ, III; Wace,Roman de Brut  (« L’aiſné Belin, li ſecond Brenne ») ; alliterative Morte Arthure (“Belin and Bremin”) Le second est peut-être une représentation du chef gaulois (brennos  était un titre, unefonction1) rendu célèbre par son Væ uictis ! (« Malheur aux vaincus ! ») —  à supposerqu’il se soit exprimé en latin.

    № 8 Constantine the son of Heleine “According to Geoff rey (Book V, chapter 6) Constantine was the son of a Roman Senator and aBritish Princess, and he succeeded to the kingship of Britain. Then he overthrew the EmperorMaxentius and became Emperor. According to legend, his mother, Helen, discovered the TrueCross. Arthur claims kinship with Constantine because of his supposed British mother. Constan-tine actually did proclaim himself Caesar while in York, but he was never king of Britain and notof British descent.” 

     Alliterative Morte ArthureEdited by Larry D. Benson, Revised by Edward E. Foster

    Originally Published in

    King Arthur’s Death: The Middle English Stanzaic Morte Arthur and Alliterative Morte Arthure Kalamazoo, Michigan: Medieval Institute Publications, 1994.

    1 « On sait que Brennus était le nom que portaient les chefs gaulois, mais que ce nom ne fut jamais appliqué à un homme enparticulier. » Le Roux de Lincy, 1888.

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    En I, 23, on trouve comme une amorce

    ou une esquisse du présent chapitre.

    Winchester folio 19r-19v xtr it)

    Ryght ſ o com In to the courte xij knyghtes that were aged men whichecom frome the Em

    oure of Rome And they aſ ked of Arthure trwagefor hys realme othir ellis the em

    our wolde deſ troy hym and all hyslonde well ſ eyde kynge Arthure ye ar meſſ  yngers there fore ye mayſ ey what ye woll othir ellis ye ſ holde dye þer fore ⫽ But hys ys myneAnſwere I owȝe the em

    our no trewage noþer none woll I yelde hym but on

    a fayre fylde I ſ hall yelde hym my trwage that ſ hall be with a ſ herpe ſ pereothir ellis with a ſ herpe ſ werde And that ſ hall nat be longe be my fadirsſ oule vther and there with the meſſ  yngers deᵱted paſſ  yngly wrothe Andkynge Arthure as wrothe for in an evyll tyme com they But the kynge 

    Voicitrois versions

    de ce chapitre d’ouverture :

    Caxton — Winchester — P.J.C. Field.

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     (Cliché Malory Project )

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     Hanne kyng Arthur had after longe werre reſted / and helde a Ryal feeſte and tablerounde with his alyes of kynges / prynces / and noble knyghtes all of the roundtable / there came in to his halle he ſyttynge in his throne Ryal xij acyen men /berynge eche of them a braunche of Olyue in token that they cam as Embaſſatoursand meſſagers fro the Emperour Lucyus / whiche was called at that tyme / Di c-

    tatour or procurour of the publyke wele of Rome / whiche ſayde meſſagers after their entryng &

    comyng in to the preſence of kynge Arthur dyd to hym theyr obeyſſace in makyng to hym reu-erence ſaid to hym in this wyſe / The hyghe & myghty Emperour Lucyus ſendeth to  the kyng ofBretayne gretyng / cmadyng the to knouleche hym for thy lord / and to ſende hym the truagedue of this Royamme vnto thempyre / whiche thy fader and other to fore thy preceſſours hauepaid as is of record / And thou as rebelle not knowynge hym as thy ſouerayne withholdeſt and re-teyneſt contrary to the ſtatutes and decrees maade by the noble and worthy Iulius Cezar con-querour of this royame / and fyrſt Emperour of Rome / and yf thou refuſe his demaunde andcommaundement / knowe thou for certa yne that he ſhal make ſtronge werre ageynſt the / thyRoyames & londes / and ſhall chaſtyſe the and thy ſubgettys / that it ſhal be enſamble perpetuelvnto alle kynges and prynces / for to denye their truage vnto that noble empyre whiche do-myneth vpon the vnyuerſal world / Thenne whan they had ſhewed theffecte of their meſſage /

    the kyng commaunded them to withdrawe them And ſaid he ſhold take auyce of counceylle andgyue to them an anſuere / Thenne ſomme of the yonge knyghtes heryng this their meſſage woldhaue ronne on them to haue ſlayne them ſayenge that it was a rebuke to alle the knyghtes therebeyng preſent to ſuffre them to ſaye ſo to the kynge / And anone the kynge commaunded thatnone of them vpon payne of dethe to myſſaye them ne doo them ony harme / and commaded aknyghte to brynge them to their lodgynge / and ſee that they haue alle that is neceſſary andrequyſyte for them / with the beſt chere / and that noo deyntee be ſpared / For the Romayns bengrete lordes / and though theyr meſſage pleaſe me not ne my court yet I muſt remembre mynhonour / ¶ After this the kyng lete calle alle his lordes and knyghtes of the round table to coun-ceyl vpon this mater / and deſyred them to ſaye theire aduys / thenne ſyr Cador of Cornewaileſpacke fyrſte and ſayd Syre this meſſage lyketh me wel / for we haue many dayes reſted vs and

    haue ben ydle / and now I hope ye ſhalle make ſharp warre on the Romayns where I doubte notwe ſhal gete honour / I byleue wel ſayd Arthur that this mater pleaſeth the wel / but theſ e an-ſuers may not be anſuerd / for the demaunde greueth me ſore / For truly I wyl neuer paye truageto Rome / wherfore I pray yow to counceylle me / I haue vnderſtande that Bellinus and Breniuskynges of Bretayne haue had tempyre in their handes many dayes / And alſo Conſtantyn the ſoneof Heleyne / whiche is an open euydence that we owe noo trybute to Rome / but of ryght we thatben deſcended of them haue ryght to clayme the tytle of thempyre /  

    H. Oskar Sommer, I (1889), p. 160-161

    Remarques :

    thempyre, the ff ecte, tempyre : th’empire, th’eff ectwerre (2 fois) ~ warre : war

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     folio 71r

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     folio 71v (début) 

     yt be Felle Whan Kyng Arthur had weddedquene Gwenyuere And fulfylled* the rounde *« complété les eff ectifs de » table And ſ o aftir his mervelous knyghtisAnd he had venquyſ hed the moſ te ᵱty of hisenemyes ⫽ Than ſ one aftir com Sir Laun⫽ 

    celot de Lake vnto þe courte And Sir Tryſ trams comethat tyme alſ o ⫽And than ſ o hit be felle that þe Emᵱour

    of Roome Lucius ſ ente vnto Arthure meſſyngers com̃aun⫽ dynge hym for to pay his trewage þat his Auncettryes hauepayde be fore hym ⫽ Whan kynge Arthure wyſ te whatthey mente he loked vp with his gray yȝen and angred at* * « éprouva du courroux envers » þe meſſ  yngers paſſ  yng ſ ore ⫽ than were this meſſ  yn⫽ gers a ferde and knelyd ſ tylle and durſ te nat a ryſ ethey were ſ o a ferde of his grym̃e countenaunce ⫽ þanone of þe knyghtes meſſ  yngers ſ pake a lowde And ſ eydecrowned kynge myſſ e do no meſſ  yngers · For we be comeat his com̃aundemente as ſ ervytures ſ holde ⫽ Thanſ pake þe conquerrour þou recrayed* & coward knyghte * « pleutre »

    why feryſ t þou my countenaunce · there be In this halle& they were ſ ore aggreved þou durſ te nat for a deuke⫽ dom of londis loke In þer facis ⫽ Sir ſ eyde one of þe Senatoures ſ o cryſ te me helpe I was ſ o a ferde whan Iloked In thy face that myne herte wolde nat ſ erue forto ſ ey my meſſ age · But ſ  ytthen hit is my wylle for to ſ eymyne erande* ⫽ The gretis welle Lucius the Em

    our * ‘errand’ au sens de « message »of Roome and com̃aundis þe vppon payne þat woll falleto ſ ende hym þe trewage of this Realme that thy fadirUther Pendragon payde oþer ellys he woll be reue þe allthy Realmys þat þou weldyſ t ⫽ Thow ſ eyſ te well ſ eyde

    Arthure but for all thy brym wordys* I woll nat be to * « tes propos arrogants » ouer haſ ty · And þer fore þou and thy felowys ſ hall a byde here

    vii · dayes  and ſ hall* call vnto me my counceyle of my * suppléer 〈 I 〉 ſ hallmoſ te truſ ty knyghtes and deukes and Regeaunte kyngesand erlys and barowns and of my moſ te wyſ e doctours* * « mes érudits les plus savants »And whan we haue takyn oure avyſ ement ye ſ hallhaue your anſ were playnly ſ uche as I ſ hall a byde by⫽ Than þe noble kynge com̃aunded Sir Clegis② to lokethat theſ  men be ſ eteled and ſ erued with þe beſ te þat there beno deyntes ſ pared vppon them þat noþer chylde* nor horſ e * ‘shield’ 

    fauȝt* no thynge · For they are full Royall peple · And * de fauten « manquer », ‘to lack’ thouȝe they haue greved me & my courte yet we muſ teremembir on oure worſ hyp · So they were led In tochambyrs & ſ erved as rychely of deyntes þat myght be

    H

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    gotyn ⫽ So þe Romaynes had þer of grete mervayle⫽ Than þe kynge vnto counſ ayle called his nobleknyghtes · And with In a towre there they aſſ embled þe  “the Giauntes Towr ” (aMA)moſ te ᵱty of þe knyghtes of þe rounde table Than þe kynge com̃aunded hem of theire beſ te counceyle ⫽ ⫽ Sir ſ eyde Sir Cador of Cornwayle as for me Iam nat hevy of this meſſ age for we haue be* many * moyen-anglais bē(̣n )

    dayes reſ ted Now þ

    e

     lettyrs* of Lucius the Emᵱoure * « la lettre » (pluriel = latinisme)lykis me welle · For now ſ hall we haue warre & wor⫽ ſ hyp · Be cryſ te I leve welle ſ eyde þe kyng ſ ir Cador this meſſ age lykis the but yet they may nat be ſ o An⫽ ſ werde for þer ſ pytevous* ſ peche grevyth ſ o my herte * « insolent » that truage to roome woll I neuer pay There forecounceyle me my knyghtes for cryſ tes love of hevyn⫽ For this muche haue I founde In þe Cronycles ofthis londe þat ſ ir Belyne and ſ ir Bryne of my bloodeelders that borne were In Bretayne And they hathocupyed þe Empyreſ hip ·viij· ſ core wyntyrs ⫽ And aftir

    Conſtantyne oure kynneſ man conquerd hit and damefolio 72r

    Elyne ys ſ on of Ingelonde was Emᵱour of Roomeand he recouerde the croſſ e þat cryſ te dyed vppon · ⫽ Andthus was þe Empyre kepte be my kynde elders & thushaue we evydence I nowȝe to þe Empyre of hole Rome⫽ Than anſ werde kynge Angwyſſ haunce vnto Arthure Sir þou ouȝte to be a boven all othir cryſ ten kynges for  þou (+ thy + þe ‘thee’) of knyghthode and of noble counceyle þat is all way ↕ 

    In the ⫽ And Scotlonde had neuer ſ cathe* ſ  yne ye were  ye  * « n’a jamais pâti »crowned kynge ⫽ And whan þe Romaynes raynedevppon vs they raunſ omed oure elders and raff te* vs of * de r ē ven ‘to reave’ oure lyves ⫽ There fore I make myne avow vntomylde Mary and vnto Jhu cryſ te that I ſ hall be aven⫽ ged vppon the Romaynes And to farþer thy fyght I ſ hallbrynge þe ferſ e③ men of armys fully ·xxt·Ml· of tyred* * « équipés, armés » (‘attire’; « attirail ») men I ſ hall yeff  hem my wages for to go and warreon the Romaynes & to dyſ troy hem and all ſ hall be with In ·ij· ayges* to go where þe likes ⫽ Than þe kyng of * « en âge de porter les armes » lytyll Brytayne ſ ayde vnto kynge Arthure Sir an⫽ 

    ſ were theſ e alyauntes* and gyff  them þer

     anſ were and * « étrangers » I ſ hall ſ omen* my peple and ·xxxt·Ml· men ſ hall ye * ‘summon’ haue at my coſ tis and wages · ye ſ ey well ſ eyde þe kynge Arthure ⫽ Than ſ pake a myghty deuke thatwas lorde of weſ te walys Sir I make myne a vo⫽ we to god to be revenged on the Romaynes · And tohaue þe vawarde* and þer to vynquyſ he with victory þe  * ‘vanguard’ vyſ counte of Roome④ ⫽ For onys* as I paſ te on pyl⫽  * ‘once’ grymage all by the poynte Tremble than þe vyſ co⫽  * Pontremoli (Massa-Carrara, Toscane) unte was In Tulkayne* and toke vp my knyghtys * lire : Tu ſ kayne Toscane & raunſ omed them vnreſ onable ⫽ And than I complay⫽ 

    ned me to the Poteſ tate⑤

     þe

     Pope hym ſ elf but I hadno thynge ellys but pleſ aunte wordys of reſ on at

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     folio 72v

    Roome might I none haue and ſ o I yode my way ſ orerebuked and þer fore to be a venged I woll a rere of mywyghteſ te walſ hemen and of myne owne fre wagisbrynge you ·xxxt·Ml· ⫽ Than ſ ir Ewayne and his ſ on

    Ider that were nere coſ  yns vnto þe

     conquerrour

     yet we⫽ re they coſ  yns bothe twayne and they helde Irelonde & Argayle and all the oute Iles · Sir ſ eyde they vntokynge Arthure here we make oure avowes vntooCryſ te manly to ryde In to Lumbardy and ſ o vnto Me⫽ layne wallys and ſ o ouer the poynte Tremble⑥ In to þe vale of Vyterbe and þer to vytayle my knyghtes and forto be a venged on the Romayns we ſ hall bryng thexxxt·Ml· of good mennys bodyes ⫽ Than leepe In yongSir Launcelot de Laake with a light herte & ſ eyde vntokynge Arthure thouȝe my londis marche nyghe thyne

    enemyes yet ſ hall I make myne a vow aftir my po⫽ wer þat of good men of armys aftir my bloode thusmany I ſ hall brynge with me ·xx·Ml· helmys In haubir⫽ kes attyred þat ſ hall neuer fayle you whyles oure ly⫽ ves laſ tyth ⫽ than lowȝe ſ ir Bawdwyn of Bre⫽ tayne and carpys⑦ to þe kynge I make myne avowvnto þe vernacle* noble · for to brynge with me ·x·Ml· * ‘vernicle’, « véronique » good mennys bodyes þat ſ hall neuer fayle whyle therelyvis laſ tyth ⫽ Now I thanke you ſ eyde the kyngekynge with all my trew herte I ſ uppoſ e by þe ende bedone & dalte* þe Romaynes had bene bettir to haue * cf. ‘to deal’ 

    leff te þer

     proude meſſ age ⫽ So whan þe

     ·vij· nyghtewas atte an ende the Senatours be ſ ought þe kyngeto haue an anſ were hit is well ſ eyde þe kynge ⫽ Nowſ ey ye to youre Emᵱour that I ſ hall In all haſ te meredy make with my keene knyghtes and by þe Reuer of Rome

    folio 73r

    holde my Rounde table and I woll brynge with me thebeſ te peple of ·xv· Realmys And with hem ryde on þe mountaynes In the mayne londis and myne doune

    þe

     wallys of Myllayne* the proude and ſ  yth ryde vn⫽  * Milan to Roome with my Royallyſ t knyghtes ⫽ Now ye haue your anſ were · hygh* · you þat ye were henſ e & frome * ‘hie’ this place to the porte þere ye ſ hall paſſ e ouer. And Iſ hall gyff  you ·vij· dayes to paſſ e vnto Sandwyche 

    ow ſ pede you I counceyle you & ſ pare nat youre horſ is and loke ye go by watlynge

    ſ trete⑧ and no way ellys and where nyght fallyson you loke ye there a byde be hit felle oþ er towneI take no kepe for hit longyth nat to none Alyaun⫽ tis for to ryde on nyghtes and may ony be founde a

    ſ pere length oute of þe

     way and þat

     ye be In þe

     water

     by the ·vij· nyghtes ende there ſ hall no golde vndirgod pay for youre Raunſ om ⫽ Sir ſ eyde this Se⫽ natoures this is an harde conduyte* we be ſ eche you  * = « sauf-conduit »

    N

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    that we may paſſ e ſ aufl y · Care ye nat ſ eyde thekynge youre Conduyte is able ⫽ Thus they paſſ edfro Carleyle vnto Sandwyche warde that haddebut ·vij· dayes for to paſſ e thorow þe londe and ſ oSir Cador brought hem on her* wayes · But the * ‘their’ Senatours ſ pared for no horſ e but hyred hem ha⫽ Keneyes* frome towne to towne · And by þe ſ onne was * « haquenées » 

    ſ ette at þe·vij· dayes ende they com vnto Sandwy⫽ che ſ o blythe were they neuer and ſ o the ſ ame nyghtthey toke þe watir and paſſ ed In to Flaundres &aftir þat ouer þe grete mountayne þat hyght Godarde* * le col du Saint-Gothard (en Suisse) and ſ o aftir thorow Lumbardy and thorow Tuſ kayne And ſ one aftir they come to the Emᵱour Lucius and

    folio 73v

    þer they ſ hewed hym þe lettyrs* of kynge Arthure Andhow he was þe gaſ tfullyſ t man that euer they on loked

    ⫽ Whan þ

    e

     Emᵱour Lucius hadde redde þ

    e

     lettyrs andvndir ſ toode them welle of theire credence he fared asa man were raſ ed of his wytte I wente þat Arthure wold « qui a perdu l’esprit, un dément »haue obeyed you & ſ erued you vnto your honde · for ſ o he beſ emed oþer ony kynge cryſ tynde for to obey ony Senatour þat is ſ ente fro my

    ſ one ⫽ Sir ſ ayde þe Senatours lettebe ſ uche wordis for þat we haue aſ caped on lyve we maythonke god euer · For we wolde nat paſſ e a yen to do thatmeſſ age for all your brode londis · And þer fore Sirrestruſ te to oure ſ awys ye ſ hall fynde hym your vttir ene⫽ mye and ſ eke ye hym and ye lyſ te for In to this londis

    wolle he com & þ

    at

     ſ hall ye fynde w

    ith

     In this half yerefor he thynkys to be Emᵱ

    our hym ſ elf · For he ſ eyth ye haue ocupyed þe empyre with grete wronge for allhis trew auncettryes ſ auff  his fadir Vther were Emper⫽ oures of Rome And of all þe ſ oueraynes that we ſ awe euer he is the Royallyſ t kynge þat lyvyth on erthe ⫽ For weſ awe on Newerys day at his rounde table ·ix· kyngisand þe fayryſ t felyſ hip of knyghtes ar with hym that duryson lyve And þer to of wyſ edome and of fayre ſ peche andall Royalte and Rycheſſ e* they fayle of none ⫽ There * « prestance et faste » fore Sir be my counſ ayle rere vp your lege peple and

    ſ ende kynges and dewkes to loke vnto yo

    ur

     marchis And þ

    at

     the mountaynes of Almayne* be myghtyly kepte ⫽ Be * les cols des Alpes suisses Eſ tir ſ eyde the Em

    our I caſ te me for to paſſ e Almayne And ſ o furth In to fraunce and þer be reve hym his londisI ſ hall brynge with me many gyauntys of Geene* that one * Gênes/Genova of them ſ hall be worth an ·C· of knyghtes And perleous paſ ⫽ ſ age ſ hall be ſ urely kepte with my good knyghtes ⫽ Than þe 

    folio 74r

    Emᵱ

    our ſ ente furth his meſſ  yngers of wyſe olde knyȝtes

    vnto a Contrey callyd Ambage

     and Arrage and vnto Aly⫽ ſ undir to ynde to Ermony that the Reuer of Eufrate rennys by · And to Aſſ  y Anfryke and Europe the largeand to Ertayne and Elamye to the oute yles to Arrabe to Egypte to Damaſ ke and to Damyake and to noble

    * Caxton ne fait pas état d’un échangede correspondance et privilégie lacommunication orale.

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    deukis & erlys · Alſ o þe kynge of Capydos and þe kyngof Tars and of Turke and of Pounce and of Pampoy⫽ le and oute of Preter Johns londe · Alſ o þe ſ owdon* of * « sultan » (var. ancienne soudan)Surre and frome Nero vnto Nazareth and frome Ga⫽ reſe to Galely there come Saryſ  yns and be com ſ udgettis* * une des var. de subget  ‘subject’ vnto Rome So they come glydyng in Galyes Alſ o thercome þe kynge of Cypres and þe Grekis were gadirde

    & goodly arrayed w

    ith

     þ

    e

     kynge of Macidony and of Calabe and of Catelonde bothe kynges and deukes And the kyngeof Portyngale with many thouſ ande Spaynardis ⫽ Thusall thes kynges and dukys and Admyrallys* noblys aſſ em⫽  * « émirs » bled with xvi· kynges at onys And ſ o they com vnto Rome with grete multytude of peple ⫽ whan þe Em

    our vndirſ toodþer comynge he made redy all his noble Romaynes & allmen of warre be twyxte hym and Flaundrys ⫽ Alſ o hehad gotyn with hym fyff ty gyauntys that were engendirdewith fendis* And all tho he lete ordeyne for to a wayte on his * ‘fiends’ perſ one and for to breke þe batayle of þe frunte of Arthurs 

    knyghtes ⫽ But they were ſ o much of þ

    er

     bodyes þ

    at

     horſ  ysmyght nat bere them · And thus þe Emᵱ

    our with all hyshorryble peple drew to paſſ e Almayne to dyſ troy Arthur⫽ es londys that he wan thorow warre of his nobleknyghtes ⫽ And ſ o Lucius com vnto Cullayne* And þerby a * Cologne/Köln Caſ telle be Segyd & wanne hit with In a whyle & feff edhit with Sareſ  yns · And thus Lucius with In a whyle deſ tr〈o〉 yed

    folio 74v

    many fayre contrayes þat Arthure had wonne be fore of þe 

    myghty kynge Claudas ſ o this Lucius lucu diſ p

    er

    ched a brodehis oſte Syxty myle large and com͂aunde hem to metewith hym In Normandy In the contray of Conſ tantyne⑩ andat Barflete* there ye me a byde for the douchery** of * Barfleur (Manche) ** ‘duchy’ Bretayne I ſ hall thorowly dyſ troy hit · […]

    ➜ Pour Barflete, voir volet 93, № 5.

    Le délai de réflexion d’une semaine que s’accorde Arthur pour répondre aux Romainsest tiré de l’alliterative Morte Arthure [aMA], v. 153 (“This seueniyght ”). Circonstance sup-

    primée par Caxton, qui eff ectue le plus souvent des coupes claires dans les récits qu’ilretravaille et adapte, quitte — à l’occasion — à s’attarder sur tel ou tel aspect, ou bien àintroduire une digression de son cru.

    ② Cleges [Clegis] 

     A Knight of the Round Table in the Alliterative Morte Arthure and Malory, perhaps influenced by Chrétien’sCliges. He participated in the Roman War. He joined Lancelot’s defection from Arthur’s court, helping himrescue Guine vere from the stake and fighting in the battles against Arthur at Joyous Guard and Benoic. In re-turn for his support, Lancelot made him the earl of Angen. A knight of the same name appears in the non-

     Arthurian story Sir Cleges. [ Allit , Malory] 

    Christopher W. Bruce, The Arthurian Name Dictionary (1999).

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    ③  ferſe  MED :

    ē

    ̣

    rs

     (adj.) Also fiers(e, fu(e)rse, fres(e.

    [OF fers, fiers nom. sg. masc. (L ferus); cp. ME fēṛ (OF fer, fier ).]

    1. (a) Of persons: proud, lofty, noble; arrogant, haughty; bold, valiant; (b) bold (hardi, stern, stout)and ~, brave and fierce, stern and proud, strong and brave; ~ and fel (stout), brave and fierce, boldand strong;

    ~ and noble

    , proud and noble;~ and prout

     (proud), proud and haughty, valiant andnoble;

    heigh noble, worthi) and ~,

     noble and proud; (c) in comparisons:~ as a lioun hert, uni-

    corn), ferser than lioun olifaunt); (d) as a personal name; (e) of a vow: arrogant, presumptuous.

    2. (a) Of persons: ferocious, violent, cruel; wild, untamed; also, rash, impetuous; (b) of beasts: fero-cious, savage; wild, untamed; also, brave; (c) of things, actions, qualities: violent, overpowering;dangerous, destructive; (d) of things: great, strong; of numbers: huge.

    3. ~ benes, wild beans.

    Latin  fĕrus (cf. θήρ « bête de proie », θηρίον) « sauvage, grossier, farouche, cruel, insensible » ; pan-thère, mégathérium. — Le rapport entre « fier » et « féroce » n’est plus compris. 

     vyſcounte of Roome : “The issue of November 15 contains an interesting note signed G.N., identifying, both on general and armorial considerations the “Viscount of Rome” inthe alliterative Morte Arthure with the famous Giovanni Visconti who died in 1354.”  Journal of Comparative Literature , vol. 1 (1903), p. 275. — Le débat se poursuit : voir P.J.C.Field, Morte Arthure, the Montagus, and Milan, in Medium Ævum (2009).

    La suite (incohérente) se trouve en V, 8, volet 97.

     

    Poteſtate le latin  pŏtestātem « pouvoir, autorité » a abouti à l’italien médiéval  podestade (d’où l’actuel  podestà) et à l’ancien-français  poësté ;  potestat de Romme  est attesté depuis1240 environ (dans un texte anglo-normand, traduit du latin) : c’est donc de l’italien mé-diéval en partie relatinisé.

    ⑥ ouer the poynte Tremble In to þe vale of Vyterbe il y a eu, à Viterbe, un Ponte Tremoli (surl’Urcionio, ancien Arcione, Arxonis) ; coïncidence ?

    ⑦ carpys MED : carpen ‘to talk, chat, converse, discourse’ [ON; cp. Icel. & Swed. dial. karpa brag, boast, dispute, quarrel. ME evidence suggests that modern Scand. meanings repre-sent a late development and that the verb orig. meant ‘speak, talk’.]

    ⑧ 

    watlynge ſtrete très importante voie romaine (‘street’ vient du latin uia strata « route pavée »)

    ⑨  Ambage etc. Ce bric-à-brac géographique comprend des noms peu ou pas déformés etd’autres tellement écorchés que les tentatives d’identification n’ont rien donné d’exploi-table. Je renvoie à Arthurian Studies XL (2001), “Malory: Texts and Sources” par P.J.C. Field,notamment Caxton’s Roman War  et The Empire of Lucius Iberius.

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    ⑩ In the contray of Conſtantyne le Cotentin, pays de Normandie dont la capitale était Cou-tances (du latin Constantia) ; « Froissart, fidèle à l’étymologie latine : Constantinus pagus, écrit : Constantin et Constentin. Il en fait une île parce que le Cotentin s’avance commeun promontoire vers la mer. » (Kervyn de Lettenhove)

     

    P.J.C. Field, I (2013), p. 145-1461 :

    YT BEFELLE WHAN Kyng Arthur had wedded Quene Gwenyvere and fulfylled the RoundeTable, and so aftir his mervelous knyghtis and he had venquyshed the moste party of hisenemyes, than sone aftir com Sir Launcelot de Lake unto the courte, and Sir Trystrams

    come that tyme also. And than he rested and helde a royall feste and table rounde with his alyesof kynges, prynces, and noble knyghtes all of the Rounde Table.

    So hit befelle that there cam into his halle, he syttynge in his throne royall, twelve auncientmen berynge eche of hem a braunche of oly ff , in tokyn that they cam as embassatours and

    messyngers fro the Emperour Lucyus, whiche was called at that tyme Procurour of the PublykeWele of Rome, whiche sayde messyngers after theire comyng into the presence of Kynge Arthurdyd to hym theire obeysaunce in makyng to hym reverence, and seyde to hym in this wyse:“The hyghe and myghty Emperour Lucyus sendeth to the Kyng of Brtayne gretyng, commaundyng the toknowlecche hym for thy lorde and to sende hym the truage due of this realme unto the empyre, whiche thy fadir and other tofore thy precessours have payde, as is of recorde, and thou as rebell nat knowynge hym asthy soverayne withholdest, contrary to the statutes and decrees made by the noble Julius Cezar, conquerrourof this realme and fyrste Emperour of Rome.” 

    Whan Kynge Arthure wyste what they mente he loked up with his gray yghen and angred atthe messyngers passyng sore. Than were this messyngers aferde, and knelyd stylle and durste nataryse, they were so aferde of his grymme countenaunce. Than one of the knyghtes messyngers

    spake alowde and seyde, “Crowned kynge, myssedo no messyngers, for we be com at his commaunde-mente, as servytures sholde.” 

    Than spake the Conquerrour2, “Thou recrayed and coward knyghte, why feryst thou my counten-aunce? There be in this halle, and they were sore aggreved, thou durste nat for a deukedom of londis loke intheire facis.” 

    “Sir,” seyde one of the senatoures, “ so Cryste me helpe, I was so aferde whan I loked in thy face thatmyne herte wolde nat serve for to sey my message. But sytthen hit is my wylle for to sey myne erande, the gretis welle Lucius the Emperoure of Roome, and commaundis the uppon payne that woll falle to sende hymthe trewage of this realme that thy fadir Uther Pendragon payde; and yf thou refuse hys commaundemente,knowe thou for certayne that he shall make stronge warre agaynste the, thy realmys and londes, and shall

    bereve the all thy realmys that thou weldyst, and chastyse the and thy subjectes that hit shall be ensample perpetuel unto alle kynges and prynces for to denye theire truage unto that noble empyre whiche domynethupon the unyversal worlde.” 

    1 L’auteur s’explique avec clarté sur ses choix éditoriaux : II, p. 118 et p. 842-853.2 L’épithète et la thématique proviennent de l’aMA. ‖ ‘Conqueror’ vient de l’ancien-français conquerëor  « qui s’était conservé

     jusque assez avant dans la première partie du XVIIe  siècle » (Godefroy), supplanté par le participe présent « conquérant »(d’abord « plaignant »). Mais FEW  invite à nuancer :

    H

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    alliterative Morte Arthure [aMA], v. 78-81 :

    Bot on the Newȝere Daye, at þe none euyne,  As the bolde at the borde was of brede ſ eruyde,

    So come in ſ odanly a ſ enatour of Rome,Wyth ſ exten knyghtes in a ſ oyte, ſ ewande hym one. 

    Mais le jour du Nouvel an, à midi précises,Comme on apportait aux hardis chevaliers le premier service [= du pain],Entra soudain un sénateur romain,Suivi de seize chevaliers*, en file indienne. *[= ĕquĭtes ?]

    Les twelve ancient men sont pris chez Geoff rey of Monmouth (livre IX) :

    ecce duodecim uiri maturæ ætatis, reuerendi uultus, ramos oliuæ in signum legationis dextris ferentes, mo-deratis passibus ingrediuntur  

    « voici qu’entrent à pas comptés douze hommes d’âge mûr, à l’allure respectable, tenant dans lamain droite un rameau d’olivier, symbole de leur mission d’envoyés »

    The high and mighty Emperor Lucius sendeth to the King of Britain gr ting  Malory édulcore : 

    Lucius…  Arturo regi Britanniæ quod meruit   « Lucius au roi de [Grande-]Bretagne comme il le mérite » ; etc’est pire dans l’aMA : “Saluz the as ſ ugett ”, « [Lucius] salue en toi un sujet ».

    Muriel Whitaker,  Arthur’s Kingdom of Adventure — The World of Malory’s Morte DAr-thur (1984), p. 112 :

    Perhaps because a circle is aesthetically more satisfying than a line, the biography of Arthur,though essentially linear, reveals some cyclical patterning. The Roman Wars which occupy seven years of linear time are fitted into the liturgical cycle by the coincidence of major events with thesequence of Christian feasts and into the seasonal cycle by references to nature. The Roman leg-ates interrupt the New Year’s feast; Arthur’s parliament is called aft er the utas of St Hilary (Janu-ary 21); Lucius plans to arrive in France by Easter; Arthur rides to St Michael’s Mount through aspringtime landscape; the Emperor is killed in May; in Tuscany, Sir Florens and his fellowship tietheir horses in a flowery meadow; Arthur reaches Lucerne at Lammas (August 1) descending intoLombardy when the vines are loaded with grapes (October); soon afterwards, the Roman senatorsare granted six weeks to prepare for the coronation which takes place at Christmas.