latin american muralism and the politics of visibility

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Strategies that allow Latin American muralism to re-present the heterogeneous.

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  • To see the many

    Politics of visibility and Latin American identity

    Helena Valdivia

    (s2572901)

    The adjacent image is from a

    mural in San Miguel, Santiago de

    Chile, painted in 2011 in a public

    building that was given up for the

    purpose. The mural depicts Latin

    American territory, from Mexico

    to the Patagonia including Cuba

    and some of the Antilles, over a

    red, orange and yellow circle that

    most probably represents the sun

    with some indigenous tribal

    patterns as decoration. The words

    live, resist, feel and fight

    can be read in the circle, as well as

    Latinoamerica, written twice.

    Typical elements of popular

    culture in specific regions and

    countries, but recognizable by

    many, decorate the geography: a

    pre-Columbian skull from the

    Day of the Dead in Mexico, a

    Central American macaw, an Amazonian indigenous, a Bolivian worker, an Inca-like mask, the

    Atacama Desert, and an araucana, the typical tree of the Patagonia. An interesting feature of

    this composition is that, with the exemption of the Mexican skull, all illustrative elements are

    in disorder: they are not positioned where they are supposed to be from. This can be due to

  • compositional reasons, of course, but also to an intentional discourse of Latin American

    identity: solidarity among all countries, one of the discourses -along with workers movements,

    telluric motives, ethnicity and human rights- characteristic of muralism. In fact, when Nstor

    Garca Canclini writes about modernity and postmodernity in Latin American art, he

    notes that there has been a willingness [] in many Latin American countries to reflect on

    what it means for culture to move away from its original territory and to communicate and

    interact with others1.

    It looks like there has always existed some kind of consciousness of Latin American

    identity amongst its territories2. However, the issue started to be a major topic after the victory

    of the Cuban Revolution in 1959. Economic alliances among Latin American countries were a

    very serious program, and in February of 1960 the first Latin American integration organism,

    the Latin American Free Trade Association (LAFTA) appeared. The institutionalization of the

    intellectual Latin American community gained likewise a big relevance, for intellectuals were

    attributed a huge responsibility within the liberation program. In 1965 the Latin American

    Community of Writers was founded, and the next year the first congress took place in Arica,

    Chile. This way, being Latin American meant more than a birth certificate; it entailed an active

    engagement with a revolutionary process and an ideological commitment against colonization

    and imperialism. A Latinamericanism consciousness started to grow and be evident in more

    than one cultural manifestation. Pablo Nerudas Canto General, the Nueva Cancin

    Latinoamericana musical movement, the Latin American literary boom and dozens of

    essays on Latin American identity are just an example of the relevance and impact that such a

    topic had. Representations and reflections about Latinamericanism are evidently not exclusive

    of muralism, however, it is noticeable that it does render representation more evident and

    explicit. But why is so?

    Representing and sustaining a Latin American identity is a difficult issue. National

    symbols tend to be created within the state and are reinforced by every day communications

    and identitarian myths that strive to unity3. A supranational identity, in contrast, is

    heterogeneous, and is not necessarily supported by national symbols. Therefore, the

    1 Modernity after Postmodernity in G. Mosquera (ed.) Beyond the Fantastic. Contemporary art criticism from Latin

    America. London: Institute for International Visual Arts, 1995, p. 49. 2 See, for example, Jorge Larrain (2010) Identity and Modernity in Latin America.

    3 See on this respect the seminal work of Benedict Anderson (1983), Imagined Communities.

  • representation has to recur to other kind of strategies, while it has different political and

    aesthetic implications.

    Muralism in Latin America is about identification; identificatory narratives that are

    visible in public spaces streets or institutional buildings-, communities that have been

    dedicated murals, and painting styles that are representative of regions or even countries.

    Latin American muralism is, moreover, a collective art: even though at times a single artist

    designs a particular mural, it is commonly painted by more than one person, in agreement with

    the community, heir of the space. This is why the question of identity in public art might prove

    sharper. Yet, the politic implications of such a gesture are larger than one might think: it is not

    only a matter of representation (to be or act instead of); it is a matter of the act of appearance

    itself.

    In this essay, then, I will argue that Latin American identity in murals takes place not

    only within the pictorial representation, but in the performative act of visibility, of appearance.

    Hence, the question I will still be pursuing is this: how can Latin American muralism as a

    political act of visibility be an anchor in helping to devise a Latin American identity?

    *

    Latin American muralism was born in Mexico after the Mexican Revolution (ca. 1920) as a

    state program to reinforce nationalist values and consolidate social ideals. The three main

    muralists, David Alfaro Siqueiros, Jos Clemente Orozco and Diego Rivera, were soon known

    outside the country and had a huge impact not just in Latin America but also within the

    abstract expressionism of the United States. At first, the state granted artists the use of public

    places where murals were to be shown: institutional buildings, schools, etc. Therefore, it was

    the state who held the ideological control of public space, even if bestowed to artists.

    However, when Mexican state interests and ideology were no longer compatible with

    rebellious, pro-Communist artistic message, muralism shifted walls and started to be an art of

    the community, of old buildings, of favelas of libertarian schools, related more to graffiti and

    unfamiliar to state interests. That is the muralism that was inherited to Latin America and

    which now is an influential communitarian political movement.

    Muralism is much about public space appropriation. It was the first category

    denominated public art in Mexico4 for being an art that does not need a special enclosure to

    4 See Dra. Guillermina Guadarrama, Arte pblico (mural)-espacio pblico in the digital journal

    http://discursovisual.net/

  • be shown and, instead, chooses common spaces where transit is free and anyone can be

    spectator. It contests the division between public and private by reconfiguring the materiality

    and functionality of public sphere. It, thus, creates its own forum by establishing an interactive

    grid between material public space, visual narrative and participants. Eyal Weizman writes on

    this respect that a forum is constituted by a contested object or site, an interpreter tasked with

    translating the language of things, and the assembly of a public gathering 5. He relates this

    with what Quintilian called prosopopoeia: the mediated speech of inanimate objects [] Things

    too far away, too abstract or too large [] had to be brought vividly to life by the power of an

    aural demonstration6. This is important when exploring not only the spatial distribution of a

    forum but also its interpellative and expository function. According to Marcelo Carpita,

    muralist and researcher from Buenos Aires, the visual narrative of muralism brings to life

    specific stories about traditions, historical events or sociopolitical definitions in a direct and

    unambiguous dialogue with the spectator. The social critique it manifests aims to generate

    consensus among interpreters7 in the sense that spectators are expected to engage with the

    narrative and acknowledge it as part of their history. This way, communitarian participation

    does not only comprise the people who collaborate in the pintas, but also those who

    participate by embracing the murals message in their communities and, in that way, being part

    of it.

    When the Italian operaists wrote about the multitude8, they conceived the term

    commonality to refer 1) to the life in common that allows the political-social existence of

    the many seeing as being many9, and 2) to the product of immaterial labor: communication,

    collaboration and cooperation10. Commonality is, in this way, like an amniotic liquid where

    individuals, even though being common to each other, acknowledge difference and

    heterogeneity as part of their way of being. This is the kind of interplay that comes into my

    mind when looking at a mural and envisaging, in addition to the creative process an unceasing

    feedback and rearrangement from all those who participate from it11-, the interaction with the

    5 In Forensis, Berlin: Sternberg Press/HKW, 2014, p. 9.

    6 Idem, p. 9-10. 7 Muralismos en pugna, February, 18th, 2014. In: http://carpita.blogspot.nl/ 8 See Paolo Virno (2003), A Grammar of the Multitude; Michael Hardt & Antonio Negri (2004), Multitude. War

    and Democracy in the Age of Empire. 9 Virno, op.cit., p. 24. 10 Hard and Negri, op.cit. 11 Carpita writes that: Me juego a asegurar que todos los muralistas aprendemos y nos modificamos cuando vemos que un colega logra un resultado esttico y tcnico que consideramos admirable y pasible de ser absorbido

  • spectator(s), which generates a communitarian but also supra-national identification. In the

    mural above, the possibility of identification is directed not only to those depicted (Mexicans,

    Amazonian indigenous, Bolivian workers), but also to those belonging to the Latin American

    community and those who assent with the exposed values (namely, recognition of the

    importance of indigenous communities, folkloric traditions, esteem of endemic fauna, etc.)

    Subsequently, a mural, as a forum, pursues to be a meeting point: a place where subjects meet

    their social reality, where they meet their colleagues, where they meet themselves as social

    subjects in the reproduction of collective memory, and where big community projects of

    public art meet active and participative spectators, as Marcelo Carpita emphasizes12. But how

    active a spectator can be? Does this really build an identitary consciousness?

    In The emancipated spectator (2007) Jacques Rancire questions the notion of

    active and passive spectatorship that has been brought to the discussion in the history of art,

    especially within theatre and performance. I endorse his critique to state that the kind of

    spectator conceived by muralism is not an active spectator but, yet, an emancipated one.

    Rancire picks up the notion of the common to defeat the hierarchy that the dichotomy

    passive/active implies, and asserts that the common power is the power of equality of

    intelligences [] the capacity of the anonymous, the capacity that makes anybody equal to

    everybody (p. 278-279). In this way, emancipation means blurring of the opposition between

    those who look and those who act, between those who are individuals and those who are

    members of a collective body: allowing a community of storytellers and translators. And this

    is exactly what muralism intends: to establishing a commonality of subjects where everyone is

    participant (for the mural is located in a public space, where everybody is owner) and where

    everyone is represented in archetypical symbols. A mural, hence, depicts the collectivity of the

    common.

    como enseanza. No puede haber plagio cuando se vive un mismo tiempo, una misma realidad, se batalla en el mismo campo contra los mismos enemigos: la mediocridad y la miopa conceptual. And then: Este es el muralismo que nos toca vivir? Aquel de barricada, el que se realiza en un par de das, el que el estado no financia ni promueve; el que reflexiona al tiempo que se ejecuta? El que surge y representa a un pueblo que todava busca un estado de bienestar? Un muralismo que comparte la pintura que ha sobrado, para que otro pueda empezar? Un muralismo de pequeos muros para optimizar pintura y el fcil acceso a las alturas? 12

    He writes in the source previously referred: Qu es lo que hace uno en los "encuentros de arte pblico"? Encuentra. Se reencuentra, Se encuentra a s mismo. Todo el tiempo se encuentra con la realidad propia y del compaero. Slo hay que darse cuenta que sta es dinmica y se renueva por cada generacin que encuentra en el muralismo una herramienta de comunicacin con su medio vital, y una disciplina que permite desarrollarse como un sujeto social (September 16, 2012). In http://carpita.blogspot.nl/

  • Seeing the mural as a forum where the issue of Latin American identity is presented, we

    must bear into consideration two points: 1) the act of visibility and presentation (the public

    gathering), and 2) that being represented (which gathers the object being contested and its

    translation to the language of things). The act of presentation, as we saw, presupposes a

    communal gathering among creators, spectators and representation(s). Indeed, two key

    features of muralism are the (intendedly) unequivocal display of narratives, and the space of

    appearance and communication it raises in the act of making visible and explicit any

    ungraspable discourse.

    Judith Butler has written about politics of visibility in the street and how public

    occupation brings the space of politics into being: The bodies on the street redeploy the space

    of appearance in order to contest and negate the existing forms of political legitimacy while

    the material supports for action are not only part of action, but they are also what is being

    fought about.13 Of course this is relevant when discussing about public art and how the act of

    public space-taking contests political regimes. However, in The Human Condition Arendt was

    actually more enlightening when she writes that action and speech create a space between the

    participants which can find its proper location almost anywhere and anytime14. The

    subversive, political, act in public appropriation is not so much the materiality of the space

    being occupied as the interaction among occupiers. An interaction that, as we discussed above,

    goes beyond the physical subjects involved: it includes the archetypical identities that come

    into play when being presented.

    We have to go back to Rancire at this point. The argumentation developed in The

    emancipated spectator is sustained in a concept coined in The Politics of Aesthetics (2004), the

    distribution of the sensible (le partage du sensible): the system of divisions and boundaries that

    define, among other things, what is visible and audible within a particular aesthetic-political

    regime (2004, p.22). The police, defined as an organizational system of coordinates that

    establishes the distribution of the sensible, divides the community into those who can take part

    of the political life and those who are excluded. The essences of politics is, then, breaking in

    this distribution and give a part and a voice to those who do not have it. In principle, every act

    of appearance, such as demonstrations for example, is a way of interfering into the polices

    distribution. That makes them political acts. In our case, a mural the mural above- is a

    13 Judith Butler (2011), Bodies in Alliance and the Politics of the Street. In: http://www.eipcp.net/transversal/1011/butler/en 14 Hannah Arendt, The Human Condition. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1958, p. 1988.

  • political act in three orders: it is political in its message (Latin American identity after de-

    colonization); it is political in the act of appropriation of public space, but it is also political

    because it renders visible the subjects of its commonality.

    And this is the crucial part of this analysis. Muralism, as a political act, occupies public

    space to 1) contest the distinction between public and private and 2) found a new logic of

    representation.

    Cultural identity (ultimately, Latin American identity) is supported on images,

    discursive practices and representations that enable subjects to recognize adherences and

    belonging to social groups. However, the logic of representation can vary depending on the

    regime of power relations it is subjected to. In The Politics of Aesthetics, Rancire discusses three

    ways of distributing the sensible that structure the way in which works of art are involved in

    politics. They are not contemporary, since they have historically come one after another. 1)

    the ethical regime, concerned with the origin and telos of imagery in relationship to the ethos

    of the community; 2) representative regime, which liberates imitation from the constraints of

    ethical utility for a normatively autonomous domain with its own rules for fabrication and

    evaluation; and 3) aesthetic regime, which abolishes the dichotomous structure of mimesis in

    the name of contradictory identification between logos and pathos. In my opinion, it is this last

    regime which makes possible the effectiveness of Latin American muralism, and of the new

    development of cultural identities. Representation15 under the aesthetic regime does not consist

    in a mimetic image of individuals but instead in the relationship between what (and how) is

    being shown and the possible interactions of the participants that elicit engagement and

    identification. In other words, representation, under the aesthetic regime, is performatively

    constituted. In the mural above, for instance, it is the relation of contiguity between own-

    cultural symbols and foreign ones, which stablishes a new epistemic order in relation to

    cultural identification: an expansion of what is considered to be the self. Therefore, solidarity,

    bonds and acknowledgement are expected. This new order plays in the consciousness as well

    in the unconsciousness in the same way that cinematographic montage builds new conceptual

    meanings on the basis of superposition of audiovisual images.

    Latin American identity, then, is rooted in more than visual memetic- representations.

    It is rooted in the possibility of interaction -the commonality- and their multidynamical, equal,

    15 Possible not only under the representative regime, but also under the other two.

  • and heterogeneous relationships. It is rooted in the act of appearance and in the politics of

    visibility itself.

    To summarize, the political act of space appropriation of muralism as public art can be

    seen as the settlement of a forum where the appearance of a political subject is determined.

    This designation is by any means a mimetic representation; instead, it is a rupture with the

    distribution of the sensible, the configuration of a new system of subjects: subjects (it can also

    be symbolic elements, historical events, etc.) that do not have a part in the hegemonic political

    regime. Consequently, the space of politics is not only the material space that is being

    occupied, but the forum as a living space: the possibility of interaction amongst subjects. Since

    muralism does not act under the representative regime, but under the aesthetic one, identity is

    not constituted but constituting, found in the relationships between subjects: their action, their

    speech. Subjects can identify with what is being depicted not on the basis of mimetic

    identification, but on the basis of interaction, acknowledging heterogeneity and difference, but

    taking as a principle what they have in common: being part of the political act of appearance

    and recognizing themselves as political subjects. In this manner it is possible to generate a

    supranational identity that embraces every particular alien- identity as part of the same life in

    common.

    Finally, and to conclude: this way of representation of the collective or the common-

    and formation of Latin American identity is not exclusive of muralism. It can be found in

    other cultural artifacts, where the configuration of a space of communication is vital and where

    the interaction of culturally different subjects (an enactment of heterogeneity) is attempted. It

    normally happens in artifacts and media where mimetic representation is disregarded, such as

    in poetry, songs or some cultural magazines. They try to show how collective memory and

    cultural identity are, ultimately, framed by past events as much as by present interactions,

    present cultural performances and collective expectations for the future. They, consequently,

    bet for communication and speech that, in action, devise identity. It is, hence, an interesting

    phenomenon of performative identity constitution.

  • Pages from our legacies, Juana Alicia, 2006

    Pueblos Originarios, Pato Madera, Cristian Ferrada, Beto Pastene, Patricio Albornoz, Gustavo Chavez Pavn, 2013.