Language in Danger?

The Case of Mapudungun in Temuco, Chile.

Emily Tova Saul

B.A. Languages and Applied Linguistics

School of Languages and Linguistics

Faculty of Arts

Griffith University

Submitted in fulfilment with the requirements for the degree of

B.A (Honours) in Languages and Applied Linguistics

14 June, 2005

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“Cuando un pueblo cae en la esclavitud mientras conserve su lengua es como si tuviera la llave de su prisión.” [When a group of people fall into oppression and manage to conserve their native language it is as if they hold the key of their prison]

(Alphonse Daudet, Cuentos del Lunes)

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Statement of Authorship

This work has not previously been submitted for a degree or diploma in any

university. To the best of my knowledge and belief, the dissertation contains no

material previously published or written by another person except where due

reference is made in the dissertation itself.

_________________________ Signed

_________________________ Date

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Acknowledgements

My sincere thanks goes to my supervisor Cristina Poyatos Matas for her

outstanding guidance and encouragement throughout the entire honours year.

I would also like to thank all my colleagues at the Instituto de Estudios Indígenas

in Temuco who were a great support to me while I was collecting my data, in

particular, Alejandro Chavarría and Patricio Coliqueo for broadening my

knowledge on the Mapuche people and their language. My heartfelt thanks goes

to all the participants who volunteered for this study. This dissertation would be

nothing without them and their stories. Finally I would also like to thank my

family and friends, especially Brian who has been a great support to me in both in

Chile and Australia.

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Abstract

Mapudungun, the language of the Indigenous Mapuche people in Chile has been

classified as ‘endangered’ (Adeelar, cited in Wurm, 1996). However, this

classification is very general and does differentiate between the cases of urban and

rural Mapuches. The purpose of this case study was to explore the particular

challenges an urban group of Mapuches face maintaining Mapudungun in the city

of Temuco. Both documentary and people sources (through interviews) were used

to respond to the key research questions, Is Mapudungun endangered in Temuco

in 2004, and if so, why? This study also investigated what opportunities exist to

use Mapudungun in Temuco to ensure its survival.

The results from interviewing fifteen participants over four generations revealed a

severe loss of Mapudungun speakers, which concurs with the literature that it is

endangered in this case. Abandonment of using Mapudungun in Temuco,

particularly in private domains, such as family home suggests that Mapudungun is

more severely endangered than language ability or intergenerational transmission

of Mapudungun implies. The urban Mapuches in this study face particular

challenges to maintain Mapudungun. This includes the impact of migration and

intercultural marriages on opportunities to use the language. There are also limited

functions for Mapudungun in Temuco and it suffers from a lack of prestige.

Despite the majority of Mapuches living in urban areas, planning efforts to

maintain Mapuche culture and language has focussed on traditional rural

Mapuche communities. The results of this study show policies outlined in la ley

Indígena (1992) have yet to be implemented in Temuco. As a result of this study

several recommendations were made. This includes, conducting a larger scale,

longitudinal study to create a clear picture of the particular challenges and needs

urban Mapuches have in maintaining Mapudungun. Further work needs to be

conducted to help the Chilean government to understand the importance of

extending their language planning initiatives such as bilingual education and

support for media in Mapudungun, to urban areas.

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Table of Contents

CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION ..................................................................................................1 1.1 AIMS AND JUSTIFICATION OF THE STUDY..............................................................................1 1.2 STRUCTURE OF THE DISSERTATION ......................................................................................2 1.3 LIMITATIONS OF THE STUDY .................................................................................................2

CHAPTER 2: LITERATURE REVIEW ......................................................................................4 2.1 INTRODUCTION ......................................................................................................................4

PART A: ENDANGERED LANGUAGES AND LANGUAGE DEATH...................................5 2.2 STATE OF THE WORLD’S LANGUAGES ..................................................................................5

2.2.1 Languages in South America ........................................................................................5 2.3 DEFINING LANGUAGE DEATH ................................................................................................6 2.4 DEFINING ENDANGERED LANGUAGES ...................................................................................6 2.5 CAUSES OF LANGUAGE SHIFT AND DEATH ............................................................................7

2.5.1 Causes of language shift and death in South America...............................................11 2.6 HOW LANGUAGE DEATH OCCURS ........................................................................................11 2.7 IMPORTANCE OF LANGUAGE AND LINGUISTIC DIVERSITY .................................................13

2.7.1 Language and symbolic power ....................................................................................15 2.8 LANGUAGE PLANNING FOR ENDANGERED LANGUAGES......................................................16

PART B: MAPUCHE PEOPLE OF CHILE. .............................................................................20 2.9 STATISTICS ON CHILE’S INDIGENOUS POPULATION ...........................................................20 2.10 TEMUCO AND THE REGIÓN DE LA ARAUCANÍA ..................................................................21 2.11 HISTORY OF THE MAPUCHE PEOPLE.................................................................................22

2.11.2 European invasion .....................................................................................................23 2.11.3 Chilean Independence and the Pacificación de la Araucanía .................................24 2.11.4 Pinochet regime .........................................................................................................25 2.11.5 Return to democracy ..................................................................................................26

2.11.5.1 CONADI [National Corporation of Indigenous development]..................................... 27 2.12 CURRENT ISSUES AFFECTING MAPUCHES .........................................................................27

2.12.1 Discrimination and stereotypes .................................................................................27 2.12.2 Urbanisation ..............................................................................................................29 2.12.3 Poverty in Chile..........................................................................................................31 2.12.4 Territorial disputes.....................................................................................................31

PART C: MAPUDUNGUN: LANGUAGE OF THE MAPUCHE PEOPLE...........................33 2.13 LANGUAGES IN CHILE .......................................................................................................33 2.14 LINGUISTIC CLASSIFICATION OF MAPUDUNGUN ..............................................................33 2.15 DIALECTAL VARIATION OF MAPUDUNGUN .......................................................................34 2.16 LINGUISTIC CHARACTERISTICS OF MAPUDUNGUN...........................................................35 2.17 STATISTICS ON MAPUDUNGUN SPEAKERS.........................................................................35 2.18 MAPUDUNGUN AS AN ENDANGERED LANGUAGE ...............................................................36 2.19 SOCIOLINGUISTIC SITUATION OF MAPUDUNGUN .............................................................37 2.20 SPEECH DOMAINS FOR MAPUDUNGUN ..............................................................................39 2.21 LANGUAGE USE AND URBAN MAPUCHES...........................................................................39 2.22 PRESTIGE ...........................................................................................................................40 2.23 LINGUISTIC DISCRIMINATION............................................................................................41 2.24 IMPORTANCE OF MAPUDUNGUN .......................................................................................42 2.25 LINGUISTIC SITUATION OF MAPUDUNGUN........................................................................42 2.26 LANGUAGE PLANNING AND POLICIES FOR MAPUDUNGUN ...............................................43

2.26.1 Status planning ..........................................................................................................45 2.26.2 Standardisation ..........................................................................................................45 2.26.3 Normalisation ............................................................................................................46 2.26.4 Modernisation ............................................................................................................46 2.26.5 EIB- Bilingual Intercultural Education ...................................................................47

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2.26.6 Mapudungun and electronic technology ..................................................................48 2.27 CHAPTER SUMMARY ..........................................................................................................50

CHAPTER 3: RESEARCH METHODOLOGY........................................................................51 3.1 INTRODUCTION ....................................................................................................................51 3.2 NATURE OF RESEARCH: QUANTITATIVE VS. QUALITATIVE ...............................................51 3.3 THE CASE STUDY APPROACH ...............................................................................................52 3.4 DATA INSTRUMENTS ............................................................................................................54 3.5 ETHICS .................................................................................................................................56 3.6 BACKGROUND FIELD RESEARCH .........................................................................................56 3.7 SELECTION OF PARTICIPANTS.............................................................................................58

3.7.1 Group 1 (age 18) ..........................................................................................................62 3.7.2 Group 2 (age 20-34) .....................................................................................................62 3.7.3 Group 3 (age 35-59) .....................................................................................................63 3.7.4 Group 4 (age 60+) ........................................................................................................63

3.8 INTERVIEW DESIGN ..............................................................................................................64 3.9 INTERVIEW TRANSCRIPTION ...............................................................................................65 3.10 DATA PRESENTATION AND ANALYSIS ................................................................................66 3.11 CHAPTER SUMMARY ..........................................................................................................67

CHAPTER 4: DATA ANALYSIS................................................................................................69 4.1 INTRODUCTION ....................................................................................................................69 4.2 BACKGROUND INFORMATION ON PARTICIPANTS ...............................................................69

4.2.1 Gender ..........................................................................................................................70 4.2.2 Birth place of participants ...........................................................................................70 4.2.3 Ethnic Composition .....................................................................................................71 4.2.4 Marital Status...............................................................................................................72 4.2.5 Educational background .............................................................................................73 4.2.6 Occupation ...................................................................................................................74 4.2.7 Religion ........................................................................................................................75 4.2.8 Participation in Mapuche culture ...............................................................................76

4.3 SPEAKING/LISTENING ABILITY IN MAPUDUNGUN...............................................................77 4.4 READING/WRITING ABILITY IN MAPUDUNGUN ..................................................................80 4.5 LANGUAGE LEARNING EXPERIENCES ..................................................................................83 4.6 LINGUISTIC DISCRIMINATION AND NEGATIVE EXPERIENCES ............................................90 4.7 PRESTIGE, IMPORTANCE OF MAPUDUNGUN .......................................................................93 4.8 OPPORTUNITIES FOR LANGUAGE USE IN TEMUCO............................................................101

4.8.1 Use of Mapudungun in private domains...................................................................101 4.8.2 Use of Mapudungun in public domains....................................................................103 4.8.3 Use of Mapudungun in the media.............................................................................105

4.8.3.1 Radio ................................................................................................................................. 105 4.8.3.2 Television .......................................................................................................................... 106 4.8.3.3 Films and Documentaries ................................................................................................ 107 4.8.3.4 Newspapers, books and other printed materials ........................................................... 107 4.8.3.5 Internet ............................................................................................................................. 108

4.9 FUTURE FOR MAPUDUNGUN ..............................................................................................109 4. 10 CHAPTER SUMMARY .......................................................................................................112

CHAPTER 5: CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMENDATIONS ...............................................113 5.1 INTRODUCTION ..................................................................................................................113 5.2 RESPONSES TO THE RESEARCH QUESTIONS ......................................................................113

5.2.1 Is Mapudungun an endangered language in the city of Temuco in 2004? .............113 5.2.2 What opportunities exist to use Mapudungun in the city of Temuco to ensure its survival? ..............................................................................................................................115 5.2.3 Why has Mapudungun become an endangered language in the city of Temuco? ..117

5.3 DIRECTIONS FOR FURTHER RESEARCH .............................................................................122 REFERENCES............................................................................................................................124

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APPENDIXES .............................................................................................................................134 APPENDIX A- LA LEY INDÍGENA 19.253 .................................................................................134 APPENDIX B- INTERVIEW QUESTIONS (TRANSLATED) ........................................................135 APPENDIX C- PARTICIPANT CONSENT FORM .....................................................................141 APPENDIX D- SAMPLE INTERVIEW TRANSCRIPT ...................................................143 APPENDIX E- PARTICIPANT PROFILES ................................................................................144

List of Figures

Figure 1: GID scale. .............................................................................................. 19 Figure 2: Distribution of the Indigenous population per ethnic group.................. 20 Figure 3: Map of Chile.......................................................................................... 21 Figure 4: Map of Languages in South................................................................... 37 Figure 5: Birthplace of Participants ...................................................................... 70 Figure 6: Ethnic composition of participants ........................................................ 71 Figure 7: Marital status of Participants ................................................................. 72 Figure 8: Educational background ........................................................................ 73 Figure 9: Occupation............................................................................................. 74 Figure 10: Religion ............................................................................................... 76 Figure 11: Participation in Mapuche culture......................................................... 76 Figure 12: Speaking/listening ability in Mapudungun.......................................... 77 Figure 13: Reading/writing ability in Mapudungun ............................................. 81

List of Tables

Table 1: Population by sex according to Indigenous group.................................. 22

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Chapter 1

INTRODUCTION

Mapudungun has been studied and documented in Chile since the arrival of Jesuit

missionaries in the early 17th century. Studies into the language have generally

focussed on producing grammar guides and dictionaries with the intention of

evangelising the Mapuche people (Loncón, 1995). However, it was Rodolfo Lenz,

a German linguist who noted the impact colonisation had over the Mapuche

people and their language. He made the following observation:

Dentro de cincuenta años, el ultimo descendiente de esta valiente estripe en la ladera occidental de los Andes habrá abandonado su traje y lenguas nacionales. [within fifty years, the last descendant of this brave tribe on the western side of the Andes will have abandoned their dress and national languages].

(Lenz, 1893 cited in Sánchez, 1993)

This observation was made over 100 years ago. However, only recently have

researchers in the fields of anthropology, sociology and sociolinguistics begun to

realise the enormity of Lenz’s observation. There is still a need for reasearch

particularly into the case of urban Mapuches. Whilst Chilean linguists such as

Catrileo (2000) have documented cases of language shift from Mapudungun to

Spanish in rural Mapuche communities, there are few studies from urban areas

where the majority of Mapuches currently live. As far as can be ascertained, there

have been no studies conducted into the particular case of Mapudungun in the city

of Temuco.

1.1 Aims and justification of the study

This study documents the case of Mapudungun amongst urban Mapuches in

Temuco. By doing so, this study may raise awarness to this cause and as a result it

is hoped that further work can be done to ensure language planning initiatives are

implemented to protect the Mapudungun language and the Mapuche culture.

Whilst this dissertation focuses on the particular case of Mapudungun in Temuco,

research on the challenges the Mapuche have faced may aid other Indigenous

groups experiencing similar struggles throughout the world.

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The purpose of this case study is to use both documentary data and people’s data

(from interviews) to answer the three key research questions. These include:

1. Is Mapudungun an endangered language in the city of Temuco in 2004? 2. If so, why has Mapudungun become an endangered language in the city

of Temuco? 3. What opportunities exist to use Mapudungun in the city of Temuco to

ensure its survival?

1.2 Structure of the dissertation

This dissertation is divided into five chapters. Chapter 1 (this chapter), contains an

introduction to the study. Chapter 2 contains the ‘literature review’, this is divided

into three parts including “Part A: Endangered languages and language death”,

Part B “the Mapuche people of Chile” and “Part C: Mapudungun the language of

the Mapuche people”. Chapter 3, “Research Methodology” outlines the main

research approach, case studies used to conduct this study in Australia and Chile.

Chapter 4 contains the “Data Analysis” this presents and analysises the data

obtained from the interviews that were conducted in Spanish. Several languages

were used due to the nature of this study, these included Spanish, English and

Mapudungun. In order to differentiate between the three languages used in this

dissertation, any text in Mapudungun will be bold and italisized (gillatun), text in

Spanish will be italisized (hablar) and text in English will appear in normal font.

The final chapter, Chapter 5 includes the “conclusions and recommendations” of

this study. This is followed by the “References” section and the “Appendixes”.

1.3 Limitations of the study

There are some limitations of this study which need to be identified. As an

Honours dissertation, this study had a relatively short time limit, which made

conducting a longitudinal study impractical. To overcome this problem,

participants were selected representing a variety of generations to show any trends

in language loss through time. However the number of participants included in

this study is relatively small therefore the findings of the interviews need to be

interpreted with care as they may not accurately represent the entire Mapuche

population of Temuco. The voluntary nature of the interviews may influence the

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data that was obtained as it can be assumed that the participants must have had

some interest in the topic to volunteer their time.

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Chapter 2

LITERATURE REVIEW

2.1 Introduction

This chapter discusses the background information relevant to the key research

questions. There are three inter-related central themes of this study: A)

Endangered languages and Language death, B) the Mapuche people of Chile and

C) Mapudungun the language of the Mapuche people. The first part of the

literature review “Part A: Endangered languages and language death” examines

issues such as endangered languages, shift and death and what causes these

phenomena. It also examines the ‘importance of language’ including the issues of

prestige and linguistic diversity. Language planning techniques for endangered

languages are also discussed.

The second part of the literature review is “Part B- The Mapuche people of

Chile”. This provides the necessary background information and statistics on the

Mapuches in general, and in Temuco. It includes their history and recent issues

affecting them such as discrimination, urbanisation, and territorial disputes. It is

important to study their history and current position in order to understand the

issues that currently surround their language Mapudungun.

The final part of the literature review “Part C- Mapudungun, the language of the

Mapuche people” provides information on Mapudungun, including linguistic

classification and characteristics of the language. Also examined is the current

linguistic and socio linguistic situations of the language, it also includes issues

affecting Mapudungun speakers today including linguistic discrimination,

prestige, and functions of the language. This chapter concludes by discussing

language planning attempts in Chile for Mapudungun.

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PART A: ENDANGERED LANGUAGES AND LANGUAGE DEATH

2.2 State of the World’s Languages

It is estimated that there are 6000 languages in the world today, a figure which

can fluctuate depending on whether a language is counted as a language or a

dialect (Krauss, 1992, p. 6). Other linguists in the field accept Krauss’s

estimation (Crystal 2004, Wurm 1996, Spice 2001). They all use 6000 as base

figure for their studies. Throughout history, languages have always evolved and

died. However, languages currently appear to be disappearing rapidly. Thomason

(2001, p. 23) states “current rates of language loss are alarmingly high” and

Crystal, (2000, p. 69) also states that “the last 500 years has been a period of

dramatic decline”. Linguists are now predicting that by the end of the 21st

century, 3000 languages will become extinct. That is half of the languages in the

world today (Crystal 2000; Wurm 1996). Spice (2001) claims that 50- 90% of the

world’s languages will disappear by the end of the 21st century.

There are a number of factors which influence the state of today’s languages.

These include: having the world’s highest population ever, exposure to the

processes of globalisation, the rapid advancements in communication and

transportation, the increase in language contact and the spread of English as a

universal language (Crystal, 2000). Apart from these factors Crystal (2000) also

lists the growth of nation states and official languages as a reason for an increase

in language death. Fishman (1987, p. 401) supports the view that languages have

always evolved but states “language shift is indicative of a culture’s inability to

control or strongly influence the rate and direction of its change”.

2.2.1 Languages in South America

South America is one of the most linguistically diverse continents with

over 100 different language families (Crystal, 2000). Seventy of the

languages are isolates; they cannot be linked with any language family

(Crystal, 2000, p. 153). This means 70 of the ‘language families’ contain

only one language. Patterns in language death in South America reflect

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world trends. Krauss (1992) maintains that of South America’s 400

languages, 110 are already likely to be moribund, languages that are

severely endangered without chance of revival. Spanish has had the same

affect on Indigenous languages in South America, as English has had on

the rest of the world (Crystal, 2004). Increased contact with Spanish and

Portuguese, the two colonial languages, has lead to a decline in many

Indigenous languages. Parents of Indigenous children prefer them to be

educated in Spanish and not in their native language. Increasing

urbanisation of Indigenous people also has an effect on language use

(Edwards, 1985, p. 80). The only exception in South America is

Paraguay, where a vernacular language, Guaraní, receives an increased

status but is still not equal to Spanish (Edwards, 1985).

2.3 Defining language death

A language becomes extinct, when there are no speakers of the language

remaining. Defining language death is not as simple as this statement appears.

Can people still be alive when their language dies? Is Latin extinct if people can

still speak it? Thomason (2001, p. 224) examined this issue in depth and

developed her own definition, “a language dies when it ceases to be used for any

purposes of regular spoken communication within a speech community”. For the

purpose of this study, I will use Thomason’s definition when referring to

language death.

2.4 Defining endangered languages

A language becomes endangered when it is at risk of language death. Defining or

measuring endangerment is also a difficult task. The importance of maintaining

intergenerational language transmission is stressed by Fishman’s (1987) and

Wurm’s (1996) definitions of endangered languages. Fishman (1987, p. 391)

states endangered languages are:

Languages with a large sustained and uncontrollable negative balance with respect to the discrepancy between their inter-generational influx and their inter-generational outflux.

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However, Wurm (1996, p. 1) goes further to define endangered languages,

claiming, “Any language of a community which is not learned anymore by

children, or at least by a large part of the children of that community say at least

30%”

Crystal (2000, p. 19) identifies three categories for languages: safe, endangered

or extinct. Linguists have endeavoured to measure the rate of language

endangerment using classification like Wurm’s (1998, cited in Crystal, 2000, p.

21). He divides endangered languages into the following:

1. Potentially endangered: socially and economically disadvantaged, under pressure from a larger language, beginning to lose child speakers. For example: immigrant languages in Australia losing 2nd generation of speakers.

2. Endangered: few or no children learning language and youngest good

speakers are young adults.

3. Seriously endangered: youngest good speakers are over 50 years. For example: Southern Sami of Scandanavia

4. Moribund: Only a handful of good speakers left. For example:

Banjalang, an Indigenous Australian language originally spoken in northern NSW.

This classification is important and will be used to determine if Mapudungun is

an endangered language. Within the literature endangered languages are also

referred to as obsolescent, and moribund (Crystal, 2000, p. 93). However, in this

study I will only use the term endangered to refer to languages at risk of

disappearing.

2.5 Causes of language shift and death

Understanding the factors which lead to language endangerment and language

death will provide insight to answer how languages become endangered.

There are many theories that discuss the causes of language shift and death.

Earlier theories are grounded in a theory of ‘natural lifespan’, believing that all

languages had a natural lifespan and died ‘naturally’ (Edwards, 1985, p. 48). This

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view is expressed in the following quote of Thomas Jones a 17th century linguist,

in which he states:

They have their infancy, foundations and beginning, their growth and increase in purity and perfection; as also in spreading and propagation: their state of consistency; and their old age declinings and decays.

(Thomas Jones, 1688 in Edwards, 1985 p. 48)

This metaphor to nature continues in the modern era, and it has been allotted the

term ‘Linguistic Darwinism’ claiming that only the strong and adapted languages

survive and should survive (May, 2000, p. 368). However, May (2000) believes

this viewpoint is usually held be people who speak a majority language, a

language that is not at threat of endangerment due to a high number of speakers

and prestige such as English. Comparisons of language to nature or a living thing

has generally been rejected by linguists. The natural approach has been dismissed

by Crystal (2000), Edwards (1985) and Wurm (1996). They all claim that there

are other, social and cultural factors which can influence a language that aren’t

part of a natural process. Linguists have developed their own rationale behind

the causes of language death.

Kloss (1984, cited in Edwards, 1985, p. 49) classifies language death into 3 types,

depending on the cause. These include:

1. Language death without shift: (speech community dies, forced migration) eg. Loss of Indigenous languages of Mexico through genocide during Spanish conquest. Mozarabic in Spain- reconquest.

2. Language death because of shift: (speech community adopts different

language) eg. Loss of Indigenous languages due to shift to Tok Pison or English lingua francas of Papua New Guinea.

3. Nominal language death: (metamorphosis of language into another

dialect of same language) eg. Gallurese, Sassarese, Locodurese into Sardinian.

Wurm (1996) explores the impact of colonisation on Indigenous cultures and

attributes it to accelerating language death. The influx of diseases such as

smallpox killed many Indigenous people subsequently resulting in language

death (through loss of speakers). He also states that the Indigenous people were

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lead to believe their language was inferior as it was unable to function with new

technologies introduced by the colonisers.

In the modern era, Edwards (1985) attributes the influence that modern urbanised

society hold as a trigger to language shift. He states that “language shift often

reflects pragmatic desires for social mobility and an improved standard of living”

which is perpetuated by “economically powerful and technologically

sophisticated neighbours.”

Despite listing such factors as genocide, displacement and language suppression,

Krauss (1992, p. 6) focuses on what he calls ‘Cultural nerve gas’, referring to the

bombardment of electronic media (in majority languages), in particular,

television, as a primary cause of language shift and death.

Whilst primarily concerned with changes within languages, Dixon (1997)

identifies four factors he believes are responsible for language death and shift.1 In

concurrence with other linguists, he blames loss of population through disease

and war, but also lists slavery as an indirect loss of population. He makes a

distinction between ‘forced’ language loss and ‘involuntary’ language loss,

stating the former is when a dominant group or dictator forbids it to be spoken

and ensures it isn’t, and the latter, when a one sided bilingualism occurs with

minority speakers using the dominant prestigious language, subsequently

disappearing. Also included is voluntary language loss, where speakers choose to

abandon their language for another, usually to increase their opportunities in life.

Crystal (2000) discusses in depth all the factors associated with language death.

He divides these into physical and non-physical factors. Physical factors are seen

as immediate threats to language death, equating the loss of language to loss of

people. These include: natural disasters (earthquakes, tsunamis), unfavourable

climatic-economic conditions (drought, famine), imported diseases on Indigenous

populations, economic exploitation (deforestation) and political factors such as

1 Dixon uses the term language loss instead of language death or language shift.

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genocide, civil war and dictatorships (Crystal, 2000). Non- physical factors are

more complex. Language death is often a result of cultural assimilation where

“one culture is influenced by a more dominant culture and begins to lose its

character as a result of its members adopting new behaviour and moves” (Crystal,

2000, p. 80), this then affects language use, and the vernacular language, or

dominated language is replaced by the dominate language. Crystal, (2000)

supports Edward’s (1985) claim that the desire for upward mobility, new

standard of living, and quality of life strongly impacts language choice which

generates language shift and death. Stereotyping of Indigenous people and low

self esteem may influence language use, resulting in a shift to the dominate

language. Language shift is also perpetuated by psychological damage, often a

result of corporal punishment for using the language in school (Crystal, 2000).

The causes of language shift are also discussed extensively by Fishman (1991,

pp. 57-63). His model is similar to Crystal’s (2000) but divides his factors into

Physical and Demographic dislocation, Social dislocation and Cultural

dislocation. In the first category he states similar causes, such as genocide,

natural disasters and like Edwards (1985), also blames the process of

urbanization as a contributor to language shift. In contrast to Crystal (2000),

Fishman (1991) distinguishes between social and cultural factors. In social

factors he discusses that ethnic minority groups (X-men) are often socially

disadvantaged- in economic and educational terms, and become dependant on the

majority (Y-men) to achieve upward mobility and social status (Fishman, 1991).

This results in shifting from the minority language (Xish) to the majority

language (Yish). Under cultural factors he lists both repressive and demographic

regimes as being responsible for language shift. Repressive regimes, such as

Franco in Spain, can lead to the prohibition of displaying certain languages and

ethno cultural features. The process of democratisation and modernisation may

also pose a risk to minority languages as X-men and Y-men are able to interact

more, which increases exposure of the culture and language of the strong (Y-

men) on the weak (X-men). The causes of language shift and death in South

America are similar to those outlined in this section.

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2.5.1 Causes of language shift and death in South America.

Grinevald (1998) identifies three causes of language shift and death in

South America. These include:1. The process of colonisation, loss of

language through loss of people in conflict and disease; 2. Spread of a

lingua franca, for example minority language groups shifting to Quechua,

and 3. The shift to a European colonising language, Spanish or Portuguese,

increasing with higher rates of urbanisation. The factors that lead to

language death are interrelated with the process of how language death

occurs.

2.6 How language death occurs

Language death can be immediate (loss of language through death of speakers)

but it is generally a gradual process, occurring over some generations of speakers

resulting in a shift from one language to another. Crawford (1994, cited in May

2000, p. 368) discusses the environment which surrounds language shift, stating

that “language death seldom occurs in communities of wealth, power and

prestige”. May (2000, p. 360) states that “language decline and death always

occur in bilingual or multilingual contexts in which a ‘majority’ language comes

to replace the range and functions of the minority language”. The state of a

language may vary between different speech communities. May (2000) uses

Spanish as an example. In Latin America and Spain it is seen as a majority

language, whilst in some areas of the USA, Spanish is a minority language in

competition with English.

Crystal (2000) and May (2000) both suggest language death occurs over three

stages. Firstly, there is pressure on the minority group to learn the dominate

language. This can be from above, through laws and government incentives or

from within the community itself, through peer pressure and fashionable trends.

This can then result in the second stage, a state of bilingualism where speakers

still retain their vernacular, minority language but become increasingly proficient

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in the majority language. Some communities can maintain a state of diglossia,

collective bilingualism using each language for specific functions or in specific

domains. However, others continue to decrease their use of the minority language

resulting in the third stage, replacement. Here, the minority language is replaced

by the majority, and younger speakers may cease to learn the minority language.

Baker and Prys Jones (1998 cited in May, 2000, p. 367) state at this stage that

“the minority language may be ‘remembered’ by a residual group, but it is no

longer spoken as a wider language of communication”, it is at this stage that

language death will occur. Whilst the above discuss the changes that occur in

language use, few discuss the changes that occur within the language during

language shift.

Thomason (2001) focuses on the internal linguistic factors in the process of

language death. She claims that, “Dying languages notoriously display a

continuum of more or less lexical and structural deviation from the language state

before the beginning of the slide towards death”. These are displayed through 1.

Attrition, (gradual changes through influence of another language, borrowing) 2.

Grammatical replacement (adopting the grammar of another language) or 3. No

loss of structure, not much borrowing (only in cases of immediate language

death). Hans- Jürgen Sasse (1992, cited in Thomason, 2001) developed a

theoretical model that predicts the course of language death. It demonstrates how

external factors can ultimately influence internal (linguistics) factors. He divides

the process into three parts: External factors, Speech behaviour, and Structural

consequences. For example, a historical event (external) may lead to bilingualism

(speech pattern), which may cause loss of lexicon in the minority language

(structural consequence) (Sasse, 1992, cited in Thomason, 2001). Understanding

how language death occurs is important as this knowledge may prevent the loss

of a language. Despite this, endangered languages won’t survive unless awarness

is raised about the importance of language and linguistic diversity.

13

2.7 Importance of language and linguistic diversity

The importance people give to their language can be individual or collective.

Kramsch (1998, p. 65) believes that the ties between language and identity are

well established and that there is a “natural connection between the language

spoken by members of a social group and that group’s identity”. Crystal believes

language is the most important part of human expression. “Rituals, music,

painting, crafts and all other forms of behaviour all play their part; but language

plays the largest part of all” (Crystal, 2000, p. 39) The inter-relation of language

and culture is further entrenched when considering the impact losing a language

has on a culture. Thomason (2001, p. 223) states “loss of language deprives its

speech community of much more, because a large part of a culture must

inevitably vanish with the culture”.

The importance of language as a form of identity has become evident. The

importance of many languages, linguistic diversity, has also been extensively

discussed. Wurm (1996) presents the two views on linguistic diversity, for and

against. Arguments against diversity stem from the belief that differences

between languages are ‘superficial’ and are all essentially the same and inter-

translatable. Those who support this view are not concerned with the issues of

language shift, endangerment and/or language death, and generally see language

spread, such as the advancement of English, as a positive phenomenon. In the

story of Babel written in the Bible, it is claimed that languages where created as a

punishment to make communication difficult (Crystal, 2004). Those against

linguistic diversity argue that in an ideal world only one language should be

spoken to decrease misunderstandings and promote peace (Crystal, 2000).

Modern linguists have generally discredited the theories against diversity. One

flaw in the theory against diversity is that speaking the same language doesn’t

always promote peace, as civil wars can occur between speakers of the same

language.

Those in favour of linguistic diversity view it as an asset and a valuable resource.

They believe just as biological diversity is deemed important, so too should

14

linguistic diversity (Crystal, 2000, p. 32). The Linguistic Society of America,

(1994) claim linguistic diversity is even more important than biological diversity:

The loss to human kind of genetic diversity in the linguistics world…is arguably greater than even the loss of genetic diversity in the biological world, given that the structure of human language represents a considerable testimony to human intellectual achievement. (The Linguistic Society of America, 1994 cited in Crystal, 2000, p. 34)

Apart from arguing for the need of languages to express identity, as previously

discussed, Wurm (1996) and Crystal (2000), also claim that linguistic diversity

contributes to the sum of human knowledge and that the “disappearance of any

one language constitutes an irretrievable loss to valuable and important human

knowledge” (Wurm, 1996 p. 5). Thomason (2001, p. 223) supports this view

claiming:

Every loss of a language deprives us of a window into the human mind and the human spirit; every language that dies deprives us of a unique repository of human experience and thought.

Hale (1992, p.36) also supports this view stating that the loss of language means

an “irretrievable loss of diverse and interesting intellectual wealth”.

Adding to the debate for linguistic diversity and knowledge is that individuals

who are multi or bilingual, in terms of human development are at an advantage

over monolinguals (Crystal, 2000). Also, languages usually reflect a

specialisation in knowledge, for example the language of Indigenous people may

demonstrate a more complex understanding of native flora, fauna and weather

patterns (Crystal, 2000). Wurm (1996) claims that without linguistic diversity in

South America, medicinal plants such as quinine wouldn’t have been identified.

Linked with the contribution to knowledge, is the importance of linguistic

diversity in recording history. Both oral and written history is important not only

to document the changes in the language but also tell the historic events of a

people. If a language is lost then the link to the past will also be lost.

Some discuss the importance of linguistic diversity for internal factors of a

language. Diversity is important to scientific linguistic research, by examining

15

other languages, their grammatical structure, we can understand more about our

own language (Hale, 1992; Crystal, 2000). Hale (1992) also states that diversity

is an important factor in story telling, and poetry, often depending upon

morphosyntactic and phonological factors, for example rhyming in poetry, which

can be lost if the language dies. Crystal (2000) also looks within the language

stating that diversity allows cross-fertilization, for example English has French,

Anglo-Saxon and Latin roots. The word kingly exists amongst regal and royal,

all now possess slightly different meanings which allows for greater choice and

expression within the language. Apart from the arguments for linguistic diversity

discussed above, language can also be important to generate symbolic power.

2.7.1 Language and symbolic power

Bourdieu (1991) offers a unique view of the importance of language as a

symbolic power. He claims that as human beings apart from access to

economic capital (wealth, stocks, money) we also have access to ‘cultural

capital’ (knowledge, skills) and symbolic capital (honour, prestige). He

states that:

Linguistic exchange is also an economic exchange, which is established within a particular symbolic relation of power between a producer, endowed with a certain linguistic capital, and a consumer (or a market), and which is capable of procuring a certain material or symbolic profit.

(Bourdieu, 1991, p.66)

Boudieu (1991) justifies language shift, from minority to majority

languages as increasing one’s value, using the example of parents electing

to speak to their children in the majority language which increases their

value on the educational market (Bourdieu, 1991, p. 49). Dorian (1982

cited in Edwards, 1985, p. 91) supports this view stating that “language

loyalty persists as long as the economic and social circumstances are

conducive to it”.

Choosing one language over another can also be used to increase

symbolic power. Bourdieu (1991) uses an example of a town mayor

16

electing to speak Bérnaise (regional minority language), instead of French

to his audience. Whilst this shows symbolic power of honour and

prestige, it may flow into other areas, increasing votes and therefore his

economic capital. The following section explores language planning

efforts specifically for endangered languages.

2.8 Language planning for endangered languages

The increase of language bodies dedicated to studying endangered languages

suggests that there is a raised awareness of the importance of language

maintenance. These include such bodies as UNESCO, The Foundation for

Threatened Languages (UK), International Clearing House for Endangered

Languages (Tokyo), and lobbying groups of endangered languages around the

world. The most influential act to date is UNESCO’s Universal Declaration of

Linguistic Rights, produced after a summit in Barcelona, 1996. This has

increased the awareness of linguistic rights throughout the world, pressuring

governments to demonstrate their support to the cause.

Language planning for endangered languages involves policies aimed at

achieving either language maintenance or language revival. Nahir (2003)

discusses the difference between language maintenance and revival. Language

maintenance involves the preservation of a minority ethnic language, usually by

increasing its status and encouraging language use. In contrast, language revival

involves revitalising an endangered language so it can be used for normal means

of communication within a community. As the latter is more difficult to achieve,

most attempts have failed with the exception of Hebrew (Edwards, 1985). Formal

planning techniques depend on both status and corpus planning. Status planning

is used to assign a function to a language and raise prestige. Stewart (cited in

Cooper, 1989, p. 107) developed a classification system for status planning,

allocating symbols for each language function. A language may be made official

(o), to be used in government functions nationwide, and usually written into the

17

constitution of a nation. Languages can be assigned other functions such as

provincial (p), educational (e), international (i). Status planning alone is not

enough, it needs to coexist with corpus planning. Cooper (1989) divides corpus

planning into three stages including: Graphitisation (developing written system,

alphabet, and punctuation), Standardisation (electing one variety to be used and

developed) and Modernisation (making language appropriate communication for

all modern topics). It is important that the alphabet is easy to use and write

(Ferguson, cited in Cooper, 1989), to facilitate learning, the standardised

language must be accepted by the community to function (Ruben, 1977 cited in

Cooper, 1989). Haughen, (1966 cited in Edwards 1985), states that extra

linguistic factors, such as accepting the standard variety, are more influential in

achieving language maintenance/revival than linguistic factors, such as

developing an alphabet, or modern lexicon. Before undertaking planning it is

important to know what they want to achieve, for example, either maintain the

language in traditional domains, or revitalise the language, placing it in

competition with the majority language. Kloss (1984 cited in Edwards, 1985),

suggests that before implementing plans or policies for endangered language we

need to know if it is desirable or even possible to preserve the language in

question.

Several linguists have developed their own opinions on what needs to be in place

for language maintenance or revival to occur (see Crystal, 2000; Fishman, 1991;

Yamamoto, 1998 cited in Crystal 2000; Landweer, 1998 cited in Crystal, 2000).

Crystal (2000, p. 130-139), provides an extensive list of factors that need to be in

place to ensure the progress of an endangered language. These include:

increasing prestige, wealth and legitimate power within the dominate community,

creating a stronger presence in education system, being able to write their

language, and making use of electronic technology such as the Internet and e-

mail. Speakers of endangered languages can increase their prestige by raising

awareness in public domains and the media. They can increase their wealth by

broadening economic income to areas such as tourism, which in turn, can raise

awareness to their cause. Pressure on government bodies and the formation of

18

legally binding documents can increase their legitimate power in the dominate

community. Exposure to the endangered language in an intimate environment,

such as the home, may not be enough for children to maintain it. Therefore it is

important to push for use in schools, as it is here where children will develop

literacy skills in the endangered language. He later updates this list in 2004,

adding that apart from the need for top-down and/or bottom-up interest and

funding, there is a need to create public awareness through the arts, film, visual

art, and music (Crystal, 2004, pp. 104-105).

Some of the suggestions of Crystal (2000) may present problems, particularly for

Indigenous or ethnic minority languages. Creating a writing system for an

endangered language may clash with traditionalists’ views about their oral

language. Whilst making use of internet can create awareness of their cause,

many Indigenous and ethnic minorities may not have access to computers let

alone the Internet. Yamamoto’s (1998, cited in Crystal, 2000) response is similar

to Crystal’s but provides specific details such as the need to train native speakers

as teachers, encouraging positive sense of ethnic identity within the endangered

community whilst promoting linguistic diversity in the dominate culture.

Landweer (1998, cited in Crystal, 2000) states chances of survival depends on

certain factors including: the extent it can resist influence by the dominant urban

culture, the number of domains it can be used in, and the existence of a critical

mass of fluent speakers (people in respected or influential positions in society).

In contrast to efforts of language planners, Dixon (1997, p.147) believes “the

only real way for a small language to survive is for its speakers to remain in

isolation from the rest of the world- in the jungles of New Guinea and South

America”. Another linguist who has focussed on how to maintain and revitalise

and endangered language is Fishman.

Fishman’s Graded Intergenerational Disruption Scale (GIDS) has been used in

many studies to assess the position of endangered languages. Unlike Crystal

(2000), he focuses on the importance of introducing the endangered language in

the work domain, as we spend majority of life at work, and using it in intimate

19

domains to increase inter-generational transmission (Fishman, 1991, p. 397). The

model for reversing language shift is divided into two parts, the first to achieve

diglossia or language maintenance, and the second to achieve revival. (Xish =

minority language, Yish = majority language).

Figure 1: GID scale. (Fishman, 2001, p. 466)

Reading from the bottom up, he provides steps for even the most extreme case

(no native speakers). Common mistakes made by lobbying groups include

attempts to achieve too much too early which can hinder the final result for the

language in question. Arguably the most important step for Fishman (2001) is the

achievement of intergenerational transmission of the mother tongue, if and only

when this is established can and should progress be made to involve the language

in public domains of education, work and mass media. He states Pro RLS’s

(people in favour of Reversing Language Shift) need to assess where the

language is placed on the scale, and repair lower stages before taking on greater

tasks (Fishman, 1991).

STAGES OF REVERSING LANGUGAGE SHIFT:

SEVERITY OF INTERGENERATIONAL DISLOCATION (read from the bottom up) 1. Education, work sphere, mass media and governmental operations at higher and

nationwide levels. 2. Local/regional mass media and governmental services. 3. The local/regional (ie. Non-neighbourhood work sphere, both among Xmen and among

Ymen. 4b. Public schools for Xish children, offering some instruction via Xish but substantially

under Yish curricular and staffing control. 4a. Schools in lieu of compulsory education and substantially under Xish curricular and

staffing control. II. RLS to transcend diglossia, subsequent to its attainment.

5. Schools for literacy acquisition, for the old and for the young and not in lieu of compulsory education.

6. The intergenerational and demographically concentrated home-family- neighbourhood-community: the basis of mother tongue transmission.

7. Cultural interaction in Xish primarily involving the community based older generation.

8. Reconstructing Xish and adult acquisition of XSL.

I. RLS to attain diglossia (assuming prior ideological clarification).

20

PART B: MAPUCHE PEOPLE OF CHILE.

2.9 Statistics on Chile’s Indigenous population

The Chilean government, in agreement with La Ley Indígena 19.2532

[Indigenous law] (1992), recognises eight distinct ethnic groups in Chile. These

include, Alcalufe (Kawashkar), Atacameño, Aimara, Colla, Mapuche, Quechua,

Rapa Nui [Easter Islanders], and Yamana. According to the last Census in 2002,

only 4.9% of the Chilean population claimed to belong to one of these ethnic

groups (INE, 2004 (b)). The Mapuches are the strongest ethnic group represented

with 87.3% of the total Indigenous population. In the 2002 census 604,349

people claimed to be Mapuche. It is interesting to note that this figure has

decreased substantially since the 1992 census where 928, 060 people claimed to

be Mapuche. This reduction could be attributed to the ambiguity of the question

in the 1992 census, where the question asked “Do you belong to one of the

following cultures?” 3 (Question 16, INE, 1992) was rephrased for the 2002

census, “Do you belong to one of the following Original or Indigenous peoples?”

(Question 21, INE, 2004 (b)).

Figure 2: Distribution of the Indigenous population per ethnic group. (INE, 2002 (b)).

2 Ley Indígena, bill passed by the Chilean government in 1992 to protect the rights of Indigenous people. This is discussed in section 2.11.5 3 “Si usted es chileno,¿se considera perteneciente a alguna de las siguientes culturas? 1) Mapuche, 2) aymara, 3) rapanuí 4) ninguna de las anteriores.”

21

2.10 Temuco and the Región de la Araucanía

The city of Temuco is located at 38.55 S, 72.36 W in Southern Chile,

approximately 700 km south of the capital Santiago de Chile. It is the capital city

of the IX Region, (Región de la Araucanía). Commercial activities in the area

depend on agricultural produce, (wheat, oats, barley, timber) and raising

livestock, such as cattle and sheep (Encyclopedia Encarta, 2004). With a

population of 232,528 (INE, 2004(a)), Temuco is undergoing rapid growth, and

has developed as a strong business district for the region (Hubbard, 2003). There

is a blend of Spanish, Mapuche and German cultures evident in the city and

surrounding areas (Encyclopedia Encarta, 2004).

Whilst there are no figures available for the total Mapuche population in Temuco,

figures for the IX Region prove it has the

largest contingent of Mapuches, with 202,970

people claiming to be Mapuche out of a total of

869,535 for the region (INE, 2004 (a)) (See

Table 1). Eyzaguirre & Herborn, (2001) claim

that studies show this region as one of the

poorest in Chile. In rural areas of the IX Region

Mapuche population can be as high as 50% of

the total, this lowers in Temuco to 15%

(Eyzaguirre & Herborn, 2001). If Mapuches

comprise of 15% of Temuco’s total population

it can be estimated that approximately 34,000

Mapuches live in Temuco.

Figure 3: Map of Chile (Graphic Maps, 2005)

22

IX REGION Sexo

Se considera perteneciente a: Hombre Mujer

Total

1. Alacalufe (Kawashkar) 50 60 110 2. Atacameño 31 33 64 3. Aimara 44 45 89 4. Colla 41 49 90 5. Mapuche 102,480 100,490 202,970 6. Quechua 229 231 460 7. Rapa Nui 42 62 104 8. Yámana (Yagán) 29 34 63 9. Ninguno de los anteriores 327,752 337,833 665,585 Total 430,698 438,837 869,535

Table 1: Population by sex according to Indigenous group, (INE, 2002 (a)).

Apart from being one of the poorest regions of Chile, Marquéz (2003) claims that

education standards in IX Region are lower, with the average schooling 3.6 years

less than for Región Metropolitana (Santiago). In general Mapuches have a

lower HDI (Human Development Index), than non-Mapuches. However, the IX

Region shows the largest gap between the two (Marquéz, 2003, p. 48). It is

important to understand the historical events that have affected the Mapuche

people which directly influence their situation particularly in regards to culture

and language. Therefore their history is discussed in the next section.

2.11 History of the Mapuche people

There are several key events that affected the Mapuche nation, this section

divides these events into: ‘Origin of the Mapuche people’, ‘European invasion’,

‘Chilean independence and La pacificación de la Araucanía’, ‘Pinochet regime’,

and finally, ‘Return to democracy’.

2.11.1 Origin of the Mapuche people

Between 30,000 and 40,000 years ago the first inhabitants arrived in

America crossing the Bering Straits from Asia (Green, 1997; Yávar Meza,

2000). Brown (2000) claims that the oldest artefacts found in southern

Chile date back 15,000 years. However, Yávar Meza (2000) claims that

they are only 12, 500 years old. There are two traditional theories regarding

the origins of the Mapuche civilization in southern Chile. Ricardo

Latcham’s theory claims that the Mapuches migrated across from the

23

Argentinean Pampas approximately 900 AD (Parentini, 1996, Bengoa,

2000). In contrast, Thomas Guevara’s theory claims they migrated from

coastal region of northern Chile (Parentini, 1996; Bengoa, 2000). There are

several inconsistencies in theories surrounding the origin of the Mapuches

in Chile, but it is clear that the early inhabitants, and later Mapuches, were

hunter-gatherers. They held a strong connection with nature which is

reflected in their deities, spiritual beliefs and creation stories (Villalobos,

2003; Brown, 2000). Unlike Inca or Aztec civilizations, the Mapuches

didn’t develop a central authority; their social structure consisted of

relatively small family clans or kinships called lofs (Brown, 2000; Bengoa,

2000). The Mapuche nation was comprised of several ethnic groups

classed by their geographical location. These included, Huilliche

(southerners), Pehuenche (mountain people-from east), Mapuche/Araucano

(central region), Lafkenche (coastal people- from west). The Picunche

(Northerners) people were overthrown by the Incas and have since

disappeared. All these groups share the same cultural traits and language,

Mapudungun (Saavedra Pelaez, 2002; Yávar Meza, 2000; Bengoa, 2000;

Salas, 1992).

2.11.2 European invasion

Not long before the Spanish invasion of Chile, the Mapuches were

threatened by the Inca from the north. To defeat the Inca they restructured

themselves, giving more power to lonkos [chiefs] and creating weichefes

[warlords]. They also evolved from being hunter-gatherers to hunter-

gatherer-horticulturalists (Bengoa, 2000). Under Inca influence, they began

cultivating potatoes and beans in small clearings in forests (Villalobos,

2003; Brown, 2000). By the time Spanish arrived to Chile (16th century),

the Mapuches covered a vast territory from the V to XI regions, (Yávar

Meza, 2000). Bengoa (2000) claims Mapuche territory was originally

bounded by the Itata River in the north and the Cruces River (Loncoche) in

the south.

24

The Spanish arrived in Chile on a quest to find more gold and labour. They

eventually crossed into Mapuche territory where they were met with “the

fiercest Indigenous resistance” (Brown, 2000, p. 205). Mapuche had

developed strong warfare tactics, primarily used to defeat Inca and later the

Spanish. They became skilled horseman and used European technology,

eventually forcing out the Spanish in 1598 (Brown, 2000). The Spanish

Crown granted autonomy to the Mapuche region in 1694 at the Treaty of

Quilín. The parliament recognised the frontera [border] at the Bío-Bío

River (Bengoa, 2000). The Mapuches enjoyed autonomy until the 19th

century. Despite relative success in defeating the Spanish, colonisation still

had a devastating effect on the Mapuche population. Hidalgo (cited in

Citarella, 2000, p. 19) estimates that the Mapuches lost between 60-70% of

their population within two generations after Spanish occupation in Chile,

as a result of casualties of war and the onset of diseases such as smallpox.

During their period of autonomy the Mapuches domesticated animals,

increased agricultural pursuits, and developed silver and metal work,

trading with the Spanish settlers (Citarella, 2000).

2.11.3 Chilean Independence and the Pacificación de la Araucanía

Despite the idealism created by the independence campaigns in Latin

America, forming a nation for the benefit of its people, the end result for

Mapuches under independence was considerably worse than under Spanish

rule. As Chile gained independence in 1818 criollos [Chilean born

Spanish] believed all land in Chile should belong to them. All previous

agreements between Mapuches and the Spanish Crown became invalid

(Salas, 1992). The campaign Pacificación de la Araucanía forced

Mapuches to live in reducciones, dividing their land amongst Chileans

(Citarella, 2000). The forced removal from traditional lands had severe

physical, economic, cultural and social consequences for the Mapuches.

Saavedra Peláez (2002) states it was the Chileans (the State) that committed

ethnocide towards Mapuches during the Pacificacion de la Araucania at

the end of the 19th century and not the Spanish during colonisation. Social

25

structures were greatly affected, and there was a breakdown in lineages and

the balance of power, with lonkos losing their authority (Citarella, 2000).

2.11.4 Pinochet regime

Policies developed during the 1960’s and early 1970’s under the Frei and

Allende governments had a positive effect on Mapuches. The 1968

Reforma Agraría [Agricultural Reform] lead to the collapse of the latifundo

system, redistributing more power to rural workers (Villalobos, 2003).

Allende’s socialist government (1970-1973) focused on the redistribution

of wealth, “for the poorest Chileans, this popular democratic revolution

bought tremendous benefits” including social security, public housing and

the recognition of women and children’s rights (Barton, 2004). Whilst

other Indigenous groups and organisations throughout the world were

making progress, the Mapuche’s and other Indigenous Chilean’s fight for

Indigenous rights were severely hindered when the Allende government

was overthrown by a military coup. General Augusto Pinochet abolished

the Chilean constitution and national congress and led a violent attack

against his opponents:

Los grupos de izquierda fueron perseguidos drásticamente, y sus miembros aprisionados, torturados, y exiliados. Más de 3.000 fueron ejecutados. [Leftish groups were drastically persecuted, and their members imprisoned, tortured and exiled. More than 3000 were executed].

(Villalobos, 2003, p. 207)

Pinochet’s regime was notorious throughout the world and Chile became

isolated by the international community (Villalobos, 2003). Policies

introduced under the dictatorship had a negative influence on Chile’s

Indigenous population. Mapuche organisations and lobby groups were

prohibited (Saavedra Peláez, 2003; Salazar & Pinto, 1999). Any Mapuche

land that was recuperated under Allende’s government was lost,

redistributed to private industry, largely forestry (Millaman, 2001). The

government opposed ethnic diversity in Chile, and held a strict one nation,

one people policy. The minister for Agriculture was quoted in 1978 saying:

26

“En Chile no hay indígenas todos son chilenos” [In Chile there are no

Indigenous [people], they are all Chilean]. During the dictatorship, 31,597

people changed their names, 1000 of these Mapuche, attempting to escape

risk or ridicule (Salazar & Pinto, 1999). Only now, thirty years after the

military coup, is information on the atrocities committed becoming clear.

Trials for crimes committed against humanity during the Pinochet regime

are currently underway in Chile.

2.11.5 Return to democracy

Despite the election of a democratic government in 1989, the Mapuches

and other Indigenous Chileans are still waiting on some basic demands. To

honour the anniversary of Columbus’ expedition, many Latin American

nations granted rights to their Indigenous people. In Chile, congress

rejected a bill to grant Indigenous people official recognition (Salazar &

Pinto, 1999). Legally, little can be achieved without official recognition:

The existence of Mapuche people is not recognized by the Chilean constitution nor does Chile subscribe to international agreements that promote human rights and rights of Indigenous people. This means that neither the legal nor educational systems are obliged to make a distinction between the Mapuche and the Chileans.

(UNPO, 2003)

This opionion is also expressed in the article A new twist to an old tale

(1999) which states: “While the rest of Latin America grant special rights

to Indigenous people, it is unusual that Chile doesn’t”. However, in 1992

the Chilean government created La Ley Indígena 19.253 [Law for

Indigenous People] (1992) and a body to oversee Indigenous affairs,

CONADI (Corporación Nacional de Desarrollo Indígena). The law was

created to secure the rights of Indigenous people in Chile, though many

policies have yet to be implemented.

27

2.11.5.1 CONADI [National Corporation of Indigenous

development]

CONADI, a government body catering to Indigenous development,

was created to coincide with La Ley Indígena (1992). Whilst this is a

positive step by the government in recognising Indigenous needs,

many feel disappointed by its lack of achievement (Millaman, 2001).

Worse still, some CONADI officials are currently under investigation

for “fraudulent sales of land, corruption and misappropriation of

funds in the process” (Millaman, 2001). Indigenous communities are

now finding it difficult to trust that CONADI will support their best

interests. Foerester & Vergara (2003, p. 51) claim many are unsure of

CONADI’s purpose “sí esta institución representa al Estado frente a

los indígenas o a los indígenas frente al Estado” [if this institution

represents the State before the Indigenous people or represents the

Indigenous people before the State].

2.12 Current issues affecting Mapuches

Some of the most pressing issues affecting Mapuches today include:

discrimination, urbanization, poverty, and territorial disputes. Each of these

issues are discussed next.

2.12.1 Discrimination and stereotypes

“Although some 80% of Chileans have at least some Indian blood, many of

them look down on the Mapuches” (A new twist to an old tale, 1999, p.40).

This has resulted in a long history of attaching stereotypes to Mapuches.

Stucklich (cited in Alvarado & Purcell, 2003) identifies five different

stereotypes from Spanish invasion to present day, these include:

1550-1810, Valientes Guerreros [Brave Warriors]

1810-1850, Bandidos Sangrientes [Blood thirsty Bandits] 1850-1900, Flojos y Borrachos [Lazy and Drunk] 1900- present Flojos y Ignorantes [Lazy and Ignorant] 1980- present Locos terroristas [Crazy Terrorists]

28

The present stereotype of ‘crazy terrorists’ coincides with the Pinochet law

to trial Mapuches (particularly those who commit arson against timber

plantations as terrorists) (see Section 2.12.3 in Chapter 2). Saavedra

Peláez, (2002, p.40) includes the following stereotypes: “que son

atrasados, irracionales, supersticiosos, ignorantes, amén de flojos,

borrachos e insolantes” [they are backward, irrational, superstitious,

ignorant, very lazy, drunk and insolent]. One of the greatest myths

surrounding Mapuches is that they are all campesinos [rural peasants],

despite recent statistics claiming otherwise: only 35.2% live in rural areas,

the rest in urban areas (INE, 2004(b), p. 2). One observation claims that:

Para ser Mapuche hay que vivir en el sur, en la comunidad o lofche y además hay que estar involucrado en una recuperación de las tierra. [To be Mapuche you have to live in the south, in a community or lofche, also, you must be involved in land recuperation].

(Indígenas Urbanos: sueños y realidades para un nuevo trato, 2003 p.17)

A lack of education and understanding on behalf of non-Mapuches, and

misrepresentation by the media, has increased the level of discrimination

that Mapuche’s face in day to day life, particularly in the work place.

Many Mapuche women are discriminated against when applying for jobs.

During an interview for domestic work, one woman stated she was turned

away when the employer looked at her identity card and saw her surname

was Mapuche (CONACIN, 2000). Discrimination is also felt in the highest

levels of employment. Former minister, now Mayor of Temuco, Francisco

Huenchumilla, states:

“Cuando llego a ministro todos piensan que voy a frascasar <¡Este gallo!> Porque claro, cómo un Huenchumilla puede ser ministro. Si yo me hubiera llamado Astaburuaga probablemente hubieran dicho: <Este gallo lo va a hacer estupendo>. [They all think I’m going to fail… of course how could a Huenchumilla be minister? If I was called Astaburuaga they probably would have said ‘this guy is going to do great’].

(Huenchumilla, Cited in Puentes, 2003 p. 63)

29

Discrimination and hostilities towards Mapuches have caused

psychological problems. Aravena Reyes (2001, p. 2) states, “hostility has

made most Mapuches renounce their identity, reject their language and

change their names, all of which has caused serious psychological

problems”.

Mapuches of mixed descent are discriminated against on both fronts, by

Mapuches and non-Mapuches. As Francisco Painepan Parada states:

La discriminacion la he vivido en carne propia, por ambos lados, porque no tengo rasgos Mapuches. Entonces tambien soy discriminado por mis hermanos: para ellos yo soy una imagen de huinca, y eso me ha provocado muchos problemas. [I have experienced discrimination first hand, from both sides because I don’t have Mapuche features. So I am also discriminated against by my ‘brothers’ to them I am the image of a wigka [non-Mapuche], and this has caused me many problems]

(Francisco Painepan Parada, cited in Puentes, 2003, p. 61)

The process of urbanisation in Latin America has increased dramatically

with more people migrating from rural to urban areas.

2.12.2 Urbanisation

Estimates show that out of 470 million people in Latin America, over 350

million live in urban areas (Green, 1997). Several reasons have been listed

for rural-urban migration including: “war, famine, shortage of land, and the

illusionary glitter of the city with the promise of jobs, education and

excitement” (Green, 1997, p.59). However, despite myths, migration is

usually well planned, and the majority of migrants are young literate adults,

mainly women (Green, 1997). As previously noted, 64.3% of Indigenous

Chileans live in urban areas (INE, 2004(a), p. 2). Whilst they do not

provide information on Mapuches alone, using 1992 census data, Aravena

Reyes (2001) claims that approximately 80% of Mapuches occupy urban

areas such as Santiago, Concepción and Temuco.

30

Since the first Spanish settlements were established, Mapuches migrated to

urban centres for trade and economic opportunities. However it wasn’t until

the 1960’s when the first great waves of emigration began. The Reforma

Agraria (Agricultural reform) introduced in this era lead to both Mapuche

and non-Mapuche migration. Arguably the policies introduced under the

Pinochet dictatorship such as the re-privatization of recovered land, Law

2568 Division de las tierras [land division] (1975), had a much more

detrimental affect on rural Mapuche people (Valdés, 1997).

Reasons for Mapuche migration in Chile are similar to those proposed by

Green (1997) above. The scarcity of land, traditional lines of inheritance

(father to son), lack of work opportunities and the low prestige attached to a

traditional life are all relevant causes. Between 1982 and 1992, 3571

Mapuches migrated out of rural areas (Citarella, 2000 p.31). As suggested

by Green, young Mapuche women migrate more than men. And Mapuche

women migrate long term, permanently, whereas Mapuche males tend to

migrate to urban areas temporarily (Citarella, 2000). This is reflected in

INE study of reduccion migration, females leaving at a higher rate than

males. This is due to the patriarchal inheritance with females unable to

claim land inheritance etc. Also, there are more jobs available for women

than men as domestic workers (Citarella, 2000 p. 30). Hopenhayn & Bello

note several reasons for urbanisation :

El deterioro de las economías campesinas, la perdida y disminución de las tierras comunitarias, la carencia general de recursos productivos, el crecimiento de la población, la asalarización, la pobreza y factores subjetivos como la atracción por las ‘ventajas’ de la vida en la ciudad, son algunos de las causas de transito a las urbes. [The deterioration of the rural economy, loss and diminishment of community land, scarcity of productive resources, population growth, wages, poverty and subjective factors like the attraction of the advantages of city life, are some of the causes of migration to urban centres].

(Hopenhayn, M & Bello, A in Indígenas urbanos: sueños y realidades para nuevo trato 2003, p.13).

31

The issue of poverty is closely linked with the process of urbanisation.

2.12.3 Poverty in Chile

For the past fifteen years, the Chilean economy has grown at an average of

7% annually. Despite this, Brown (1999) notes “the boom has only

deepened the grievances of the Mapuche underclass”. Like other Latin

American countries, there is a widening gap between the rich and poor, the

Indigenous Chileans feel the effect with 35.5% living below the poverty

line (CONACIN, 2000). This is accentuated in urban areas, “away from the

manicured lawns and Starbuck’s of Santiago’s Barrio Alto, 20% live on

less than $1 a day” (Burgis, 2005). Not only are Mapuches affecting by

poverty, some (particularly rural) are also involved in territorial disputes

over their original land.

2.12.4 Territorial disputes

As previously mentioned, the Mapuche people share a spiritual bond with

nature and the land. One of the most prominent issues affecting Mapuches

today is land rights in their traditional region (IX Region). The timber

industry is their toughest opponent, accounting for 1/10 of Chilean exports

(A new twist to an old tale, 1999). Forestry companies such as Mineco,

Forestal Arauco and Crecex don’t employ local workers, and their forests

dry up water supplies and cause soil erosion (A new twist to an old tale,

1999; Millaman, 2001). The Ministerio de Obras Públicas [Ministry for

Public Works] has announced plans to construct a coastal highway 200

miles through sacred sites including cemeteries (Millaman, 2001). Since

1997, ten Mapuche families have blocked the commissioning of a $10

million RALCA hydroelectric plant, refusing to sell their homes (Brown,

1999). Mapuche activists have clashed with forestry companies, burning

down plantations. They are now being trialled for property damage as

terrorists, as the 1978 Pinochet terrorist law is still enforced.

32

The history of the Mapuche people can provide some explanations towards the

current state of their language, Mapudungun. This will be explored in the next

part of the literature review.

33

PART C: MAPUDUNGUN: Language of the Mapuche people

This part of the literature review discusses the language of Mapudugun. It is

divided into the following sections: ‘Langauges in Chile’, ‘Linguistic

classification of Mapudungun’, ‘Dialectal variation of Mapudungun’, ‘Linguistic

characteristics of Mapudungun’, ‘Statistics on Mapudungun speakers’,

‘Mapudungun as an endangered language’, ‘Sociolinguistic situation of

Mapudungun’, ‘Speech domains for Mapudungun’, ‘Language use and urban

Mapuches’, ‘Prestige’, ‘Lingusitic discrimination’, ‘Importance of Mapudungun’,

‘Linguistic situation of Mapudungun’, and concludes by discussing ‘Language

planning and policies for Mapudungun’.

2.13 Languages in Chile

The Summer Institute of Linguistics’ (SIL) Ethnologue (2004) lists 10

Indigenous languages and Spanish as languages of Chile. Their list is as follows:

Aymara (central), Huilliche, Mapudungun, Qawasqar, Chilean Quechua, Rapa

Nui, Spanish, Yámana, Kakauhua and Kunza. The latter two are already extinct

and one, Yámana ‘nearly extinct’ with only three speakers remaining. SIL have

listed Huilliche as a separate language however, it is most commonly

acknowledged to be a dialect of Mapudungun, due to the mutual intelligibility

between these codes. Spanish is recognised in the constitution as the official and

only language in Chile (SIL, 2004; Cañulef, 1992 p.54; Gallardo, 1984 p. 158;

Loncón, 1995 p. 9). Over 13,800,000 people in Chile speak Spanish, German is

also widely spoken, though figures on number of speakers are unavailable (SIL,

2004). SIL have also worked on the linguistic classification of Mapudungun to

determine what language family it belongs to.

2.14 Linguistic classification of Mapudungun

The name Mapudungun comprises of Mapu- ‘land/earth’ dungun- ‘speak’,

language of the land/earth (Loncón, 1995). However it is important to note that

Mapudungun can also be spelt Mapuzugun (new Azümchefe alphabet). It is also

known by other names including: Chedungun, Mapunchedungun,

34

Mapuchedungun, and Mapuchekewon depending on the region of the speaker

(Loncón, 1995 p.13). It has also been referred to as Araucano or Mapuche (SIL

2004)

SIL (2004) list Mapudungun as a descendant of the Araucanian language family.

Stonham, (1996, p. 133) also lists Araucanian (Mapudungun) as one of twelve

separate language families in South America. He lists: Araucanian, Chibchan,

Macro-Ge, Paezan, Quechuan, Tucanoan, Carib, Witotoan, Arawakan, Jivaron,

Nambiquaran, Panoan, Yanomaman, Tacanan, Tupian, and Zaparoan. Navarro

(nd.) also classifies it as Araucano, as a sub-family of the Andean group- Andean

equatorial branch. Traditionally it has been regarded as one of the 70 isolates of

South America (see Section 2.2.1 in Chapter 2), not related to any other language

family (Lenz 1886 in Navarro, nd.). Despite this there are various theories

regarding the languages origin and classification, for example Tovar (1961, cited

in Navarro), believed it was in the same language family as Quechua and

Aymara.

2.15 Dialectal variation of Mapudungun

The Summer Institute of Linguistics (2004) list three regional dialects for

Mapudungun including: Moluche, Picunche and Pehuence, but claim there is

“easy intelligibility among all dialects”. There is a history of documentation

supporting this statement. In 1787, Molina studied the Mapuches and their

language and claimed there were no distinct dialects (Sánchez, 1993). Dr Rodolfo

Lenz (1895-7 cited in Sánchez, 1993) supports this view stating that the

differences between regional dialects of Mapudungun are “insignificant”. Burgos

(cited in CONADI, nd) stated since the arrival of the conquistadores the influence

of the Mapuche language and the regularity of its grammatical structure was

alarming. In 1606, Valdivia noted Mapudungun was spoken in a territory

confined by Coquimbo in north down to Isla Chiloe in the south, and from Andes

Mountains in the east across to the Pacific ocean in the west (Valdivia 1606, in

Salas, 1992). Chiodi & Loncón (1995) also claim there are minimal variations in

dialects.

35

2.16 Linguistic characteristics of Mapudungun

Gilberto Sánchez (1993) describes Mapudungun as “Polisintético y aglutinante

de tendencia sufijadora” [Polysynthetic, agglutinate of suffixed tendency]. One

word in Mapudungun may represent an entire sentence in Spanish or English as

they incorporate various elements including: morphemes, lexicon, and

grammatical aspects such as person, time, and mode. For example the word

Awarkudekefun means “I used to play beans [but not anymore]” (Sánchez,

1993). The language has an oral tradition, and a written form of Mapudungn was

only developed through the influence of Europeans (see Section 2.26 in Chapter

2).

2.17 Statistics on Mapudungun speakers

Unfortunately, the issue of languages other than Spanish has never been

addressed in the national Chilean census. Therefore, it is difficult to assess the

number of Mapudungun speakers in Chile. One estimate claims up to 700,000

speakers, (Cuevas, 2003 p.2) which based on today’s figures of the population is

not only improbable but impossible. Croese, (1982 cited in SIL, 2004) proposed

that there were 200,000 active speakers of Mapudungun in Chile. The language is

also spoken in Argentina, though the population is only 40,000, and figures on

speakers are unavailable.

Grinevald, (1998, p. 131) classifies Mapudungun as a larger minority language

(along with Quechua, Guaraní, & Aymara), but also provides a vague estimation

stating “it may have between 200- 500,000 speakers”. As Mapudungun has an

oral tradition, literacy rates for Mapuches in their language are as low as 1%

(SIL, 2004). As yet there has been no comprehensive linguistic survey of

Mapudungun in Chile, especially of ‘active’ speakers, those with a high degree of

competence, and who use it as their first language (L1).

One linguistic survey was conducted in collaboration with CELADE, UFRO,

INE, PAESMI, and FII, in 1990, within communities surrounding Temuco in the

36

IX Region. The area included the communities of Metrenco, Labranza,

Maquehue and Molco. Of the 2714 households studied, 49% use both languages

(Spanish and Mapudungun), 41% use Spanish more and only 10% use

Mapudungun more (CELADE et al., 1990, cited in Citarella, 2000, p. 28). One

year later, in 1991, the same area was studied by Oyarce and Pérez with women

only. Of 117 women (15-54 years) studied they produced the same results as the

previous study for use of both languages (49%) but 48% use Spanish more

compared to only 8% using Mapudungun more (Oyarce & Perez, 1991 cited in

Citarella, 2000, p. 28). Trans-generational language use shows only 4% of

mothers speaking to children in Mapudungun, while 67% use Spanish. The

remainder speaks both (Oyarce & Perez 1991 in Citarella, 2000, p.28). Citerella

claims the studies show a change in language use between generations.

Aunque no existen estadísticas sobre el conjunto de la población Mapuche las investigaciones realizados concuerdan en identificar una clara tendencia al desplazamiento de la lengua maternal. [Although there are no statistics for the entire Mapuche population, the investigations conducted concur with identifying a clear tendency of language shift (displacement) of the mother tongue].

(Citarella, 2000 p. 28)

2.18 Mapudungun as an endangered language

Studies on Mapudungun (see Section 2.17 in Chapter 2) suggest that the language

is losing speakers and becoming endangered. Wurm, (1996) provides a measure

of endangerment for Mapudungun following his classification system (see

Section 2.3 in Chapter 2) In “Atlas of the world’s languages in danger of

disappearing” Adeelar (cited in Wurm, 1996 South America Map) lists

Mapudungun as an endangered language. This map shows the language situation

in South America at present. It also lists Huilliche, in southern Chile and

Tehuelche, in Argentina as moribund languages.

37

Figure 4: Map of Languages in South (Adelaar, cited in Wurm, 1996).

It should be noted that this map only focuses on languages in Chile, Paraguay,

Argentina, and part of Brazil.

2.19 Sociolinguistic situation of Mapudungun

The Mapuche’s and their language survived in autonomy for over 200 years after

Spanish invasion. After they lost their territory, and were forced to assimilate to

Chilean society, language contact with Spanish provoked a rapid decrease in

speakers of Mapudungun. Since the period of Independence, Mapuches have

needed to learn Spanish to survive in Chile (Salas, 1987) leading to a forced

bilingualism. This is one sided in that non-Mapuches did not need to learn

Mapudungun to survive, only incorporating Mapudungun into their language

when absolutely necessary, eg. To name native plants or animals (Salas, 1992)

KEY

○ Endangered language

● Severly Endangered language

Moribund language

+ Extinct language

38

As Salas, (1992) explains, all Mapuche children are bilingual by their first school

year. He also states that since this time Spanish speakers have always had an

advantage over Mapudungun speakers for the following reasons: 1. number, 2.

political and economic power, 3. territorial domination, 4. social prestige, 5.

cultural interest (Salas, 1992 p.43). Loncón, (1995) states that Mapudungun

doesn’t reach the same rights, nor status, nor functions as Spanish.

The Mapuche people are now classified as: “como una comunidad bilingüe

instable en transicion hacia el monolinguismo en castellano” [an unstable

bilingual community in transition towards monolingualism in Spanish] (Chiodi &

Loncón, 1995 p. 26). There are varying degrees of bilingualism, usually affected

by location of the speaker (rural or urban) and age of speaker (old or young).

Salas (1992) provides two extreme cases of language use. He suggests at one end

of the continuum there are monolinguals in Spanish, and at the other, active

bilinguals in Spanish and Mapudungun but with greater competency in

Mapudungun. It is important to note that the existence of Mapuches monolingual

in Mapudungun has generally been dismissed (Salas, 1992). Another linguist

observed differences between generations stating that:

“Mientras que los más ancianos conservan la lengua, muchos jovenes, por lo general, tienden a desarrollar o a mantener una competencia solo pasiva en Mapudungun” [while the elderly maintain their language, young people in general, tend to only develop or maintain a passive competency in Mapudungun].

(Durán, 1990 cited in Chiodi & Loncón, 1995 p. 27)

Huisca & Loncomil, (nd, p.158) state that children no longer want to learn

Mapudungun. They believe there are two main reasons, 1. Using Mapudungun

only serves for being rejected and marginalised by non-Mapuches at school and

later in the workforce and, 2. Learning Mapudungun impedes the learning of

other disciplines at school such as maths and Spanish. They do however claim

there to be some exceptions to the trend, particularly younger Mapuches studying

Mapudungun at University.

There are no figures available for the number of people in Chile bilingual in

Spanish/Mapudungun (CONADI, nd., p. 11). One study conducted in Maquhue,

39

on the outskirts of Temuco addressed bilingualism amongst Mapuche children.

Antilef, (1992 cited in Chiodi & Loncón, 1995 p. 27) observed that children were

exposed to both Spanish and Mapudungun depending on the circumstances or

topic of conversation. He found Spanish began to dominate more with usage

accelerated by media such as TV, radio and the use of Spanish in formal

education.

Whilst most studies reflect trends in inter-generational language loss, the works

of Titiev in the 1940’s (in Gallardo, 1984 p. 175) suggest that language shift and

cultural assimilation are cyclical. Studying the same group of women over 25

years he found whilst young they did not speak Mapudungun or wear traditional

dress, but he discovered 25 years later the same women wearing traditional dress

and speaking Mapudungun.

2.20 Speech domains for Mapudungun

Before contact occurred between Spanish and Mapudungun, Mapudungun was

complete and served to express all aspects of Mapuche life (Sanchez, 1993). Now

that Spanish is the official language of Chile and used in a variety of domains,

Mapudungun has been restricted for rituals and domestic use only (Cañulef,

1992). Spice (2002) affirms this, claiming it has been reduced to a ‘kitchen’

language. Loncón (1995, p. 18) notes that Mapudungun only has two functions,

1. Cultural Function: within the Mapuche environment (rituals, ceremonies) 2. Informal Function: within domestic domain of daily life.

In urban situations, there are even fewer domains where the language is used.

Loncón, (1995) states that on the rare occasion that Mapudungun is used in the

city, it is restricted to the markets or bus terminals.

2.21 Language use and urban Mapuches

The increasing rates of urbanisation (see Section 2.12.2 in Chapter 2), has

perpetuated a language shift from Mapudungun to Spanish. Salas (1992) claims

that speakers can be classified into two groups: those who dominate in the

vernacular and opt for a traditional life and others who dominate in Spanish and

40

opt to migrate to cities. He also states that migration has been occurring over

several generations and now the older generation (who can’t or won’t visit

Mapuche communities) have lost their Mapudungun through disuse. Type of

employment and social status will also influence whether or not a person is able

to maintain their Mapudungun in urban environments. Salas (1992, p. 44) claims

professionals and students are less likely to maintain Mapudungun than

labourers, or domestic workers who tend to remain within Mapuche circles.

After migrating to the city, people only practice their Mapudungun when visiting

family in Mapuche communities. José Antilao, (cited in Brown, 1999) has a

family who reflects this trend saying “my kids all live in the city now, they

understand us when we speak Mapuche but then they answer in Spanish”.

2.22 Prestige

Like many Indigenous languages throughout the world, Mapudungun suffers

from a lack of prestige in Chilean society. Chiodi & Loncón (1995, p. 29) claim

this as a primary factor that contributes to the acceleration in language shift from

Mapudungun to Spanish in both rural and urban areas. This results in abandoning

the teaching of Mapudungun to new generations. Over time Mapuches have

developed an inferiority complex about their language, as it is constantly referred

to as a dialect, suggesting it is inferior to Spanish.

El mapudungun, como ya ha sido definido, es una lengua, aunque por circunstancias socials y politicas y dado su poco prestigio social, hay quienes lo han denominado dialecto [Mapudungun, as it has now been defined, is a language, although social and political circumstances and given its low social prestige, there are those who have named it a dialect].

(Salas, 1992)

Lack of prestige in language is closely linked with culture and ethnic identity.

Many Mapuches deny their ethnic identity, referred to as ‘vergüenza etnica’ or

ethnic shame and cease to use their language (Loncón, 1995 p. 20).

41

2.23 Linguistic discrimination

Since the arrival of the Spanish, Mapuches have been discriminated against (see

Section 2.12.1 in Chapter 2). This also applies to their language use not only due

to speaking Mapudungun but also for speaking Spanish. When compulsory

schooling for Mapuche children was introduced, many were monolingual in

Mapudungun, and struggled to learn Spanish. They became stereotyped as

‘mentally retarded’ which led to claims that Mapuches were ‘inferior to non-

Mapuches’ (Chiodi & Loncón, 1995). Negative experiences at school have led

parents to abandon teaching their children Mapudungun, so they aren’t ridiculed.

However, as Cañulef (1992) points out, this has created more problems as parents

are now teaching their children ‘bad’ Spanish, resulting in children being

incompetent in Mapudungun and Spanish. Many Mapuches are ridiculed for

speaking mapuchizado Spanish (Chiodi & Loncón, 1995). Speaking

Mapudungun has also led to discrimination in the workplace. One Mapuche

domestic worker, a nanny, claims she was fired despite telling her boss

“unfortunately I don’t know my language”, when her boss became concerned she

would speak Mapudungun to her children (CONACIN, 2000). Mapuches are not

just discriminated against by non-Mapuches, but also by their own people for

speaking Mapudungun. This usually occurs between urban and rural Mapuches,

one urban Mapuche woman claims she is laughed at when speaking

Mapudungun.

no nunca participé porque no sé mucho Mapuche porque de repente se rién de una, porque una no sabe y dicen: de a dónde salió esta chiñurra que no sabe? [No I never participated, because I don’t know much Mapuche [Mapudungun] and suddenly they laugh at one, because one doesn’t know and they say: where did this chiñurra4 come from that doesn’t know].

(Angélica*, in Eyzaguirre & Herborn, 2001 p. 201)

As can be seen by the previous examples, discrimination by language use is a

complex dilemma for all Mapuches, as they are caught between using Spanish or

Mapudungun.

4 Chiñurra (from ‘señora’) is Mapuche slang, a derogatory term for a non-Mapuche woman.

42

2.24 Importance of Mapudungun

Loncón, (1995) discusses the importance that Mapudungun has for the Mapuche

people. These reflect factors previously discussed in section 2.7, such as the

relationship between language and ethnic identity and the importance of

diversity. She states, “by losing our language [Mapudungun] we lose our

knowledge and our identity”. And claims that “a people that lose their language

are a silenced people, a deaf people” (Loncón, 1995 p.10). Mapudungun is

fundamental in expressing Mapuche concepts, particularly their cosmovisión,

creation stories and their relationship with nature. Gallardo, (1984) also discusses

the importance of maintaining the Mapuche language to preserve knowledge,

particularly the Mapuche classification system of native plants and animals. In

1910, Augusta (cited in Gallardo, 1984) commented on the benefits of the

language itself, stating that it was rich in verbal forms and structure, and the ease

to express thought and feelings.

Crystal, (2004) claims the primary need of humans is their physical well being, if

they are ill than they are unlikely to care about language maintenance. In terms

the Mapuche people, Loncón, (1995) believes that language plays an important

role for the Mapuche people but admits that it is not as hard felt as the need to

recuperate traditional land. This view is supported by Grinevald, (1998, p. 131)

“The whole ethnic group is presently politically motivated fighting for its land

rights” but she also claims that they are fighting for “the maintenance and

development of their language”.

2.25 Linguistic situation of Mapudungun

As suggested by Thomason (2001) (See Section 2.6 in Chapter 2), Mapudungun

has experienced changes within the language, attrition, as a result of contact with

Spanish. This highly threatens its ability to compete with Spanish. Loncón,

(1995) states that changes within the language, to structure or lexicon are in no

way due to linguistic factors but rather extra linguistic factors.

43

Like all languages, Mapudungun has borrowed words from other languages

(namely Spanish) to express new concepts or ideas. One example is the use of

kawello in Mapudugnun for ‘caballo’ [horse] and ufisa for ‘oveja’ [sheep] (Salas,

1992 p. 40). However when words are borrowed, to replace a word that already

exists, it is obvious that extra linguistic factors have influenced the languages.

This is termed ‘acculturation’ by Loncón & Chiodi (1995, p.24). They provide

the following as an example of this trend, kullwi [beans] has been replaced by

‘porotos’ (Spanish equivalent).

Of greater concern are the syntactic, morphological and phonemic changes that

have occurred, as they are usually less permeable than the lexicon. Some

speakers now use Spanish grammatical structures instead of traditional Mapuche

grammar, this is a direct result of language contact.

Komean [(I) going to look for water]

Iñce amuan ko mew [I’m going to look for water]

(Chiodi & Loncón, 1995 p. 25)

and also,

Kofketun [bread eat] In kofke [eat bread] (Salas, 1992 p. 4) Spanish has also influenced phonetic aspects of Mapudungun, some have

disappeared entirely. Speakers have assimilated the phoneme /ө/ to /d/ (Loncón &

Chiodi, 1995). This is due to the fact that domo (pronounced th-omo) is written

with symbol d, reflecting the influence of literacy in Spanish and not

Mapudungun.

2.26 Language planning and policies for Mapudungun

Language policies and planning has been implemented in Latin America since

the arrival of the Spanish in the 15th century. Places of earlier colonisation, such

as Ecuador and Peru, implemented a language policy from Carlos V (1550-1558)

with the objective of teaching Spanish to the Indigenous people. During the reign

of Felipe II (1527-1598) when Chile became occupied by Spanish, this policy

changed, not to teach Spanish to the Indigenous people but rather to teach priests

44

the Indigenous language (Abram, 1992). Gallardo, (1984) claims that religious

and civil authorities learnt Mapudungun for economic, territorial and religious

purposes.

Studies in Mapudungun language were fuelled until very recently by a desire to

evangelise the Mapuche people. The earliest grammars on the language were

written by Jesuit missionaries such as Luis de Valdivia in 1606 (Loncón, 1995),

their mission was to translate the Bible into Mapudungun. To a certain degree the

Mapuches resisted the process of evangelisation; as a result priests began to

incorporate Mapudungun into their teachings. For example, they made

similarities between the spirit Pillan and god (Foerster, 1993). And instead of

‘padre’ dios, [father god] they substituted the Mapudungun term ‘Chaw dios’

(Loncón, 1995). Language planning for religious purposes has continued until

recently, with the Summer Institute of Linguistics (SIL), a primarily Christian

organisation, attempting to conduct research on the language whilst translating

the New Testament. This created controversy, and the Mapuche community

outcast them due to their conflict of interest (Convenio Microsoft sobre version

Windows en Mapudungun, 2003). Dixon, (1997) questions the purpose of

translating the Bible claiming that if they can read in their minority language they

are more than likely able to read in the dominant language, defeating the purpose.

Formal language planning and policy work in Chile, on behalf of the government

has been minimal. Chile has maintained a strict one nation, one people, one

language policy. In commemoration with the anniversary of Columbus’s voyage

(1992), many Latin American nations recognised the rights of Indigenous

peoples. For example Bolivia now has Quechua and Aymara recognised as

official languages (Stonham, 1996). Chile implemented the Indigenous law La

ley indígena 19.253 (1992) and established CONADI (see Section 2.11.5.1 in

Chapter 2). A small part of La ley indígena (1992) is dedicated to the protection,

respect and promotion of Indigenous languages (See Appendix A). This includes

such aspects as ensuring use of Indigenous languages in zones of high Indigenous

concentration, establishing bilingual intercultural educational programs (EIB) to

45

widen knowledge of language and culture, ensuring sufficient distribution of

media- radio broadcasters and television in Indigenous languages, assuring that

Indigenous names are respected and recorded correctly in civil registry. (Observe

paragraph 1, articles: 28-31 in Appendix A). Whilst the law states these should be

implemented, little has been achieved since it was introduced more than ten years

ago. As previously mentioned (see Section 2.11.5 in Chapter 2), Mapuches and

other Indigenous people in Chile remain unrecognised in the constitution,

therefore enforcing the implementation of language policy almost impossible.

There is a certain degree of confusion regarding what language planning should

attempt to achieve for Mapudungun (Cañulef, 1992). Despite findings that

revitalisation attempts almost always fail (see Section 2.8 in Chapter 2), planning

initiatives for Mapudungun appear to be focussed on revitalising the language,

placing it in competition with Spanish, rather than maintaining the language in

traditional domains.

2.26.1 Status planning

Language planning involves both status and corpus planning. Despite

this, Chiodi & Loncón, (1995) believe that status planning, declaring the

language official or even a national language, will do little to reverse the

situation for Mapudungun, stating: “El Mapudungun no reune los

requisitos… para convertirse en un idioma oficial funcional a las

exigenicas del discurso moderno” [Mapudungun doesn’t meet the

requirements… to convert itself into a functional official language to meet

the demands of modern discourse] (Chiodi & Loncón, 1995 p. 31). Salas

(1987) supports this view claiming it is improbable to make Mapudungun

an official language as it can’t express western/European concepts and it

is unlikely non-Mapuches will attempt to learn it.

2.26.2 Standardisation

Despite, a lack of status planning there have been attempts made at corpus

planning, namely to standardise, normalise and modernise Mapudungun.

46

Standardisation involves the selection of one dialect or variety to be used,

taught and enforced by a language body. As there is mutual intelligibility

between dialects of Mapudungun, selecting one variety for

standardisation is not a difficult task.

2.26.3 Normalisation

Normalisation involves developing a standard grammar and written

system, including alphabet and punctuation. Developing an alphabet for

Mapudungun has been chaotic. As it is a traditionally oral language,

graphitisation depended on the use of Latin or Spanish letters. This

created a problem in representing the correct phonemes and a variety of

alphabets were created, leading to extreme confusion when writing the

language. In August, 2003 the Ministro de Educación officially

implemented the use of the Azümchefe alphabet in all public domains

(CONADI, nd p.13). This took over the two main alphabets, Raguileo and

Unificado. This was problematic as teachers and students already learnt

Unificado or Raguileo and all the available literature had used these

alphabets. There is even confusion over the spelling of the new alphabet’s

name. One CONADI publication (nd), entitles it Azümchefe whilst the

other CONADI publication (1999) entitles it Azümchefi. This confusion

appears to exasperate the difficulties felt by Mapuches when writing their

language. An important part of the normalisation process is to develop a

language body to oversee standard grammar. Cañulef (1992) states that

efforts to construct a Comité Lingüístico Mapuche were unsuccessful.

Recent language planning efforts appear to be supported by CONADI,

under La Ley Indígena (1992).

2.26.4 Modernisation

Modernising the Mapudungun language proves one of the greatest

challenges to language planners. This involves evolving the language to

communicate modern ideas, technology and science etc. Chiodi &

Loncón (1995, p.20-22) believe that being an oral language has

47

influenced its ability to become modernised, stating that due to this

Mapudungun experiences a poor degree of intellectualisation, unable to

discuss non-Mapuche ideas or concepts. Modernising the language will

weaken the language, as it is difficult to modernise it without any Spanish

influence (Salas, 1985, p.60). This will place the language in direct

competition with Spanish, a well established and strong language,

decreasing the chances for Mapudungun survival. Linguistic factors such

as lack of formal registers, also affect the ability to modernise the

language. It is easier to write a formal letter or document in Spanish than

in Mapudungun and it is unlikely this will change (Chiodi & Loncón,

1995 p.23).

2.26.5 EIB- Bilingual Intercultural Education

Educacion Intercultural Bilingue (EIB)[Bilingual Intercultural Education]

has received the most attention from language revivalists in Chile. This is

the key government language policy as specified in La Ley Indígena

(1992) (see Appendix A, paragraph 2). These programs are implemented

in primary schools where there is a high density of Indigenous children.

So far for Mapuches, this has been restricted to rural communities only.

The main objective of EIB is to rescue the language and culture of

Indigenous people by raising awareness, and generating an increase in

tolerance, broadening cultural and linguistic horizons and increasing

student’s adaptability to change (Cañulef, 1996). It values the importance

of the family and community outside the classroom to teach the language

and culture (Cañulef, 1996). Whilst the ideals behind the program are

positive, and appear to address the issue of language shift amongst

children, many problems in the program have surfaced.

In terms of the Mapuche communities, many do not place EIB as high

importance in their agendas. Whilst EIB places importance in family and

community teaching, 99% are illiterate in Mapudungun, and 80%

illiterate in Spanish which means they are unable to assist their children in

48

the reading/writing of Mapudungun. Some families hold strong religious

beliefs, largely evangelist, and reject the teaching of Mapudungun, and

others simply consider EIB as a waste of time, taking time away from

‘important’ studies, such as maths, and Spanish needed to integrate into

Chilean society (CONADI, cited in Cañulef, 1996 p 113).

Logistical problems have surfaced within the classroom itself. Many

teachers are not Mapuche and have trouble learning and teaching

Mapudungun. There is also a lack of resources to aid language learning.

Almost all children are literate first in Spanish and then Mapudungun.

They often have difficulties reading and writing the language as despite

using Spanish letters, the sounds often differ greatly. Perhaps the greatest

challenge for teachers is accommodating such a range of competencies in

one classroom, from monolingual Spanish (of non-Mapuche background)

to Mapuche children actively bilingual in Mapudungun. Chiodi &

Loncón (1995) disagree with the purpose of EIB, stating that bilingual

education suggests the two languages should be in equal competition,

which they are clearly not.

2.26.5.1 EIB and urban schools

CONADI, (cited in Cañulef, 1996) list “developing a proposal for

EIB in urban schools as an important future step that needs to be

taken. It admits that the majority of Mapuches live in urban

environments, but despite this EIB hasn’t been implemented as it

is more difficult outside the traditional rural territory. They believe

rural Mapuches are more ‘authentic’ and ‘less contaminated’ by

non-Mapuche lifestyle, cultural aspects and language, which

makes implementing EIB in rural areas easier (CONADI in

Cañulef, 1996 p.104).

2.26.6 Mapudungun and electronic technology

Crystal 2000, lists the use of electronic technology as a means to maintain

language (see Section 2.8 in Chapter 2). Several attempts have been

49

made to use electronic technology to maintain and revitalize

Mapudungun, these include developing on-line dictionaries, teaching

Mapudungun on-line, machine translation programs and even the creation

of Microsoft software Windows XP in Mapudungun.

An Italian created, online language dictionary, Logos has now included

Mapudungun, Aymará and Rapa Nui to its list of 200 languages. In 2004

the Chilean Ministro de Educación [ministry for education] dedicated $80

million pesos to educate teachers about Indigenous languages on-line

(Bustos, 2004 p. A 23).

A machine translation program in Mapudungun has been implemented by

Carnegie Mellon University. It involves using native Mapudungun

speakers to translate phrases into Spanish, allowing a computer program

to learn the grammar. This can be an expensive and time consuming

operation, and another problem is that initial enthusiasm of communities

is often lost due to boredom in translating similar phrases (Spice, 2002).

The Universidad de la Frontera, Temuco in collaboration with the

Chilean government and Microsoft founder, Bill Gates, are attempting to

create a version of Windows XP in Mapudungun. The aim is to increase

prestige to the language and to modernise it, expanding the use of

Mapudungun to technological domains. Whilst increasing prestige, and

modernising the language aid revitalization and maintenance efforts, the

Mapuche community hold reservations about the developments. As stated

in Convenio Microsoft sobre version Windows en Mapudungun (2003) the

Mapuche people aren’t concerned about the problems of access to

computers, rather, the rights to their language and knowledge. A

spokesperson of Mapuche organisation Konapewman (Convenio

Microsoft sobre version Windows en Mapudungun, 2003) claims: “the

patenting or commercialisation of any form or process of the life of a

people, such as their language, is unacceptable and dangerous”. Despite

work on the project being undertaken by Mapuche language experts,

50

some feel they are losing their power to transmit their knowledge. Unless

developers of the project gain support of the wider Mapuche community

it is unlikely that the program will be a success.

2.27 Chapter summary

This chapter has reviewed the relevant literature in relation to the key research

questions. Firstly, it examined the various definitions of endangered language and

language death. For the purpose of this study I accepted Wurm’s and Fishman’s

views that a language becomes endangered when there is a significant lack of

intergenerational transmission between speakers. Mapudungun is listed as an

endangered language in Wurm’s 1996 Atlas of the World’s languages in danger

of disappearing. To understand the cause of endangerment of Mapudugnun, I

explored general theories proposed by linguists and then focussed on the history

of the Mapuche people and what influences their language use today. Also

discussed was the importance of maintaining languages in general and also the

importance of maintaining Mapudungun. To examine what is being done to

maintain Mapudungun in Temuco; general language planning techniques for

endangered languages were examined and after I reviewed language planning and

policy work for Mapudungun in Chile, according to La Ley Indígena (1992) such

as EIB and also other initatives such as the creation of Microsoft Windows XP in

Mapudungun.

After reviewing the relevant literature for this research project, the following

chapter will discuss the techniques used to collect original data on the Mapuches

in Temuco.

51

Chapter 3

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

3.1 Introduction

This chapter outlines the research methodology used in this dissertation. It

discusses the nature of the research and the choice of the research approach, case

studies, selected for the study. It will also list the advantages and disadvantages of

appropriate research tools and explain the design of the interviews and how

participants were selected for interviewing. Finally it will describe the procedures

used to transcribe, interpret and analyse the data that I collected in Temuco, Chile.

3.2 Nature of research: Quantitative vs. Qualitative

The use of quantitative research approaches has been popular in traditional

research in the area of linguistics. This involves analysing linguistic variables so

they can be counted and quantified (Wray et. al, 1998 p. 93). Because

sociolinguistics covers a broad range of topics that can be studied, research

methods can consist of both quantitative and qualitative approaches. Wray, Trott

& Bloomer (1998) provide the example of observing the pronunciation of certain

phonemes. Analytical frameworks have been proposed by such linguists as

Fishman (1993), to measure the rate of language shift, or competency of speakers.

This research methodology is applied to many cases but is concerned with how to

reverse language shift rather than simply documenting or describing it.

The advantages and disadvantages of each research approach, as well as the

differences between quantitative and qualitative techniques are discussed at length

in the literature (see Grey, 2004; Sarantakos, 1993; David & Sutton, 2004; Glesne

& Peshkin, 1992; Wadsworth, 1997). Despite the tendency to isolate these two

approaches to research, the boundaries between the two are less clean cut as

portrayed and presented in research handbooks. Recently, writers have begun to

acknowledge that using one approach in research is unrealistic, with most research

studies using a mixture of methods. “All research is both qualitative and

quantitative” (David & Sutton, 2004, p. 44). “In concrete cases, research projects

52

employ a methodology although predominantly quantitative or qualitative, in

essence contains some aspects of the other” (Sarantakos, 1993 p. 52). Wray et al.

(1998, p. 96) state that in the field of sociolinguistics research “it is possible to

combine elements of all approaches. Qualitative might document a pattern and the

quantitative approach might establish how frequently the features occur.” In

addition, the nature of the research may depend on the individual research

questions, “a research method appropriate for one question may be inappropriate

for another” (Grey, 2004, p. 33). A case study, is a research approach that can

incorporate both quantitative and qualitative research techniques, though usually

incorporates more qualitative techniques (Gillham, 2000, p. 2; Sarantakos, 1998,

p.192), as is discussed in the following section.

3.3 The case study approach

Despite claims that case studies are considered ‘inferior’ to others due to lack of

quantification and generalisations (Sarantakos, 1998), researchers are beginning to

see the advantages to using a case study approach. Whilst some only consider case

studies as a data collection method, as Sarantakos (1998, p. 191) explains, “For

many they are the research model or design that deals with all aspects of

research”. Stake (2000, p. 436) also claims that “a case study is both a process of

inquiry about the case and the product of that inquiry”.

Yin (1994, p. 13) states, “a case study is an empirical inquiry that investigates a

contemporary phenomenon within its real life context, especially when the

boundaries between phenomenon and context are not clearly evident; and in

which multiple sources of evidence are used”. Similarly, Komrey (1986, cited in

Sarantakos, 1998, p. 191) also claims that case study research “involves studying

individual cases, often in their natural environment, and often for a long period of

time”. For this particular research project it is important to study ‘the current

phenomenon’ the endangerment of Mapudungun, in its ‘real life context’ that

being in the city of Temuco. As Yin (1994) claims, this is because the context and

phenomenon of the study are interconnected. He also states that “case studies are

preferred for how and why type questions, when an investigator has little control

53

over events” (Yin, 1994, p. 1). By observing the research questions we can see

that this is the best approach for this research project. The research questions (as

previously listed in Chapter 1) are:

1. Is Mapudungun an endangered language in the city of Temuco in 2004? 2. If so, why has Mapudungun become endangered in the city of Temuco? 3. What opportunities exist to use Mapudungun in the city of Temuco to

ensure its survival?

The use of a case study approach would help to provide answers for the three

research questions shown above, because they are concerned with potraying

reality and finding explanations for the why the phenomenon is occurring in a

particular context. There are a variety of case studies that can be used depending

on the nature of the study.

Case studies vary in their designs and can be, exploratory, descriptive, and/or

explanatory. This largely depends on the research questions. Berg (2001, p. 230)

provides examples of each of these designs. He claims exploratory case studies

may be used as a pilot for future research, and data collection may be undertaken

before research questions are defined. Descriptive case studies involve using a

‘descriptive theory’ to follow throughout the study and involve the

formation/identification of theory before establishing research questions. Finally

he proposes that explanatory case studies use a pattern-matching technique to

match various parts of information from a single case to relate to a theoretical

proposition.

Stake (2000) also identifies three case study designs but entitles them intrinsic,

instrumental, and collective. Intrinsic case studies are comparable to exploratory

case studies as their purpose is not to build a theory but to gain better

understanding of a particular case (before further research). Similar to descriptive

case studies, the purpose of instrumental case studies is to provide insight into an

issue or redraw a generalisation. Stake (2000, pp. 437-438) describes collective

case studies as studying of a number of cases to investigate a phenomenon,

population or general condition. This research project combines a variety of

54

designs but in accordance with the research questions it is largely

descriptive/instrumental in its design purpose than exploratory or explanatory.

A case study may involve a single case or multiple cases. The advantage of using

multiple case studies is that they can generate generalisability providing more

weight in proposed theories (Yin, 1994). For this project I will be using a single

case of Mapuches in Temuco, and not using multiple cases, for example

comparing them to Mapuches in other cities such as Santiago. This is largely due

to time restraints and the scale of the project. Also, I am more interested in the

specific case of Temuco as the phenomenon occurring in this situation is slightly

different to those in other urban centres away from traditional Mapuche territories.

3.4 Data Instruments

Case studies generally implement multiple sources of data (Gillham, 2000; Yin,

1994), this is usually referred to as a process of ‘triangulation’, to ensure the data

represented is as accurate as possible (Stake, 2000). Data instruments can include

“open interviews, narrative interviews, observations, documents, archival data and

analysis of physical artefacts” (Sarantakos, 1998, p. 195). It is important to use

these to gain empirical data, as the information obtained by reviewing the

literature only provides general insights that may not be relevant to the issue being

studied here. Therefore, to use an example, Crystal’s (2002) causes of language

death may not be relevant for the case of Mapuches in Temuco.

The advantages and disadvantages to all collection methods are discussed

extensively in the relevant literature (see Sarantakos, 1993; Grey, 2004; Wray et

al, 1998; Berg, 2001). Questionnaires, are commonly used in this type of study,

their appeal has been summarised largely that they can use a larger amount of

respondents, provide fast results which are easy to code and analyse. Also, they

can assure anonymity (see Sarantakos, 1993; Gray, 2004). There are of course

several disadvantages on depending on questionnaires alone such as low response

rates. In addition, a prime concern to me was the lack of understanding that could

arise through the questions and responses due to language and cultural barriers.

55

The Mapuches have an oral culture and would probably feel uncomfortable

completing a questionnaire. Low literacy rates in Spanish amongst Mapuches (see

Section 2.10 in Chapter 2)means that I had to dismiss any use of a questionnaire,

even as a backup to other collection methods.

Observations are also used, particularly in sociolinguistic research and case

studies. According to Kruegar (1983, cited in Sarantakos, 1993) observation can

provide first hand information and can offer data when respondents are unwilling

or unable to. In a sociolinguistic sense, Wray et al (1998) believe observation

provides a more holistic view and allows observation of language use in context.

Whilst I lived in Temuco for 3 months, and made casual observations in my day

to day life about language use, opinions about the Mapuche people and other

issues, I ruled out using formal observation because it was impractical to examine

numerous participants in the time available; as it is time consuming and would

involve reducing a large amount of data. Gaining access to participants’ houses

and workplaces would be difficult. Even if access could be granted I believe that

the participant would modify their language use, because of my presence. After

much weighting of the advantages and disadvantages of all methods, I decided to

use a semi-structured interview as the main instrument for collecting data from

people. After deciding to use an interview, I then had to decide what type of

interview would be most effective to collect the data.

The type of responses required for the research questions would most likely be

provided in a face- to face interview setting. Interviews are the best approach

when examining feelings and attitudes, and unlike questionnaires meanings can be

clarified (Gray, 2004). There are two extremes in interviewing, structured- more

suited to a quantitative approach with limited answers and unstructured, best

suited to a qualitative approach. I chose to use a semi-structured interview as I

wanted to use the benefits of both methods. There are predetermined questions

and topics but interviewers are allowed freedom to digress (Berg, 2001). Another

definition is “the semi-structured interview allows for probing of views and

opinions where it is desirable for respondents to expand their answers” (Gray,

56

2004 p. 217). The ability to have some structure (predetermined questions) makes

analysis easier, whilst the flexibility of this approach means that I can explore

other issues that might unravel throughout the interviewing process. Finally, I

developed an interview using both open and closed questions as can be seen in

Appendix B.

3.5 Ethics

Before research could be conducted it was important to address any ethical issues

that might arise throughout the course of the project. In order to gain clearance I

had to submit an application form with my research proposals to Griffith

University. A number of issues were addressed in the application, these included:

selection of participants and their consent to participate in the study, assuring

anonymity for each participant, plans for storing interview transcripts, language

issues that may arise and respecting an Indigenous community. In addition, any

potential risks to participants that may result from their involvement needed to be

addressed to ensure they didn’t occur. As the majority of the research was

conducted in Spanish, the ethics committee was supplied with translations of:

information sheets, consent forms, and interview questions. Once all these issues

had been explained and addressed, ethical clearance was granted by the Griffith

University Human Research Ethics Committee (HREC).

Whilst it was important to obtain ethical clearance from HREC, I also received

official authorization from the director of Insituto de Estudios Indígenas, UFRO

to recruit participants for the project. This was important as potential participants

would feel more secure knowing the study had the backing of a local university

which they are more familiar with than Griffith University.

3.6 Background field research

Fontana and Frey (2000) discuss the importance of understanding language and

culture of the respondents before conducting interviews. In Brigg’s (1986) study

of the Mexicanos in New Mexico he discusses the importance of understanding

57

differences between Spanish dialects, as certain vocabulary may be interpreted

differently, and provides a different response to a question. Gillham (2000) also

mentions the importance of ‘absorbing the culture’ particularly when conducting

case studies, as it is vital to find out information by spending time with the people

in their setting.

One should be aware of cultural differences, as an Australian not only is there

cultural differences with Chileans but also Mapuches. It is important that I

understood these before conducting interviews so I could be prepared. Therefore, I

used information I had read about their culture and learned in a Mapuche culture

class at PUC5 and also by talking to colleagues at the Institute, previous

experiences and encounters with Mapuches also helped me to prepare me for any

differences that might be apparent in interviews. This includes such ideals as the

status or role of women in their culture, not quite as liberal as in some western

societies. Knowledge and intelligence is not so much judged in terms of formal

education rather one’s age and experience, this means that elders are considered

the most knowledgeable of a community, and younger people must show respect.

This was important for me to uphold, especially in interviews where people are

my senior (most interviews), I did find it frustrating when participants appeared

not to respect my knowledge on particular issues which was at times belittling, but

I could understand these cultural differences. Mapuches have a strong reciprocal

culture, so in turn for their information and participation I gave each participant a

small gift of appreciation. As it was a voluntary agreement it was important that

the gift was presented upon completion of the interview, not used as an incentive

to participate.

Possibly the biggest cultural divide was the issue of language. I knew from

research and experience of living in Temuco that Spanish is the most commonly

used language, with research suggesting that there are now few if any ‘true’

monolinguals in Mapudungun. This meant my chance of having monolingual

5 The course was entitled “Arte, Cultura y Estética Mapuche” [Art, Culture and Mapuche Esthetics] and was studies at Pontificia Universidad Católica, Santiago, Chile during Semester 1, 2004.

58

Mapudungun speakers as participants was slim but not discountable. I had to be

prepared if the situation arose, in which case I would need an interpreter present, a

family member most likely that participant would trust. I decided to conduct

interviews in Spanish, despite it being a second language for me, I felt

comfortable using it to communicate and it meant I would not be dependant on

interpreters. As Freeman (cited in Fontana & Frey, 2000, p. 654) suggests, by

using interpreters researchers can: “…become vulnerable to added layers of

meanings, biases, and interpretations, which may lead to disastrous

misunderstandings”. Mapuche colleagues also helped as aids in transcribing

Mapuche words from interviews.

One other cultural difference that became apparent was that their concept of time

is different. This is not just a Mapuche cultural trait but also Chilean. They are

more flexible, so arranging to meet for an interview at 5pm could mean 7pm. In

comparison to our culture they are more relaxed regarding certain formalities.

Instead of arranging an interview time or day I found most participants would

either do it immediately or not at all. If an interview time was arranged it was

almost never completed. I also learnt that it is very important to request

participants’ involvement by meeting face to face not over phone, or invitation

sent by email or letter because these are not part of Mapuche cultural practices.

Selecting participants on ethnicity can be a sensitive issue. Because of this I

decided it would be important for me to establish a person’s ethnicity before

approaching them. By working at the Institute I was able to develop a list of

contacts, colleagues who I openly showed their ethnicity, friends and neighbours I

had talked with. After I had a thorough understanding of cultural differences, and

made some minor adjustments to the interview questions, I was able to start

recruiting participants.

3.7 Selection of Participants

As this study is predominately qualitative in nature, the sample technique

depended on non-probability sampling. Because I only wanted to include a

59

particular group of people, random (probability) sampling was not an option.

There appear to be four varieties of non-probability sampling 1:

Accidental/availability/convenience, 2. Purposive, 3. Quota and 4. Snowball

sampling (Briggs, 1986; David & Sutton, 2004; Berg, 2001; Sarantakos; 1993).

As can be seen in the descriptions of participant selection below, all of these

methods were used to select the sample. However, initially a ‘quota’ sample

method was established- I determined an optimal amount of participants, ethnic

group, ages, and gender. Then I used the other techniques to recruit participants.

Due to time restrictions, I conducted a cross-sectional study; the research was

conducted in a limited time period. Obviously the main disadvantage with not

conducting a longitudinal study is that it is difficult to compare any changes in the

data that might occur with time. In order to address this, I designed the participant

pool carefully as to include a variety of ages. I decided to include some questions

asked will also aid in comparing use such as “did your parents/grandparents

speak Mapudungun?” this way any trends that have arisen will be reflected in the

data even though it is only a cross-sectional study (see questions 11,12,13 in

Appendix B).

I initially decided on a sample selection size of 16 people, this was influenced by

the three month time limit I had to collect data in Temuco, and also because I

wanted to study the participants in depth. The participants were divided into four

sub- groups depending on age. Each group was to include two males and two

females. The following groups were initially proposed:

14-19 years (Adolescents- 4th generation) 20-34 years (Young adults- 3rd generation) 35-59 years (Adults- 2nd generation 60+ years (Older Adults- 1st generation)

As it is important to maintain confidentiality, each participant was given a code

name for interview transcription, and were later given a pseudoname to be used

throughout the dissertation, (name*) followed by age in brackets, for example

Pilar* (age 47). The variety in ages is a crucial part of the selection as it is

60

important to observe any changes in language use through different generations.

Children were not to be included as participants. This was partly due to the extra

complication of having to gain parental consent for their participation, and

because some questions could be too difficult for them to answer. It was also seen

as unnecessary as information regarding children could still be acquired by

interviewing the participants about their siblings, children and grandchildren. An

even number of male and female participants was chosen to observe any gender

trends that may occur. Once the age groups were established it was important to

develop a selection criterion for the participants, to determine who qualified and

who didn’t qualify for the study. The following selection criteria were applied to

select the participants:

- that they belong to one of the above age groups

- that they had lived in Temuco for a minimum of five years and

- that they must be Mapuche

The last selection criteria “to be a Mapuche” proposed a serious problem, as it is

extremely difficult to define a person’s ethnic identity. The literature was used to

gain a clearer understanding of this issue. Salazar and Pinto (1999) discuss how to

define an Indigenous person. They list several factors:

1. Cultural, that the person speaks the language and practises the customs of

their ethnic group.

2. Biological, that they have the same physical traits of their ethnic group.

3. Historical, that they share a common history with their ethnic group. And

finally, perhaps the most relevant factor,

4. Opinion, that they consider themselves as belonging to their ethnic group.

In addition I found that the Consejo Nacional de Pueblos Indígenas [National

Council of Indigenous Peoples] in Chile have their own guidelines, which they

use to legally determine one’s ethnicity.

descendiera de alguna cultura originaria, llevara un apellido indígena o estuviese casado con un miembro de una etnia. [They would: descend from an original culture, have an Indigenous surname or be married to a member from an ethnic group].

61

(Consejo Nacional de Pueblos Indígenas, cited in Salazar & Pinto, 1999, p. 138)

One flaw in this definition is that it includes having an Indigenous surname. I

could have taken this approach in selecting participants, only selecting people

with Mapuche surnames. However, many Mapuche people in Chile have changed

their surnames. During the Pinochet dictatorship some 2, 056 Mapuches requested

name changes (Llanquileo, 1996, p.158), partly due to the discrimination they

faced for being Mapuche. Therefore selecting the participants by surname would

run the risk of not including people who are Mapuche because they have a non-

Mapuche surname. It also limits participants as having to have both parents with

Mapuche surnames, not allowing anyone of mixed descent who still considers

themselves Mapuche. As an outsider, selecting participants on cultural, biological

or historical factors alone can propose a high ethical risk, and may be offensive to

some people, especially if they claim not to be Mapuche. After much

consideration the final selection point was modified to:

- That they must consider themselves as being Mapuche.

This obviously influences the selection pool and the results that follow, as all

participants will identify themselves as Mapuche. This means it won’t include

people who are Mapuche (through all other characteristics) but deny their

ethnicity. I found it interesting that government policy appears to affect public

beliefs, upon approaching a potential participant, discussing her involvement in

the Mapuche community, in gillatunes (strictly Mapuche only ritual) and

knowledge of Mapudungun, the woman when asked if she considers herself

Mapuche said “no, I don’t have a Mapuche surname, I’m not Mapuche”. It seems

that today, having a Mapuche surname appears to be perhaps the strongest factor

in recognising ethnicity, which excludes all the Mapuches with non-Mapuche

surnames.

After the interview was designed, I conducted a pilot interview with a Mapuche

colleague who fitted the selection criteria. This was recorded on tape and timed,

and then later analysed. As a result, some questions were modified to ensure

62

clarity and others were added as I learnt from the pilot that they would be more

relevant and important to collect the data that I needed to answer the research

questions. I also asked the participant who conducted the pilot interview for

formative feedback on the interview and the types of questions that I made to use

his cultural insights to modify and questions that could be difficult to answer or

offend the Mapuche participants.

3.7.1 Group 1 (age 18)

All four participants were recruited from a high school in Temuco, Liceo

Pablo Neruda. The administration office held records of all Mapuche

students and assited me in finding participants for interviewing. The only

suitable students available at the time were final year students (18 years),

as they had all lived the required five years in Temuco. This changed the

first age group from (14-19 years) to (18 years). All interviews were

conducted in the school staff room over a few days.

3.7.2 Group 2 (age 20-34)

After some unsuccessful attempts to find participants through Hogar de

Estudiantes Indígenas [home for Indigenous students], I was able to

recruit three participants that matched selection criteria from Selva

Saavedra, an adult education centre recommended to me by colleagues

from the Institute. I conducted the three interviews at the college over two

days, fitting in between classes. Some technical issues arose as after the

first interview, the staffroom filled with teachers, and it was difficult to

hear the participant on the tape. Also, one interview tape seemed to cut in

and out while recording, and as a second meeting was not possible I had to

use notes to fill in gaps in the interview.

After more failed attempts at recruiting participants through the university,

not being able to find anyone to match the selection criteria (the correct

sex and age)

I finally found a suitable participant through the Instituto de Estudios

Indígenas. The interview held place in the meeting room of the Institute.

63

3.7.3 Group 3 (age 35-59)

Selecting participants for this group was more random, unlike Groups 1

and 2; I couldn’t rely upon finding all participants in one place. Here I

used the snowballing technique (see section 3.7 in Chapter 3). One

participant was a friend’s aunt. Who like many others could not help me

find other participants as she wasn’t in contact with Mapuches that lived in

Temuco. She was interviewed in her home. I went to CONADI to find

other participants and talked to an admin worker, most of the people

working for CONADI actually lived outside Temuco and commuted, or

they were out on field research, or did not fit the age groups left. I

managed to get one contact, an uncle of an employee who worked for

regional government, which I interviewed at his work. I used another

contact from the Institute as a participant, as he matched the selection

requirements, interviewing him in the meeting room at the Institute. An

‘availability/convenience’ sample technique (see section 3.7 in Chapter 3)

was used for the second female participant as she came to me, selling

vegetables, and agreed to participate after matching the selection criteria, I

conducted this interview at my house, due to convenience for the

participant.

3.7.4 Group 4 (age 60+)

All three participants in Group 4 were neighbours of mine in Temuco and

had heard about my project through word of mouth. I organised to meet

each of them in their homes, and one participant came to my house to be

interviewed. I tried to get a second male participant for this age group but

failed to find another male suitable. Many that were over sixty came to

Temuco only for the day to sell produce at the markets and lived in nearby

communities. I had one interview lined up who during the research

collection moved to a nearby city. After exhausting all contacts and time I

had I accepted only three participants in the final group despite initially

wanting four in each.

64

3.8 Interview design

After the participants were approached and agreed to participate in the study, they

were given an information sheet about the study, showing central themes of the

research. They were given a formal consent form which they signed to officially

accept their participation in the study (see Appendix C). The location of the

interview was chosen to be most convenient to the participant. It as important that

they were in a familiar and comfortable environment as it might aid in their

responses. If they are in the family home they may see something to jog their

memory which may help.

The first part of the interview (see Appendix B) was designed to gather general

information about the participant; Gray (2004) refers to this as a ‘face-sheet’. Not

only does this time allow rapport to be built but the information provided might be

useful for further studies. Berg (2001) also discusses the use of “throw-away

questions” unimportant questions used to relax the participant during the

interview. This part of the interview was recorded on paper, sometimes on tape

only to test if the recorder was working properly, that sound was ok. This process

was short and generally lasted about two minutes.

Questions for the interview were sorted into four central themes (see Appendix

B). In most cases all interviews followed a similar sequence, even though some

questions were in different orders. The first block of questions involved their

thoughts on Mapuche culture and ethnic identity; it was designed to start the

participant thinking about being Mapuche and what it means to them. This

became a good lead into the other parts of the interview. The second block of

questions was about their language abilities, not only their competency in

speaking/listening, reading/writing but their experiences in learning or not

learning the language. It is in this section where the issue of inter-generational

language use is addressed, and we can gain understanding into question 1. Is

Mapudungun endangered in the city of Temuco in 2004? and also question 2. if

so, Why has Mapudungun become endangered in Temuco?

65

This then leads into the third part of communication media- this data was

necessary to find an answer to the third research question What opportunities exist

in Temuco to use the language? In this section the participants were asked about

any newspapers, radio stations, web sites that use Mapudungun, and not only

there awareness to it but also whether they use them or not. The fourth and final

component of the interview invited participants to comment on more sensitive

topics. It was hoped that by this stage the participant would be feeling more

comfortable to discuss these, and also be thinking more clearly about their

responses. This final section dealt with the issue of the importance of

Mapudungun, issues such as prestige, and discrimination. This is important to

explore the research questions 1 and 2 (mentioned above) as participants can

make their own observations on if they believe Mapudungun is an endangered

language and why it has become so. Asking their opionion about the

endangerment of Mapudungun was one of the final and essential questions, all

participants were asked it. I thought it was important to my research to gather

Mapuche’s opinions on the state of their language, to see whether or not it

supports what linguists and international linguistic bodies claim.

3.9 Interview transcription

Each interview was recorded on tape, and the length of interviews varied from 15

mins to one hour, though usually lasting approximately 30 minutes. At the end of

the interview process I had 16 recordings (including pilot interview used to test

interview procedures and practice transcription), which then needed to be

transcribed for analysis. At the end of transcriptions I had approximately 300

pages of interviews. As the interviews were conducted in Spanish, and

occasionally contained words in Mapudungun, I consulted colleagues on how to

spell particular words correctly. The tapes were listened to many times to ensure

the transcriptions were correct. On average, a 30 minute interview could take up

to four hours to transcribe and another hour to edit, though the process did speed

up with more practice. I designed a template (see sample transcription in

Appendix C) of a table for each transcript to make it easier to read. Each table

66

contained several columns, the speaker (interviewer or participant in code), the

actual text, the column number and also the question/response code number.

Located on the top of the transcript are their responses to general data collected,

such as age, gender and education which may be important background

information for the results.

3.10 Data presentation and analysis

Presenting and analysing qualitative data can be more challenging than presenting

and analysing quantitative data. This is largely due to the fact that quantitative

data can be numerical and quantified, whilst qualitative data often contains large

amounts of text. Miles and Huberman (1994), Gillham (2000) and Sarantakos

(1998) and Robson (2002) all discuss techniques that can be used to present and

analyse qualitative data. Data reduction is a fundamental step taken to reduce the

quantity of qualitative data. This eliminates large sections of unnecessary or

irrelevant data, making the data more manageable (Robson, 2000, p. 476; Miles &

Huberman, 1994, p. 10). This includes the following techniques:

A) Applying categories or codes to participant’s responses is important to

facilitate the analysis process, and is part of data reduction. Gillham (2000) and

Robson (2002, p. 477) explain how to organise data by applying categories to

participant responses and presenting it in matrixes or tables. Throughout the

interviews I allocated numbers to all questions and sorted them by themes, for

example, language learning responses, prestige, and language ability. The

interviews were semi-structured, not all questions were asked, and some were

asked in a different order. Allocating codes to participant’s responses ensured that

locating responses to particular questions and themes was easier. After assigning

codes to responses to a specific question I later examined the entire interview

transcript also placing the code beside any relevant response mentioned

elsewhere.

B) Memoing, writing down thoughts on cards sorted by themes is also helpful

during the interview and data analysis process (Robson, 2002). I sorted cards by

67

questions which summarised all responses and added any extra thoughts,

attempting to find patterns within the data. I also listed any relevant findings in

the literature review that may relate to the responses.

D) Data display is another component of the analysis process as listed by Miles &

Huberman (1994, p.11). To reduce data I first compiled a table listing every

participant response to a specific question, this also included the location

information of the response in the original transcript. Each memo card was also

placed with the table, and then I was able to compile summary sheets for each

question. This involved summarising participant’s responses, quantifying any

responses where possible and also choosing one or two relevant quotes per

question to support the discussion. Later, I grouped questions into themes, also

eliminating some questions that were irrelevant to the main research questions.

The final stage of the reduction involved coding each theme by the main research

question. For example, participant responses about media in Mapudungun were

listed as Q3- What opportunities exist to use Mapudugnun in Temuco to ensure its

survival?

After data was reduced I analysised it using a Pattern matching technique as

discussed by Yin (1994). This is particularly relevant to the analysis of case study

data. It involves finding patterns within the data that may provide explanations for

a phenomenon. I used this technique to draw conclusions from the data. Apart

from responses to direct questions I was also able to use other information that

surfaced throughout the interviews to verify participant’s responses. One example

of this was asking a direct question on the topic of linguistic prestige. Despite

positive responses about the importance of their language, some unconsciously

used the term ‘dialect’ instead of language. In this way I am able to present a more

holistic view of the participant’s responses. I also used the information provided

in the literature review about specific themes to support the findings obtained

from the interview data.

3.11 Chapter summary

68

This methodology chapter has discussed the nature of qualitative research in

comparison to quantitative data listing the advantages and disadvantages of each.

Despite this, there is often an unclear distinction between the two approaches.

Case studies incorporate both, and due to the nature of my research questions this

was the chosen approach used for this research project. The purpose of this

research was listed as largely descriptive, but also contains a mixture of

exploratory and explanatory, due to the research questions. The lead up to

conducting the interviews was described, including ethical clearance, background

research, selection of participants and interview design. A mixture of techniques

were used to analyse and present the qualitative data including: reduction- coding

responses, memoing and summarising responses by themes; and verifying and

drawing conclusions from the data by using pattern matching techniques and

applying relevant information discussed in the literature review.

The next chapter displays the data obtained from the interviews conducted with

the Mapuche participants and discusses the findings obtained from analysing this

data, following the analytical procedures and techniques described here.

69

Chapter 4

DATA ANALYSIS

4.1 Introduction

This chapter discusses the results obtained from the interviews. Firstly, the

background information on participants is presented and analysed to determine if

it may influence the participant’s responses. The next section displays the

language abilities of participants in Mapudungun, including both speaking

abilities and reading/writing abilities and is sorted by age group. Following this, is

learning experiences which discusses participant’s experiences with Mapudungun,

and why they believe they haven’t learnt it. Also included are sections which

discuss linguistic discrimination and negative experiences with the language, and

also issues of prestige, if they believe their language is important. It also explores

the opportunities (or lack of) to use Mapudungun in Temuco, and also provides a

listing of the available media in Mapudungun (including radio, TV, film, print and

internet) as noted by participants. The chapter concludes by discussing participant

responses to ‘the future of Mapudungun’.

4.2 Background Information on Participants

The background information on each participant is represented here. This

includes: ‘Gender’, ‘Birth place of participants’, ‘Ethnic composition’, ‘Marital

status’ ‘Education’, ‘Occupation’, ‘Religion’ and, ‘Participation in the Mapuche

culture’. All these variables will be considered as it may influence the

participant’s language abilities and responses in the interview. A more detailed

description of each participant, sorted by age group can be seen in Appendix D-

Participant Profiles.

70

4.2.1 Gender

Both males and females are represented almost equally in the study, with six

males and seven females. As mentioned in the methodology, equal numbers of

male and females were recruited to see if the gender of participants contributed at

all to aspects such as language ability in Mapudungun. The literature does not

address the issue of gender and language maintenance, and it appears that in this

particular case, gender, like religion, does not appear to be an influential factor in

the results. Despite this, it does influence other areas of the participants lives

particularly education, and occupation for the oldest generation as shown in the

sections 4.2.5 and 4.2.6.

4.2.2 Birth place of participants

Figure 5 shows the birth place of the participants according to age group. Only

four participants were born and raised in the city of Temuco, while eleven

participants were born outside Temuco migrating at a later stage. Only one of

those born outside Temuco (Julieta*, age 31) was from another urban centre,

Santiago. The remainder migrated from rural areas surrounding Temuco.

18 y

ears

19-3

4 ye

ars

19-3

4 ye

ars

35-5

9 ye

ars

60+

year

s

18 y

ears

0

1

2

3

4

5

Born in Temuco Born outside Temuco

No. o

f Par

ticip

ants

18 years19-34 years35-59 years60+ years

Figure 5: Birthplace of Participants

* denotes pseudoname

71

As shown above, only the younger generations (representing 18 and 20-34 years)

of participants were born in Temuco. All older generations were born outside

Temuco. This reflects trends in rural-urban migration, as mentioned in the

literature review (see Section 2.12.2 in Chapter 2). The youngest generation (18

years) appear to represent the majority of the first generation of Mapuches born

and raised in the city.

4.2.3 Ethnic Composition

Participants were not directly asked about their ethnic composition in the initial

section of the interview on background information (see Appendix B). Instead, the

topic was raised when participants talked about their learning experiences and

their family as this appeared to be a more appropriate time. Asking if both their

parents were Mapuche early might have influenced their responses to the early

questions about their ethnic identity. As shown in Figure 6, of the fifteen

participants interviewed, only nine claim to have both parents as Mapuches. The

other six have either a non-Mapuche mother or a non- Mapuche father. Despite

this, participants still identify themselves as Mapuche. This appears to support

definitions proposed by Consejo Nacional de Pueblos Indígenas (see section 3.6

in Chapter 3), as recognition of ethnicity is granted to those of Mapuche surname

(either mother’s or father’s), or to a direct descendant of an indigenous person, so

it is not necessary to be born to two Mapuche parents.

18 y

ears

18 y

ears

20-3

4 ye

ars

20-3

4 ye

ars

35-5

9 ye

ars

35-5

9 ye

ars

60+

year

s

60+

year

s

0

1

2

3

4

5

Both Parents Mapuche One parent Mapuche

No. o

f Par

ticip

ants

18 years20-34 years35-59 years60+ years

Figure 6: Ethnic composition of participants

72

Of the six participants with only one Mapuche parent, four have Mapuche fathers

and two have Mapuche mothers. Interestingly the oldest generation (age 60+) and

most of participants aged between 35 and 59 years, have both parents as

Mapuches, whereas the younger generations represent more families of mixed

ethnicity. There is also some correlation between urban living and an increase in

intercultural marriages, as those born in the city have a higher rate of inter-cultural

marriages than those born in rural areas.

4.2.4 Marital Status

Participants were asked to supply their marital status as part of the background

information. Throughout the study it became apparent that some participants were

married to non-Mapuches, which could influence the results. Despite this

participants were not specifically asked whether or not their spouse was Mapuche.

The results in Figure 7 show the responses of 12 participants, as for three other

participants the ethnicity of their spouses couldn’t be determined throughout the

interview. This means although it states that zero participants are married to

Mapuche people, it is possible that those who didn’t disclose the ethnicity of their

spouse could be married to a Mapuche person.

0

1

2

3

4

5

Single/ nevermarried

Married withnon-

Mapuchespouse

Married withMapuchespouse

Widow/er

No. o

f Par

ticip

ants

18 years20-34 years35- 59 years60+ years

Figure 7: Marital status of Participants

Almost all of the younger participants are ‘single/never married’. Maria* (age 70)

has also never married as she had to care for her parents. Despite being classed as

73

a widower, Rosa* (age 67) was married to a non-Mapuche. The data doesn’t show

any trends with sex and intercultural marriages. The sample isn’t large enough to

determine if the rate of intercultural marriages is increasing or decreasing over

generations. Examining both ethnic composition and marital status (see Appendix

D- Participant profiles) shows that seven participants live in a family of mixed

descent that is, at least one family member who isn’t Mapuche.

4.2.5 Educational background

It is important to determine the level of education that participants received as this

may affect their responses to some questions. For example, those with a tertiary

education who studied intercultural education may be more aware of issues

surrounding the Mapuche language and culture.

0

1

2

3

4

5

Never

Attend

ed

Not Com

plete

Primary

Comple

ted P

rimary

Not Com

pleted

Secon

dary

Comple

ted Sec

onda

ry

Comple

ted Te

rtiary

No.

of P

artic

ipan

ts

18 years20-34 years35-59 years60+ years

Figure 8: Educational background

There is some bias in the data as I recruited four participants in a high school

(completing final year, age 18) and also three mature aged students from an adult

education centre completing secondary education (aged 20-34). For this reason

there is such a high representation of those at ‘not completed secondary’ (see

Figure 8). The oldest generation, (age 60+), achieved the lowest levels of

education, with none attending secondary schooling. It is interesting to note that

by the next generation, (ages 35-59); two participants had completed tertiary

education, suggesting a change in the system. As mentioned in the literature

74

review (see Section 2.10 in Chapter 2) education rates in the IX Region (La

Araucanía) are the lowest in the country, particularly in rural areas. Those from

the older generation (age 60+) migrated late in life. By the second generation (age

35-59) participants were migrating to Temuco to complete tertiary education in

contrast with those aged 60+ who migrated for retirement, or after the death of

spouse or parents in Maria’s* (age 70) case. This explains why there is a large

difference between the participants aged 60+ and participants between the ages of

35 and 59 years, in educational background. Females in the older generations

have a lower level of education than males, the highest level of education, tertiary

studies, were not reached by a female until the third generation, with Silvia* (age

26), whilst they were reached by two males in the second generation (José*, age

54 and Diego*, age 40). Those in ‘never attended’ and ‘not completed primary’

are both women born into rural farming community. As Maria* (age 70) explains

her life duty was to look after her parents, and as the oldest, never attended

school.

4.2.6 Occupation

Participants were asked to state their occupation as a means to determine their

socio-economic status.

0123456789

10

Retired/P

ension

er

Homemaker

Produc

e Seller

Student

Techn

ician

Teach

er/Aca

demic

No.

of P

artic

ipan

ts

FemaleMale

Figure 9: Occupation As mentioned in section 4.2.5, recruitment of participants in the education area

has resulted in high representation of students. The three mature aged students

75

also listed their occupation before returning to studying these included:

supermarket cashier, shop assistant and a cleaner. They returned to complete

secondary education to gain more qualifications with the hope of gaining better

employment. Those with a tertiary education are employed as a technician and

academics (with qualifications in teaching). The three eldest participants are now

pensioners and retired. Though before retirement one was a farmer, and the other

two females were homemakers. Despite suggestions in the literature review that

Mapuches in urban centres are shunned into precarious employment, such as

domestic aids, (see Section 2.12.1 in Chapter 2) only one participant, Pilar* (aged

47) could be said to hold an ‘undesirable’ occupation as a door to door produce

seller. The data shows that a variety of occupations are represented however there

are few participants with professionally respected occupations such as doctors,

lawyers or politicians. The differences between male and female occupations are

minimal, though females hold lower income occupations (produce seller,

homemaker) than males in the same age group (teacher/academic and technician).

4.2.7 Religion

It was suggested in the literature that some religions, such as Evangelism may

impede the use of the Mapuche culture and language (Cañulef, 1996 p. 113). This

is listed as a reason for lack of interest by parents of Educación Intercultural

Bilingüe (EIB) [Bilingual Intercultural Education] programs (see Section 2.26.5 in

Chapter 2). Initially I thought this could be an influential factor in participant’s

responses, and so I asked them to list their religion. However the data shows no

correlation between religious affiliation and participation in Mapuche culture or

language ability in Mapudungun.

76

0

1

2

3

4

5

Catholic Evangelist TraditionalBeliefs

Nonpractising

No.

of p

artic

ipan

ts18 years20-34 years35-59 years60+ years

Figure 10: Religion

The data shown in Figure 10 demonstrates that ‘Evangelism’ is the most

represented religion with a total of five, followed by both ‘Catholicism’ and ‘no

religion’. Only two participants, Silvia (age 26*) and José* (age 54), claim to

practice traditional Mapuche beliefs. Both of these participants have an extensive

knowledge of Mapuche language and culture as it is important to their work, and

in this case are more aware of issues surrounding the traditional culture. They also

have more involvement in traditional events and Mapuche communities which

could influence their beliefs.

4.2.8 Participation in Mapuche culture

Despite living away from traditional Mapuche areas, Figure 11 shows almost all

participants (except two) have at least some involvement in Mapuche cultural

practices and visit family and friends in rural Mapuche communities.

18 y

ears

18 y

ears

18 y

ears

20-3

4 ye

ars

20-3

4 ye

ars

20-3

4 ye

ars

35-5

9 ye

ars

35-5

9 ye

ars

35-5

9 ye

ars

60+

year

s

60+

year

s

60+

year

s

0

1

2

3

4

5

No participation SomeParticipation

Frequentparticipation

No.

of P

artic

ipan

ts

18 years20-34 years35-59 years60+ years

Figure 11: Participation in Mapuche culture

77

As demonstrated in Figure 11, there are no strong trends by age group, or gender.

Though the data indicates those with only one Mapuche parent have substantially

less involvement in the Mapuche culture. Participation also largely depends on

accessibility, particularly with family members in rural communities. The older

generation (age 60+) are no longer able to travel to events in Mapuche

communities and now have no family left who live in a Mapuche community.

4.3 Speaking/listening ability in Mapudungun

Language ability in Mapudungun has been divided into two parts,

‘Speaking/listening ability’ and ‘Reading/writing ability’. Whilst literacy in

Mapudungun is considered less fundamental it is still important to view

participant’s ability in Mapudungun separately to Speaking/listening ability.

The range in speaking/listening abilities in Mapudungun shown in Figure 12 is

extreme. At one end, there is a ‘native speaker’, more comfortable using

Mapudungun than Spanish, and at the other end, a participant with no knowledge

whatsoever of the language. There was no formal testing of each participant’s

language ability in Mapudungun. Their language ability was determined by asking

at what level they believed they were at. This was followed by several probing

questions, for example, can you understand/speak Mapudungun in a conversation?

If not, can you greet people in Mapudungun? Do you know some words or

phrases?

0

1

2

3

4

5

No kno

wledge

Wor

ds/gr

eetin

gs

Basic

know

ledge

Passiv

e bilin

gual

Active

bilin

gual

Native

Spe

aker

No.

of P

artic

ipan

ts

18 years20-34 years35-59 years60+ years

Figure 12: Speaking/listening ability in Mapudungun

78

All participants were grouped under the above categories depending on their

responses to questions on speaking/listening ability and also extra information on

language use that was disclosed during the interview process. ‘Native speaker’

category includes participants that are more comfortable with Mapudungun and

have not reached a bilingual state with Spanish. ‘Active bilinguals’ (despite

having Mapudungun as the mother tongue) are those who have equalled speaking

and listening abilities in both Spanish and Mapudungun. ‘Passive bilinguals’ in

this case are those who can understand Mapudungun at the same level as Spanish

but cannot speak at the same level. Those who possess a ‘basic knowledge’ are

Spanish speakers with basic use of phrases in Mapudungun. Those with only

‘words/greetings’ are Spanish speakers who have some understanding of Mapuche

words. The last category ‘no knowledge’ includes Spanish speakers with no

knowledge of Mapudungun, not even odd words.

The correlation between age and language ability in Mapudungun is not obvious.

However, when observing the average language ability for each age group there is

a notable difference between the generations. With the youngest generation, (age

18) holding below a basic knowledge of the language whilst the oldest generation,

(age 60+) are all active bilinguals.

The majority of the youngest participants (age 18) have a below basic knowledge

of Mapudungun, and Spanish is their mother-tongue. When asked about her

language ability in Mapudungun Eva* (18 years) replied: “No ni siquiera básico

ahora” [no not even basic now] (Eva*, line 83). All three participants born in

Temuco with less access to the Mapuche people and language have a lower

ability. Angela* (18 years), born into a rural community continues to visit the

community and has more opportunities to practice the language. Another

important factor is the ethnic composition as both her parents are Mapuche while

the other three participants in this generation only have one Mapuche parent,

which means they have substantially fewer opportunities to learn and use the

language.

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There is a variety of language abilities represented in the third generation (age 20-

34). Julieta* (age 31) is an extreme case in that she has spent the majority of her

life completely removed from the Mapuche culture. Unlike the youngest

participants (age 18) she has no knowledge at all of the language. Both Carlos*

(age 28) and Miguel* (age 31) have been classed as passive bilinguals as whilst

they are unable to speak Mapudungun at a conversational level, they claim to

understand the language when spoken at the same level. They have grown up

listening to their parents conversing in Mapudungun, and say their older brothers

are ‘better’ speakers than them. This suggests they are not competent enough to be

classed as active bilinguals. Silvia* (age 26) has been classified as an active

bilingual as she has an equal ability in both Spanish and Mapudungun. Despite

having only one Mapuche parent, she learnt Mapudungun from her mother and

Spanish from her father and needed to use both in the home with her family.

Unlike participants of the youngest generation (age 18) who also have mixed

ethnicity, she has spent the majority of her life living in a rural community with

greater access to the Mapuche language and culture.

The participants in the second generation (age 35-59) represent the most variety of

speaking/listening abilities in Mapudungun, ranging from a knowledge of

‘words/greetings’ to ‘native speaker’. Isabel* (age 52) has the lowest ability

having learnt some words and greetings from Mapuche produce sellers, never

from her Mapuche father. Diego* (age 40) claims to hold a basic level of

Mapudungun though states that Spanish is his primary language. Both José* (age

54) and Pilar* (age 47) possess competencies as native speakers however José*

(age 54) has been classed as an active bilingual as his Spanish ability is now equal

to Mapudungun. Unlike active bilinguals, Pilar* (age 47) appears to have greater

competence in Mapudungun than Spanish. Before conducting the interview she

asked if it was to be conducted in Spanish or Mapudungun.

All participants in the oldest generation (age 60+) have been classed as active

bilinguals as despite having Mapudungun as their mother-tongue, all were forced

(by teachers and parents) to become bilingual by school age and are now equally

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competent in both languages. Policies of assimilation continued from the era of La

Pacificación de la Araucanía, the use of Spanish only in education was part of

this stance. All three participants had both parents as Mapuches and lived most of

their lives in rural communities. Though both females could be at threat of

becoming passive bilinguals in Mapudungun as they no longer use the language,

since moving to Temuco and have little if any involvement in the Mapuche

community. Having no contacts with other Mapuches living in Temuco also

strongly influences their language use.

Overall, the participant’s ability to speak and listen to Mapudungun varies greatly

over all generation. Their language abilities range from “native speaker” level

down to “no knowledge of the language”. In general, the oldest participants (60+)

have the highest level of language ability with all three classed as “active

bilinguals”. The second (35-59) and third generations (20-34) have an extremely

varied language ability, with the second generation having the only “native

speaker” but also one with a below basic knowledge, and the third generation has

an “active bilingual” with the only participant with “no knowledge of the

language”. Despite this the youngest generation (age 18) appear to have a below

basic knowledge of the language. The trend in the results confirms that from the

oldest generation (age 60+) to the youngest (age 18) there is a gradual loss of

speakers. The mixed results in the second and third age groups indicate other

factors apart from age influence the likelihood of a participant’s language ability;

these factors will be discussed in the following sections of the results.

4.4 Reading/Writing ability in Mapudungun

Participants were also asked about their abilities to read and write in Mapudungun

as a measure of their language ability. As Mapudungun is an oral language, with

a relatively new written tradition literacy rates in the language were not expected

to be high. The importance of literacy in Mapudungun is not as great as in other

languages with a long written tradition. Access to education will also influence the

results as older generations (particularly in rural areas) have less access to

education and lower literacy rates in Spanish.

81

18 y

ears

18 y

ears

18 y

ears

20-3

4 ye

ars

20-3

4 ye

ars

20-3

4 ye

ars

35-5

9 ye

ars

35-5

9 ye

ars

35-5

9 ye

ars

60+

year

s

60+

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s

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year

s

0

1

2

3

4

5

Read Only Read and Write Cannot Read orWrite

No.

of P

artic

ipan

ts

18 years20-34 years35-59 years60+ years

Figure 13: Reading/writing ability in Mapudungun

As shown in Figure 13, participants were categorised into three levels, those who

can both “read and write” in Mapudungun, those who can “read only” and others

who “cannot read or write”. It should be noted that ability in reading/writing was

not measured as in speaking ability. As shown in the above graph, seven

participants cannot read or write in Mapudungun. Three participants can read but

not write the language and only five can read and write in Mapudungun. Speaking

and listening ability in Mapudungun influences reading/writing ability more than

any other factor such as sex or educational background.

The youngest participant’s (age 18) literacy abilities in Mapudungun reflect their

speaking/listening abilities presented in the previous section. Three participants

with a limited knowledge of Mapudungun cannot read or write the language,

because they aren’t competent enough in the language. Angela* (age 18) with a

basic knowledge of Mapudungun is able to read the language but says writing is

difficult.

The results for the third generation (age 20-34) are slightly more varied. With no

knowledge of the language Julieta* (age 31) clearly cannot read or write in

Mapudungun. Miguel* (age 31) is classified as ‘read only’ as he has never

attempted writing in Mapudungun, this is not due to difficulties in producing the

language (despite being a passive bilingual) but rather he claims “porque yo no

nunca me ha interesado ese parte” [because that part has never interested me] (Miguel*,

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age 31, line 71). He believes this is because he has no use for writing. Both

Carlos* (age 28) and Silvia* (age 26) can both read and write in Mapudungun.

Silvia* (age 26) also uses Mapudungun in the workplace which would suggest she

has greater access to written material in the language (see Section 4.8 in Chapter

4).

Literacy ability continues to match each participant’s speaking abilities in

Mapudungun for the second generation (age 35-59). Isabel* (age 52) is unable to

read or write due to limited knowledge of the language. Diego* (age 40) has a

basic knowledge of Mapudungun and is able to “interpretar trozos de lectura”

[interpret pieces of text] (Diego* age 40, line 39). Similar to Silvia* (age 26), José

(age 54) also uses Mapudungun at work and has greater access to resources; he is

able to both read and write. Whilst Pilar* (age 47) claims to read and write in

Mapudungun there is some reason to suspect she is illiterate in Spanish, after

difficulties signing the consent form, which questions her abilities in

Mapudungun.

Maria* (age 70) is illiterate in Spanish and is unable to read or write in

Mapudungun. Rosa* (age 67) also is unable to read or write in Mapudungun. The

only member literate in Mapudungun is Pedro* (age 68).

Participants were also questioned about their experiences in learning to read and

write the language. All participants had already acquired the necessary literacy

skills for Mapudungun when they learnt to read and write in Spanish at school and

therefore no-one taught them how to read in Mapudungun. As shown in the results

above, more participants have trouble writing the language than reading it. The

problems the participants discussed were similar to those discussed in the

literature review (see Section 2.26.3 in Chapter 2). The abundance of different

alphabets makes particularly writing the language confusing. Another common

problem is the inability to represent Mapudungun sounds with appropriate letters.

Angela* (age 18), claims that instead of creating unique symbols or letters,

alphabets assimilate Mapuche sounds to Spanish characters. Another participant

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also states “las letras son difíciles” [the letters are difficult] (Carlos*, age 21, line

32), as they aren’t pronounced as they are written. Apart from the obvious

challenges, José* (age 54) also discussed the difficulty in selecting one standard

written form from many different regional dialects but also claims reading and

writing isn’t taught as it does not form part of the Mapuche culture. As mentioned

the written tradition in Mapudungun is a relatively new and foreign concept, most

Mapuches simply are not accustomed to seeing their language in written form as

one participant states:

… Y digo por qué hay tantos cosas en inglés?... y me voy fijando y es todo en mapudungun en la oficina [and I say, why are there so many things in English?, and I go on looking and it is all in Mapudungun in the office]

(Rosa*, age 67, lines 77-78)

In total, only five participants out of fifteen, claim to be able to “read and write”

in Mapudungun. Three can “read only” and seven “cannot read or write the

language”. Ability to read and write reflects the participants speaking ability,

those with no knowledge of the language such as Julieta* (age 31), can’t read or

write and active bilinguals can read and write the language. The exception is an

illiterate participant, Maria* (age 70) and a suspected illiterate Pilar* (age 47). All

participants that can read/write in Mapudungun first became literate in Spanish.

There are a range of challenges to reading/writing in Mapudungun those listed by

participants include: too many alphabets, inability to represent Mapuche sounds

with Spanish letters, and difficulty in standardizing one variety of Mapudungun.

Due to the oral tradition of the language some are still not accustomed to seeing

the language in written form.

4.5 Language learning experiences

Participants were asked questions about their experiences with learning

Mapudungun (see Section B in Appendix B). This includes how have they learnt

the language, learning experiences in their family and discusses the challenges

they have encountered learning Mapudungun. Not all participants, have learnt

Mapudungun, some older participants acquired it as their mother tongue, having

to learn Spanish. They were asked about why they had to learn Spanish.

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All of the youngest participants (age 18) acquired Spanish as their mother tongue.

However all have different experiences in learning Mapudungun as a second

language and varying degrees of interest in learning the language. Both Juan

Pablo* (age 18) and Eva* (age 18) have Mapuche fathers who work away from

Temuco, and so have been brought up by non-Mapuche mothers. As Eva* (age

18) explains there are few opportunities for her to learn the language at home,

especially because her non-Mapuche mother can’t speak Mapudungun.

entonces ahora mi mama no es mapuche… y ella como no sabe hablar yo tampoco voy a saber hablar porque se supone que uno con lo que más tiempo pasa con la mama.. [so now my mother isn’t Mapuche.. and as she can’t speak I’m not going to know to speak because one assumes that the most time is spent with the mother].

(Eva*, age 18 line 156-158)

Whilst Juan Pablo* (age 18) is in a similar situation, he appears to have more

exposure to the language amongst his extended family. His mother is non-

Mapuche but is more involved with the Mapuche community and culture than

Eva’s* (age 18) mother, and has learnt basic Mapudungun. Fortunately his

grandparents are alive and he is able to learn from them. Eva* (age 18) was too

young when her grandparents died and believes older family members learnt

Mapudungun from her grandparents. Grandparents and older family members

play an important role particularly in this situation where there are no

opportunities to learn the language from parents. Interestingly Juan Pablo’s*

younger brother is more competent than himself in Mapudungun and claims it is

because: “ mi hermano siempre es (más competente) como es más junto a mi

abuelo” [my brother is always (more competent) because he spends more time

with my grandfather] (Juan Pablo*, age 18, line 170). He also claims cousins of

the same age can conduct conversations in Mapudungun and he believes it is

because they live with his grandparents in a rural Mapuche community. Angela*

(age 18) has had a different experience with Mapudungun, she was born in a rural

Mapuche community and both her parents are Mapuche, and continues to visit the

community on weekends. She is currently learning the language and has more

exposure than the other participants as her parents both converse in Mapudungun,

and her grandparents are native speakers, rarely using Spanish. In contrast to the

85

other participants of his age, Alejandro* (age 18), despite having a Mapuche

mother, has made few attempts to learn the language. The words he has learnt he

picked up from his grandparents in their house. Unlike Juan Pablo* (age 18) and

Eva* (age 18), he claims lack of interest as the main reason for not learning the

language, and not due to a lack of exposure/opportunity for having a non-mapuche

father. He says “Es que igual tampoco tanto me ha interesado… en el.. la lengua”

[it’s that also I haven’t been that interested…in the…the language] (Alejandro*,

age 18, line 44).

Whilst the youngest participants learn some Mapudungun from grandparents and

other family members, in general, parents have taken little initiative in teaching

the language to their children. Younger Mapuches claim that their parents have

never taken the initiative and have to ask to learn phrases, words “yo le pedí (a

enseñarme) porque al menos no tuvo iniciativa” [I asked him (to teach me)

because at least he didn’t take the initiative] (Juan Pablo*, age 18, line 92). This

suggests that there may be a resurgence of interest in learning the language by the

younger generation that was not part of their parent’s lives. Parents may withhold

teaching Mapudungun to their children due to their own previous negative

experiences with the language. It is important to remember that the youngest

participants (age 18) were only three years old when Pinochet’s dictatorship ended

in 1989, thus having little affect on them personally, but their parents would have

experienced hostility for belonging to a minority ethnic group, and the fear

instilled by a violent and repressive regime may prevent them from expressing

their ethnicity particularly using the language and passing it on to their children.

It is only recently that these younger participants have commenced learning

Mapudungun. Participants stated a range of reasons why they believed their

parents withheld teaching them the language. Discrimination was the main reason

expressed by Angela* (age 18).

ellos no quisieron enseñarme cuando yo era era chica por el tema de lo de la discriminación. En este país erm no se valorizan el idioma. [they didn’t want to teach me when I was little due to the issue of the of the discrimination. In this country they don’t value the language]

(Angela, age 18, lines 111-112)

86

Apart from a lack of exposure to Mapudungun at home due to non-Mapuche

parents, Juan Pablo* (age 18) also claims speech problems as a reason for not

learning the language. He states that as a child he had some speech problems so

his parents withheld teaching Mapudungun to avoid confusion and problems with

Spanish. As previously mentioned he also says he can’t speak Mapudungun

“porque yo en el campo nunca viví” [because I never lived in the country] (Juan

Pablo*, age 18, line 59). There appears to be a mutual lack of interest for

Alejandro* (age 18) and his mother as she has never attempted using or teaching

him the language and he in turn is not interested in the language, which he states

as his main reason for never learning it.

Similar to the youngest generation (age 18) most participants between 20 and 34

years were raised as Spanish speakers (except for Silvia* (age 26), as a bilingual).

Participants in this age group represent a range of language abilities in

Mapudungun and have a variety in backgrounds that have influenced their

language learning experience. At one extreme is Julieta* (age 31), she has spent

most of her life completely removed from the Mapuche culture. She grew up in

Santiago having even less opportunities and exposure to Mapuche language and

culture than people who live in Temuco. This is largely due to geography;

Temuco at least is in traditional Mapuche territory whereas Santiago is some 8

hours away. She grew up not knowing her father was Mapuche until adulthood,

and thus had no exposure to the language or culture, until recently when she

moved to Temuco. She claims, “yo nunca supe si él hablaba mapuche

(mapudungun)” [I never knew if he spoke Mapuche (mapudungun)] (Julieta*, age

31, line 62). Despite having no knowledge of the culture she expressed a desire to

learn the language to teach her children, so they could take advantage of any

government benefits for being Indigenous. Both Carlos* (age 28) and Miguel*

(age 31) grew up with their parents speaking in Mapudungun between themselves

but never to their children. This has resulted in both males becoming passive

bilinguals, learning from listening to their parents but unable to converse at the

same level.

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es que siempre han conversado ellos… y y como yo estaba al lado yo aprendí o sea captando todo [it’s that they have always conversed.. and and how I was by their side I learnt or at least caught everything]

(Miguel*, age 31, lines 92 & 97).

As with youngest generation (age 18), the parents had not taken the initiative to

teach their children the language, consciously only speaking to them in Spanish.

When asked, they couldn’t give a reason for why they believed their parents

didn’t teach them Mapudungun, simply stating “no sé porque” [I don’t know

why]. This suggests participants in this age group (20-34), unlike the youngest

generation, are less aware of issues surrounding the language. In contrast to the

youngest generation (age 18), participants would have experienced most of the

Pinochet dictatorship, being 16 when it ended, though none of them listed it as a

reason for not learning/ using the language. Both males claim that their brothers

are more competent suggesting a change within their generation; the older boys

had spent more time around their grandparents and in the rural community.

Carlos* (age 28) claims he teaches his nieces and nephews the language which

suggests some revival in passing the language on to the next generation.

Similarly to Angela* (age 18), Silvia (age 26) was born into a rural Mapuche

community, and despite only having a Mapuche mother, has managed to obtain a

higher competence in the language to become an active bilingual. Whilst her

father was non-Mapuche she grew up speaking to her mother in Mapudungun and

other community members, but also spoke Spanish to her father. Her brothers and

sisters also grew up bilinguals so there were more opportunities for her to practice

the language.

Participants in the second generation (age 35-59) present a mixed case of those

who acquired Mapudungun as their mother tongue with those who acquired

Spanish as their mother tongue. Isabel* (age 52) is similar to Julieta* (age 31) as

the fact that her father was Mapuche and spoke Mapudungun was never openly

disclosed to her; despite speaking Mapudungun at work he never used it in the

family home.

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mi papá era comerciante en animales y hacía todos su negocios en… mapuche (mapudungun) pero en casa…mi papa no nos dijo ni una palabra en mapudungun [my father was an animal trader and did all of his business… in Mapuche (Mapudungun) but at home …my father didn’t say not even one word in Mapudungun] (Isabel, age 52, lines 50-51)

The little Mapudungun she has learnt recently was from Mapuche produce sellers,

not her father or other family members. She claims the first time she heard him

speaking Mapudungun was traumatic and she went to her grandmother’s side

saying: “abuelita abuelita sabe que papá está hablando francés con unos indios”

[granny, granny did you know that dad is speaking French with some Indians]

(Isabel*, age 52, lines 290-291). Diego* (age 40) was able to obtain a basic level

of Mapudungun as his parents spoke in Mapudungun but he claims they would

always prefer to use Spanish in the home over Mapudungun. He says they didn’t

use Mapudungun so they could avoid discrimination. Similar to Juan Pablo* (age

18) his parents also believed in the myth that speaking two languages is ‘bad’ or

‘confusing’ for children. “por lo tanto hablar bien… el mapudungun… pierde un

poco hablar español” [as such by speaking well.. Mapudungun… you lose a little

speaking Spanish]. Isabel* (age 52) believes she never learnt Mapudungun

because her mother was non-Mapuche “yo pienso porque mi mamá era chilena”

[I think because my mother was Chilean] (Isabel*, age 52, line, 53).

Learning experiences for José* (age 54) and Pilar* (age 47) were considerably

different to other participants. Instead of learning Mapudungun, these participants

acquired it as their first language and it wasn’t until school age that they were

forced to speak Spanish. José* (age 54) claims he didn’t realise he spoke two

different languages until grade four. Whilst his grandparents were monolingual in

Mapudungun, his parents were bilingual he claims they encouraged him to use

Spanish more for future opportunities. His father would read the newspaper and

speak to him in Spanish as he says “yo en castellano tenia que ser diputado en el

congreso” [“I in Spanish had to be delegate in congress] (José, age 54, lines 251-

252). Pilar* (age 47) also claims that she was taught Spanish at school “sí yo sí de

primero en mapudungun después ya uno aprende en la escuela castellano” [yes

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first in Mapudungun and after one learns Spanish at school.] (Pilar*, age 47, lines

51-52). She says that everyone in her family speaks Mapudungun even her

children and uses the language with family members and friends and Spanish for

communicating with non-Mapuches. Mapudungun continues to be her mother-

tongue making her the only participant to be more competent in Mapudungun than

Spanish.

All three participants in the oldest generation (age 60+) acquired Mapudungun as

their mother-tongue, however by school age they were forced to learn Spanish,

this was not only enforced at school but also by their parents at home. Rosa* (age

67) claims that her parents could speak Spanish and as they got older would never

speak Mapudungun in front of her or her siblings. Pedro* (age 68) also states his

parents and grandparents were bilingual, when asked if he spoke Spanish or

Mapudungun to his brothers and sisters he said: “más en castellano” [more in

Spanish] (Pedro*, age 68, line 351). Maria* (age 70), told stories about how she

would hide with her sister just listen in on conversations between her parents and

visitors in Mapudungun.

Unlike, José* (age 54), Rosa’s parents enforced the use of Spanish not so much to

gain better opportunities but more to avoid discrimination for speaking Spanish

poorly.

También sí mí mamí nos decía que tuvimos que hablar aunque hablábamos mal que no que acostumbrarámos hablar en castellano porque de repente cuando fuéramos más grandes no ibamos saber pronunciar y se iban a reír de nosotros [also my mummy said to us that we had to speak even though we spoke bad that no that we should get accustomed to speaking in Spanish because when we were bigger we won’t know how to pronounce it and they will laugh at us].

(Rosa* (age 67), lines 155-157)

This appears to reinforce the myth that parents have about their children speaking

two languages, they believe that speaking Mapudungun will hinder their ability to

speak Spanish. This myth does not just surface with the older generations parents

but is evident through all groups, including Group 1 (Juan Pablo* (age 18)). The

issue of discrimination is the main issue which this myth encompasses. As

90

discussed in the literature review (see section 2.23 in Chapter 2), at the beginning

of compulsory schooling in Chile, Mapuches were stereotyped as ‘retarded’ for

the way they spoke Spanish, their second language. The results suggest that

parents still recall the impact of these stereotypes which influences their decision

to continue transmitting the language to future generations.

Overall, ten participants acquired Spanish as their mother-tongue this includes: all

of the youngest generation, ¾ of the third generation (age 20-34) and ½ of the

second generation (age 35-50). The five remaining participants acquired

Mapudungun as their mother-tongue and had to learn Spanish, this included

Silvia* (age 26) (a bilingual speaker), both José* (age 54) and Pilar* (age 47) and

all of the oldest participants (age 60+). Those who acquired Spanish were asked

why their parents didn’t teach them Mapudungun, their responses included:

having a non-Mapuche mother, parents trying to avoid discrimination for their

children, and the myth their parents delivered that learning Mapudungun will

inhibit their Spanish ability. Some parents concealed their ethnicity and language

from their children so Silvia* (age 26) and Isabel* (age 52) were completely

removed from the language and culture until adulthood. Participants, who

acquired Mapudungun as their mother tongue, were all required to learn Spanish,

eventually becoming bilinguals, and their parents abandoned speaking to them in

Mapudungun. The reasons given were similar; their parents believed speaking

Mapudungun would hinder their Spanish ability. Also, the need to speak Spanish

for employment opportunities was mentioned.

4.6 Linguistic Discrimination and negative experiences

Above participants stated why they thought their parents chose not to speak/ teach

them Mapudungun. Discrimination was a key factor, but also the myth that

knowing two languages hinders ability, to create opportunities (with Spanish), and

also a lack of opportunity to teach them due to non-Mapuche parents in the

household. When asked why they thought people in general don’t speak

Mapudungun, answers were slightly different. The most common response, 6

people stated “por vergüenza” [due to embarrassment/ shame], they experience

91

for belonging to an ethnic minority. This conflicts with responses made by

participants in reference to their personal situation. It could mean that they feel

shame/embarrassment when speaking the language and are more comfortable

discussing this in reference to a third party or; that they genuinely have other

reasons for not speaking/learning Mapudungun, such as having a non-Mapuche

parent.

Both Silvia* (age 26) and Eva* (age 18) discussed the function of the language in

Temuco, Silvia* (age 26) believes there isn’t the appropriate context that there is

in the rural communities. Eva* (age 18) states it isn’t necessary to speak the

language:

que acá por ejemplo… no sirve tanto porque si uno va a cualquier lugar es que nadie va a hablar en mapudungun po todos hablando en español…es que en el medio urbano no po no en toda en cualquiera oficina, supermercado todos hablan en español. [here for example there’s not much use because if one goes to whatever place no-one is going to speak in Mapudungun, everyone speaking in Spanish…its that in the urban environment no no en whatever office, supermarket everyone speaks in Spanish] (Eva* (age 18), lines 236-239)

Others with more knowledge in the area José* (age 54), Diego* (age 40) and

Silvia* (age 26), claim the influence of cultural assimilation policies in the

education system has played a large role. Not only the use of Spanish in

education but more so the enforcement of its use, often corporal punishment.

Participants were asked if they could mention any negative experiences they or

others had faced for using Mapudungun. Most participants claimed that negative

experiences resulted due to their ethnicity, being Mapuche rather than speaking

the language. Those who don’t speak the language or never use it in Temuco

generally couldn’t provide any examples.

The second generation (age 35-59) discuss negative experiences at school for

using Mapudungun (as above) and also as expressed by Pilar* (age 47) stating the

teacher would yell at her saying “¡hable en castellano!”[speak in Spanish!]

(Pilar*, age 47, line 182). José* (age 54, line 619) also reflected on negative

92

experiences at school saying: “…si yo le digo o escribir mai en mapudungun y

recorde un palo entonces…” […if I said or wrote mai in Mapudungun I

remember a stick, so…].

Whilst the youngest generation have had no experiences with using the language,

Angela* (age 18) claims her dad has mentioned being ridiculed at school for the

way he spoke (assumingly Spanish). She states: “…mi padre menciona

experiencias en el colegio que estuvo se reían de él como se hablaba...[my father

mentions experiences at school where he was, they laughed at him how he

spoke…]. (Angela*, age 18, line 304) and she believes this is a reason why he has

withheld teaching her Mapudungun “no quiere que pasa lo mismo a nosotros”

[he doesn’t want the same thing to happen to us] (Angela*, age 18, line 308).

Interestingly many participants discussed negative experiences they have

experienced in the presence of Mapuches and not non-Mapuches. Attempts to

communicate with other Mapuche women in Temuco have left Rosa* (age 67)

insecure about speaking the language.

no en Temuco no de repente yo les hablo pero ellos se dice de loco que como que yo estoy riendo de ella que no sé…no me creen que soy mapuche o se hacen la loca yo les diría “yo soy mapuche, sé hablar” y todos dicen no como se arrancan. [no in Temuco no all of a sudden I speak to them but they crazily say that like that I am laughing at her I don’t know… they don’t believe that I am mapuche or they do the crazy I would say “I am mapuche, I can speak”, and they all say no like they distance themselves].

(Rosa*, age 67, lines 207-209).

She later stated that she thinks it is because of her appearance that she doesn’t

look ‘Mapuche’ as she doesn’t wear rural dress, and has a fairer complexion.

José* (age 54) has lived in Temuco for 30 years and when returning to visit his

brothers in his community he claims they won’t speak to him in Mapudungun,

only Spanish. When I asked why he said because he lives in the city they assume

he can no longer speak the language.

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Pressure is also felt by some participants to speak Mapudungun well. Silvia* (age

26) claims she is under pressure in academic circles, saying “hablar mal el

mapudungun sí es para mi un problema” [speaking Mapudungun badly, yes for

me is more of a problem] (Silvia*, age 26, line 282).

Overall, the majority of discrimination that the participants reported to have

experienced is due to ethnicity, mainly physical factors, and not for speaking

Mapudungun or for speaking Spanish poorly. Those who could list negative

experiences with speaking Mapudungun said they occurred at school. This

affected Group 3 (age 35-59), who attended school during the period of strict

assimilation. Despite this there was more discussion about negative experiences in

the presence of other Mapuches, namely rural and not urban. Rosa* (age 67) tells

a similar story to that presented in the literature review (see Section 2.23 in

Chapter 2), she recounts that the one and only time she spoke Mapudungun in

Temuco she was ridiculed by other (rural) Mapuche women for the way she spoke

it. José* (age 54) reports a similar experience when visiting family in rural areas

saying they won’t speak in Mapudungun as they assume he can’t speak it

anymore because he lives in the city. This suggests urban Mapuches face more

discrimination, particularly in language use from rural Mapuches rather than non-

Mapuches, or Spanish speakers. The pressure to speak the language at a

professional level was also expressed by Silvia* (age 26), she has to adapt the

language she learnt and used in traditional, intimate domains to an academic level.

However in this particular case it is not discrimination, but rather pressure to

perform to a high standard in her employment.

4.7 Prestige, importance of Mapudungun

A series of questions were asked in order to gain an understanding of both the

participant’s and the greater public’s views on the importance of Mapudungun,

and later the importance of Mapudungun in relation to Spanish.

At the beginning of the interview, participants were asked questions to determine

whether or not they felt the language was an important part of the Mapuche ethnic

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identity. The available literature on the importance of language and ethnic identity

lists language as a key factor in determining ones ethnic identity. Curiously when

questioned: “What is it that makes someone Mapuche?” only one participant out

of 15 stated: “la ideal será hablar la lengua” [the ideal would be that they spoke

the language] (José*, age 54, line 4). Others listed factors such as surname, origin

(that they come from the country not the city), religion, and race. However when

probed with “Is it important to speak Mapudungun to be Mapuche?” 13

participants said that yes it is important, though ten participants could not think of

a reason why. Those who were asked “Do you consider the people who speak the

language are ‘more’ Mapuche?” they answered yes. This is presented over a range

of generations, as shown by Juan Pablo* (age 18) who states: “al menos yo

considero más Mapuche a la persona que habla… el idioma” [at least I consider

‘more’ Mapuche the person that speaks… the language]. This shows that even the

youngest generation who can’t speak the language still believe it to be an

important part of the Mapuche identity.

Participants were asked if speaking Mapudungun is beneficial, and why. Both the

younger generation and those with more knowledge in the area (Silvia* (age 26),

José* (age 54) and Diego* (age 40)) were able to provide answers. Many of the

younger participants mentioned speaking Mapudungun to gain work in

Indigenous organisations or as translators. Silvia* (age 26) stated that in her case,

for professional purposes it was beneficial that she spoke Mapudungun. They also

mentioned to speak with elders, and other family members. One also stated: “por

puede relacionarse con gente así…gente del campo de bien campo así que no

habla español” [to be able to relate with those people… country people from real

country like that don’t speak Spanish] (Juan Pablo*, age 18, line 395-396). Some

(Julieta* (age 31), Miguel* (age 31)) even interpreted the question as receiving

financial benefits for studying, Miguel* (age 31) claims: “no sé en las

universidades por ejemplo… ellos tienen becas” [I don’t know in the universities

for example… they have scholarships] (Miguel*, age 31, lines 380-382), he was

referring to being Indigenous not speaking the language. Other participants simply

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couldn’t say why it was beneficial to speak the language or said so that it isn’t

lost, which appears they are attempting to please the interviewer.

Continuing with the benefits of speaking Mapudungun, I asked participants if they

had any experiences were their knowledge of the language was beneficial or it

helped them achieve something. This question was restricted to those who speak

the language. Participants Silvia* (age 26), José* (age 54), and Diego* (age 40)

all claim that speaking Mapudungun has helped them in their careers, to gain

employment “a mí creo que sí en el trabajo” [for me I think so, for work] (José*,

age 54, line 732). Interestingly, the eldest generation have a more pessimistic

attitude about the benefits of the language. Both Rosa* (age 67) and Pedro* (age

67) claim for them the language has been useless. Rosa* (age 67) claims “a mí no

me sirvió para nada” [for me it wasn’t useful at all] (Rosa*, age 67, line 349),

Pedro* (age 67) also says “el mapudungun realmente a mí a mí no yo lo tengo

pero no no me sirve…o sea nunca fue necesario no fue útil” [Mapudungun really

to me I don’t I have it but its not useful.. or at least it was never necessary it

wasn’t useful] (Pedro*, age 67, lines 390-394). This negative attitude that the

oldest participants (age 60+) express towards Mapudungun, unlike the next

generation (age 35-59), is largely a result of lack of opportunity to gain

employment using the language. Participants in the second generation (age 35-59)

have been able to develop their careers using the language after the assimilation

policies of the Pinochet era were abolished and new policies, such as La Ley

Indígena (1992) were implemented. Also, the older generation may have

experienced a higher degree of hostility for speaking Mapudungun or being

Mapuche, than the younger generations. When asked, participants claim that

discrimination faced by Mapuches is decreasing. Angela* (age 18) explains that

adults say discrimination towards Mapuches is less common than it used to be:

Yo creo que la discriminación está pero ya no tanto como antes no se hace notar tanto como antes porque antes se notaba mucho más…la gente más adulto dice esto [I think that there is discrimination, but now not as much as before, you don’t see it as much as before because the adults say that before you saw it a lot more]

(Angela*, age 18, lines 495-497)

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This opinion is also supported by an older participant, Pedro* (age 68), who when

asked if the level of discrimination was the same as thirty years ago or better he

said: “no, va mejor” [no, it’s better] (Pedro*, age 68, line 331).

Participants who don’t speak the language were asked if they have ever felt

disadvantaged, for not knowing how to speak Mapudungun. The main response

was not being able to understand what is being said particularly in traditional or

religious events. Also Angela* (age 18) claims not being able to understand it

when friends/family joke in Mapudungun, hearing people laughing but not being

able to participate. Silvia* (age 26) blushes when she hears Mapudungun spoken

in the street, not knowing what they are talking about, “uno queda así ¿qué

dirían? y lo queda colorada porque yo no sé que lo que es que van diciendo”

[you’re like, what do they say? And you blush because I don’t know what it is that

they are saying] (Silvia*, age 26, lines 93-97). One participant, Alejandro* (age

18) claims he has never felt disadvantaged for not speaking Mapudungun. This

could be because he is more removed from the language and culture than the

others, which places him at less risk of being in a situation where he needs the

language. An older participant, Isabel* (age 52) as previously stated, believed not

being able to understand her father while talking with others in Mapudungun was

a disadvantage (see Section 4.4 in Chapter 4). To understand why they thought

learning the language was important, I asked what they hoped to achieve by

learning the language. The responses varied greatly. Whilst the youngest

generation claim, to speak with relatives, to rescue their culture and to feel ‘more

Mapuche’, particularly in the presence of other Mapuches, Silvia* (age 26) claims

she wants her and her children to learn Mapudungun so they can have more

chances at receiving government benefits for being Indigenous. “si sí sabe hablar

la lengua tendrá más posibilidades para más beneficios”[if they can speak the

language they will have more possibilities for more benefits] (Silvia*, age 26,

lines 199-200).

After discussing why they believed speaking Mapudungun is important, in its own

right, they were then asked about the importance of Mapudungun in relation to

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Spanish. Participants were asked: ¿Hay otra importancia que tiene el

mapudungun, sobre el castellano? [Is there any other importance that

Mapudungun has over Spanish?]. Most participants found it difficult to answer

this question, and almost all interpreted it as receiving government benefits, for

speaking the language. In which they responded “no para hablar no más se le da

beneficios es sólo para llevar un apellido mapuche” [no for speaking no more

they give benefits its only for having a Mapuche surname] (Carlos*, age 28, lines

152-153). Only two participants mentioned advantages the language held over

Spanish. These included, using the language for Mapuche poetry (that it is better

for expression), and also using the language for describing Chilean plants and

animals and traditional Mapuche culture. The results for this question reflect a

lack of awareness or knowledge on the issues surrounding Mapudungun, more so

than participants don’t believe the language has any advantages over Spanish.

Later on under “Language opportunities”, participants discuss where they have

heard/seen Mapudungun in Temuco and where they use it. To understand how

participants view the language, in terms of prestige, they were asked if there were

any situations or places where Spanish should be used and not Mapudungun and

vice versa.

In reference to where Spanish should be spoken, some participants made the

geographic distinction between city and country stating Spanish should be spoken

in the city. “Sí po todo lo que está acá en Tem… en las ciudades principalmente”

[yes, what is here in Tem.. in cities mainly] (Eva*, age 18, line 284) and also

Miguel* (age 31) who states “en la ciudad”[in the city] (Miguel*, age 31, line

239). Others suggested, using Spanish for official documents and business, and

communicating with people who can’t speak Mapudungun. José* (age 54) held a

strong opinion stating Spanish should be spoken for any wigka [non-Mapuche]

purpose, from Catholicism to paying phone and electricity bills. This reinforces

his belief that Mapudungun should not be used out of context. Despite negative

experiences at school, (see section 4.5 in Chapter 4) Pilar* (age 47), claims that

Spanish should be spoken in schools though couldn’t state why. It is possible that

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she misinterpreted the question, perhaps listing where is it spoken instead of

where should it be spoken.

When asked where should Mapudungun be spoken and not Spanish, most

participants responded stating where it is spoken and not where should it be

spoken. This could be due to the similarity to another question that they had

already answered “Where have you heard Mapudungun being spoken in

Temuco?” Some participants made geographic distinctions stating “en el campo”

[in the country] or “en las comunidades” [in the (Mapuche) communities],

reflecting their previous responses about Spanish only in the city. Most

participants discussed the use of Mapudungun in sacred ceremonies, such as the

gillatun or machitun. This appears to be the only place where participants have

heard Mapudungun only and not a mixture with Spanish. Despite the fact that

Spanish is ‘prohibited’ at sacred ceremonies, (prayers and offerings to gods

always made in Mapudungun) some younger participants like Angela* (age 18)

claim to have heard both languages spoken at a gillatun. “no mezcla, mezcla”

[No mixed, mixed] (Angela*, age 18, line 337) and says it has changed “antes era

diferente po”[before it was different] (Angela*, age 18, line 339) that they used to

only speak Mapudungun. One older participant Pedro* (age 67), held strong

views about using only Mapudungun stating: “no hay lugares… y si alguna gente

le dice está mintiendo” [there is nowhere…and if someone tells you (there is) they

are lying]. The statement suggests he interpreted the question as where is

Mapudungun spoken alone (without Spanish), this supports Angela* (age 18)

view that the language has no domain where it isn’t in contact with Spanish.

Of all the participants, only one, Alejandro* age 18, stated that ‘both languages

should be used’. That neither Mapudungun nor Spanish should be restricted to

particular domains or functions. Despite this, almost all participants appear to

hold an established opinion about where they believe Spanish or Mapudungun

should be used. These opinions concur with the literature, that Mapudungun

suffers from a lack of prestige and is a ‘kitchen language’, limited to traditional

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use. As suggested by Loncón (1995, p. 19) Mapudungun only serves for cultural

and informal functions.

Later in the interviews participants were asked if they thought maintaining

Mapudungun was as important as other issues affecting the Mapuche people such

as land rights. Most did claim that the Mapuche people thought maintaining

Mapudungun is important but they were reluctant to ‘rank’ the importance of

maintaining their language in terms of other issues. Despite this, both Juan Pablo*

(age 18) and Pedro* (age 68) provided a response. “uno esta tratando de luchar

por salir adelante por tener una carerra entonces como la lengua como la pasan

al segundo plano” [one tries to fight to continue, to get a career, so the language,

they pass it to back second place] (Juan Pablo*, age 18, lines 456-457). Pedro*

(age 68) believes the majority language (Spanish) is more important:

lo que vale lo importante es el idioma generalizado si cierto dominado por los ingleses hablaríamos inglés como fui.. como fuimos dominados por los españoles se habla castellano. [what is valued, is important is the majority language if we had been dominated by the English we would speak English, because we were dominated by the Spanish we speak Castilian (Spanish)].

When questioned if he believed land rights were more important than maintaining

Mapudungun he said “lógico, lógico, la tierra es vida po” [logical, logical, the

land is life], as a retired farmer he obviously values the livelihood one can gain

from the land. Pedro’s and Juan Pablo’s statements agree with suggestions made

by Crystal and Loncón (see Section 2.24 in Chapter 2), that if the population are

facing immediate threats, for example disease or poverty, language maintenance

won’t be seen as important.

Some participants used the term ‘dialecto’ [dialect] instead of ‘lengua/idioma’

[language], when referring to Mapudungun, reinforcing the lack of prestige

Mapudungun experiences. As previously discussed in the literature review, Salas

(1992) claims that technically, Mapudungun is a language, but due to social and

political circumstances and a lack of prestige, some refer to it as a dialect (see

Section 2.22 in Chapter 2). Pedro* (age 67) continuously referred to

Mapudungun as a ‘dialecto’ throughout his interview, one example includes: “Los

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antepasados ellos tenian su dialecto” [the ancestors had their dialect] (Pedro*,

age 67, line 119). A younger participant Carlos* (age 28) also referred to the

language as a dialect stating “…la gente del campo entiende más su dialecto” [the

country people understand their dialect more] (Carlos*, age 28, line 70). Not only

does this suggest a lack of prestige in comparison with Spanish, which is always

referred to as a ‘language’, but also shows that this lack of prestige is historically

entrenched, and also many are unaware of the differences between the terms

‘language’ and ‘dialect’.

Early in the interview, participants didn’t recognize Mapudungun as an important

part of the Mapuche identity, however, later when probed, said they thought it was

important, though most couldn’t provide a reason. This could be because

participants had a general idea about this project, and provided answers

accordingly, not wanting to appear unintelligent on the issue, or they may never

have thought about it before. Those questioned believed people are ‘more’

Mapuche if they speak the language. Participants had difficulty identifying the

benefits of speaking Mapudungun. The younger generation were able to list:

gaining employment in Indigenous affairs, or as translators, also, being able to

communicate with Mapuche people. Some interpreted the questions as receiving

government benefits for being Mapuche. The youngest generation and those who

use Mapudungun in their employment are the most positive about the benefits of

learning/speaking the language. However older participants are more pessimistic,

stating it has been useless for them, largely due to increased discrimination,

negative experiences and lack of opportunities for speaking the language as they

have spent most of their lives under strict assimilation policies. Despite the

benefits listed for Mapudungun, only two participants were able to list advantages

it held over Spanish. This suggests most believe it doesn’t have any advantages

over Spanish. When questioned about where each language should be spoken,

responses reflected the literature, they restricted Mapudungun to traditional

(cultural, informal) domains and even rural areas whilst believing Spanish should

be used in schools, official documents, in offices and also make the distinction of

the city. Only one participant believed there should be no distinction, that both

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should be used equally, this suggests to language planners that Mapudungun can’t

and shouldn’t compete at the same level as Spanish. Some participants also

referred to the language as a dialect, which suggests little awareness about the

language, reinforcing old stereotypes.

4.8 Opportunities for language use in Temuco

In order to understand what opportunities exist for language use in Temuco, it is

important to examine where and when Mapudungun is used in Temuco. This

involves a variety of questions including where the participants had heard

Mapudungun being used and also where they had used it themselves. Language

use can generally be divided into two domains, public, such as workplace, formal

education, and private (or intimate as Fishman (1992) states) private homes, social

events.

4.8.1 Use of Mapudungun in private domains

The private domain is generally where the majority of intergenerational

language transmission is said to occur (see section 2.8 in Chapter 2). These

areas may include conversations with friends, family or extended family, or

in traditional cultural events.

For the participants in the youngest generation only one, Angela* (age 18)

has the opportunity to use Mapudungun in the home with both parents

(though only on weekends). Others have parents of mixed backgrounds,

largely non-Mapuche (Chilean) which provides a lack of opportunity

particularly with Mapuche fathers working/living outside Temuco. Most

exposure to the language has occurred at their grandparents houses in rural

communities.

The majority of participants in the third generation (age 20-34) have moved

to Temuco to study and /or work. Despite using Mapudungun with their

families when visiting communities, they themselves don’t use

Mapudungun at home, or with friends in Temuco.

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Only one participant in the second generation (age 35-590, Pilar* (age 47),

uses Mapudungun regularly in an intimate setting with family and friends.

She is also able to converse with her children in Mapudungun. Despite

José* (age 54) born a native Mapudungun speaker he admits to rarely using

Mapudungun at home, despite using it in the workplace or when visiting

communities. He claims that his children only speak at a basic level and

now rarely speaks with his wife in Mapudungun. Isabel* (age 52) has never

had the opportunity to speak Mapudungun in the home, largely due to

having a non-mapuche mother. Diego* (age 40) was also discouraged to use

Mapudungun; he does attempt to teach his children some words at home.

All three of the oldest participants (60+) moved to Temuco from rural

communities, they were forced to become Spanish speakers. Despite being

native speakers of Mapudungun opportunities for use at home are small.

Pedro* (age 68), married a non-Mapuche who doesn’t speak Mapudungun,

nor do his children. Rosa* (age 67) also married a non-Mapuche who not

only couldn’t speak Mapudungun but also discouraged her to teach her

children. Maria* (age 70), says she only speaks Mapudungun occasionally

with her sister. Apart from the home, Pedro* (age 67) is the only participant

out of all interviewed to have used Mapudungun in a different intimate

setting; a machitun conducted in Temuco.

There appears to be a lack of opportunity in most cases to use Mapudungun

in private spaces such as the home or social events. Opportunities are

severely hindered in households of inter-cultural marriages, not only does it

hinder children from learning the language, it also hinders those who speak

the language, to continue using the language if they have non-Mapuche

spouses. Migration from rural areas also plays a role as some (particularly

those in the third generation (age 20-34) speak Mapudungun at home with

family members in the rural community but not in Temuco. This may be

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because they don’t know any other Mapudungun speakers in the city. The

use of the language appears to be contextualized to city versus country.

4.8.2 Use of Mapudungun in public domains

When asked, “Where have you heard the use of Mapudungun in Temuco?”

participants listed a range of locations and situations. The most commonly

mentioned (6 times) was La Fería Temuco’s produce markets. This was

followed by city streets, the rural bus station and also included in the

workplace, at school and hospitals and banks. Only one participant Maria*

(age 70) does not recall ever hearing Mapudungun in Temuco. Interestingly

there is some evidence of Mapudungun being used in formal education, at

secondary school Liceo Pablo Neruda. Juan Pablo* (age 18) claims his

Mapuche history teacher used Mapudungun in the classroom teaching

numbers, greetings and explained place names and surnames in

Mapudungun.

It is important to establish if the people they heard speaking in Mapudungun

where urban Mapuches (from Temuco) or rural Mapuches (from

surrounding communities). La Fería and the rural bus station are mainly

frequented by rural Mapuches, selling their produce in the market or

arriving/departing Temuco from and to rural communities. When

questioned, participants stated that they were rural Mapuches and not locals.

“sí sí son gente del campo que hablan entre ellos” [Yes yes they are people

from the country that talk among themselves] (Carlos* (age 28), line 62).

This is reflected in responses to the question “Where do you use it?” the

response rate was much lower. They included in private home (Maria* (age

70), Pilar* (age 47)), in the workplace (Silvia* (age 26), José* (age 54),

Diego* (age 40)), greeting Mapuche sellers when buying goods (José* (age

54), Juan Pablo* (age 18), Pedro* (age 67)) and greeting friends (from

communities) in the street (Silvia* (age 26), Pilar* (age 47)). In the public

domain, José* (age 54) explains that the level of conversation in

Mapudungun is minimal; greeting is in Mapudungun and then the

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conversation in Spanish. He provided the following example: “Mari mari.

Ven” “¿Cómo estaí?” y vamos de lo que vamos” [“Mari mari”. “come here,

how are you?” and we go on with what ever] (José* (age 54) line 344).

The workplace was also listed as a place where Mapudungun is used by

participants in the public domain. However responses suggest that it is

salutations more than developed conversations, with Silvia* (age 26) age 26

stating: “pero sí personas que son mapuche que son profesionales igual el

saludo siempre en mapudungun” [but yes people that are Mapuche, that are

professional the greeting is always in Mapudungun] (Silvia* (age 26) line

154). Despite claiming to use Mapudungun in the workplace Diego* (age

40) age 40, self proclaimed ‘very basic knowledge’ of Mapudungun would

also probably limit his use to greetings and basic phrases not in-depth

conversation. Interestingly, those who can speak the language don’t use it at

home but may use it in the workplace like José* (age 54).

Participants where also asked about bilingual signs in Mapudungun/Spanish

throughout Temuco. Eight participants said they had seen the signs in

hospitals, others include FONASA, CONADI (four), Public offices (four),

Supermarket Muñoz Hermanos (two) and also the Banco del Estado, and

university directions/signs. One participant, Juan Pablo* (age 18), also

mentioned the use of Mapudungun in graffiti.

que esta todo rayado entero de pura grafeti incluso hay los políticos y todo eso. O sea igual y hay algunos que dicen “weichefe”. [That is there all completely covered in pure graffiti and there is the politics and all that. At least also there are some that say weichefe [warrior]].

(Juan Pablo*, age 18, lines 260-261)

When asked whether they thought the signs were useful or practical,

responses reflected their awareness in the issues of Mapudungun. Most

respondents have little awareness in the issues surrounding the language,

especially literacy rates. “sí es útil porque la gente del campo entiende más

su dialecto” [yes it is useful because country people [can] understand their

dialect more]. (Carlos*, age 28, line 70).

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Respondents such as José* (age 54), Diego* (age 40) and Silvia* (age 26)

with profound experience in the issues surrounding literacy in Mapudungun,

claim that the signs are not practical. Reasons include, that people from the

country are not literate in Mapudungun, the alphabet used is confusing and

also, that it is not possible to translate foreign concepts such as ‘identity

card’. But they do admit the signs provide a symbolic value that they are

important to visualise the language and make others aware of its existence.

4.8.3 Use of Mapudungun in the media

The most effective media to promote the use of Mapudungun are radio,

television and film due to the oral tradition of the language and the low rates

of literacy in both Spanish and Mapudungun.

4.8.3.1 Radio

Almost all of the participants were able to list radio broadcasters that have

a program in Mapudungun. Eight participants identified Radio Bajá’i

from Labranza (community outside Temuco) as a broadcaster of

Mapudungun. Other stations mentioned include Radio Esperanza, Radio

La Frontera, Radio La Araucana and Radio Minería. The use of

Mapudungun varies from direct bilingual news reports, cultural interest

and music. Whilst participants have heard a broadcast in Mapudungun at

one stage the majority are not regular listeners. Rosa* (age 67, line 263)

states “Sí me recuerdo con he escuchado pero no lo escucho nunca” [yes I

remember listening to it once but I never listen to it]. Interestingly some

participants claim to listen to programs while they are in the country but

not in Temuco.

Sí en el campo lo he escuchado mucho [yes in the country I have listened to it a lot] ¿y lo escuchas? ¿Aquí? [and do you listen to it? Here?] Aquí no [not here] (Maria*, age 70, lines 284-288)

And also:

Hay un caballero que he escuchado allá en el campo [there is a man that I have listened to the country]

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(Juan Pablo*, age 18, line 261)

This is not because the broadcasts don’t cover the Temuco area but could

be for other factors. Including, less access to television in rural areas,

being in the presence of more Mapuche speakers (context), and having

more time to listen to program (visiting country for a break).

Despite an abundance of broadcasters that provide programming in

Mapudungun, there are some factors which inhibit the success of these

programs. Radio stations such as Bajá’i and Esperanza are religious

broadcasters and have a conflict of interest with the Mapuche people and

their culture. There mission is to spread the word of God. One participant

also claims that bilingual programs are uninteresting and out of context. A

30 minute program is only 15 minutes in Mapudungun due to translation

into Spanish. He claims that sentence by sentence translation is

monotonous and believes that Mapudungun should be on its own without

interference from Spanish.

4.8.3.2 Television

Not one participant could recall a television program that was presented in

Mapudungun. Whilst there appears to be no programs presented in

Mapudungun, participants claim to have heard Mapudungun in the

‘background’ of some programs. Of particular mention was “Tierra

Adentro” a weekly cultural show shown on Canal 13 that presents short

documentaries on people, places, handicrafts, and nature from all over

Chile. Five out of the six responses mentioned “Tierra Adentro” but claim

Mapudungun might only be heard in the background in a traditional rural

scene, and is not translated. One participant also claims to have heard

Mapudungun spoken by Mapuches in some news stories, particularly

during protests and land rights conflicts.

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4.8.3.3 Films and Documentaries

As with “Tierra Adentro”, some participants have also viewed

documentaries that have Mapudungun in the ‘background’ but largely are

in Spanish. Apart from documentaries about traditional culture, one

participant has seen a documentary about the affect of the RALCO

hydroelectric plant on one Mapuche community. Two participants mention

World Vision documentaries about Indigenous Chileans. Similar to radio

broadcasting, film has been used as an aid to evangelize the Mapuche

people. The only film seen by any participant was the Easter

story/resurrection of Jesus Christ, which had been dubbed into

Mapudungun. “por ejemplo el cristo hablando en mapudungun” [“For

example, Christ speaking in Mapudungun] (José*, age 54, line 570). He

comments on the inappropriateness of this theme for the Mapuche people.

“el tema allí tratado no es tema mapuche po” [The theme covered there,

isn’t a mapuche theme] (José*, age 54, line 566).

4.8.3.4 Newspapers, books and other printed materials

Participants were aware of a variety of newspapers and publications that

cater to Mapuche market. These include publications, Azkintuwe,

Makewelawen (from the Mapuche pharmacy), Rukalewen, and CONADI

publications. But when asked details about the publications answers were

often vague, suggesting that they did not read the papers. Most

newspapers, despite having a Mapuche name, for example Azkintuwe

print articles on Mapuche issues in Spanish not Mapudungun.

Participants Silvia* (age 26) and José* (age 54), who are more aware of

issues affecting the Mapuche language were able to list Mapuche authors

and books written in Mapudungun. These include ‘Memorias de un

cacique mapuche” [Memoirs of a Mapuche chief], by Pascual Coña

evidently one of the most recognised publications- bilingual texts in

Spanish and Mapudungun. Also listed were works of Martín Alonqueo

and Mapuche stories by Rosendo Huisca. Participants from the youngest

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generation also appeared more aware of works published in Mapudungun.

Juan Pablo* (age 18) has used Mapuche grammar books to learn

Mapudungun: “salen así como cuentos y después dice no sé busque los

adjetivos de igual que un silabario pero en mapudungun” [They have like

stories and after they say I don’t know, look for the adjectives like a

syllabary but in Mapudungun] (Juan Pablo*, age 18, line 241-242).

They also listed poetry and even the Lord’s Prayer in Mapudungun, which

reflects other attempts at evangelizing the Mapuche people through the

media. The younger generation appear to have more access to print media

in Mapudungun and also, being native Spanish speakers literate in

Spanish, do not have conflicting views about the traditional oral culture of

Mapudungun. Participant José* (age 54), claims that people have

difficulty accepting Mapudungun in written form, believing it is incorrect

and don’t continue reading. “a no está malo” o sea esta es su reacción y

no siguen leyendo’ [“No it’s wrong” or at least that is their reaction and

they don’t continue reading] (José*, age 54, lines 461-462).

4.8.3.5 Internet

As Crystal suggests, (see Section 2.8 in Chapter 2) electronic media and

the internet are the latest forms of media used to promote language use and

generate awareness of endangered languages. Mapuche and non-Mapuche

people not only in Chile but all over the world have been establishing an

abundance of websites dedicated to the Mapuche people and their culture.

There are two different types of possible Internet resources, 1. Websites

created in Mapudungun, such as on-line journals, newspapers, bilingual

sites, Mapuche interest pages, and, 2. Sites dedicated to the teaching of

Mapudungun including on-line dictionaries and on-line language

instruction.

Internet was the media that participants had the least amount of knowledge

about. Those that use Mapudungun in the workplace such as Silvia* (age

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26), José* (age 54) and Diego* (age 40) are in an environment where they

have access to internet resources. Both Silvia* (age 26) and José* (age 54)

list on-line bilingual and trilingual dictionaries, and also an on-line

language instruction of Mapudungun6 interestingly, Diego* (age 40) has

never viewed any sites in Mapudungun or sites dedicating to teaching

Mapudungun though he claims they ‘must exist’.

Out of the other participants only one, Eva* (age 18), said that she had

used an on-line dictionary to translate Spanish to Mapudungun. The

youngest generation do possess the necessary skills to use the Internet

however access appears to be the main issue. Those with computers do not

have access to internet. This is also apparent in the third generation (age

20-34). Apart from access problems, some young people use the internet

for other reasons and have never searched for Mapuche sites. “…Pero no

o sea uno de repente no busca cosas así” […but no or at least you don’t

look for things like that] (Juan Pablo*, age 18, lines 322-323). When

asked, those from older generations did know about the internet but had

never used it and some not even a computer. To be an effective tool

especially with the younger generations, there needs to be more awareness

about using the internet to access media in Mapudungun and on-line

education such as dictionaries and language courses.

4.9 Future for Mapudungun

To conclude the interview, participants were asked their opinions about the future

for Mapudungun in Temuco. Almost all participants agree that Mapudungun has

become endangered. Eva* (age 18), states: “que está practicamente desparecido

que no se ve …por Temuco practicamente no hay gente de Temuco (que habla la

lengua)”. [It’s practically disappeared, you don’t see it… in Temuco, there’s

practically no-one in Temuco (that speaks the language)] (Eva*, age 18, line 333-

334). This is supported by an older participant Rosa* (age 67) who says: “…yo sé

que sí que se va a perder con el tiempo” [I know that it is going to be lost with

6 New at the time of the interview but is no longer operating.

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time] (Rosa* age 67, line 405). Only one participant, Pilar* (age 47) believed the

language wasn’t at threat of becoming endangered. This could be as she feels

more secure about the language than others as she uses Mapudungun in all aspects

of her daily life.

Interestingly enough, participants supplied a new reason as to why they thought

the language was endangered. These differed from why they thought people didn’t

speak the language (for shame/embarrassment, due to educational policies) and

why they didn’t learn the language (lack of opportunity, non-Mapuche parent, not

living in the country). Rosa* (age 67) claimed it is becoming endangered because

young Mapuches don’t think the language is important. This is not only the

opinion of older Mapuches. Angela* (age 18) also believes young people aren’t

interested in speaking or learning Mapudungun:

los mismos jovenes mapuches no estan preocupados de aprender la lengua sino andan, no sé, como que no pescan nada como se dice [even young Mapuches aren’t bothered about learning the language, they go, I don’t know, like as if they don’t get what you (interviewer) are saying (about Mapudungun being endangered)].

(Angela*, age 18, lines 399-400)

This contradicts the somewhat positive outlook the youngest generation (Group 1)

expressed throughout their interviews about wanting to learn the language. This

suggests that unlike those in this study there are young Mapuches (not included in

this study) that don’t regard learning the language as important.

Asking participants about the state of Mapudungun in Temuco in comparison to

traditional rural areas or communities produced varied responses. Alejandro* (age

18) claims the language is more at risk in Temuco than rural communities but

believes the situation is worse in the capital, Santiago. Some expressed concern

about the state of Mapudungun in rural communities, more than urban areas.

Pedro* (age 68) claims that Mapudungun is more secure in Temuco as there is

infrastructure in place (eg. University courses, Mapuche organisations), but he

says in rural areas when an elder dies, the language and culture dies too. Silvia*

(age 26) despite saying Mapudungun can’t survive in Temuco, claims the closer

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the community is to a city or town, the greater the chance of maintaining

Mapudungun is. This stems from the thought that those who live close enough to

the city, know have experienced the reality of it, and value the importance of

maintaining their distinct ethnic identity.

Participants were asked “what needs to be done to ensure Mapudungun will

survive in Temuco?” Most participants believed that Mapudungun needed to be

taught in schools. And some were even aware about the EIB initiative in rural

schools, stating the same should be done in urban schools. Despite this, when

asked exactly what they understood by bilingual education, participants said

Mapudungun should be taught as another language, like French or English, not

used as the main language of instruction. However some suggested that it

shouldn’t replace English as it is more important. Isabel* (age 52) says: “empezar

todo en el colegio como una lengua como…en lugar de tanto inglés tanto

francés… yo diré no inglés sino en lugar de francés”. [begin everything in school

like a language like… instead of so much English, so much French… I wouldn’t

say English but instead of French] (Isabel*, age 52, lines 321-323). Silvia* (age

26) with more knowledge in the issues surrounding language maintenance,

believes Mapuches need to actively involve themselves in the Mapuche

communities, to learn by contributing and being in the traditional environment.

José* (age 54) makes a similar claim emphasising the need to participate in rituals

or cultural events that are exclusively conducted in Mapudungun.

Participants, as suggested in the literature review (see Section 2.26.5 in Chapter

2), place responsibility away from the family and believe the education system

should be responsible for teaching children Mapudungun. This is understandable

when considering that historically, the Chilean education system took

responsibility away from the Mapuches to teach their children, particularly the

teaching of Spanish. Now the situation appears to be reversed. It is concerning

that the majority of participants didn’t place any importance in inter-generational

transmission, best obtained in the private domains of home and family. When

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questioned if they spoke to their grandchildren in Mapudungun, Pilar* (age 47)

and Rosa* (age 67) said yes, but couldn’t say why they thought it was important.

4. 10 Chapter summary

This chapter has presented and analysed the data obtained from the interviews.

Firstly, it discussed the relevant background information on all participants and

found that factors such as ethnic composition, place of birth and marital status all

influenced the participants’ language ability in Mapudungun. The results for

speaking/listening ability and reading/writing ability were discussed by age

groups to see if there were any changes in language ability over the generations.

Overall the results showed a loss of ability over the four generations with the

older participants (60+) being ‘active bilinguals’ down to the youngest generation

(18+) with the highest level reached being ‘basic knowledge’. Reading/writing

ability proved less important, due to orality of Mapudungun, and low levels of

education of older participants. Topics including ‘language learning experiences’,

‘linguistic discrimination and negative experiences’ and ‘prestige/importance of

Mapudungun’ examined the participant’s responses in depth to draw conclusions

as to why Mapudungun speakers are shifting to Spanish. The section on

‘opportunities for language use in Temuco’ presented the responses on where

participants have used Mapudungun in public and private domains. In addition,

this section also displayed the relevant media in Mapudungun as listed by

participants. This chapter concluded by discussing participants responses on the

‘future for Mapudungun’ this included their opinions on whether or not they

believed Mapudungun is endangered in Temuco and if so why. It also notes what

participants believes need to be done in Temuco to ensure that Mapudungun will

survive.

The following chapter provides a summary of the results, as presented in this

chapter, to answer each of the three research questions. In addition it also

proposes directions for future research for the case of Mapudungun.

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Chapter 5

CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMENDATIONS

5.1 Introduction

The first part of this chapter summarises the findings discussed in Chapter 4 ‘Data

analysis’ and relates these to the literature discussed in Chapter 2 to answer the

key research questions made in this dissertation. The last part of the chapter

concludes by proposing future research directions to further explore the current

state of the Mapudungun language in urban and rural areas. It also suggests

further research into language planning and teaching strategies that can help the

Mapuche community preserve their language in Temuco.

5.2 Responses to the research questions

This section contains the answers to the three key research questions outlined

throughout this study. However, the small size of the sample for this study should

be considered when interpreting these results.

5.2.1 Is Mapudungun an endangered language in the city of Temuco in

2004?

Whilst Lenz’s (1893 cited in Sánchez, 1993) prediction that Mapudungun

would disappear within 50 years might be premature, it shows the risk

Mapudungun faces of becoming extinct is not just a recent phenomena. The

literature currently considers Mapudungun as an endangered language in

general, for the whole of Chile. Adeelar (cited in Wurm, 1996) lists

Mapudungun as an endangered language in Chile (see Section 2.18 in

Chapter 2). The community of Mapudungun speakers in Chile is described

by Chiodi and Loncón (1995, p. 26) as an “unstable bilingual community in

transition towards monolingualism in Spanish” (see Section 2.19 in Chapter

2). There has been no study on a national scale to find the number of

Mapudungun speakers. Despite this, Citarella (2000) claims specific cases

of Mapudungun speech communities all show a trend in language shift from

Mapudungun to Spanish, and an intergenerational loss of speakers. The case

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of Mapudungun speakers in Temuco has never been investigated, though

two studies (CELADE et al, 1990 and Oyarce & Peréz, 1991) investigated

communities on the outskirts of Temuco. Oyarce & Peréz (1991 cited in

Citarella, 2000) found only 4% of mothers speak to their children in

Mapudungun, showing a loss in intergenerational transmission of

Mapudungun. Antilef (1992, cited in Chiodi & Lonón, 1995) conducted a

study with bilingual children on the outskirts of Temuco, and found an

increase in Spanish domination largely due to TV, radio and the use of

Spanish in school.

The definitions of Wurm (1996) and Fishman (1987) have been used to

evaluate the case of Mapudungun in Temuco (see Section 2.4 in Chapter 2).

These definitions have been used to evaluate the case of Mapudungun in

Temuco. Fishman (1987, p. 391) claims endangered languages are:

“languages with a large sustained and uncontrollable negative

intergenerational balance …between intergenerational influx and their

intergenerational outflux. Wurm (1996, p. 1) is more specific stating: “Any

language of a community which is not learned anymore by children (at least

30%)”. He also created a scale which can be used to evaluate the severity of

language endangerment, ranging from potentially endangered to moribund

languages (see Section 2.4 in Chapter 2).

The results of the interviews conducted in this study demonstrate that only

six out of 15 participants are competent speakers of Mapudungun. The

oldest generation (age 60+) has the highest average language ability with all

three born native speakers of Mapudungun (now active bilinguals).

Speaking abilities are mixed for the second and third generations (age 20-34

and age 35-59), however the latter possesses a higher competence level on

average, with the most competent speaker classed as ‘native speaker’ and

the lowest as ‘words/greetings’, while the second generation have a slightly

lower competence with the most competent speaker classed as an ‘active

bilingual’ and the lowest with ‘no knowledge’. The youngest participants

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(age 18) demonstrate a below ‘basic knowledge’ average of Mapudungun.

Comparing the speaking abilities in Mapudungun over the four generations

shows a downward trend which proves, there is a negative balance of

speakers between generations.

In terms of severity of endangerment, Mapudungun in this study is beyond

’potentially endangered’ as defined by Wurm (1998 cited in Crystal, 2000).

as it isn’t just beginning to lose child speakers, participants as old as 52

years haven’t learnt Mapudungun as the last good speaker in this study was

Silvia* (age 26) a young adult. Although the youngest good speaker is 26

years, she doesn’t reflect the average for her generation (age 20-34) who are

not competent speakers of Mapudungun. The last native speaker in this

study is 47 years. This suggests in this case Mapudungun could be on track

to becoming ‘severely endangered’, with the last good speakers being 50

years and over. Despite this study listing six competent Mapudungun

speakers, only one actually continues to use Mapudungun in the private

domain which suggests Mapudungun is more severely endangered than

language ability indicates (see next Section 5.2.2). If this study represents

the Mapuche population of Temuco, then we can speculate that the language

was endangered in 2004 when this study took place. Some of the reasons

why Mapudungun has reached this level of endangerment are discussed in

the next section as, the opportunities Mapudungun have to maintain their

language in Temuco.

5.2.2 What opportunities exist to use Mapudungun in the city of

Temuco to ensure its survival?

Investigating this particular research question involved examining the

speech domains for the language in private and public domains, and also to

explore what media is currently available in Temuco for Mapudungun

speakers.

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While some researchers (Loncón, 1995; Cañulef, 1992; and Spice, 2002)

claim Mapudungun is restricted to a ‘kitchen’ language for domestic or

private domains only, the results from this case study show that it isn’t even

fulfilling this function. Only one participant (Pilar* age 47) out of fifteen,

continues to use Mapudungun on a daily basis in the family home and other

private domains, the remaining participants all primarily use Spanish in the

private domain. Furthermore I have also found that intercultural marriages

impact the opportunities for Mapudungun speakers, as they are unable to

speak with their spouse or children in Mapudungun. The findings of this

study contradict the literature as the results show there are more

opportunities to use Mapudungun in the public domain (the workplace) than

the private domain. Three participants, who don’t use Mapudungun at home

with their family, do use it with other Mapuche colleagues in the workplace.

This appears to be due to intercultural marriages, as José* (age 54) explains

he can rarely speak Mapudungun at home but he can use it at work.

Apart from identifying private vs. public functions of Mapudungun,

participants generally made a geographic distinction stating Mapudungun

should be spoken in rural areas and Spanish should be spoken in urban

areas. This indicates that the stereotype that Mapuches only live in the

country appears to be accepted by some participants. Increasing the domains

where Mapudungun is spoken in Temuco can aid its preservation. The next

section discusses the resources available to Mapudungun speakers in

Temuco.

Crystal (2000) suggests a range of planning that needs to be in place for a

language to survive. These included increasing prestige, through presence in

the media, ability to write a language down and making use of electronic

technology. There have been few initiatives implemented in Temuco to aid

the preservation of Mapudungun. La Ley Indígena (1992) indicates that

EIB should be implemented in areas of high Indigenous concentration.

Though defining ‘high concentration’ remains unclear, despite proposals to

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undertake EIB in urban areas as yet nothing has been implemented in

Temuco. The law also states that the use of the language should be

encouraged and supported in radio broadcasters and television stations in

regions of high Indigenous concentration (see Appendix A).

Participants were able to list some resources available in Mapudungun, the

most commonly mentioned were bilingual radio programs. They listed some

newspapers catering to Mapuches but claim they are written in Spanish. Not

one participant had ever seen a TV program in Mapudungun. Many were

unaware of any internet resources in Mapudungun as they don’t have access

to the internet. Whilst participants are aware of media in Mapudungun, they

aren’t regular listeners or readers of media in Mapudungun. The majority of

media available in Mapudungun is provided by Christian organisations,

continuing attempts to evangelise the Mapuche people. Despite suggestions

made by La Ley Indígena (1992) it appears little has been implemented on

behalf of the government in Temuco. All of these factors have contributed

to the reduction of opportunities to use or learn Mapudungun in Temuco,

which is threatening the state of the language as I will explain next.

5.2.3 Why has Mapudungun become an endangered language in the city

of Temuco?

The majority of this case study involved collecting data in response to this

research question. It is important to understand why the language has

become endangered in Temuco to see if urban Mapuches have specific

factors affecting their language use.

The literature reviewed theories proposed by linguists on the causes of

language shift and death in general. These theories were divided into

physical and non-physical factors affecting the language, and also, historical

and modern issues.

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Wurm (1996), Dixon (1997), Crystal (2000) and Fishman (1991) all outline

physical factors which are a direct threat to language speakers and their

language. These include: natural disasters, diseases, famines, colonisation

war and slavery, loss of language is immediate due to loss of speakers.

Crystal (2000) and Fishman (1991) also discuss non-physical factors which

contribute to language shift and death. This includes cultural assimilation,

the desire for upward mobility by adopting the dominant language and

culture. Crystal (2000) lists psychological damage (corporal punishment at

school for using language) and also low self esteem due to stereotyping as

factors which contribute to language shift. Fishman (1991) adds repressive

regimes and dictatorships as a cultural factor. Krauss (1992) blames the

impact of electronic media, especially TV in the dominant language which

he calls ‘cultural nerve gas’. Grinevald (1998, pp. 137-138) states language

death in South America is usually attributed to: 1. Process of colonisation, 2.

Shift to lingua franca or 3. Shift to colonising language.

The available literature on the history of the Mapuche people in Chile

proves that historically, Mapuches have experienced physical threats to their

existence and consequentially their language. The Mapuche population

declined through the impact of colonisation, loss of life through contact and

introduced diseases and genocide committed against them through the

Pacificación de la Araucanía in the 19th century. More recently, Mapuche

lives were threatened through the Pinochet dictatorship were many people

were executed and ‘disappeared’. Despite these physical factors contributing

to the loss of Mapuche people, and consequently the number of speakers of

Mapudungun, cultural assimilation and social factors are now the largest

contributors for the loss of Mapudungun speakers as the Mapuche

population is not at risk, but their language continues to decline. Salas

(1992) claims urbanisation has an impact on Mapudungun, with migrants

assimilating to Chilean urban society and Spanish. He states Mapudungun

speakers have always needed Spanish to survive claiming that Spanish

speakers have always held several advantages over Mapudungun speakers

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including: 1. Number, 2. Political and economic power, 3. Territorial

domination, 4. Social prestige, and 5. Cultural interest (Salas, 1992).

Loncón (1995) also believes Mapudungun suffers from a lack of prestige in

comparison with Spanish, as its use is restricted to only informal or cultural

functions. The impact of strict assimilation policies, particularly in

education has resulted in psychological factors influencing language shift

particularly due to being punished for speaking Mapudungun or for

speaking Spanish poorly at school (Chiodi & Loncón, 1995). Language

contact with Spanish has resulted in internal changes to the Mapudungun

language. As suggested by Thomason (2001), the impact of Spanish has

resulted in changes to the grammar and phonetics of Mapudungun,

assimilating to Spanish. The closer it becomes to Spanish makes

Mapudungun even less competitive. Loncón (1995) evaluates the

importance that maintaining Mapudungun holds for the Mapuche people,

claiming though it is considered important it is not as important as land

rights, as Crystal (2000) suggests a language won’t survive if other issues

are more pressing poverty, famine, or loss of habitat.

It was important to gather background information on each participant to see

if there was any correlation between variables such as gender, educational

background and language ability in Mapudungun. Whilst the literature

suggests the Evangelist faith may hinder the maintenance of Mapudungun

(see Section 2.26.5 in Chapter 2), it did not appear to be a factor

contributing to language ability in Mapudungun. Other factors including:

gender, occupation and educational background, also did not to impact

language ability in Mapudungun for the participants in this study. However,

there is some correlation between ethnic composition and marital status with

language use/ability in Mapudungun as participants from mixed ethnicity

families have fewer opportunities to use/learn the language. Participants

who were born in rural Mapuche communities, migrating later in life also

have a higher degree of competency in Mapudungun than those born in

Temuco. Participants who have both their parents as Mapuches participate

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more in cultural activities than those with only one mapuche parent, which

gives them more opportunity to use the language in private domains.

The participants were asked a variety of questions during the interview to

determine why Mapudungun had become endangered in Temuco. This

involved asking them questions directly but also about their parents, other

people they know and finally Mapuches in general to create a more holistic

view of the situation. When asked why their parents did not encourage them

to learn/speak Mapudungun, participants listed discrimination as a

psychological factor as discussed by Crystal (2000) and Chiodi & Loncón

(1995). Some parents feared if their children spoke Mapudungun it would

hinder their Spanish ability, resulting in discrimination for speaking Spanish

poorly. Participants also listed speaking Spanish to have more opportunities

(gain social mobility). Living in the city as opposed to the country was also

suggested as a reason for not learning Mapudungun. This reflects Salas’

(1992) view of the consequence of urbanisation. The impact of having a

non-Mapuche mother or father became apparent, as many participants listed

this as a reason for never learning Mapudungun. The effect of intercultural

marriages on Mapudungun was not addressed in the literature and could be

more relevant to the case of urban Mapuches. Participants also don’t speak

the language due to discrimination from other Mapuches (mainly rural).

This is another issue that exclusively affects urban Mapuches. Grandparents

(or absence of) also had an influence over learning Mapudungun, as those

participants whose grandparents live far away or are deceased claim it

prevented them from learning Mapudungun.

Psychological factors appear to be the main reason why participants believe

Mapuches don’t speak Mapudungun in general. The results agree with

Loncón’s (1995) observations about vergüenza etnica and its influence in

the abandonment of speaking Mapudungun (see Section 2.23 in Chapter 2).

Participants listed ethnic embarrassment/shame as the main reason why no-

one speaks Mapudungun in Temuco. This demonstrates a fear of exposing

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their ethnicity as they are worried about the discrimination they might

endure. Some participants also discussed the function of the language, as

Salas (1992) suggests Spanish is needed for daily life in Temuco and not

Mapudungun, and speaking Mapudungun in Temuco for some participants

seems out of context.

Overall, when asked why Mapudungun has become endangered the

participants suggest because young people aren’t interested in learning the

language. This differs from the responses from similar questions and

contradicts findings from younger participants who in general appeared

enthusiastic about wanting to learn the language. Huisca and Loncomil

(1986) proposed young people weren’t interested in learning Mapudungun

anymore. The younger generation may currently be more enthusiastic about

learning Mapudungun as the political climate in Chile has changed since

Huisca and Loncomil (1986) made their observation. Despite this, even a

younger participant in this study claimed young people weren’t interested in

learning Mapudungun. This suggests there are younger Mapuches in

Temuco (not included in this study) that aren’t interested in learning

Mapudungun.

Information obtained throughout the interviews shows that Mapudungun

suffers from a lack of prestige. Participants found it difficult to list any

importance it held over Spanish. And older participants couldn’t see any

benefits to speaking the language at all, though the youngest generation

appears to be more aware of the benefits of speaking Mapudungun to gain

limited employment in Mapuche organisations, or as EIB teachers.

Stereotypes are reinforced with participants stating Mapudungun should be

spoken in the country and Spanish in the city.

The findings in this case suggest Mapudungun is endangered due to

psychological factors, such as fear of discrimination, more than physical

threats on the speakers themselves. The impact of intercultural marriages

has also had a large influence on the use and maintenance of Mapudungun

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in Temuco, this is a result of the process of urbanisation. This influences the

opportunities that Mapudungun speakers may have to use the language, in

particular the chances that children may have to acquire the language in

private domains.

5.3 Directions for further research

This case study provides an overall picture of the case of Mapudungun in the city

of Temuco. As a result a number of issues were identified that need to be explored

in more detail. As indicated earlier one of the constraints of this study was the

small size of the participants included in the study, due to the nature of this

Honours dissertation. Therefore I would like to conclude by recommending that

future studies be conducted on this topic. In particular, studies in the form of a

more comprehensive, longitudinal approach with a larger participant pool. I

believe that this could help to extend the findings documented in this dissertation

about the Mapuche community in Temuco and it would identify any other

challenges that these Mapuche may be facing in maintaining their language.

Furthermore I think that ideally, a longitudinal study should be conducted to

identify any changes in language use that may occur in future years. This can also

be used to examine Titiev’s (1940 cited in Gallardo 1984) theory on ‘cyclical’

cultural assimilation amongst Mapuches (see section 2.19 in Chapter 2). The GID

scale proposed by Fishman (2001) to evaluate the severity of endangerment, and

process to reverse language shift could also be applied to the case of Mapudungun

in Temuco to further evaluate what needs to be done to reverse language shift.

There is also a need to conduct a study investigating issues in planning for

language ‘revitalisation’ and language ‘maintenance’ (Nahir, 2003) in the context

of Mapudungun. At present, opinions remain divided on what is the best

approach for Mapudungun. On one hand, Chiodi & Loncón (1995) claim the

language should never be revitalised (placed in competition with Spanish), as it

may even hinder its preservation. On the other, linguists are developing Microsoft

in Mapudungun, modernising the language and expanding it to complete new

functions. For language planning initiatives to be successful there needs to be a

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common goal on how to achieve the best outcome for Mapudungun and its

speakers as well as a strategic plan on how to go about it.

Language planning initiatives in Chile generally address the case of rural

Mapuches, despite evidence proving the majority of Mapuches live in urban areas

(see Section 2.26 in Chapter 2). By studying the case of urban Mapuches, and

increasing awareness to the issues they face, it is hoped that language planning

initiatives can be created that specifically cater to their needs thus preserving

Mapudungun. Overall, more research studies are needed to evaluate the

effectiveness of La ley Indígena (1992), particularly with regards to the

development of EIB [intercultural bilingual education] programs. It is important to

explore if these programs are successful in helping the Mapuche community to

maintain Mapudungun in rural areas. If this is the case they should be

implemented in urban schools. Otherwise, they should be provided with adequate

national and international expertise to improve the delivery and content of the

programs. In addition, CONADI needs to ensure proposals outlined in La Ley

Indígena (1992) to promote Indigenous languages are implemented. In particular,

support for media in Mapudungun in regions of high Indigenous concentration,

like La Araucanía. They need to be made aware of the importance of providing

media in Mapudungun (radio and television programs) to raise the prestige of

Mapudungun, so they can improve their planning in this area.

Overall, this study provides a reference point for future studies aiming to explore

further the case of Mapudungun in Temuco city or to investigate the situation of

Mapudungun in other cities of Chile such as Santiago, as well as in rural areas.

124

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Appendixes

APPENDIX A- La Ley Indígena 19.253 LA LEY INDIGENA: 19.253 V (Arts. 28-33) De la Cultura y Educación Indígena. Parrafo 1º (ARTS. 28-31) Del Reconocimiento, Respeto y Protección de las Culturas Indígenas. El reconocimiento, respeto, y protección de las culturas e idiomas indígenas contempla:

a) El uso y conservación de los idiomas indígenas, junto al español en las áreas de alta densidad indígena.

b) El establecimiento en el sistema educativo nacional de una unidad programática que posibilite a los educandos acceder a un conocimiento adecuado de las culturas e idiomas indígenas y que los capacite para valorarlas positivamente.

c) El fomento a la difusión en las radioemisoras y canales de televisión de las regiones de alta presencia indígena de programas en idioma indígena y apoyo a la creación de radioemisoras y medios de comunicación indígenas.

d) La promoción y establecimiento de cátedras de historia, cultura, e idiomas indígenas en la enseñanza superior.

e) La obligatoriedad del Registro Civil de anotar los nombres y apellidos de personas indígenas en la forma como lo expresen sus padres y con las normas de transcripción fonética que ellos indiquen.

Parrafo 2º (ARTS. 32-33)

De la Educación Indígena. La Corporación, en las áreas de alta densidad indígena y en coordinación con los servicios u organismos del Estado que correspondan, desarrollará un sistema de educación intercultural bilingüe a fin de preparar a los educandos indígenas para desenvolverse en forma adecuada tanto en su sociedad de origen como en la sociedad global. Al efecto podrá financiar o convenir, con los Gobiernos Regionales, Municipalidades u organismos privados, programas permanentes o experimentales

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APPENDIX B- Interview questions (translated)

Fecha (date) __________ Hora: (time)__________ No. Participante:_________ Categoría__________________ Participant Number Category: PARTE A- DATOS GENERALES/ General data

1) ¿Qué edad tiene?___________ años How old are you? 2) Sexo: Masculino □ Femenino □ 3) Ocupación:__________________________ 4) Religión:____________________________ 5) Último año cursado:_______________ Last year of schooling completed 6) Estado civil:__________________________ Civil status 7) ¿Ha vivido en Temuco por toda su vida? Have you lived in Temuco all your life?

Sí □ No □

Si su respuesta es ‘no’, ¿por cuánto tiempo ha vivido en Temuco? _______ años. Y, ¿Dónde vivía antes?_________________

If your answer is no, How long have you lived in Temuco? And where did you live before? 8) ¿En qué barrio de Temuco vive?_____________________ What suburb of Temuco do you live in?

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A) LENGUA E IDENTIDAD:/ language and identity 1. ¿Usted se considera mapuche?,

¿Por qué sí/no? ¿Qué es lo que hace a una persona ser mapuche? Do you consider yourself to be mapuche? Why/ why not? What makes someone

Mapuche? 2. ¿Qué nombre se le da a la lengua mapuche?/ ¿Cómo se llama la lengua de su pueblo? What do you call the language of the Mapuche people? / of your people? 3. ¿Es importante hablar mapudungun para ser mapuche? ¿Por qué? Is it important that you can speak Mapudungun to be Mapuche, Why/why not? 4. ¿Participa UD en actividades culturales mapuche? ¿Cuáles y dónde? Do you participate in mapuche cultural activites? What and where? 5. ¿Mantiene contacto con gente mapuche o comunidades mapuche fuera de Temuco? ¿De qué manera?- (conversa con gente de afuera en Temuco, aun visita comunidades fuera) Do you stay in contact with mapuches or mapuche communities outside of Temuco, In what ways? --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- B) CONOCIMIENTO y USO DEL MAPUDUNGUN: Knowledge and usage of mapudungun. 1. ¿Puede hablar en mapudungun? Can you speak mapudungun? 2. ¿Puede entender el mapudungun cuando se habla en una conversación? Can you understand mapudungun when it’s spoken in conversation? 3a. ¿Y si lo puede entender, lo puede hablar en una conversación, o sea que se siente cómodo en hablar mapudungun en una conversación? If you can understand it, can you speak it in a conversation, or rather, do you feel comfortable speaking it in conversation 3b. ¿Si no lo puede entender, sabe algunas palabras o frases en mapudungun? If you can’t understand it, do you know some words or phrases in mapudungun?

¿Por qué no razón no aprendió usted nunca el mapudungun? What is the reason why you never learnt mapudungun?

Sub ques. ¿Por qué piensa que nadie en su familia le enseñó el mapudungun?

Why do you think that nobody in your family taught you mapudungun? 4. ¿Puede leer en mapudungun?

¿Quién le enseñó?

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Tiene dificultades en leer mapudungun- ¿cuáles son, por qué? ¿Te gusta leer en mapudungun o prefieres usar castellano? ¿por qué?

Si, no.. ¿Le gustaría aprender?

Can you read in mapudungun? Who taught you? Do you have difficulties in reading in mapudungun. What are these, why? Would you like to learn? 5. ¿Puede escribir en mapudungun?

¿Quién le enseñó? Tiene dificultades en escribir mapudungun- ¿cuáles son, por qué? ¿Le gusta escribir en mapudungun o prefiere usar castellano, ¿por qué? Si, no.. ¿Le gustaría aprender?

Can you write in mapudungun? Who taught you? Do you have difficulties in writing in mapudungun. What are these, why? Would you like to learn? 6. ¿Cuál es la lengua que usted usa para pensar? (castellano, mapudungun, o los dos igualmente) What language do you think in (spanish, mapudungun or both)? 7. ¿En que lengua habla cuando se enoja? What language do you speak when you are angry? 8. ¿En qué lengua sueña? (Castellano, mapudungun, o los dos). What language do you dream in? 9a. ¿Cómo fue su experiencia de aprender el mapudungun? ¿Quién le enseñó, dónde aprendió? How was your experience of learning mapudungun? ¿Who taught you, where did you learn it? 9b. ¿Si nadie le enseñó la lengua mapudungun, se le enseñaron algo sobre la cultura mapuche? ¿Qué? ¿Quién? If they didn’t teach you mapudungun did they teach you something about mapuche culture? 10. Cuando era niño/a, ¿cuál era la lengua que se usaba en su casa, familia? ¿Y ahora? When you were a child, what was the most common language used at home, in family? And now? 11. ¿Hay alguien en su familia que sepa hablar el mapudungun?

¿Quién? ¿Ellos lo hablan mucho o solamente de vez en cuando? ¿Conversa con

ellos? Is there anyone in your family that can speak mapudungun? Who? Do they speak it frequently or only occasionally? Did you speak with them? 12. ¿Ha intentado hablar o enseñar a alguien de su familia el mapudungun?

¿Quién, cuándo, dónde etc.? Have you tried to talk or reach mapudungun to someone in your family? Who, when, where etc. 13. ¿Sus padres hablan con usted en mapudungun?

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¿Intentaron hablar con usted en mapudungun en algún momento de su vida? Do you parents speak with you in mapudungun? Have they tried speaking with you in mapudungun at some point in your life? 14. ¿Dónde ha escuchado hablar el mapudungun? Where have you heard mapudungun spoken? 15. ¿En qué lugares/ situaciones lo ha usado? In what places/ situations have you used it? 16. ¿Ha visto letreros u otras formas de mapudungun escrito en lugares públicos de Temuco? ¿Le parece útil, usar el mapudungun en lugares públicos, como letreros en plaza de armas o en el registro civil? Por qué sí, por qué no. Have you seen signs or other forms of written mapudungun in public places of Temuco? Do you think it is usefull to use mapudungun in public places- such as plaza de armas, police station? Why/why not? MEDIOS DE COMUNICACIÓN: 1. ¿Conoce usted algunos textos, libros, diarios que está escrito en mapudungun?

¿Los puede nombrar? ¿Los han leído, o solo los conocen? ¿Los lee con frecuencia? Si son textos bilingües, ¿lee en castellano o mapudungun?

Do you know any texts, books, newspapers that are written in mapudungun? Can you name some? Have you read them? Do you read them frequently? Do you like reading/writing in mapudungun or would you prefer to use spanish? Why? 2. ¿Conoce algún programa de radio que se transmita en mapudungun?

¿Le gusta escucharlo, o prefieres escuchar programas en castellano/ otro lengua? Do you know of any radio program that broadcasts in mapudungun? Do you like to listen to it, or do you prefer to listen to programs in Spanish? 3. ¿Alguna vez ha visto un programa de Televisión en mapudungun, o dónde se hablan mapudungun? Have you ever seen a TV show in mapudungun, or where it was spoken? 4. ¿UD conoce el Internet?

¿Lo ha usado? (si lo conoce…) ¿Puede nombrar lugares de Internet donde ha visto el uso de mapudungun escrito, o lugares donde lo enseñan?

Do you know the Internet? Have you used it? Can you name some websites where you have seen mapudungun used, or places where it is taught on-line? 5. Alguna vez ha visto un película, documental etc. donde se habla mapudungun?

¿Los puede nombrar? ¿Tenía subtítulos en castellano? ¿Tuvo que leerlos?

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Have you ever seen a film, documentry in which they speak mapudungun? Can you name some? Did it have Spanish subtitles, did you have to read them? PRESTIGIO: 1. ¿Ha tenido una experiencia negativa al usar el mapudungun en Temuco?

Si no, ¿conoce alguien que haya tenido una experiencia negativa al usar el mapudungun- qué le pasó?

Have you ever had a negative experience using mapudungun? If no, do you know anyone who has had a negative experience? What happened? 2. ¿Hay lugares o situaciones donde piensa que solo debe usar el mapudungun? ¿Cuáles? ¿Hay lugares o situaciones donde piensa que no debe usar el mapudungun? ¿Cuáles? Are there places, situations where you think that you should only use/ shouldn’t use mapudungun? 3. ¿Hay lugares o situaciones donde piensa que solo debe usar el castellano? ¿Cuáles? ¿Hay lugares o situaciones donde piensa que no debe usar el castellano? ¿Cuáles? Are there places, situations where you think that you should only use/ shouldn’t use spanish? LENGUA Y PODER/IMPORTANCIA: 1. ¿Le puede traer beneficios el hablar mapudungun? ¿Por qué? Does speaking Mapudungun draw benefits? Why? 2a. Si habla mapudungun…

¿Ha tenido alguna experiencia donde su conocimiento de mapudungun fue beneficioso, le ayudó a obtener algo? ¿Puede describir la situación?

If you speak it… Have you ever had an experience where your knowledge of mapudungun was beneficial, or helped you obtain something? Can you describe the situation? 2b. Si no lo habla….

¿Ha estado en una situación donde fue una desventaja no hablar mapudungun? ¿Puede describir la situación?

If you don’t speak it.. Have you been in a situation where you where disadvantaged for not being able to speak mapudungun? Can you describe the situation? 3. ¿Hay otra importancia que tiene el mapudungun, sobre el castellano? Ejemplo de los indígenas australianos y derechos a la tierra.

¿Ocurre algo similar en Chile? ¿Cree usted que algo así podría ocurrir en el futuro?

Is there any other importance that the mapudungun holds over Spanish? Example of land rights in Aus. Is something similar occurring in Chile, do you think it could happen in the future?

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Hay una organización internacional que dice que el mapudungun está en peligro de extinción, que opina usted sobre esta afirmación. ¿Esta de acuerdo, por qué sí, por qué no? There is an internacional organisation that says mapudungun is in danger of becoming extinct, what do you think about this statement? Do you agree? Why/why not? ¿Le gustaría hacer algunos comentarios más? Any further comments?

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APPENDIX C- Participant Consent Form (SPANISH) Yo, __________________________________________ (nombre) doy mi autorización para participar en este estudio. Entiendo que la entrevista será grabada y que cualquiera información puede ser incluida en la tesis, de manera confidencial. Además, sé que los resultados del estudio estarán disponibles al final del proyecto. ______________________ (firma) ______________ (fecha) (ENGLISH) I _________________ give my permission to participate in this study. I understand that the interview will be recorded and that any information may be used in the thesis in a confidential manner. I am also aware that the results of the study will be made available to me on completion of the project. ______________________ (signed) ________________ (date).

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APPENDIX D- SAMPLE INTERVIEW TRANSCRIPT INTERVIEW- G1 M2

22/10/2004 lines of transcription: 506 12.15-12. 50pm length of interview: 35 minutes GENERAL DATA: Age: 18 Sex: Male Occupation: Student (high school) Religion: Catholic Highest level of schooling: 4º Media (current) Civil status: single lives in comuna- Villa de los Ríos, Temuco. I= Interviewer G1 M2= Participant Speaker Interview Question Line I G1 M2 I G1 M2 I G1 M2 I G1 M2 I G1 M2

¿Usted se considera mapuche? sí ¿por qué? no sé al menos no sé yo al menos me siento identificado con no sé con la etnia si puede ser. ¿la etnia? sí porque a ver… desde al menos toda la familia de mí papá es mapuche. ¿del papá? de mi papá de mi mamá no. ah ya er mi papá toda su familia es mapuche y al menos er no sé cosas o ciertas tradiciones se mantienen o sea por ejemplo mi papá habla mapudungun, y por parte de mi abuelo todo familia por parte de mi papá toda esa hablan mapuche mapudungun

1.1 1.2

01 02 03 04 05 06 07 08 09 10 11 12

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APPENDIX E- Participant Profiles

Group 1 (18 years) Alejandro*, Male 18 years, completing final year of high school. Mother is Mapuche, Father is non-Mapuche. Evangelist Has always resided in Temuco. Grandparents live in rural community. Language: Spanish knows some words in Mapudungun, cannot read/write in Mapudungun. Culture: never participated in Mapuche cultural events Juan Pablo*, Male, 18 years, completing final year of high school. Mother is non-Mapuche, Father is Mapuche. Catholic Has always resided in Temuco, Grandparents, aunts/uncles, cousins live in rural community. Language: Spanish knows some words in Mapudungun, learning. Cannot read/write in Mapudungun. Younger brother speaks more Mapudungun- taught by grandfather. Father speaks Mapudungun but works away from Temuco, no opportunities to learn. Mother has learnt basic phrases. Grandparents are native speakers of Mapudungun. Culture: never participated in traditional Mapuche cultural events, some involvement in school cultural events. Angela*, Female, 18 years, completing final year of high school. Both parents Mapuche. Evangelist Family live in Chol Chol, resides in Temuco for school, and visits community on weekends. Language: Spanish and basic Mapudungun, still learning. Grew up speaking Spanish in home, recently learning Mapudungun. Both parents converse in Mapudungun in family home. Grandparents native speakers Mapudungun, not competent in Spanish. Younger brother, Spanish, basic words/greetings in Mapudungun. Basic reading skills in Mapudungun, writing more difficult. Culture: has participated in cultural events in home town of Chol Chol. Eva*, Female 18 years, completing final year of high school. Mother is non-Mapuche, Father is Mapuche. No Religion. Has always resided in Temuco. Grandparents (father) lived in rural community. Family in rural communities and Temuco. Language: Spanish with some words/greetings in Mapudungun. Father speaks Mapudungun but works away from Temuco, only visits on weekends, few opportunities to learn. Mother cannot speak Mapudungun. Cannot read/write in Mapudungun. Culture: has participated in traditional Mapuche cultural events through her father’s work, involvement with rural mapuche communities.

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Group 2 (20-34 years) Carlos*, Male, 28 years, auxiliar de servicios, completing high school certificate at adult education centre. Single. Both parents Mapuche. Evangelist. Has resided in Temuco for 5 years, (for education). Originally from Alto Barroa. Language: understands conversations in Mapudungun, but cannot speak at this level. Passive bilingual. Can read/write in Mapudungun. Parents never spoke to him in Mapudungun, always Spanish. Learnt from his grandparents. Parents and older brother can speak Mapudungun. Culture: never participated in traditional Mapuche cultural events. (not sure of reason) Miguel*, Male, 31 years, cashier, completing high school qualification at adult education centre. Single. Both parents Mapuche. Evangelist. Has always resided in Temuco. Language: passive bilingual, understands Mapudungun at conversation level, but cannot speak at this level. Can read in Mapudungun never attempted writing. Parents spoke mixture of Mapudungun and Spanish in the home depending on topic. Parents converse in Mapudungun to each other and grandparents. Older brother more competent in Mapudungun. Culture: has participated in a range of traditional Mapuche cultural events. Julieta*, Female, 31 years, shop attendant, and completing high school qualification at adult education cente. Married to non-mapuche, 3 children. Mother non-Mapuche, Father Mapuche. Resided in Temuco for 8 years, originally from Santiago. Language: Spanish only, no knowledge of Mapudungun. Cannot read/write in Mapudungun. Was separated from parents, attended boarding school in Santiago- did not know her father was Mapuche until teenager. Wants to learn Mapudugnun to teach her children. Culture: has never participated in traditional Mapuche cultural events. Silvia*, Female, 26 years, teacher of EIB/academic, university degree. Single. Mother Mapuche, Father non-Mapuche. Traditional beliefs. Resided in Temuco for 5 years, originally from Tres Cerros Community. Language: active bilingual in Spanish/Mapudungun. Mother and community members spoke to her in mapudungun, Father in Spanish. Siblings also active bilinguals. Due to her work has in depth knowledge of issues relating to Mapuche language and Culture. Can read/write in Mapudungun. Culture: participates in Mapuche cultural events. Frequently visits (weekends) her community.

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Group 3 (35-59 years) José*, Male, 54 years, teacher/academic EIB, university degree. Married with children.(not sure if wife is Mapuche or Non-Mapuche) Both parents Mapuche. Traditional beliefs Resided in Temuco for 30 years, originally from Chawra community. Language: Mapudungun native language, active bilingual. Parents began speaking mapudungun but changed to Spanish only when reached school age. Can read/write in Mapudungun. No longer converses with siblings in Mapudungun, Spanish only. Rarely speaks with wife in Mapudungun. Has attempted to teach children but they have only a basic level of mapudungun. Uses language in workplace. Due to his work has indepth knowledge of issues relating to Mapuche language and culture. Culture: participates in Mapuche cultural events, in contact with various Mapuche communities. Diego*, Male, 40 years, technical consultant for regional government, technical studies. Married with 2 children. Both parents Mapuche. Non-practicing Catholic. Resided in Temuco for 20 years. Language: Spanish and basic Mapudungun. Parents spoke Spanish in home to avoid discrimination. Can read, difficulty writing Mapudungun. Teaching children about culture, difficult to teach them language. Uses language in workplace, greetings. Culture: involved with rural mapuche communities daily through work. Pilar*, Female, 47 years, fresh produce seller, reached grade 6 (primary ed). Married 4 children. Both parents Mapuche. Catholic Resided more than 5 years in Temuco, originally from rural community. Language: native speaker Mapudungun. Less competent in Spanish than Mapudungun. Mapudungun was spoken in home learnt Spanish at school. Her children are active bilinguals. Questionable that she can read/write in Mapudungun. Has tried talking with grandchildren in Mapudungun. Culture: participates in traditional cultural events eg. Pailin. Isabel*, Female, 52 years, housewife. High school qualification. Married with 4 children (husband is Swiss-Chilean). Mother non-Mapuche, Father Mapuche. Non practicing Catholic. Resided in Temuco for 30 years, originally from Nuevo Toltén. Language: Spanish some words/greetings in Mapudungun, learnt from listening to street vendors. Not from father. Spanish only in household. Mother didn’t speak any Mapudungun. Culture: never participated in traditional Mapuche cultural events.

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Group 4 (60+ years) Pedro*, Male, 68 years, retired farmer. Grade 6 (primary ed). Married, 7 children. (Wife non-Mapuche). Both parents Mapuche. Resided in Temuco 8 years, originally from Carahue. Language: native speaker Mapudungun, learnt Spanish at school. Active bilingual. Parents spoke Spanish and Mapudungun. Does not consider important for children to learn Mapudungun, they have learnt what they know through studying. Wife can’t speak Mapudungun. Culture: has participated in traditional Mapuche cultural events in rural communities and Temuco. Has been active member of several Mapuche organisations. Rosa*, Female 67 years, housewife. Grade 3 (primary ed) Widow,children (husband was non- Mapuche). Both parents Mapuche. Catholic. Resided in Temuco 22 years (after husband died). Originally from Codihue Budaco Language: native speaker of Mapudungun learnt Spanish at school and from parents. Now passive bilingual (more competent in Spanish). Parents spoke only Spanish to her once at school. Parents spoke mapudungun amongst selves, and with relatives. Cannot read/write in Mapudungun. Children were never interested in learning Mapudungun, husband didn’t approve of teaching them. Rarely uses Mapudungun in Temuco. Culture: has participated in traditional Mapuche cultural events but is now difficult to keep in contact with community. Maria*, Female, 70 years, pensioner. Never attended school. Unmarried no children. Both parents Mapuche, Catholic. Resided in Temuco over 5 years since her parents died. Language: native speaker Mapudungun, changed to Spanish only with parents.(to avoid poor level of Spanish). Parents spoke mapudungun with relatives, never to her, learnt by listening, practiced with sister. Is illiterate. Culture: has participated in traditional Mapuche cultural events, but now rarely participates, due to distance/age.