landscapes of the mediterranean

Journal of Mediterranean Archaeology 24.1 (2011) 111 -137ISSN (Print) 0952-7648ISSN (Online) 1743-1700

Characterizing the Historic Landscapes of Naxos

Jim Crow', Sam Turner^ and Athanasios K. Vionis^

' School of History, Classics and Archaeology, University of Edinburgh, Doorway 4, Teviot Place, Edinburgh,EH8 9AG, UK

E-mail: [email protected]

^ School of Historical Studies, Newcastle University, Newcastle upon Tyne, NEl 7RU, UKE-mail: [email protected]

• Archaeological Research Unit, Department of History and Archaeology, University of Cyprus, P.O. Box20537, 1678 Nicosia, CyprusE-mail: [email protected]

Abstract

Historic Landscape Characterization (HLC) is a methodology for historic landscape studies pioneered inBritain. Using satellite imagery and RAF archival air photographs, Naxos provides an excellent pilot study toexplore the application of this technique to the historic landscapes of the eastern Mediterranean. Our researchidentifies a number of discrete HLC types and considers their development from the Byzantine period to mod-ern times. In addition it has been possible to tise these data to set Naxos' rich corpus of Byzantine churches intheir landscape context, providing amove textured account of rural life in medieval and post-medieval times.

Keywords: Historic Landscape Characterization (HLC), GIS, Aegean, Naxos, Byzantine, field systems,terraces

Introduction attention to post-antique and classical/prehis-D > . r i ' T i c r^ ' - L - t o r i c l a n d s c a p e s . 'Byrons evocation oi the Isles or Greece in his ^epic poem Don fuan contrasted their plight ^^^ research we report here was designed tounder Ottoman oppression with the glories of ^'^P^^'^ent with a relatively new kind of land-an ancient Hellenic past. This perspective, partly ''^^P^ archaeology applied for the first time inderived from classical studies, determined how '^^ ^^'^''' Mediterranean. Historic Landscapethe landscapes of the Aegean and western Tur- Characterization (HLC) is a method for map-key were studied into the later 20th century: as P'"g ^^^ ^""re landscape with reference to itsthe settings for historical events rather than as a historic development. Using Geographical Infor-source for the lives and activities of past societies, mation Systems (GIS), we attempt to presentThe advent ofintensive survey in the Mediterra- our interpretations of the historic landscapenean, however, has meant that the post-classical based on spatial datasets (principally satelliteperiods have finally become a field of interest imagery, historic air photos and maps), and toin their own right, and a significant number of integrate these with data from historical andsurvey projects in Greece alone have paid equal archaeological studies.

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112 Crow et al.

In eontrast to reeent and eontemporary fieldsurvey praetiee, whieh tends to foeus on theloeation and seale of settlements and struetures,HLC takes a broader perspeetive that ensuresthe integration of the remains of farmsteads,shrines and villages as part of the pattern offields, pastures and mountains. The value ofinternational and interregional studies has beenhighlighted by reeent work (e.g. Hordern andPurcell 2000), and for our project we chose toanalyse two contrasting Mediterranean land-seapes: the Aegean island of Naxos (Greeee),and the eountry around the small town of Sil-ivri in eastern Thraee (Trakya, Turkey) (Crowand Turner 2009). In this artiele we outline theeharaeterization method and some of the resultsfrom our pilot study on Naxos.

Historic Landscape Characterization (HLC)

HLC was originally developed in the 1990sby arehaeologists in Britain who realized thatalthough individual monuments might be wellproteeted, the broader historie landseape wasofi;en ignored (Herring 1998: 7-8). HLC is ageneralizing GIS-based teehnique that seeksto present a broad-brush characterization ofan area's historic landscape. As such, it doesnot normally provide a detailed description,although such detail can be added to the GISfrom other sourees to enrieh the database fur-ther (e.g. in field archaeological surveys: Turner2007;Foardrt^/. 2005).

HLC maps differ from traditional methodsof storing and presenting reeords about historielandseapes in several important ways, althoughlike them HLCs are used for both landseapemanagement and researeh (Turner 2006a). Sueh'traditional methods' inelude arehaeologiealdatabases or inventories of sites and monuments(e.g. the UK's eounty-based Historie Environ-ment Records—HERs). In Turkey the eurrentTAY projeet provides an overview of regionaland period inventories available on the web(http://www.tayproject.org/). Generally speak-

ing, archaeological databases provide lists ofarehaeologieal sites together with relevant infor-mation—-loeation, period, extent, date identifiedand so on. Some of these databases are now verysophistieated: for example, many UK HERs areweb-based and available in whole or in part tointerested members of the publie (e.g. Somer-set HER; Royal Commission on the Aneientand Historical Monuments of Scotland's CAN-MORE database). As inventories of sites they arecrucial tools for research, landscape managementand planning, partieularly where the preserva-tion and enhaneement of individual sites andmonuments is eoneerned.

There are, however, some signifieant problemswith these databases. First, the information theyeontain about site loeation is usually limited toa dot or a line on a map, with little informationabout the surrounding landseape. Seeondly, suehdatabases ean never reeord everything of historicinterest in any given locality. The character ofplaces does not just come from assoeiations withfamous or important sites, but might just as wellarise from the special combination of features ina place: the houses, gardens, field walls, lanes,trees and so on that make up the landseapes wesee. It takes a great deal of time to reeord all thesefeatures even for a single village, let alone a wholedistriet.

HLC MethodologyHistorie Landseape Characterization providesone way to help deal with these problems. Unlikean archaeological inventory, HLC does not mapindividual arehaeologieal features. Instead, itgroups together features like field boundaries,lanes and farms that are linked by their historiealdevelopment and then maps them as areas. Todo this, the HLC researeher needs to understandhow patterns in the landseape reflect its historicaldevelopment, and how the physical features thatmake up the landscape relate to one another. So,like all landscape arehaeology, HLC mappinginvolves a partly subjeetive proeess of interpreta-tion that is informed by the physieal landseape.

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Characterizing the Historic Landscapes ofNaxos 113

HLC projects use mapping techniques thatgeneralize the features in a given area, based oncertain characteristics. The principal advantagesof HLC are that it is quick and flexible, providestotal coverage, and is easy to integrate with otherdatasets using CIS. Similar techniques havebeen used in other disciplines for many years,for example in geology to show soil types, or inecology to map habitats. HLC projects recognizethat all landscapes are 'cultural': they all havehistorical significance resulting from people'sactivities and perceptions. Peter Herring, whodeveloped the HLC methodology in Cornwall(UK), described the basis of the HLC method asfollows:

Closer examination [of the landscape] revealsthat particular groupings and patterns of com-ponents which recur throughout the countycan be seen to have been determined bysimilar histories. CornwaH's historic landscapecan, therefore, be characterised, mapped anddescribed, using a finite number of catego-ries or types of 'historic landscape character'(Herring 1998: 11).

In practice, this means that the present-day land-scape is examined and characterized into 'HLCtypes'. These types are classified in advance ofmapping by the researcher and tailored to theregion and specific project. HLC is a flexiblemethod: in different regions, different types areappropriate because of differing landscape his-tories (see e.g. Dingwall and Caffney 2007 fora typical example). Different types might alsobe defined by the researcher if the characteriza-tion has been designed to be used at a larger orsmaller scale. HLC 'types' commonly relate tothe form of features, like field boundaries andthe historic processes that created them.

The exact nature of the HLC types definedfor any given project will vary depending on thegoals of the project in question. For example,a project particularly interested in analysingagricultural practices in a particular landscapemight choose to define several different typesrelating to fields: arable fields, pasture, meadow.

wood pasture, and so on. Likely dates of originare often added where these can be interpretedfrom the available data. Depending on theirresearch aims, other projects might be moreinterested in defining general land-use areas inhistoric landscapes, mapping simpler catego-ries like 'agricultural land', 'rough ground' or'woodland'. Classifications developed by previ-ous landscape studies are likely to be useful andinfluential when deciding how to define HLCcharacter types, but there is not necessarily a setof pre-existing, 'correct' interpretations of thelandscape that stands ready to be used in makingHLCs. Instead, it is important to consider eacbnew project's particular research questions whendevising its HLC methodology.

The same geographical area can be character-ized in different ways by different users. Forexample, two simple characterizations of partsof Cornwall (UK) used rather diflferent HLCtypes (Table 1). The first characterization wasdesigned to be used by archaeologists in large-scale planning and landscape management work.It defined 18 HLC types that were mappedat a scale of 1:50,000 using modern maps asthe principal source (Herring 1998). A secondproject using HLC produced an outline map ofmedieval land-use in order to help understandthe location of medieval landscapes and setde-ments. It used just four HLC types to map partsof the same area, but characterized them at a scaleof 1:10,000 based on historic estate maps. TitheAward maps and Ordnance Survey maps (Turner2006b). It is important to remember that HLCsare designed in relation to specific projects as wellas specific places. Existing HLCs may not neces-sarily be suitable for addressing the questions orapplications pursued by later researcbers.

As with all archaeological work, HLC raisesmethodological issues (for recent criticisms, seepapers in Landscapes 8.2 [2007]). One of theseis the difficulty of consistently placing areas inthe 'correct' categories. Even when a project isundertaken by a single researcher, it is possible forareas with similar historic characteristics to endup mapped as different types. This may just be

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Table 1. Different character types used by two HLG projects in Gornwall, UK

HLC character types: Herring 1998 HLC character types: Turner 2006b

Rough groundPrehistoric enclosuresMedieval enclosuresPost-medieval enclosuresModern enclosuresAncient woodlandPlantations and scrub woodlandSettlement (historic)Settlement (modern)Industrial (relict)Industrial (active)GommunicationsRecreationMilitaryOrnamentalWater (reservoirs, etc)Water (natural bodies)

Medieval enclosuresAncient woodlandRough groundWater

the result of error, but sometimes it is difficult todecide in which type a given block of landscapebelongs. One way to manage this problem is tobase the project's character types on a wide rangeof well-researched case-studies. Investigating arange of case studies from the overall project areain as much detail as the available evidence willpermit is nearly always one of the first steps in theprocess of defining HLC types. The interpreta-tions produced are then used to provide analogiesfor the rest of the study area. For example, for thepurposes of our Naxos project we have consultedall the available historical and archaeologicalstudies relating to the island's landscape historyand compared them to examples from neigh-bouring regions. In some parts of our projectarea, we have benefited from the results of recentfield survey by the 2nd Ephorate of ByzantineAntiquities (Vionis 2011b), for example aroundthe churches of Agios Isidoros near Rachi andAgia Kyriaki Kalonis. Owing to the relativepaucity of previous work, we also decided tocombine these data with a series of retrogressiveanalyses to explain how we defined our HLCtypes before beginning our HLC mapping.

Retrogressive analysis is a technique for unrav-elling the physical and chronological relation-ships between different elements in the historiclandscape (e.g. roads, field boundaries). Historiclandscapes and the physical features in them arecontinually subject to forces of change, whethernatural or man-made. Change is thereforewidely recognized as a key characteristic of land-scape (CoE 2000; Turner and Fairclough 2007:121-2). Most landscapes contain features frommany different periods, and the relationshipsbetween these features can be analysed to castlight on the changes and processes that createdthem. Sometimes these changes can be datedabsolutely, most often where there is independ-ent archaeological or documentary evidence(e.g. a sequence of maps or air photographs).Otherwise it is often possible only to establisha relative chronology. A classic example of thismethod is Williamson's (1987; 1998) studyof the 'Scole-Dickleburgh' field system on theboundary of Norfolk and Suffolk in England.He argued that the basic framework of the fieldsystem was created in the late Iron Age or earliersince it appears to be cut through and overlainby a Roman road.

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Characterizing the Historic Landscapes of Naxos 115

Similar methods have been used elsewherein northern Europe to examine field systems,for example on the coastal wetlands of southWales (Rippon 2004: 79-99), in western France(Watteaux 2005) and in the former open fieldsof Gambridgeshire (Oosthuizen 2006). Byunpacking the relationships between featuresand working from the most recent backwards,it is sometimes possible to reveal the earlierframeworks of historic features that lie withinthe fabric of the present cultural landscape. Thismethod of working back can also help identifysignificant periods and processes of change,such as episodes of enclosure. These processesof change can then be taken into account whenHLG character types are defined. Sometimes, asin the Naxos project, the database accompany-ing the HLG is designed to contain data aboutboth present and earlier landscape types. Thisallows the researcher to model landscape changeover time by presenting a sequence of data fromdifferent periods in the GIS.

GIS systems are more flexible than printedmaps, because many pieces of information canbe presented in relation to each feature or area.In our HLG, a database linked to a GIS allowsa range of attributes to be held fot each indi-vidual block of each character type. This meansthe user can build up a coherent picture of thehistorical development of the landscape. It alsohelps us to map how the landscape character ofour study area has changed over time. An exam-ple is provided by the fields and terraces in thearea around Aria. Here (as almost everywhereon Naxos) a simple retrogressive analysis shows,first, that very few new features have been createdin the landscape between 1943 and 2006 (thedates of out two main sources), confirming thatvirtually all the existing features date to beforeWorld War II. Secondly, it reveals that wherethere is a stratigraphie relationship between fieldwalls and braided terrace systems: field walls arevirtually always later than the terraces. Someindividual terraces may butt up against walls (i.e.some terraces are later than some walls), but that

just shows that the terrace systems themselvescontinued to be used and developed after thewalls were built. By interpreting these relation-ships in the data collected for the HLG, we canpresent a sequence of HLG types that shows howthe landscape has changed over time. In placesaround Aria, the terraced fields have gone out ofuse for arable agriculture—either before or since1943. This information can also be added tothe HLG, providing another 'layer' of change inthe historic landscape. This kind of analysis hashelped us to refine our HLG character types andto provide increased chronological definition forour characterizations.

One problem scholars have identified withthese methods is equifinality, where similar proc-esses at different times lead to similar physicalcharacteristics in the present (Williamson 2007:69). It is hard to know whether all the braidedterrace systems on Naxos have equally ancientorigins (though we do know they all pre-datethe era when stone walls were built, as discussedbelow). This difficulty was also recognized inhistotical geographers' critiques of modern geog-raphy in the 1960s and 70s (Widgren 2004:456-57). Detailed engagement with specific casestudies using as many data sources as are avail-able seems the best solution for such problems(Widgren 2004: 462-63; Bolos 2010: 379).

Because HLG is a flexible method, it can beadapted to suit different places and include arange of differing perspectives. Since the dataare held in a GIS, it is easy to add data or changethe information linked to each unit. New inter-pretations or new data might be added to HLGsthat have already been 'completed' (Bolos 2010:404-407). HLG is not a monolithic or prescrip-tive approach, and different workers mightchoose to characterize the same area in differentways, in tesponse to different research questions(Turner 2006a; 2006b; Foard et al. 2005).

Naxos: Historical IntroductionThe island of Naxos has been celebrated sinceantiquity for its fertility and varied landscapes.

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The largest island amongst the archipelago ofthe Cyclades (429 sq km), it is set apart by itshigh mountains and extensive olive groves (Lock1995: 242). In the late 17th century the popu-lation was estimated at 6000, with one maintown at Naxia clustered around the Frankishcastle of Kastro (Slot 1982: 31), today Chora,itself located on the site of the main classicalcity. Distant from Constantinople and with nosignificant Byzantine monasteries, there are noearly typika or monastic foundation charters toinform our knowledge of the pre-Venetian land-holdings. For the Frankish period from 1207onwards, the sources are more specific, althougheven these were largely compiled several centu-ries after the initial conquest (Slot 1991: 197).

Earlier chronicle sources are very limited,although most general accounts of the ByzantineAegean stress the importance of the disruptioncreated by the presence of an Arab fleet andraiders from the mid-7th century. The first ofthese raids accompanied the siege of Constan-tinople in 671-672 and the raiders are said tohave wintered regularly in the archipelago overthe next seven years (Pryor and Jeffreys 2006:26). By 719, after the successful defence of thecity in a second siege, the new naval force of theKibyrrhaiotai theme (a military command) wasbased in southern Asia Minor, and the main mil-itary concerns of empire over the next centurywere in the Balkans and Asia Minor. The islandsonly became threatened by the operations ofthe Arab fleet after 824-827 when the island ofCrete was captured by the Andalüs Arabs and anew base was established at Chandax (modernHeraklion) (Pryor and Jeffreys 2006: 47).

During the reconquest of Crete by NicephorasPhocas, the middle Byzantine historian Leo theDeacon (Book 1: 6) reported that the emperorexhorted his men with the words: 'Isn't it truethat almost all our coastline is uninhabited as aresult of their rapine. Aren't most of the islandsdeserted because of their raids?' (Talbot and Sul-livan 2005: 12). In practice the impact of theirraids on specific islands is difficult to estimate.

although it is reported that Naxos was forced topay tribute to Arab pirates (Ahrweiler 1966: 44,n. 6). The major inland castle of Apalirou prob-ably dates from the 8th century, although thisfortress appears to be more than just a reflige,with extensive traces of settlement around theflanks of the upper circuit.

It is easy to exaggerate the negative impactthroughout the Cyclades of the Arab presence inCrete, although one recent study based on thearchaeological evidence from Naxos (as well asfrom other sites in Aegean Greece and southwestAsia Minor) suggests continuing settlement inplaces along the coast with economic links tothe capital (Vionis 2009a; 2011a; see Gregory2006 for a review of evidence from Kythera).The impact of sea-borne raiding on coastal set-tlement, however, remains a constant trope insettlement history in the islands up to the 19thcentury. Following the recapture of Crete byNicephoros Phocas in 960-961, the Aegean wasbrougbt under Byzantine control and duringthese campaigns Naxos had an important roleas a watering point for the imperial fleet (Pryorand Jeffreys 2006: 264 nn. 335, 371). Althoughthere is no significant natural harbour on theisland, the sandy beaches of the southwest coastcould have provided havens for a fleet of galleys.

Throughout the Byzantine Empire from the9th century onwards there is evidence for theexpansion of settlements and agricultural lands(Lefort 2002: 269). Increasing stability andwealth may be reflected in the significant numberof painted churches dating to the middle Byzan-tine period (Mastoropoulos n.d.). Economic his-torians have observed a general trend, namely theincrease throughout this period of large estatesat the expense of small holders, as documentedelsewhere in the Aegean islands (Lefort 2002:285-91).

After the loss of Constantinople to the Vene-tians and their Frankish allies, the island cameunder the rule of various Frankish lords, especiallythe Sanudi who from 1207 used the island as thebase for the Duchy of the Archipelago (Lock

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1995: 147-49). It was only from 1418, however,that the duehy beeame a vassal of the Venetianrepublie, as there were inereasing eoneerns aboutthe Turkish eonquests throughout Greeee andthe Aegean eoast lands. Chora became the newcapital of the island and it seems likely that thenew Catholic Venetian lords replaeed the formerByzantine estate holders. As with mueh of Frank-ish Greeee, a new feudal strueture was imposedthat persisted beyond the end of Venetian rulein 1566 (Slot 1991). The population remainedpredominantly Orthodox and it is estimatedthat, unlike other Cyeladie islands, Latins onlyrepresented 5% of the total (Slot 1982: 32). Slot(1991: 201-204) has suggested that the Catholielandowners were eoneentrated in Chora withestates elose by in the western parts of the island.The Ottoman conquest of the islands began in1537, although Naxos did not come under directrule before 1579. In the sueeeeding centuries theAegean islands beeame the foeus for eontinuingeonfliets between the Ottomans and Venetians,restilting in major wars and loeal piracy withpotential impact on both settlement and land-use(Slot 1982: esp. 73-80 for the raids of Barbarossain 1537-1538; Raekham and Moody 1996: 197-200). The detailed registers that survive in thearehives of Veniee, Istanbul and on the islandsthemselves ensure a rieher historical doeumenta-tion than is available from our comparative studyarea in Thrace, resulting in a number of impor-tant studies (Slot 1982; Kasdagli 1999). From ahistorieal perspeetive the insular landseape can beexpeeted to reveal greater démographie continu-ity with a potential time-depth extending backover a millennium.

Naxos: A Pilot Historic Landscape Charac-terization

Whilst the method and database we used weremodelled on a reeent HLC projeet in the UK,for our pilot Naxos HLC we adapted them sig-nificantly to suit the island's historie landseapeand the available data sourees (Turner 2007).

We chose ESRI's ArcGIS 9.1 for the mapping,and the data relating to eaeh individual bloekof a speeifie landseape character type (knownas a 'polygon', or a 'geometry') were recordedand stored using a Microsoft Access database(the data we ereated are available to downloadvia the UK's Arehaeology Data Serviee web-site: http : //ads. ahds. ae. uk/eatalogue/resourees.html?easternmed_ahre_2010)

Two principal sources were used to informour eharaeterization:

1. IKONOS 1 m blaek and white and 4 mmultispeetral satellite data supplied byEuropean Spaee Imaging LLC, Munieh.

2. Historie air photography. This eomprisedRoyal Air Foree (RAF) air photos takenduring sorties in 1943. Most of the studyarea was eovered. The photographs wereseanned and supplied by the Keele Univer-sity Air Photo Unit (this eolleetion, TARA,has sinee moved into the eare of the RoyalCommission on the Aneient and HistorieMonuments of Scotland [RCAHMS] inEdinburgh).

The methods used for georeferencing the imageryand photography are outlined on our projeetwebsite: http://www.she.ed.ae.uk/projeets/east-med_landseape/.

Where relevant, other data sourees were alsoused ineluding digital versions of twentieth-eentury 1:50,000 Russian military maps. Dur-ing the period we undertook the pilot mapping(June-August 2007), Google Earth was provid-ing high-resolution imagery for about half ofour study area. This proved useful for elarifyingdetails visible on some of our satellite imagery.We did not use the 1:5000 maps of the HellenieMilitary Geographieal Serviee for this projeet,even though they eould have been integrated asanother souree, as they have been in some reeentarehaeologieal projeets (Bevan et al. 2003). Thiswas not only beeause digital versions were notavailable to us, but also beeause these maps donot inelude all the neeessary or relevant features,partieularly terraees.

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The historie landscape of Naxos is extremelyintricate, with many small units inter-digitatedin complex patterns. The HLC mapping wastherefore undertaken at a detailed scale, usu-ally at around 1:3500 (the characterization isdesigned to be used at 1:10,000 or smaller).The smallest individual polygons mapped wereoriginally intended to be 1 ha (100 x 100 m),but in fact the grain of the landscape meant thatsmaller polygons were commonly included. Thewhole area included in each polygon should becomposed of the same historic character typeand should have shared the same historic char-acter type (or the same sequence of differenttypes) throughout its history. Of course, thereare sometimes very small patches of particularland-use types that have not been included inthe database. The characterization is intendedto be a broad-brush exercise that can be exe-cuted relatively rapidly (Figure 1, p. 121).

Since this was a pilot project designed to testthe applicability of HLC in Mediterranean con-texts, the number of different HLC types waskept to a minimum in the hope that the data-base would be more user-friendly. At the mostbasic level, the data can be displayed in the CISto show where very simple categories of land-use lie: fields, settlements, rough ground and soon. Because we can combine different variablesto create maps using CIS, it is possible to drawon all the data recorded in the database to createmore complex maps for a range of purposes. Forexample, one of the principles of HLC is that itrecognizes the dynamic quality of landscapes.Landscapes have always changed, and they willcontinue to do so through human action andnatural processes. Not all landscapes, however,change at the same speed or in the same ways.

Our characterizations are designed to allow asequence of character types to be recorded foreach polygon, with interpretations of present and(where possible) past historic landscape characterincluded in the database. First, the present-daycharacter type was recorded based on the evi-dence from the IKONOS imagery. Second, an

interpretation of earlier phases of landscape char-acter was made using all the available sources.This means that for much of our study area wecan model earlier patterns of land-use and (at afairly simple level) try to trace which landscapeshave remained most stable and which havechanged fastest. We can also see how earlier usesof the land have affected later patterns.

Naxos HLC TypesOur starting point for this study is the 'historiclandscape'. Archaeologists' definition of thisterm is deliberately broad. We include not onlyall the physical components of today's land-scape—for example, walls, lanes, trees, hedges,ruins, houses and other buildings—but also theearthworks or field remains of long-desertedsites. Using a range of archaeological techniques,we include barely visible or even wholly buriedfeatures into our analyses, like the soil-marks orcrop-marks left by ancient setdements, or earlierlandscapes concealed beneath recent alluvialdeposits. Historical and ethnographic recordsalso allow the cultural perceptions and associa-tions of places to be valued as part of the historiclandscape: battlefields or sacred sites may leavefew physical traces but an awareness of themmay further influence the way we understandand value the historic landscape.

Although historical archaeology has begun toemerge as a distinct field of study in the Aegeanonly in the last couple of decades, it is clearthat historic landscapes are rich and varied here(Vionis 2011a). Throughout the region, post-medieval settlements and medieval churches nes-tle amongst fields and terraces of largely uncertainantiquity. Networks of kalderimia (footpaths ortracks) snake amongst the ancient olives, lendinga timeless atmosphere to the region's small-scaleagricultural scene. In pursuit of these landscapes'ancient forerunners, pioneering archaeologicalfieldwork has included the development of sur-face survey methods, which have revolutionizedhow we understand the prehistoric and classicalworlds (Renfrew and Wagstaflf 1982; Cherry et

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al 1991; Mee and Forbes 1997). Such projectshave also begun to improve our knowledge ofhow the historic landscape developed in morerecent periods (Gregory 2010). Examples includeresearch in Boeotia, on Methana, in the Kor-inthia and on Kea, where interdisciplinary andethnographic studies have shown how work onthe medieval and post-medieval countryside canproduce exciting results (Davis 1991; Whitelaw1991; Bindiff 2000; Forbes 2007; Caraher etal 2006; Tartaron et al 2006). Elsewhere inGreece scholars have also begun to use documen-tary sources profitably in combination with theresults of field survey (see e.g. Zarinebaf et al2005; papers in Davies and Davis 2007; Givenand Hadjianastasis 2010).

One result of recent work is the realizationthat the landscapes of different regions and indi-vidual islands have often developed along quitedistinct trajectories. The debate over agriculturalterraces and their dates serves well to highlightthis point. We use it in this section as an exam-ple of this regional variation, although othertopics could have served as well. It shows thatindividual projects need to consider carefully thespecific histories of landscapes they are workingwith when they are defining HLC types. Simplyapplying typologies developed elsewhere—evenon areas nearby—is unlikely to prove satisfactoryon its own.

The HLC types we have used to map ourNaxos study area for this project are shown inTable 2. The following section describes therationale behind our choices for some of themost widespread character types in our HLC,enclosures and terraces (other types are avail-able via our website, http://www.shc.ed.ac.uk/ptojects/eastmed_landscape/). The HLC typesdo not generally refer to the types of crop undercultivation, but instead to the form of the fieldsin which they are grown. It is hard to identifycrops reliably from satellite imagery or air photo-graphs, and intercropping or poly-cropping (thecustom of planting more than one crop in thesame field) is historically common on Naxos.

Fnclosures (see Table 2)The farming landscape of Naxos is an enclosedlandscape. Although traditional boundaries arebuilt from dry-stone walls, in places mortared

Table 2. Naxos HLG types

EnclosuresEnclosures (modern)Enclosures (post-medieval)Enclosures (post-medieval) based on Fields (medieval)Enclosures (post-medieval) based on Braided terraces

(medieval)Enclosures (post-medieval) based on Step terraces -

straight/contour (post-medieval)Olives (modern)Olives (post-medieval)Horticulture (modern/post-medieval)

Terraces

Braided terraces (medieval)Gheck-dams (medieval/post-medieval/modern)Step terraces - contour (modern/post-medieval)Step terraces - straight (modern/post-medieval)Terraced fields (modern/post-medieval)False terraces (modern)

Rough groundRough ground (post-medieval/medieval)Rough ground (modern/post-medieval) with Enclosures

(post-medieval)Rough ground (modern/post-medieval) with Enclosures

(post-medieval) based on Braided terraces (medieval)Rough ground (modern/post-medieval) based on Braided

terraces (medieval)Rough ground (modern/post-medieval) with Terraces

[other types]Woodland (modern/post-medieval)Outcrop, scree, cliffSand

SettlementSettlement (modern/post-medieval/medieval)Villas (modern)Recreation (modern)Orchard

IndustrialIndustrial (modern)Quarry (modern/post-medieval)

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120 Crow et al.

walls, fences, hedges and banks are also used(Figure 2). Virtually all the fields are enclosed,and much of the rough grazing ground isdivided up by long pasture boundaries. Howlong the landscape hete has been an enclosedone is not totally clear. Whilst some boundariesappear to be very ancient—particularly theouter boundaries of field systems, the major-ity probably date to the post-medieval period.Comparing the air photographs taken in the1940s by the RAF and the modern IKONOSsatellite imagery, it is clear that the enclosurepattern visible today was wcvy largely establishedby the 1940s, and there have been only rela-tively minor changes since that time.

We know from documentary sources thatmuch of Naxos' agricultural landscape lay insubdivided open fields in the Middle Ages.

These fields seem to have been made up ofindividual plots cultivated side-by-side withinthe field as a whole. Kasdagli's ( 1999) study ofmarriage contracts and wills from 17th-centuryNaxos has brought to light a good deal of rel-evant documentary evidence that can help us tointetpret the physical evidence of the farminglandscape. The 17th century was effectivelythe last full century during which medievallandholding practices prevailed on Naxos. Theisland landscape was divided between a seriesof feudal estates called in Greek topoi ('places').The 56 topoi recorded in the tahrir défier (Otto-man tax register) of 1670 were perhaps the same56 that the island's first Venetian ruler, MarcoI Sañudo, had established after his conquestof Naxos in 1207 (Slot 1991: 197-98). In thelater 17th century, there were five Greek lords

Figure 2. A traditional diystone wall topped with thorns at Agios Mamas at Driti (J. Crow, August 2007).

© The Fund for Meditenanean Archaeol<^/Equinox Publishing Ltd., 2011


o 2 . 4 6 8 10 km

N .—•T

AApollo nas

Pilot HLC study area NAXOS

Apano Kastro

Chora ^ , , »v

Agia Kyriaki

irea of Fig. 7

ApeiranthosI

Rachi

~area of Fig. 3

plain of Drymalia/Tragea

Ano Sangi area of Fig. 4 Aria

Apalirou Kastro

Key: Historic Landscape Character (HLC) types (see Table 2)

I Enclosures (modern)

I Enclosures (post-medievat)

I Olives

I Enclosures (based on step terraces)

I Enclosures (based on braided terraces)

I Enclosures (based on medieval fields)

I Horticulture |

I Orchard I

Recreation I

Rough ground

Rough ground witfi braided terraces

Rough ground with other types of terraces

Rough ground with enclosures and braided terraces

Rough ground with enclosures

Wtoodland

I Villas (modern)

I Settlement (histohc)

I Settlement (modern)

I Braided terraces

I Terraced fields

I Step tenaces - straight

I Step terraces - contour

I Check-dams

j False terraces (modern)

I Industrial

Sand

I Quarry

Figure 1. The island of Naxos, showing the area of sites, case studies mentioned in the text and the pilot HLC study

area.

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122 Crow et al.

HLC

Rough ground

Olives - post-medieval

Settlement - modern

Settlement - historic

FeaturesStream bed

====== Track or road

Field boundary

Ten-ace

c[¡3 Early Byzantine church

+ Middle Byzantine church

4 " Late Byzantine church

Figure 3. Historic landscape characterization (HLG) and retrogressive analysis of the area around Ghalki in the Dryma-lia/Tragea plain, Naxos. (Includes IKONOS material © 2006, Space Imaging LLG. All rights reserved).

©The Fund for Mediterranean Archaeology/Fxquinox Publishing Ltd., 2011


0 100 200 300 400 m

Figure 4. HLC and retrogressive analysis of the Ana area, Naxos. (Includes IKONlJ i marerial © 2006, Space Imaging

LLC. All righrs reserved).

•SffSight step terraces withini surveyed rectilinear fields

- 1Remains of

post-medieval buildings

Figure 6. Straighr step terraces within surveyed fields associated with deserted post-medieval farmsteads below Apano

Kastro, Naxos (J. Crow, October 2006).

© The Fund for MaHteiranean Archaeology/Equinox Publishing Ltd, 2011

124 Crow et al.

Agios Isidoros fllC

Taxiarchis Rachis "

Í.: Rachi

Rough ground

Rough ground with enclosures

Rough ground wrth enclosed braided terraces

Olives - post-med«val

Settlement - modem

Settlement - historic

Stream

Track

Field boundary

Terrace

Early Byzantine church

Middle Byzantine church

Figure 7. HLC and retrogressive analysis of the area around Rachi at the northern end of the Drymalia/Tragea plain,Naxos. (Includes IKONOS material © 2006, Space Imaging LLC. All rights reserved).

Figure 8. 1 he middle Byzantine church of Agios Mamas. Braided terraces overlain by later post-medieval enclosure wallsare visible on the hillsides beyond. The peak on the horizon behind is site of the fortress of Apano Kastro(J. Crow, October 2006).

© T h e Fund for Meditenanean Archaeology/Hqiiinox Publishing Ud., 2011


of topoi, but the vast majority were Latins or ofLatin descent (Kasdagli 1999: 164-67). Eachof the topoi comprised a range of agriculturalresources including arable land and pasture.Many examples of large fortified tower-housesassociated with these estates still survive, forexample the towers of Chalki, Kalavros, Bazeosand Oskelos.

The documentary records preserve variousdetails about the character of 17th-centuryfields. Ditches serving as both boundaries anddrains were common, whilst temporary fencingof reeds, posts and twigs were also important.In places stone walls {petrotoichoî) formed theouter boundaries of fields, although lands werealso delimited by irrigation channels, tracks,bushes, trees, boulders or other natural features(Kasdagli 1999: 90). The evidence suggeststhat, during the 17th century and earlier, largeopen fields comprising many individual plotscultivated as a whole existed across much of theisland—probably in every topos and every vil-lage. Such fields were called engairies, and theterm and practice wete still common in someof the Cyclades until the late 19th century.On Kimolos, for example, all arable land wasdivided into an upper and a lower part {apanomeria and kato meria). The first part was sownwith crops each year and called the engairia;it was separated by a wall or fence from thesecond part which remained uncropped andserved as common pasture—the parengairia(Kasdagli 1999: 99). On Kea, votes and prob-ably/lÄzfyw/« were large tracts of land exploitedboth for grazing and for growing arable cropson unfenced subdivisions (Cherry et al. 1991 :359-60; Whitelaw 1991: 410-11). Accordingto Kasdagli (1999: 100-101), the memory of asimilar field system has survived at the villageof Komiaki on Naxos, where in the past thearea around the village is supposed to have beendivided into four engairies, two of which wouldbe planted with arable crops, whilst two wereleft unsown to provide grazing for livestock. Inthe 17th century, the Jesuits' topos of Megalas

Petres was divided into upper and lower partsthat were cropped alternately. On such arablelands, crop rotation was a prominent featureof the farming system. Whilst little is knownabout the rotations, there seems to have beenconsiderable fiexibility. For example, duringthe 18 th century the fertile plains seem to havebeen planted every year, the only respite comingfrom leguminous crops. Elsewhere, in addi-tion to fallowing, other means of restoring soilfertility mentioned in 17th-century documentsincluded manuring and even burning over thewaste (Kasdagli 1999: 96-98).

In hilly areas, subdivisions of these openfields could have been formed from blocks ofterraces, individual terraces or even parts oflong terraces. On Methana, the skala (a blockof terraces like a giant staircase) of 19th-centuryterraces remained unfenced even in the 20thcentury, with ownership of individual terracesdistributed amongst the kin of the village. Theland around each settlement was divided annu-ally into two portions, so that one half was sownfor arable, whilst the second part was used forother crops and for grazing (Forbes 2007: 195-99). On Naxos strips of mountainous land thatmay have been terraced are referred to as louroiin the written sources (Kasdagli 1999: 88).

In the fiatter areas of the plains, it is harderto suggest what form any sub-divisions of pos-sible earlier fields might have taken. By applyingthe principles of retrogressive analysis to a fewcase studies, however, it is possible to suggesttentatively the form of these hypothetical medi-eval field systems. The plain of Drymalia/Trageaaround the village of Chalki is now plantedwith olives, and documentary records suggestit has been since the 17th century (Kasdagli1999: 37-39). Retrogressive analysis here revealsa number of long, roughly parallel boundariesrunning approximately east-west, which appearto have once defined large roughly rectangularunits. These features are abutted by many shorternorth-south boundaries that appear to subdividethem into long narrow parcels of land (Figure 3).

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126 Crow et al.

Based on what is known from the Naxiot docu-mentary sources, and by analogy with other partsof Europe and the Mediterranean, it seems likelythat these post-medieval field boundaries couldperpetuate the layout of individual parcels orstrips in earlier open fields. On Kythera, archae-ologists have tentatively suggested that similarsemi-regular field patterns may have Byzantineor Medieval origins (Bevan et al 2003: 220).Particularly around Chalki, but also around thevillage of Ano Sangri, the subdividing bounda-ries are slightly curved in form. Elsewhere inEurope, this morphology could be interpreted asperpetuating the form of divisions in earlier openarable fields. The Chalki examples are very simi-lar to those identified in Crete's Mesara plain byRackham and Moody (1996: 147-49, fig. 12.6;for other European examples see e.g. Chouquer1993: 102—France; Herring 2006—England).It seems highly likely that around Chalki, thisprime agricultural land would have formed thecore of the medieval topoi. In the HLC, suchareas have been mapped as 'Enclosures (post-medieval) based on Fields (medieval)'.

Indeed, our retrogressive analysis suggests thepost-medieval period was the time when mostexisting field walls on Naxos were constructed.Although some enclosures are recorded in medi-eval documents (Kasdagli 1987; 1999), it seemslikely that the period of their creation and theenclosure of Naxos was probably after the aboli-tion of feudal lordship in 1721 and during theeconomic fluctuations of the mid-late 18th andearly 19th centuries (Kasdagli 1999: 167; Vionis2011a). Where the earlier histories of thesefields can be discerned with a reasonable levelof confidence, the likely earlier HLC types areincluded in the database—e.g. 'Field (medieval)'or 'Braided terraces (medieval)'. In many cases,however, it has not been possible to suggest whatthe earlier landscape character might have beenwith any degree of confidence, so the charactertype has been described simply as 'Enclosures(post-medieval)' in the database. This is an over-simplification that inevitably conceals richer his-

tories: further research and fieldwork is neededto elucidate them.

Terraces (see Table 2)Naxos and many other Cycladic islands areheavily terraced landscapes. Terraces make itpossible to cultivate the steep mountainsides.Scholars suggest that in addition to creating fiatareas their main benefits include redistributingsediment, increasing root penetration, improv-ing water retention and controlling erosion,and removing stones from the soil to make theterrace walls (Rackham and Moody 1996: 142).Ethnographic accounts suggest Aegean farmerssee stone clearance as a major reason for buildingterraces (Forbes 2007: 53-54).

When terraces might have been created andhow they should be dated are subjects that havegiven rise to considerable debate, particularlyin relation to classical antiquity. Some scholarsargue that there was little terracing in classicalGreece and that the lack of terms clearly refer-ring to terraces in classical texts should be takento refiect an actual absence (e.g. Foxhall 1996;Foxhall et al. 2007). Archaeological research insome regions has suggested most terraces andother boundaries in the modern Greek landscapehave recent origins. This is shown, for example,in Lee's (2001) study of the village territory ofMaryeli in upland Messenia. It proved hardto identify ancient structures in the landscapearound Maryeli, although Lee's work did notinvolve detailed archaeological survey or excava-tion. Lee assumed that because terraces mightstill have been built and repaired into the 1950s,there was little to be gained by undertakingdetailed survey or recording of existing walls. Asa result, a number of strategies that might havebeen pursued to help date the area's field systemswere not used (cf Price and Nixon 2005: 670).On the Argolid's rocky Methana peninsula,Forbes (2007: 60-61) has argued that the major-ity of terraces were built in the 19th century fol-lowing population increases after the Greek Warof Independence. Before that time cultivation

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seems to have been focussed around the singleearly modern village, and travellers' accountsrecall a barren uncultivated landscape across therest of the peninsula.

In contrast, scholars elsewhere claim there isevidence for terraces from prehistory onwards.Recent research around the Mediterranean hasbeen reviewed and synthesized by Harfouche(2007); she outlines a methodology for datingterraces by excavation and presents a range ofcase studies with particular emphasis on south-ern France in the late Iron Age and Romanperiod (for terraces dated to the Roman periodin western Spain, see Ruiz del Árbol 2005; Bal-lesteros Arias and Criado Boado 2009).

In Greece, terraces on the islet of Pseira offCrete have been dated to the Bronze Age by theirstratification below a layer containing tephrafrom the eruption of Thera (Betancourt andHope Simpson 1992). On Crete itself, Raekhamand Moody (1996) and Price and Nixon (2005)have suggested ancient dates for terraces in Spha-kia and elsewhere based on a range of criteria. Ina few cases these include excavated evidence orstratification below living ancient olive trees, likethe one at Phoinix-Loutro, dated by its tree-ringsto the Hellenistic period (Raekham and Moody1996: 86). Most of the examples cited by Priceand Nixon (2005: 672-73), however, are datedby association with buildings or other structuresrather than by direct evidence.

Some of the most convincing evidence forclassical terracing comes from the Cyeladieisland of Delos. Historians and archaeologistshave suggested the terraces here may be classi-cal in origin, not only beeause they are assoei-ated with the remains of elassieal farmsteadsbut also beeause the island is assumed to havebeen deserted from the early Byzantine perioduntil the mid-20th eentury (Brunet 1990; Pou-pet 2000). Arehaeologieal evaluation treneheswithin the terraee system have yielded potterywell-stratified within a developed soil strueture;although the date of this eeramie material isuneertain, it is not thought to be later than

Byzantine (Brunet 1999; Harfouehe 2007: 156-6). High-resolution imagery available throughGoogle Earth (January 2008) certainly showsthat the form of the drystone enelosure bounda-ries of Delos are morphologieally different tothe post-medieval enclosure walls of Naxos,or indeed those on the neighbouring island ofRhenea. Instead, they appear to be associatedwith the 20th-century farms noted by Har-fouche (2007: 154-55). Beneath these bounda-ries lie abandoned terraces. Although some ofthese terraces are rather regular in form (hintingat a more recent date), many have a slightlysinuous morphology and braiding that suggestsmore than a single phase of development.

Archaeologists working on Kythera have iden-tified terracing of probable Byzantine or medievaldate (Bevan et al. 2003), and scientific studiessuggest that in places these features are 'poly-cyclic' re-workings of older structures (Krahto-poulou and Frederick 2008; recent fieldwork onAntikythera promises further insights—Bevan etal. 2008; Bevan and Conolly 2011). On Kea andLesbos, terracing systems of pre-18th-eenturydate have been identified by assoeiation and bytheir stratigraphie relationships to other features(Whitelaw 1991: 405-10; Sehaus and Speneer1994; for Lesbos see also Kizos and Koulouri2006). Using various dating methods, ineludingstratified finds from excavation and associationwith settlement sites. Price and Nixon (2005:674-75) have argued that terraces from the Byz-antine/ Venetian/Turkish periods are common inthe Sphakia region of Crete. Late-medieval visi-tors to the Aegean such as Belon Du Mans notedthe presence of terraees, ineluding areas of deser-tion (Harfouehe 2007: 153). On Naxos, 17th-eentury doeumentary sourees refer to louroi,whieh may represent terraeed subdivisions ofopen engairies (Kasdagli 1999: 88).

The available evidenee suggests that eultiva-tion terraees are likely to have existed in manyAegean (espeeially insular) landscapes duringelassieal antiquity. Terraees were also built, re-used, repaired and developed during the Middle


128 Crow et al.

Ages. In other places, however, it seems terrac-ing was largely absent until tbe 19th century.Such differences must have contributed sig-nificantly to differences in the economic, socialand cultural landscapes of each area. Similarly,archaeological and historical evidence suggeststhat diflferent regions and islands witnessed sig-nificant variations in patterns of landholding,agricultural practice, distribution of settlementand establishment of religious sites in the medi-eval and post-medieval periods. By mapping,understanding and analysing these regional vari-ations we should gain a richer and more texturedawareness of how local societies functioned andtiltimately of how today's Aegean landscapescame to be created.

Away from the plains, much of the landmapped for the HLC is terraced. Rackham andhis collaborators have identified six principal ter-race types widespread in the Cyclades: braidedterraces, contour terraces, straight step terraces,check-dams, terraced fields and modern falseterraces (Rackham and Moody 1996: 140-45;Crove and Rackham 2001: 108). We have usedthis existing classification as tbe basis for our his-toric landscape character types. Here we discussthe first three of them as they pertain to Naxos.

As on other Cycladic islands, there are manyareas where field boundaries, usually dry-stone walls, cut across earlier terraces (e.g. Kea:Whitelaw 1991). As we have observed earlier,virtually all examples of braided terraces onNaxos are overlain stratigraphically by enclosureboundaries that divide the terrace systems intodiscrete blocks (Figure 4). It is not uncommonfor individual terraces within such systems toabut dividing walls, although invariably otherterraces within the same system will underliethem. This shows that, in these terrace systems,there have been long (possibly discontinuous)periods of use with several phases of terrace devel-opment. The underlying terraces must antedatethe walls, which themselves are no later thanthe 18th or 19th centuries in the vast majorityof cases (Figure 5). Our analysis of the RAF air

photographs taken in 1943 shows that such wallshave very rarely been newly built since then.

In a study undertaken 1989—92 primarily toprovide data on soil erosion and terrace degrada-tion, Lehmann (1993; 1994) suggested tenta-tively that many Naxos terraces in his study areamay have been used last for cultivation betweenthe I4th and 17th centuries. Crove and Rack-ham (2001: 264-65) contend that Lehmann'sdate for the abandonment of Naxos' terraces islikely to be too early, but nevertheless his generalconclusions support the idea that braided terracesystems on the island are likely to have medievalorigins. In places, the location of dated Byzan-tine monuments hints at the antiquity of Naxiotterrace systems. Although the relationship can-not be proved absolutely without fieldwork onthe ground, many Byzantine churches appear tostand on terraces within braided terrace systems.Examples include the early Byzantine churchesof the Taxiarchis Rachis and Agios Isidoros inRachi (Crow and Turner 2011), where bothmonuments perch on long terraces constructedalong the hillside. On the opposite side of thevalley below, the middle Byzantine church ofthe Panagia Rachidiotissa, great oaks that mustbe several hundred years old stand on similarlymassive terraces that can run for at least 800 m.If earlier than the churches, the Rachi terracesmust be late antique or classical (see Figure 7).Similar long, slightly sinuous terraces run alongthe hillsides below the classical temple of Dem-eter near Ano-Sangri.

Archaeological field survey also hints at theantiquity of these terrace systems. Extensive fieldsurvey has been carried out by the 2nd Ephorateof Byzantine Antiquities around the church ofAgia Kyriaki Kalonis, an early Byzantine monu-ment north-east of Apeiranthos. Analysis of theceramics collected during this work by Vionis(2011b) suggests that up to 70% of the ancientsurface finds belong to the 7th-9th centuries ADand are comprised mostly of vessels associ-ated with agricultural production and transport(pithoi, jars, amphorae). Curving dry-stone walls

© The Fund for Mediterranean Archaeoiog}^/£quinQx Publishing Ltd., 2011


Figure 5. The terraced landscape of Naxos: view towards Apano Kastro from the southwest showing a typical Naxiotlandscape of braided terraces enclosed and overlain by later drystone walls (J. Crow, August 2007).

enclose small fields here that only partially anduntidily enclose the terraces; the latter are prob-ably related to the early Byzantine settlement.

The evidence suggests that whatever the origi-nal date of Naxos' braided terrace systems, thevast majority would have existed in or before the17th century. Systems of braided terraces havetherefore been described as 'medieval' in theHLC database, even if many could have earlierorigins.

For the purposes of our HLC, 'step-terraces'are defined as terrace systems with roughlyparallel terrace boundaries that lack significantbraiding. They are virtually always enclosedby dry-stone walls, and we have identified twomain kinds. Contour step terraces follow thecontours of the hillsides, so they tend to be sinu-ous in form. Several factors suggest the majorityof these systems are probably post-medieval indate. First, the terraces ofien abut their enclosureboundaries instead of underlying them as in thecase of braided terraces. Secondly, many systems

appear to be of only one phase, suggesting arelatively short lifetime in use. Thirdly, they aremost commonly located in upland locations,principally towards the eastern edge of the studyarea on the slopes of Mount Zas. Virtually nonehave been newly created since the 1940s.

Straight step terraces share most of the charac-teristics of contour step terraces, but instead ofbeing sinuous they are cut straight across the hill-sides to create rigidly parallel straight lines. Likecontour step terraces, most are in upland loca-tions, though some have been created in lower-lying arable areas by remodelling earlier fields. Afew examples have been created in the later 20thcentury, but most were already in existence bythe 1940s; most straight step terraces probablybelong to the 19th century. There are excellentexamples in the bleak, boulder-strewn uplandsto the west of Apano Kastro, where step terraces(mostly now deserted) sit within straight sur-veyed field boundaries associated with desertedpost-medieval farmsteads (Figure 6).

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130 Crow et al.

Unlocking Historie Landscapes: The Byzan-tíne Churches of Naxos

In our research on Naxos, we are particularlyinterested in the research applications of HLCand how it can help us to understand pastlandscapes and societies. In the last part of thisstudy, we use the example of Byzantine churchesto explore some of this potential.

Archaeologists have increasingly argued thatto separate different aspects of life—economic,political, cultural, religious—creates false divi-sions that weaken our analyses and our under-standing of people in the past (Bradley 2000;Johnson 2007: 130-33). Instead, they arguethat we should integrate the study of differentelements of past societies (albeit using dif-ferent bodies of theory) to gain richer, morecontextual interpretations of both mental andmaterial landscapes. Several recent studies ofmedieval European landscapes have attemptedto analyse the location of churches and chapels,and how the influence they exerted shaped laterlandscapes in Ireland, Scandinavia and Britain(Ó'Carragáin 2003; Altenberg 2003; Turner2006b, the last of which used simple HLCs toanalyse the relationships between churches, set-tlements and land-use patterns).

Scholars of the prehistoric and classical peri-ods have tackled religious and ritual land-scapes with satisfying results in Greece (Peatfield1992; Alcock 1993: 172-214). Until now therehave been relatively few attempts to explorethe sacred landscapes of the Byzantine worldbeyond the purview of particular well-knownmonuments (e.g. Coleman and Eisner 1994;Rackham and Moody 1996; on the isolatedchapels from Cappodocia, see Kalas 2009).The place of medieval and later churches inthe modern landscape of Methana has recentlybeen explored by Forbes (2007: 354-55); heargues that it is impossible to understand theGreek landscape without considering both thespiritual and agricultural lives of its inhabitants.Although the focus of his ethnographic study is

the last three or four generations, he does showthat the location of Byzantine and early modernchurches has significantly infiuenced the settle-ment pattern of the 19th and 20th centuries.

Nevertheless, he does not discuss the placeof churches in Byzantine landscapes. One ofthe only archaeological studies to attempt thisis Nixon's (2006) recent study on the medievaland later landscapes of Sphakia, Crete. Sheargues that churches are an integral part of thehistoric landscape of Sphakia, and that they ful-filled a number of important roles in the medie-val period, for example as landmarks, boundarypoints, and memorials (Nixon 2006: 23-31).Just as in other parts of medieval Europe, onCrete churches frequently seem to have beenassociated with areas of important natural oragricultural resources, and were largely absentfrom the wilder country of the uplands (Nixon2006: 88-89; Gerstal 2005: 166; Kalas 2009:88-90; Roymans 1995; Turner 2006b). In Spha-kia, however, only one church dates to the 11 thcentury or earlier so it is hard to draw conclu-sions about the early Byzantine landscape. OnNaxos, the situation is rather different.

The island of Naxos possesses an extensivecorpus of churches almost unique in theirchronological range in the Byzantine world.There are a significant number of early Christianbasilicas, both on the coast and in the interiorvalleys of the island, attesting some prosperity inlate antiquity (Crow and Turner 2011). A recentpublication by Mastoropoulos (n.d.) briefiycatalogues 148 individual buildings, many ofwhich have the remains of medieval painteddecoration. Despite a certain degree of scholarlydispute about the chronology of these paintings,the churches may be dated from the late Romanperiod to the beginning of Ottoman rule.

Across the island and especially in the valleysof the interior, there is a remarkable corpus ofearly medieval painted churches and an unusu-ally high proportion of these show traces ofaniconic decoration, often revealed as the earli-est phase of several layers of painted decoration.

© The Ftmd for Mediterranean Archaeology/Eqtiinox Publishing Ltd., 2011


The date of these remains a matter of scholarlydebate amongst archaeologists and art histo-rians and it is still disputed whether these areto be attributed to the iconoclast period (8thto 9th centuries) (Chatzidakis 1989; Brubakerand Haldon 2001; Crow and Turner 2011).Whatever the exact period, those displayingfeatures of aniconic decoration are likely to datebefore the 11 th century and, crucially for anunderstanding of the historic landscapes of theisland, many of these buildings are set amongstthe current groves and terraces that form themain focus of our study. It is also in this periodwhen the great mountain fortress of Apalirouwas built, and the island remained an importantstaging point for the Byzantine fieet until therecapture of Crete in 964.

The Byzantine churches of Naxos occur inall types of landscape locations, from plains tomountain peaks. The densest clusters are foundinland, in the fertile plains of Drymalia/Trageaand Sangri, but others lie in mountain villagesand valleys, on ridges and hilltops, and on coastalplains and cliffs. Two major hilltop fortificationspreserve the remains of many ruined churches.Between Potamia and Tsikalario, the Venetiancastle-settlement of Apano Kastro (built in the13th or early I4th century and repaired in the15th-16th centuries) contains several churches,all of which belong to the later Middle Ages(Vionis 2011a). The mighty Byzantine fortressof Apalirou Kastro contains several Byzantinechurches including one that probably dates tothe 7th or 8th century; a smaller fortificationsouth of Filoti encircles the middle Byzantinechurch of Agios Ioannis Pródromos 'Kastelitis'.This hilltop location, however, seems relativelyunusual for early Naxiot churches. Although afew churches stand on prominent ridges, mostare sited in valleys or on low hillsides, like thecluster of early churches in and around the plainof Drymalia/Tragea which include the Proto-thronos of Chalki, Agios Isidoros of Rachi andthe Taxiarchis of Rachi (Figure 7). The evidenceof architecture, sculpture and painting suggests

many churches here had their origins betweenthe 6th or 7th to 10th centuries, and that theywere in use throughout the Middle Ages.

In combination with other archaeological andhistorical evidence, the HLC can help us under-stand the locations of these churches as well ascertain aspects of their meaning to the peoplewho built them. The HLC provides a modelfor modern and post-medieval landscapes, andallows us to see more clearly where differentagricultural resources were probably located inthe Middle Ages. With reference to the HLC, itbecomes clear that some of the oldest survivingByzantine churches not only lie within historicvillages like Chalki and Melanes, but also at theheart of significant agricultural zones (Figure 8).Elsewhere archaeological field survey has shownthat churches such as the Panagia Arion andAgios Kyriaki Kalonis are located amidst sig-nificant scatters of Early and Middle Byzantinepottery and even adjacent to Byzantine build-ings (Mastoropoulos n.d.: 199; Vionis 2011b).Though they now stand some distance fromtoday's major settlements, the HLC reveals thatthey are still located at the heart of productivefarming zones that have been actively exploitedsince the Middle Ages.

Beyond the historic villages there are alsoancient outlying churches like Agios Isidoros andthe Taxiarchis Rachis. These both lie at the inter-section between areas of historic arable farmingand the rough grazing ground beyond; the HLCsuggests they have been 'boundary' churches formany hundreds of years, perhaps even since theywere first constructed. The exoklisia (oudyingchapels) of Naxos are therefore just as much anintegral part of the surviving historic pattern ofthe landscape as their counterparts on Crete orin Cappadocia (Nixon 2006: 69; Kalas 2009).

Conclusion

The study of Byzantine archaeology has ofi:en con-centrated on monuments (especially churches)and most frequently the specific study of their

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132 Crow et al.

painted deeorations. More integrated foeus onthe arehaeology of the Byzantine landscape hasoften been concerned with quite limited areas,such as parts of Macedonia, where it has beenpossible to combine field survey with the studyof surviving documents, most often from greatmonastic estates. The value of sueh an approachhas been demonstrated by Lefort (1985) andothers, and it provides unique insights intothe structure of rural communities. Nonethe-less these studies restrict our knowledge of theByzantine lands to a few isolated regions andmore significantly date primarily from the 11 thcentury onwards.

While we recognize the limitations of the writ-ten sourees for Naxos before the later middleages, we eonsider that our research has dem-onstrated that through a eombination of HLCand retrogressive analysis it has been possible toreveal the greater diversity and time-depth appar-ent aeross the eomplex terraeed and enclosedlandscapes of the island. The study of the insularlandscapes formed part of a eombined exereisein applying HLC teehniques to two disparateparts of the Byzantine, Ottoman and eontem-porary 'Aegean' world. In the Silivri study area(Crow and Turner 2009), the historieal reeord,espeeially over the past two eenturies, suggestsa radical dislocation of populations; yet fromthe landscape study there are clear markers ofsurviving landscape components extending backover several centuries. By contrast the historiealand démographie reeord on Naxos would implya broad continuity over at least a millennium,revealed from our study through the time-depthapparent in the braided terraees in areas sueh asAria, Raehi and Ano Sangri. Preeise chronologyat this stage of our study still remains elusive,but a future programme of integrated field sur-vey ineorporating the aneient olive trees andthe unique eorpus of early medieval deeoratedehurehes offer vital clues for enhanced chrono-logical resolution to understand the evolution ofthe historic and contemporary landscape.

By integrating a wide range of sources we cancreate well-contextualized interpretations of pastsocieties and places (see examples from Greeceand Cyprus in Davies and Davis 2007; Givenand Hadjianastasis 2010). Using GIS and HLCprovides a spatial framework that allows difterentdisciplinary perspectives and different sources tobe brought to bear on particular questions aboutthe past. More generally, HLC provides theopportunity to gain insights into the relation-ships and ehanges that have shaped long-termlandscape evolution. This understanding of howlandscapes have changed is usefiil to arehaeolo-gists who want to understand past soeieties, butits value also extends fiirther.

One of the key attributes of landseapes is thatthey change, a process that will continue in theftiture (CoE 2000). HLC-based studies not onlyhelp archaeologists understand past landscapes,but also help planners and landscape managersshape future landscapes (Turner 2006a). Under-standing how places have developed in the pastprovides the knowledge landscape managers needto move beyond simply regarding eultural land-seapes as 'traditional', with no appreeiation oftime-depth or historieal proeesses. Better infor-mation about past changes and previous land-scape character will help them decide what typesof change are most appropriate for the ftiture(Turner and Fairelough 2007; Bolos 2010). Ourpilot study has shown the HLC method couldbe used to inform landscape research and otherapplieations in the eastern Mediterranean, just asit is in north-western Europe.

Endnote

1. For examples of surveys incorporating Byzan-tine and post-Byzantine landscape survey inGreece see Davis 1991; Davies and Davis 2007;and Gregory 2010. Alcock 2007 and Terrenato2007 provide a valuable overview of recentstudies of the Greek and Roman countryside.Bintliff 2007 offers an assessment of the Greek

© The Ftind for Mediterranean Archaeology/Equinox Publishing Ltd., 2011


regional survey in a wider context. Intensivefield survey has been less common in Turkey,though the territory of Sagalassos has beenstudied by Vanhaverbeke et al (2007). Currentprojects include surveys in the Göksu valleyled by Hugh Elton (http://www.cofc.edu/-gap)and in the territory of Avkat led by John Hal-don (http://www.princeton.edu/avkat).

Acknowledgments

The research for this project was undertakenwith the assistance of an award from the Artsand Humanities Research Council (UK) as partof the Landscape and Environment Programme.We are grateful for the support and interest froma number of scbolars, in particular MalcolmWagstaflF, John Bintliff, Andrew Bevan and RuthMakrides. Charalambos Pennas of the Byzan-tine Ephoria showed a generous interest in ourresearch and David Alderson of the School ofCivil Engineering and Ceosciences at NewcastleUniversity provided valuable technical support.

About the Authors

Jim Crow is Professor of Classical Archaeologyand current Head of Archaeology at the Uni-versity of Edinburgh. He studied at the Uni-versities of Birmingham and Newcastle uponTyne. He has directed excavations on Hadrian'sWall for the National Trust and previouslytaught Roman and Byzantine archaeology atWarwick and Newcastle universities. His mainpublications and research have been concernedwith Roman and Byzantine frontiers and morerecently with the hinterland and infrastructuresof Byzantine Constantinople and the applica-tion of remote sensing technologies in collabo-ration with Istanbul Technical University.

Sam Turner is Senior Lecturer in Archaeologyin the School of Historical Studies, NewcastleUniversity. His research interests include earlymedieval archaeology and landscape history. He

studied archaeology for his MA at the Instituteof Archaeology, University College London,and for a PhD at the University of York. He hasworked on methods for the characterization ofhistoric landscapes and seascapes in Britain andIreland, Europe and the Mediterranean. He iscurrently editor of Medieval Settlement Researchand assistant editor of Landscape Research.

Athanasios Vionis (BA University of Durham,PhD University of Leiden) is Lecturer in Byzan-tine Archaeology and Art in the Department ofHistory and Archaeology, University of Cyprus.His research interests include the study of urbanand rural landscapes and the material cultureof the Byzantine/medieval and post-medievalAegean. He has participated in archaeologicalfieldwork in Creece (Cyclades, Chios, Kythera,Zakynthos, Euboea, Achaea, Boeotia) and Tur-key (Sagalassos), and he is currently AssistantField Director of the Leiden Ancient Cities ofBoeotia Project. His monograph A Crusader,Ottoman and Early Modern Aegean Archaeologyis in press in the Archaeological Studies series,Leiden University Press.

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