The Bosporus: Gateway between the Ancient West and East

(1st Millennium BC–5th Century AD)Proceedings of the Fourth International Congress on Black

Sea Antiquities Istanbul, 14th–18th September 2009

Edited by

Gocha R. Tsetskhladze Sümer Atasoy

Alexandru AvramŞevket DönmezJames Hargrave

BAR International Series 25172013

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The Bosporus: Gateway between the Ancient West and East (1st Millennium BC–5th Century AD). Proceedings of the Fourth International Congress on Black Sea Antiquities Istanbul, 14th–18th September 2009

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185

LA MOBILITÉ INTERNE EN MÉSIE INFÉRIEURE SELON LES SOURCES ÉPIGRAPHIQUES*

Lucreţiu MIHAILESCU-BÎRLIBA (Université ʽAl. I. Cuzaʼ, Iassy)

Ch.* Tilly distinguait, pour l’époque moderne, quatre types principaux de migration (locale, circulaire, migration-chaîne et migration en connexion avec la carrière), chacun étant déterminé par des raisons diverses (en général, d’ordre économique et familial).1 Même si le système de critères sur lesquels repose ce classement de Tilly est discutable, je n’insisterai pas sur la modalité dont il expose les types de migration. D. Noy essaye de reproduire ce classement pour la migration à Rome à l’époque du Principat.2 Je m’arrêterai seulement au premier type de migration, la migration locale. Pour Rome, la migration locale concerne la présence des habitants de l’Italie dans l’Urbs; les raisons de cette présence s’expliquent par des causes économiques et familiales, surtout par le mariage.

La migration à Rome en général et la migration locale en particulier ne sont plus valables pour les autres provinces de l’Empire. On peut parler d’une migration locale lorsqu’on analyse des migrants entre deux ou plusieurs provinces proches du point de vue géographique. Mais que se passe-t-il s’il s’agit d’une mobilité à l’intérieur de la même province? J’ai préféré d’appeler ce mouvement de population ‘mobilité’, et non ‘migration’, parce qu’il est difficile d’associer à la migration les présences d’habitants de Mésie Inférieure dans des cités de la même province, fussent-elles autres que leurs cités d’origine. De ce point de vue, dans certains cas, le terme de ‘mobilité locale’ semble plus raisonnable que celui de ‘migration locale’ (Fig. 1).

Les sources épigraphiques de Mésie Inférieure ne sont pas très généreuses au sujet de la mobilité interne. Il y a pourtant quelques inscriptions qui mentionnent de telles mobilités. Il s’agit de cas où la mobilité interne se distingue d’une façon nette, de même que de cas où ceux qui se déplacent sont des ressortissants de cités nord-ouest-pontiques, lesquelles n’appartenaient pas officiellement à l’Empire romain, mais étaient contrôlées par les Romains. Cela est également une spécificité de la mobilité interne en Mésie Inférieure.

Pour la première catégorie, il faut d’abord mentionner la présence de deux frères à Istros. Aelius Victor est bénéficiaire consulaire de la legio I Italica, stationnée à * Cet article est réalisé dans le cadre du projet PNII-IDEI n° 103/2009, financé par le Conseil National pour la Recherche Scientifique dans l’Enseignment Supérieur (CNCSIS). 1 Tilly 1978. 2 Noy 2000, passim.

Novae, tandis que son frère, Aelius Severinus, est décurion à Durostorum (ISM I, 302). Il est probable qu’Aelius Victor a servi dans un bureau de beneficiarii appartenant au territoire histrien et qu’il a été détaché de la legio I Italica. Son frère lui fait ériger l’épitaphe. La présence d’Aelius Severinus à Istros est documentée seulement par cette inscription; nous ne pouvons donc pas savoir s’il s’est rendu à Istros pour une autre raison que celle de commémorer son frère.

Une autre inscription d’Istros témoigne d’une mission de cette cité à Tomis, dirigée par Carpos, fils d’Artémidoros, personnage mentionné par la liste de la gérousia de la fin du règne d’Hadrien (ISM I, 180). Il est vrai que dans ce cas il s’agit tout simplement d’une ambassade censée défendre les droits d’Istros à Tomis, mais il semble qu’à l’époque, une telle présence n’avait rien d’étonnant. D’autre part, vu la position de Carpos et de son père Artémidoros dans la société histrienne, le statut de chef de mission de Carpos n’est pas surprenant.

Un autre fragment de monument, trouvé à Tomis, mentionne un soldat ou un vétéran de la Ve légion Macedonica, originaire d’Oescus (ISM II, 442). I. Stoian, suivant G.G. Mateescu, pense que l’inscription date d’une époque postérieure à 271, lorsque la légion revient à Oescus, et en cherche des arguments dans la forme des lettres (ISM II, 442, sub numero). Le sigma lunaire est, à vrai dire, propre à l’ensemble de la deuxième moitié du IIe s. Le soldat passe les dernières années de sa vie à Tomis, où il est commémoré.

À Troesmis, il y a trois familles provenant d’Oescus. Je présenterai brièvement ces textes.

Une première inscription mentionne Aulus Antonius Valens, originaire d’Oescus, décédé à 40 ans, et son affranchie et héritière, Antonia Tyrannis, qui lui fait ériger l’épitaphe (ISM V, 177). Antonius n’est pas un militaire, autrement sa femme aurait mentionné son statut. Il n’y a, d’autre part, pas beaucoup d’Antonii à Oescus. Nous connaissons un Antonius, architecte (très probablement en liaison avec la légion) (AE 1901, 47; IDR II, 203), un Antonius Valens, militaire de la XIe légion Claudia (ILB 169), et une Antonia, femme de M. Iunius Montanus, dont la carrière militaire jusqu’au rang de centurion est remarquable (AE 1932, 36; ILB 65). Aulus Antonius Valens pourrait être le fils d’un militaire de la Ve légion ayant accompagné son père à Troesmis. L’inscription étant disparue, il est difficile d’en dater le

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L. MIHAILESCU-BÎRLIBA: LA MOBILITÉ INTERNE EN MÉSIE INFÉRIEURE SELON LES SOURCES ÉPIGRAPHIQUES

187

Saturninus est, par conséquent, né à Oescus, dans une gens de militaires de la Ve légion Macedonica. Il devient à son tour militaire dans cette légion, mais il est difficile de dire à quel moment: avant ou après le transfert de la légion à Troesmis? Il épouse probablement une femme de la famille de Scribonii (née libre ou affranchie), famille originaire d’Ephèse et présente à Oescus pour les mêmes raisons que les C. Iulii.

Un troisième texte atteste un vétéran de la Ve légion Macedonica, dont le nom n’est pas conservé sur la pierre et dont la femme consacre une épitaphe (ISM V, 203). Le cognomen de la femme, Restituta, ne peut rien dévoiler sur l’origine des personnages.

Toujours à Troesmis il y a un texte mentionnant L. Licinius Clemens, militaire de la Ve légion Macedonica, seul vétéran de la légion attesté par les textes comme remplissant des charges dans les canabae, de même que dans l’habitat civil (ISM V, 158). Il était quinquennalis des canabae et décurion de la cité de Troesmis. Le vétéran était originaire de Nicopolis, c’est-à-dire Nicopolis de Judée, selon l’éditeur, mais à mon avis, il est aussi possible qu’il soit originaire de Nicopolis ad Istrum, vu qu’il y avait également un recrutement local. L. Licinius Clemens offre à la curie locale la summa honoraria de 250 deniers au moment où il prend en charge la fonction de quinquennalis canabensium. Le texte mentionne toute sa famille: sa femme Licinia Veneria, sa fille Lucia Licinia et ses petits-enfants, Iulius Clemens, Octavius Clementianus, Lucia Clementina, Octavius Clemens, Licinius Clemens et Octavius Licinius. Puisque la femme porte le même gentilice que son mari, il convient d’envisager deux variantes: soit elle a été l’affranchie de son époux, soit elle a reçu la citoyenneté après la démobilisation de Clemens. Les petits enfants portent des gentilices différents: la fille de Licinius Clemens a été probablement mariée plusieurs fois et les enfants portent les noms de leurs pères.

Ajoutons enfin les habitants des cités nord-ouest-pontiques attestés en Mésie Inférieure. Il y a deux cas attestés à Tomis. Dans une première inscription, Pontikos, fils de Nikias, originaire d’Olbia, fait élever une épitaphe à son fils Satyros (ISM II, 279), tandis que le deuxième texte est l’épitaphe d’Attas, originaire de Tyras, commémoré par ses fils Irastamos, Adiagos et Abragos (ISM II, 313). L’éditeur de l’inscription observe l’appartenance de ces noms à l’onomastique iranienne. Les raisons de la présence de ces familles à Tomis restent inconnues. On peut imaginer qu’il s’agissait d’affaires privées, vu aussi la tradition de l’époque hellénistique, mais on en ignore la nature.

Le bilan de la mobilité interne de Mésie Inférieure remet en question les critères de Tilly, reprises avec des nuances par Noy, vu qu’une partie des gens qui se déplacent à l’intérieur de la province sont des militaires. Tels sont les cas d’Aelius Victor à Istros, du vétéran anonyme de Tomis, C. Iulius Saturninus, un vétéran anonyme de L. Licinius Clemens à Troesmis. Il faut ajouter qu’Aulus Antonius Valens, originaire d’Oescus,

mentionné à Troesmis, fait probablement partie d’une famille des militaires. Les autres habitants des cités nord-ouest-pontique sont arrivés à Troesmis probablement avec des affaires privées, dont on ignore la nature. Il faut aussi rappeler que la plupart des militaires sont attestés avec leurs familles.

Par conséquent, la mobilité locale dans les provinces de l’Empire romain peut offrir des modèles différents par rapport à ceux révélés par Rome et l’Italie. La Mésie Inférieure constitue un bon exemple dans ce sens. La plupart des exemples analysés est constitué par des militaires et des vétérans, et cela s’explique par la forte militarisation de cette province périphérique de l’Empire. Le déplacement de la Ve légion Macedonica d’Oescus à Troesmis a permis l’établissement à Troesmis de plusieurs soldats nés dans le camp d’Oescus. Ainsi se confirme l’importance du recrutement local, même à la fin du Ier s. D’autre part, la mobilité de l’armée romaine, par la flexibilité des charges d’une fonction, a favorisé la mobilité des gens. L’exemple d’Aelius Victor, bénéficiaire consulaire commémoré à Istros, est le meilleur dans ce sens. En fait, si on regarde les lieux de départ et les destinations de ces gens, on remarque que Oescus est le point de départ le plus souvent attesté par les sources et que Tomis demeure la destination de choix (voir aussi la carte). On peut, bien entendu, invoquer le hasard des trouvailles, mais il y a aussi une explication. Tomis est l’endroit préféré, puisque c’est la plus importante ville de la province au IIe et au IIIe s. Oescus est lié au déplacement des militaires de la Ve légion Macedonica et c’est pourquoi les cas de mobilité d’Oescus vers d’autres cités sont les plus nombreux.

J’ai laissé à la fin les cas des Daces et des Thraces présents dans les cités de Mésie Inférieure. L’imprécision des textes épigraphiques concernant leur lieu d’origine rend en fait impossible tout essai de se prononcer sur leur mobilité à l’intérieur de la province. La situation des Daces en Mésie Inférieure a été analysée en détail par F. Matei-Popescu;8 dès lors, la reprise de cette question me semble inutile en ce moment. De toute façon, les Daces et les Thraces (dont on distingue surtout les Bessi) sont parfois des acteurs de la mobilité interne dans cette province. Mais ce problème est à discuter séparément.

Bibliographie

CURCA, R. et ZUGRAVU, N. 2005: ‘“Orientaux” dans la Dobroudja romaine. Une approche onomastique’. Dans Cojocaru, V. (éd.), Ethnic Contacts and Cultural Exchanges North and West of the Black Sea from the Greek Colonization to the Ottoman Conquest (Iassy), 313-29.

MATEI-POPESCU, F. 2006: ‘Legiunea V Macedonica în Moesia înainte de Domitian’. Dans Mihailescu-Bîrliba, L. et Bounegru, O. (éd.), Studia historiae et religionis daco-romanae. In honoram Silvii Sanie (Bucarest), 379-99.

8 Matei-Popescu 2012.

THE BOSPORUS: GATEWAY BETWEEN THE ANCIENT WEST AND EAST (1ST MILLENNIUM BC-5TH CENTURY AD)

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––––– 2012: ‘The Dacians from Moesia Inferior’. Dans Mihailescu-Bîrliba, L. et Bounegru, O. (éd.), Migration und Akkulturation im Osten des Mittelmeerraumes in hellenistischer und römischer Zeit (Wiesbaden), 157-76.

MIHAILESCU-BÎRLIBA, L. 2006: Les affranchis dans les provinces romaines de l’Illyricum (Wiesbaden).

––––– 2009. ‘Străinii în Moesia Inferior. Posibilităţi de identificare’. Dans Mihailescu-Bîrliba, L. (éd.), Structuri etno-demografice la Dunărea de Jos (sec. I-VII p. Chr.) (Iassy), 153-60.

NOY, D. 2000: Foreigners at Rome: Citizens and Strangers (Londres).

RUFFING, K. 2006: ‘Die regionäle Mobilität von Händlern und Handwerkern nach den griechischen Inschriften’. Dans Olshausen, E. et Sonnabend, H. (éd.), ‘Trojaner sind wir gewesen’: Migrationen in der antiken Welt (Stuttgart), 133-49.

SOLIN, H. 1982: Die griechischen Personennamen in Rom: Ein Namenbuch (Berlin/New York).

––––– 1996. Die stadtrömischen Sklavennamen: Ein Namenbuch (Stuttgart).

TILLY, C. 1978: ‘Migration in Modern Europe History’. Dans McNeill, W.H. et Adams, R.S. (éd.), Human Migration. Patterns ans Policies (Bloomington, IN), 48-72.

Annexe: Liste des personnes et des mobilités en mésie inférieure

Personnage Statut juridique ou social Direction de mobilité Source

Aelius Victor bf. cos. leg. I Italica Novae-Istros ISM I, 302

Aelius Severinus dec. mun. Durosteri Durostorum-Istros ISM I, 302

Carpos, fils d’Artémidoros, chef d’une mission

membre de la gérousia Istros-Tomis ISM I, 180

Anonyme vétéran de la Ve légion Macedonica Oescus-Tomis ISM II, 442

Pontikos, fils de Nikias pérégrin Olbia-Tomis ISM II, 279

Satyros pérégrin Olbia-Tomis ISM II, 279

Attas pérégrin Tyras-Tomis ISM II, 313

Irastamos pérégrin Tyras-Tomis ISM II, 313

Adiagos pérégrin Tyras-Tomis ISM II, 313

Abragos pérégrin Tyras-Tomis ISM II, 313

Aulus Antonius Valens citoyen, probablement fils d’un militaire Oescus-Troesmis ISM V, 177

Antonia Tyrannis affranchie Oescus-Troesmis ISM V, 177

C. Iulius Saturninus vétéran de la Ve légion Macedonica Oescus-Troesmis ISM V, 188

Scribonia Melitine citoyenne Oescus-Troesmis ISM V, 188

Anonyme vétéran de la Ve légion Macedonica Oescus-Troesmis ISM V, 203

Restituta probablement citoyenne Oescus-Troesmis ISM V, 203

L. Licinius Clemens vétéran de la Ve légion Macedonica Nicopolis ad Istrum-Troesmis ISM V, 158

Licinia Veneria affranchie, femme de Clemens Nicopolis ad Istrum-Troesmis (?) ISM V, 158

Lucia Licinia citoyenne, fille de Clemens Nicopolis ad Istrum-Troesmis (?) ISM V, 158

Iulius Clemens citoyen, petit-fils de Clemens Nicopolis ad Istrum-Troesmis (?) ISM V, 158

Octavius Clementianus citoyen, petit-fils de Clemens Nicopolis ad Istrum-Troesmis (?) ISM V, 158

Licinia Clementiena citoyenne, petite-fille de Clemens Nicopolis ad Istrum-Troesmis (?) ISM V, 158

Octavius Clemens citoyen, petit-fils de Clemens Nicopolis ad Istrum-Troesmis (?) ISM V, 158

Licinius Clemens citoyen, petit-fils de Clemens Nicopolis ad Istrum-Troesmis (?) ISM V, 158

Octavius Licinius citoyen, petit-fils de Clemens Nicopolis ad Istrum-Troesmis (?) ISM V, 158

189

ADMINISTRATIVE ACTS AND THE RELATIONS OF CITIES ALONG THE SOUTH-WEST BLACK SEA COAST

(1ST-3RD CENTURIES AD)

Hristo PRESHLENOV (National Archaeological Institute with Museum, Sofia)

Administrative relations generally originated on the basis of a specific document which expressed the will or finalised a decision taken by a central or local government body. The epigraphic sources preserved in the cities along the south-west Black Sea coast provide an idea of some of the characteristics of the written acts issued on the initiative of the urban authorities with regard to people or relations that had nothing to do with the administration. Their format differed depending on the specific case. They contain information about the authorities that issued them, the grounds for so issuing, and provisions which define rights and obligations and determine the method of implementation. Honorary decrees of the cursus honorum type had relatively circumstantial contents and were engraved on marble slabs (IGB I2, no. 15 ter, no. 16), altars (IGB I2, no. 15 bis) or on the pedestals of portrait statues (IGB I2, no. 63 bis). Others give only the name of the honouree and the authority issuing the document; this information is engraved on marble or limestone pedestals and slabs (IGB I2, no. 64 bis, no. 66). The honorary acts which attested to loyal feelings or acknowledged gratitude for receiving help are short, giving only the name of the addressee, the grounds on which the act was issued, and the name of the authority issuing it (IGB I2, nos. 15, 59-61, 251, 251 comm., 252b, 369, 370, 396). The titles of the princeps and the local governors are rarely given in full as is typical for formal state correspondence (IGB I2, nos. 384, 396). General administrative acts, like the one issued by the Mesambrian agoranomoi, also contain short provisions which define the obligations and the manner of executing them (IGB I2, no. 317).

According to the specification of the legal provision, administrative acts can be divided in three groups: 1) normative, containing or referring to general compulsory rules of behaviour and related to an indefinite and unlimited number of addressees; 2) general, for one-off execution, referring to specifically defined rights, obligations or juridical status for addressees defined by group; and 3) individual, creating concrete rights, obligations and juridical status for certain individuals. We find information about the first class in the decree issued by the Mesambrian agoranomoi Asklepiades and Demosthenes, where they refer to the provisions of the law and the custom of the polis (kata ton nomon tes poleos kai to ethos) (IGB I2, no. 317) (Fig. 1), and in the honorary inscription of Klaudios Akylas from Odessos, who satisfied the phylai and the urban bodies (apopleroo ta ex ẻethous) according to the custom (IGB I2, no. 63 bis)

Fig. 1: Mesambria. Decree of the Mesambrian agoranomoi (IGB I2, no. 317)

Fig. 2: Odessos. Honorary inscription of Klaudios Akylas (IGB I2, no. 63 bis)

(Fig. 2). It seems that parts of the local customary law of Mesambria were not included in the city’s lex civitatis, but as they included some specific rules governing

THE BOSPORUS: GATEWAY BETWEEN THE ANCIENT WEST AND EAST (1ST MILLENNIUM BC-5TH CENTURY AD)

190

economic activity, they had to be explicitly mentioned in the administrative acts. Obedience to these rules was further secured by state compulsion: classical Roman jurists acknowledged that custom had the same binding force as the law itself.1 The principle is illustrated in a letter written by Atrius Clonius, legate of the province of Thrace in AD 211-217. It was addressed to the council and assembly of Augusta Trajana. In this letter the legate ordered the authorities to announce the emperor Caracalla’s rescript, which decreed that, if the urban authorities had not taken another decision when distributing foodstuffs and amounts of money, they had to observe the old custom [of the town] (tereisthai to paleon ethos ton dianomon) (IGB III.2, no. 1581; IGB I2, no. 15 bis comm). In essence, the decree of the Mesambrian agoranomoi has a general administrative character. In the other inscription, from Odessos, the reference to the customary law suggests that traditionally established norms for social communication were guaranteed by the Romans as juridical customs in the new lex civitatis of the city.2 It is possible that the rules for behaviour were included in the new urban legislation as well, regarding honores and munera and in the internal leges of bodies, as long as they did not contradict Roman legal norms.3

Individual administrative acts are two honorary inscriptions from Oescus and Dionysopolis. They are connected with repelling the tribes of the Carps and the Getae(?) from beyond the Danube, once in AD 214-215, when the emperor Caracalla personally took part in the actions together with legio I Italica,4 and a second time during the first half of Macrinus’ rule.5 For rendering services during these military campaigns the ex-primipilus, T. Aur. Flavinus,6 and the proconsul’s beneficiary, M. Pompeius Lucius (IGB I2, no. 24 bis), were honoured with the rights of municipal councillors in Dionysopolis and other Moesian towns (Fig. 3).

According to the nature of their contents, the administrative documents from the south-west Black Sea coast either favoured their addressees by bestowing rights and benefits or placed them under obligations or burdens. For manifold administrative and charitable activities the ancestral philotimos, archiereus, agonothetes(?) and gymnasiarchos, M. Aur. -koros (IGB I2, no. 15 bis),7 and the ancestral philotimos, euergetes, archiereus, priest of the 12 gods, gymnasiarchos and archon, M. Aur. Demetrios (IGB I2, no. 16), were honoured with decrees by the council and assembly of Dionysopolis. In Odessos, the ancestral agonothetes, archon, treasurer and syndikos, Klaudios Akylas, was acknowledged with a portrait bronze statue on a pedestal on which a transcript of the decree was deposited. This was issued by the municipal council and the assembly in his honour (IGB I2, no. 63 bis). 1 Andreev 1975, 58. 2 Nörr 1969, 23; Andreev 1975, 57-58; Marquardt 1881, 78. 3 Cf. Nörr 1969, 23-24. 4 Gerov 1980a, 253-54; Boteva 1997, 283. 5 Boteva 1997, 296, 313, 321. 6 Gerov 1989, no. 18. 7 Mihailov 1980, no. 22.

Fig. 3: Dionysopolis. Dedication to Zeus from the proconsul’s beneficiary, M. Pompeius

Lucius (IGB I2, no. 24 bis)

Political loyalty and solidarity were also demonstrated in the coastal Black Sea cities by practising the imperial cult within the boundaries of the koinon of the Pentapolis. The initiatives of the urban archon and of the pontarches received appreciation in honorary inscriptions issued by the council and assembly. Among the honoured magistrates in Odessos were the first priestess, Pia, wife of the pontarches Dionysios (IGB I2, no. 66), and the pontarches P. Ailios Proklianos (IGB I2, no. 64 bis). Burdening obligations banned the sacrilege of burials for economic or other purposes, plundering coffins (urns), or re-interring other deceased in them. There is circumstantial evidence of this kind of act in some gravestones from Odessos and Mesambria (IGB I2, nos. 134, 214, 216, 218, 346, 348, 349) (Fig. 4).

The administrative acts of the urban administrations regulated the relations of the population of the coastal poleis. The epigraphic sources preserved in the urban centres along the south-west Black Sea coast testify to the authorities regulating the local market, taking precautions against epidemics, maintaining burial grounds and administering the freeing of slaves.

In the early 3rd century AD the Mesambrian agoranomoi appealed to all foreigners dealing with trade in the city to register their business activities with the urban authority (IGB I2, no. 317) This seems to have been connected with the universal market fees which went together with the regularisation of the payments for the use of the retailing area in the urban market; with obtaining the right to sell –

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Fig. 4: Odessos. Tombstone of Antistia Firmina (IGB I2, no. 218)

the so called business activity tax8 – as well as with the payment for the right of foreigners to undertake commercial activity in the town, the so-called telos xenikon.9

Returning from the Parthian War (AD 161-164), Roman troops spread plague in the European provinces of the empire, which started during military operations in Asia Minor.10 A gymnasiarchos from Odessos received instructions on how to bring the disease under control in the shrine of Apollo from Claros (IGB I2, no. 224). In the archive of the temple other inquiries are registered, seemingly on the same matter, during AD 164/5-168/9, which is when the epidemic spread to the Lower Danubian provinces. These were made by another citizen of Odessos of priestly origin and by a high priest from Dionysopolis (IGB I2, no. 224 comm.). In accordance with common practice, they paid for the rites performed and for the entry of the predictions.11 In Anchialos, following a prediction of the oracle of Apollo Kolophonios, representatives of the phylai arranged that statues of deities be carved in order to gain support from them against the spread of the epidemic (IGB I2, no. 370).12 Their activity was controlled by the extraordinary epimeletes, T. Flavios Aniketos, who assumed the supervision from his father, M. Flavios Aniketos. In 2nd-century AD Apollonia, a local benefactor took part at his own expense and volition in the restoration of the town after some unspecified disaster (ktizo ten polin meta ten ekptosin) (IGB I2, no. 400). His activities, dedicated to the eponymous Apollo Iatros and to his temple, have been interpreted time and again in terms of motivation and relative and absolute chronology (IGB I2, nos. 369-70; IGB V, no. 5141=400). In the inscriptions from Odessos, Claros/Kolophon and Anchialos it is acceptable to 8 Cf. Rouge 1966, 449; Jones 1940, 245. 9 Cf. Jones 1940, 215-16; 1974a, 23. 10 Gren 1941, 120; Rostovtzeff 1929, 85. 11 Shamu 1979, 213. 12 Robert 1959, 189.

Fig. 5: Odessos. Tombstone epigram ordered by a freed slave, Chyakinthos (IGB I2, no. 222)

interpret ékptosis (calamitates) as epidemic. The choice of a divine patron to help with the epidemic was not by chance – Apollo had unquestionable authority in overcoming disasters.13

To prevent the sacrilege of burials, fines were imposed (multa funebris), deposited in the urban treasury and in the emperor’s fisc.14 The amount of the liability ranged in Odessos and Mesambria from 100, 1000 and 2500 to 5000-10,000 denarii (IGB I2, nos. 134, 214, 216, 218, 346, 348, 349). It is not known whether these amounts of money reflected the expense of building and maintaining the tombs and the value of the plots, which were often quite significant, or were subjective estimations.15 It does not seem plausible to explain the differences by inflation as the rate of inflation in the empire was quite insignificant until the crises in the 3rd century AD.16

The contents of a tombstone epigram written in Odessos in the 2nd or 3rd centuries AD makes it clear that a slave, Chyakinthos, was freed at the request of his proprietress and confirmed by the urban authorities (IGB I2, no. 222) (Fig. 5). Odessos, a city of peregrine status, probably 13 Shamu 1979, 212. 14 Cf. Jones 1940, 245. 15 Duncan-Jones 1982, 79-80, 99-101, 127-31, 166-71. 16 Duncan-Jones 1982, 10.

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adopted norms for freeing slaves that regulated the participation of the magistrates in the act of freeing, its registration and publicity. This is a way to interpret the address to ‘the most renowned of the Ionians’ used by the young owner of the slave. In the neighbour provinces of Thrace and Macedonia freeing a slave was not a private business either, and it was realised after explicit administrative permission.17 The amount of vicesima libertatis, like other indirect taxes, probably ranged from 1 to 5% along the south-west Black Sea coast.18

Neither the deities nor fate but the princeps, in his capacity as supreme bearer of state sovereignty and guarantor of social order and security, defined the directions of the political development of Greek cities in the conditions of orbis Romanus.19 The descending and ascending communication with the emperor and his provincial administration, which gave affirmative sanction, co-operation or assistance, received complaints, etc., was carried out through varied channels – via the state post office, urban missions and during personal visits by the emperor or the provincial governor.

There are several imperial letters preserved in Odessos. Two of them were written in the chancellery (a libelis) of Antoninus Pius (IGB I2, nos. 69, 70). In structure and bureaucratic phraseology they do not differ essentially from each other or from the similar correspondence in the rest of the empire.20 The compiler used a short form of the emperor’s titles in the nominative, standard addresses to the polis’ governing bodies (council, assembly, archons) and the usual juridical administrative terms. Regardless of the fragmentary nature of the letters, it is clear that the problems, which were about juridical and financial matters, were dealt with benevolently and sorted out justly. The authorities of Odessos sent petitions about unclear or debatable points at issue to the governors of the provinces assigned by Antoninus Pius. In AD 160 Julius Severus sent an interpretative answer to an inquiry made by the council, people and archons of Odessos. The answer alluded also to the urban magistrate (syn- or ekdikos) within whose competence lay the practical organisation of the vertical communication with the higher ranking state bodies (IGB 5, no. 5030). Two Latin inscriptions, from Odessos21 and Mesambria,22 contain information of some imperial arbitration awards from the 3rd century AD. The inscriptions announce decisions about the payment of debts and other tax liabilities and the defence of civil liberties.

When expecting imperial visits, or after them, the urban administrations expressed their loyalty and appreciation towards the ruler and his provincial administration by erecting honorary inscriptions and statues in the towns and along local roads, and by minting new coin types or by crafting commemorative medallions. 17 Calder 1975, 81. 18 Jones 1974b, 178. 19 Nörr 1979, 11, 17. 20 Abbot and Johnson 1926, 238-39. 21 Kalinka 1906, no. 111. 22 Velkov 1959, no. 2.

Fig. 6: Odessos. List of the epheboi (?) with a text honouring the emperor Hadrian (IGB I2, no. 49)

The emperor Hadrian paid a visit to the south-west Black Sea coast during his one year stay in the Balkans.23 It seems that the event necessitated road building in the hinterland of Mesambria and Anchialos in AD 124 (IGB I2, no. 384) and gave cause to honour the emperor with the honorary office of chief priest-eponym in Odessos (IGB I2, no. 49) (Fig. 6). The same attitude towards the ruler was demonstrated in Athens, Sparta, Delphi, Colophon and other Hellenic cities.24 The administration in Odessos also decided to proclaim the military-political aspects of Hadrian’s imperial power. In the urban mint an effigy of Hadrian was crafted, representing the emperor on horseback, clad in armour, spear in hand.25

During the Principate of Antoninus Pius, who reduced to a minimum his trips to the provinces,26 the municipalities more often required co-operative, elucidatory and affirmative sanctions, support, etc.27 The presence of the provincial governor, T. Vitrasius Pollio, whose wife was a cousin of the emperor’s daughter Faustina Junior, was quite tangible in the coastal Pontic centres. In accordance with established practice of provincial governors being entrusted with the organisation of important engineering work,28 a new aqueduct was build in Odessos in AD 157 with his direct assistance. The event was announced in a formal bilingual inscription and was propagated by inscriptions set up next to public fountains in the city (IGB I2, nos. 59, 60) (Fig. 7). In the same year, the governor performed a dedication in Latin in the urban temple of Hygieia and Asclepius (IGB I2, no. 86, bis comm.). This act was appreciated in an honorary decree 23 Gren 1941, 117, 119. 24 Robert 1959, 212; Kolosovskaya 1985, 201. 25 Pick and Regling 1910, nos. 2237, 2238; Yurukova 1987, 22-23, 27. 26 Liеbenam 1900, 91. 27 Jones 1940, 136; Kolosovskaya 1985, 190, 193. 28 Liebenam 1900, 157-58.

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Fig. 7: Odessos. Bilingual inscription about the new urban aqueduct (IGB I2, no. 59)

issued by the assembly and council of Odessos (IGB I2, no. 61).29 Dionysopolis also profited from the governor’s benevolence, and its council and assembly expressed the gratitude of its citizens in a similar way (IGB I2, no. 15). This synchronised gratitude can also be explained by Titus Vitrasius’ participation in settling their mutual boundary and increasing the territory of Odessos to the west after the termination of the territory of Marcianopolis.30

The lasting personal presence of the Severans in Lower Moesia and Thrace, including the western Black Sea coast, during the civil war in AD 193-195, and the incursions of tribes from beyond the Danube, set the pattern for the descending form of communication – princeps to polis. In the summer of AD 193 the legio I Italica and other Moesian troops laid siege to Byzantium, gravitating to support Pescennius Niger. Niger was killed the next year but the city still remained outwith the control of the Severans.31 This seems to have defined Septimius Severus’ interest in Apollonia – the first significant port to the north of the Straits. An honorary decree of the council and assembly of the Apollonians attested to the faithful feelings and loyalty of the citizens in relation to the forthcoming visit between December AD 194 and April AD 195. In the inscribed copy Severus’ titles were close to their full form, typical of formal state correspondence (IGB I2, no. 396).32 In AD 198-199 sources registered an imperial visit to the north of the Haemus mountains as well.33 Doubtless evidence is available about the stay of Caracalla and Julia Domna(?) in Tomis and Histria. The emperor might have visited Odessos too. From a fragmentary formal inscription the name of Julia Domna and the word ‘emperor’ have been recovered (IGB I2, no. 63). 29 Kolendo 1992, 200-03. 30 Tacheva 2000, 72-74. 31 Mihailov 1963, 114, 116; Gren 1941, 122. 32 Boteva 1997, 230. 33 Boteva 1997, 239.

Rising tension along the limes of the Lower Danube raised the significance of Anchialo, an advantageous harbour centre, as noticed earlier by the emperor Trajan. In AD 204/5 the unstable situation forced Caracalla to visit the region again and he sailed past Anchialos on his way to Tomis. This event found an echo in the repertoire of the mint in Anchialos: a new coin type was introduced bearing the effigy of Caracalla clad in full armour, standing on the prow of a ship with a vexillum on the stern.34 Furthermore, a bronze statue of the emperor was erected in the town (IGB I2, no. 369).35 In AD 208, members of the imperial family, including Caracalla, stayed in the town. In the autumn and early winter of AD 210-211 yet another crisis along the limes forced Geta to come to the town on an inspection.36 The citizens’ attitude towards the princeps at this time was shown during the Seberia nymphia games, held three times – in AD 205, 208 and 211. The games found reverberation in the iconographic repertoire of the local mint.37

The next imperial visit to the south-western Black Sea coast was due to the need to defend the area from a threat coming from beyond the Danube. During the invasion of Goths, Sarmatians and Alans in AD 242, Gordian III was in Thrace leading the armies which were heading to the eastern limes. The emperor deflected from his route to take part in the repulsion of the attack.38 In the course of the raid into the hinterland of Dionysopolis silver and bronze coins, minted in Caesarea in the province of Cappadocia, were hidden.39 Expecting the imperial visit, the authorities of Odessos took the initiative of erecting a milestone with the name of Gordian III in the dative at the fifth mile along the road to Marcianopolis (IGB I2, 223) and of issuing bronze medallions. One of them has a 34 Boteva 1997, 122-23, 241. 35 Boteva 1997, 223. 36 Boteva 1997, 122-23, 242. 37 Boteva 1997, 122-24, 154, 237-38; Vagalinski 1994, 13-14. 38 Gren 1941, 127; Gerov 1980b, 377-80. 39 Gerasimov 1955, 602.

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unique composition group – Athena, Heracles and Derzelas, the Thracian deity Darzalas according to G. Mihailov (IGB I2, no. 42 comm).40 Other coin types reproduce the Alexandrian, Helieian and Darzaleian athletic games. They were organised on the occasion of the emperor’s stay in Оdessos.41 Gordian III had already organised games in honour of the Macedonian ruler in the capital of the koinon of the same name. The fact that some coin types from Odessos represent Darzalas together with Gordian III shows the Thracian god as the emperor’s divine patron.42 Darzalas’ temple is engraved on the reverse of a coin emission, with the busts of Gordian III and Darzalas on the obverse. The building is most probably a tetrastyle temple with entrance portico, crowned with a triangular tympanum with the effigy of Helios in a quadriga.43

Urban authorities expressed their loyalty towards the imperial power not only with such public acts connected with the emperor’s cult, but also during meetings of select urban representatives with governors of provinces, members of the senate and the emperor himself. Even at events such as presenting congratulatory addresses on the occasion of assumption of office, anniversaries or mili-tary triumphs, a mission was not just a formality, because it gave the urban bodies the opportunity to bring essential problems to the attention of the central authorities. Travel was an expensive and important matter, which is why the municipalities preferred to involve in their organisation rich and prominent people who could finance it. From the early 2nd century AD a mission was an obligation for the bouleutai from the moment they were elected to the council.44 Missions from Dionysopolis, probably consisting of three members as the customary regulation indicates,45 were received by Septimius Severus (or Severus Alexander) (IGB I2, no. 19). M. Aur. Demetiros from the same city had a meeting with Caracalla and this was announced in his cursus honorum, issued after the death of the princeps (IGB I2, no. 16). Sometimes the urban syndikoi, who represented the interest of their poleis in judicial disputes in front of the emperor or the governor of the province, had similar functions.46 At the beginning of the 3rd century AD, Klaudios Akylas, a descendant of one of the elite political families, became a syndikos in Odessos (IGB I2, no. 63 bis).

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