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Volume 4, Issue 2 | April — June, 2012 Editor: Dr. Siraj Mohammed Bijle

FOREWORD

Over the past few years, Jaitapur in Maharashtra and Kudankulam in Tamil Nadu has become a catalyst for an ever widening debate on whether India requires nuclear energy at all. As a matter of fact construction has been delayed due to anti-nuclear protests by the locals and People’s Movement against Nuclear Energy. Many activists claim that the government’s active pursuance of nuclear energy has inhibited progress in the renewable sector, gradually leading to its marginalisation as an important source of alternative energy. Moreover, nuclear plants require national subsidies which mitigate any profit, rather appropriate investments into renewable energy like the solar, wind and hydel power projects could catapult India towards a new energy revolution. Government of India [GoI] is accused of paying scant attention to these alternatives which in their stand alone ‘avatars’ or off-grid forms would prove to be an optimal solution for the energy starved villages and regions of India. In support of this assertion more than eighty highly influential and respected people have signed a long petition against the Jaitapur nuclear power plant, whilst suggesting alternative forms of energy production should receive a major thrust. An eminent personality to have taken this stand is the former chairman of India’s Atomic Energy Regulatory Board (AERB), Dr. A. Gopalakrishnan. Amid such vociferous disapproval of India’s nuclear energy mission, one is compelled to ask this question: Does India need nuclear energy? Cont...p. 2

IN THIS ISSUE

ـــ�ا ��ؤں 1

MMRDA plans new bridge from Sewri ... 3

The Character and Origins of Labor ... 5

Duon Jeeva Cha Nivara 15

The Moslem Population of Bombay 21

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THE e-NEWSLETTER OF THE KOKANI DIASPORA COMMUNITY

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Kokan News آـ5آـ9 8ـ7ـ5ز

To answer this question a practical evaluation of some future scenarios is needed. India currently is the second fastest growing economy in the world and the GoI plans to maintain this growth rate of 8 percent annually, for the next twenty-five years. The demand for electricity during this period will grow at the rate of 7.4 percent annually. According to conservative estimates, this will translate into 800GW in 2031-32 as compared to the installed capacity, which stood at 160GW as of 2010. India therefore will have to embark upon aggressive diversification of energy sources and the concomitant infrastructure development because even with tremendous progress since independence, India still ranks low in per capita electricity consumption in the world. Well aware of this reality and with the intention to reduce its carbon footprint, the GoI has taken several steps to increase the proportion of renewable in the energy mix. The Jawaharlal Nehru National Solar Mission (JNNSM) has set ambitious targets of increasing the solar energy capacity to 20,000MW by 2022 with both grid and off-grid connections. Various incentives and policies have been introduced to promote and achieve this target. This plan follows or rather has drawn inspiration from the wind energy sector of India that currently stands fifth in the world with 14,158MW of installed capacity and has enjoyed healthy investments from both public and private sectors. Renewable are an important source of energy for India and without doubt the magnitude will increase, nonetheless it will be some decades before its full potential can be exploited in form of commercial viability. In the span of years that lie ahead, India’s dependence on fossil fuel will skyrocket. Coal accounts for nearly 70 percent of energy generation in India and almost 20 percent will be imported this year. By 2030 as estimated, coal will account for 45 percent of energy generation because it will remain comparatively a cheaper option. Similarly oil will account for roughly 35 percent in the fuel mix and the natural gas will remain in the range of 7-10 percent. But increasing dependence on fossil fuels will also place India at the mercy of international price fluctuations as almost 90 percent of the oil will be imported by 2025. Major oil shocks were already experienced during the 1973 OPEC crisis. There is greater propensity of similar instances repeating in future due to instability in the Middle East combined with spiraling rise in the fuel prices.

Recent report of International Energy Agency (IEA) projected the use of natural gas to increase in future in tandem with the rise in production. Significant competition will be faced by India in this sector also. With culmination of the Indo-U.S. Nuclear Deal, the Iran-Pakistan-India (IPI) pipeline deal faced a complete closure on the grounds that India was already worried about the transit fees to be incurred and the U.S. disapproval of the project acted as a final push. India attempted to make similar arrangements in the past with Bangladesh and Myanmar, however the deals did not come to fruition due to internal political conditions in the former and competing Chinese arrangements in the latter. Turkmenistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan-India (TAPI) gas pipeline project was considered a much heralded achievement by India in December last year, however according to the latest information, disagreements have arisen between India and Turkmenistan on price. Considering the above explained scenarios, the nuclear energy option stands out as an important component in India’s energy mix. The GoI plans to increase the share of nuclear energy to 25 percent by 2050, roughly reaching a target of 20,000MW by 2020 from the current 5000MW, apparently a threefold increase. If these targets are met it will be a useful alternative for India, amplifying self dependency of the country whilst proving to be a major source of energy security. The Indo-U.S. Nuclear Deal has provided a valuable opening for India to trade internationally in hitherto prohibited nuclear fuel and technology that too strikingly without being a party to Non Proliferation Treaty (NPT), Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT) and Fissile Material Cut-off Treaty (FMCT). Before the waiver, India’s civilian nuclear industry already suffered setbacks due to shortages of uranium. In addition to greater power generation capacity, the nuclear energy has also garnered significant attention due to the advance in designs and shifting preferences to thorium fuel cycles. As the owner of 30 percent of known thorium deposits in the world, India will be a major beneficiary if this technology turns out to be successful and widespread. Research in thorium fuel cycles in U.S., China and India has by now accelerated. Additionally, India has an expertise in Prototype Fast Breeder Reactor (PFBR) that is capable of running on thorium fuel cycle and is expected to become operational this year. Another advantage of the FBR as name suggest, is production of more nuclear fuel then it consumes. Reversal of the nuclear program at this critical juncture when new discoveries are unfolding therefore makes no sense.

The quest for energy security has also led other Asian-Pacific countries to pursue their nuclear energy programs without being deterred by the Fukushima incident. China, South Korea, Taiwan and Vietnam, all have major programs underway with no indications of any reversal although safety evaluations have been taken into purview. China accounts for the largest bulk of ongoing projects, which currently stands at twenty-four reactors. South Korea already derives 35 percent of its energy from nuclear plus other six reactors are under construction. The question thus arises as to why India should reverse the nuclear program when its peers have shown no signs of doing so. India’s quest for energy security has made the nuclear option a very attractive one. Since renewable will take a few more years to become commercially viable, dependence on fossil fuel will augment so as to satiate the thirst of India’s robust developing economy. Considering India’s present and future rise, nuclear energy does become an important aspect in India’s quest for energy security. Besides improved designs and safety measures have made nuclear energy safer. There are four hundred and forty-one total plants in operation worldwide, only three accidents have occurred so far, namely, the Three Mile Island (1979), The Chernobyl (1986) and the most recent Fukushima (2011). This is a relatively good record for such industry. The underlining argument is that all forms of energy have to be developed and harnessed by India, including nuclear. So revisiting the central question once again: Does India need nuclear energy? Yes, of course and Konkan Region needs urgent development.

Dr. Siraj Mohammed Bijle

Volume 4, Issue 2 | April — June 2012

MMRDA plans new bridge from Sewri to Nhava

Mumbai Metropolitan Road Development Authority (MMRDA) has invited Consulting firms for conducting a techno-economic feasibility study of the Mumbai Trans-Harbour Link (MTHL) extending from Sewri to Nhava. Manny Indian and international consultancy firms have responded in quick time to the Mumbai Metropolitan Region Development Authority's call. Over three times the length of the Bandra-Worli sea link, the proposed bridge will be the country's largest trans-harbour connectivity and will offer improved linkages by way of both carriageways and metro rail to the hinterland. The 22-km creek bridge is estimated to cost over Rs 8,300 crore and will be from Sewri seafront to Chirle near Nhava, connecting NH-4B. The total length of the MTHL – from Sewri on the island side to Nhava on the mainland side is 22 km, of which 16.5 km will pass over the sea and 5.5 km will be on land. Needless to say, for the land-starved metropolis, it would open up the 7152-sq.km. Raigad district in a big way, providing an avenue to its ever-burgeoning population, besides spurring the economic development of the region. High property prices and rentals in the city and suburbs have forced the economically weaker sections to look for homes in places such as Boisar and Karjat, almost 80 kms away. The average apartment price in Mumbai is about 1.45 crore and in the suburbs upwards of Rs 75 lakh, according to real estate consultants. In 2010, Mumbai property prices rose over 40 per cent. MMRDA said 30 firms and the Consulates of Canada, Spain and Netherlands attended the pre-bid call, inviting proposals from global consultancy firms for the feasibility study. “The interaction during the pre-bid meeting was very positive and we hope to zero in on the best consultants for MTHL's techno-economic feasi-bility study,” said Mr Rahul Asthana, Metropolitan Commissioner, MMRDA. Some of the interested firms were Egis India Consulting Engineers, Ernst & Young, SNC-Lavalin Group Inc (a Canadian Engineering firm), Consulting Engineers Services India, Darashaw & Company, Mott MacDonald, Deloitte Consulting and Bloom Companies, LLC. Other global firms that sought for the tender documents include SMEC, an Australian company that provides consultancy services for infrastructure projects; Dar Consultants (UK), L&T Ramboll Engineering Consultancy, Herbert Smith Group, UK and STUP Consultants, an Indo-French civil engineering, architectural and consultancy firm. MMRDA intends to appoint the project management consultants by August 1. The MTHL will also cut across ONGC's oil and gas pipe lines. While the link will require vertical clearance for the bridge from the highest high tide level of sea, it will also require safety clearance from the Mumbai Port Trust (MbPT). Environmental clearances have to be obtained at places where the alignment comes across mangroves. Interestingly, the Maharashtra State Road Development Corporation, which was earlier supposed to build the link, hadconducted a study. However, in April, the State Government decided that MMRDA should take up the project. MMRDA officials were confident that the project could begin in 2012 and be completed in six to seven years.


Jaitapur reactor work to start within a year: France

Bringing some degree of clarity to the negotiations on the proposed Jaitapur nuclear power plant, France said construction of the European Pressurised Reactor (EPR) plant could start in less than a year’s time. Following the Fukushima nuclear accident and protests at Jaitapur, signing of a commercial agreement between French company Areva and India’s NPCIL was stalled. Chairperson of France’s Alternative Energies and Atomic Energy Commission Dr Bernard Bigot, who is in India, presented Department of Atomic Energy (DAE) secretary Dr Srikumar Banerjee on Wednesday with the Safety Assessment Report prepared by the French nuclear safety regulatory authority (ASN). “The two sides are trying to work out a commercial contract as soon as possible. There is a process of price negotiations but we are on the road to reach an agreement quite soon,” Bigot told a media gathering. On his meeting at DAE, he said that public opinion has to be fully respected, and the two sides discussed how to build public confidence. Allaying fears surrounding EPR technology, Bigot said the SAR submitted to the French prime minister last month has cleared the technology of any doubts after severe stress tests. He said the EPR plants can withstand a Fukushima-like disaster. The EPR plants, he said, have a unique “core catcher” which completely seals the nuclear material against a leak even in the unlikely scenario of a meltdown. Plus, he added, the EPRs have inbuilt mechanisms that will ensure uninhibited power supply, even in case of a blackout. “We are waiting for the Indian Parliament to make its final decision. After we have that, we will see how it guarantees the expectations of the supplier,” he said. Source: http://www.nuclearfriendsfoundation.com/nuclearArticle-jaitapur-reactor-work-to-start-within-a-year-france.aspx

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THE CHARACTER AND ORIGINS OF LABOUR MIGRATION FROM RATNAGIRI DISTRICT 1840-1920

By

Gill Yamin

Source: South Asia Research, Vol. 9, No.1, May, 1989. Pp.33-53

Introduction

Rural-urban migration in nineteenth and early twentieth century India presents an interesting case study for economic historians, as an example of rural-urban migration in the early stages of industrialization. Many historical studies of European migration have investigated the causes of migration from the different regions of Europe,1 but research on the origins of labour migration in India have tended to concentrate on the processes of recruitment of migrants, or on their role in particular industries.2 Those studies which have dealt with the composition of the migration stream or the causes of migration have mainly concentrated on the areas of North East India,3 and little work has been done on the origins of the factory labour force in India. There are, of course, many studies by development economists in modern India. The problem with studies of migration in the late twentieth century, however, is that the researcher is often investigating the end of a long process or tradition of migration going back to the nineteenth century, and it is therefore difficult to disentangle cause and effect. For example, the study by Connell, Dasgupta, Laishley and Lipton, 4 shows that intra-village inequality has a high positive correlation with rates of migration. This can be explained, however, as both a cause and an effect of migration, and an historical investigation might be more successful in determining whether inequalities in land holding are a significant factor in explaining emigration.

There have been some attempts by historians to investigate the historical origins of labour migration on an all-India basis, by isolating the characteristics of labour catchment area throughout the sub-continent.5 However, there are many difficulties with comparability of data in very broad statistical analyses of this kind. For this reason, therefore, I have chosen to do a study in depth of one labour catchment area, looking as social and economic change during and preceding the period when migration developed, to understand why migration became so important to the area and took the form it did. By concentrating on an examination of the social and economic history of Ratnagiri district from the late eighteenth to the early twentieth century it has been possible to reveal the complexity of the inter-relationship between social, economic and political change which lay behind the growing labour emigration in the nineteenth century, and to uncover the pivotal role of the land tenure system in this development.

The purpose of this paper is to investigate this inter-relationship, by examining the ways in which the social and economic structure of the sending community is revealed in the pattern and composition of the migrant stream. Given that demand for labour in the city was also a determinant of the character of migration, this paper concentrates on the ways in which the social, political and economic history of Ratnagiri district can be shown to have produced a pattern of labour migration which, while not unique to Ratnagiri, was unusual in Western India in the nineteenth century.

Migration from Ratnagiri District

Ratnagiri offers a suitable district for a detailed study, because of the importance of migration in the economy of Ratnagiri and the high proportion of migrants from Ratnagiri in Bombay, particularly in the cotton mills. Ratnagiri had one of the highest recorded rates of emigration of any district in Western India in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Already in 1881, 18 per cent of those born in the district were living outside it (and this excludes those who emigrated outside Bombay Presidency) and by 1921 this had risen to 21 per cent (see Table 1). Migrants from Ratnagiri constituted 19 per cent of the population of Bombay city in 1901, rising to 22 per cent in 1911, the highest of any district in Western India (27 per cent of all immigrants to Bombay city in 1911 came from Ratnagiri and they still accounted for 20 per cent of immigrants to the city in 1951). This is more remarkable in that Ratnagiri district was not contiguous to Bombay but stretched along the coast from between 60 and 120 miles south of the city – though it was one of the larger districts in the Presidency in terms of population.


Table I: Emigra-tion from Rat-nagiri District. 1864-19116 Date

I

II

III IV

M F SR M F SR M F SR

1846 327436 298057 117

1851 350151 315087 111

1864

1872 491116 528020 93 37988 18891 201

1881 473053 524037 90 107908 66035 163 18% 79249 46941 109

1891 513616 592310 87 152952 95196 161 19% 108828 53758 202

1901 547525 620402 88 132109 82411 160 16% 95638 50197 190

1911 553382 650256 85 181913 107108 170 20% 143498 72562 198

1921 525341 628903 84 190702 112388 170 21% 154460 81096 190

Table I: Emigration from Ratnagiri District. 1864-19116

Key

Population of Ratnagiri. Born in Ratnagiri living elsewhere in Bombay Presidency. (includes those living in Bombay city). Rate of migration (born in Ratnagiri living elsewhere in Bombay Presidency divided by total born in Ratnagiri, x 100. Born in Ratnagiri living in Bombay city. SR = Sex ratio (m/f).

Migration from Ratnagiri was not a new phenomenon in the later nineteenth century, and there was a tradition of emigration dating back to the early eighteenth century, when a Chitpavan Brahmin from the district became the Peshwa and effective ruler of the Maratha Empire. As a result, many of the administrators of the Maratha Empire came from Ratnagiri, but retained their family lands and interests in the district; the British conquest of the Maratha Empire saw the return of many of these people to their family estates, and an end to income flowing into the area from these successful migrants. Another traditional avenue of migration still remained, however, in the army, and members of the Maratha caste which had formed the backbone of the Peshwa’s armies were prominent in the nineteenth century among those from Ratnagiri who found service in the British army. In 1881 the census showed that there were 1,718 military pensioners in the district, the greatest number for any area of the Bombay Presidency.7

The first mention of regular labour migration from the area was in the 1840s.8 There are no statistics on migration for this period, but collectors’ reports noted the presence of boatmen from Ratnagiri manning the boats in Bombay harbour in 1838, and migration of fishermen from the district to the city, 9 and by the 1850s seasonal migration of cultivators to Bombay in the slack agricultural season was a common phenomenon. A survey officer noted during a tour of the district in 1852 that cultivators from every village in one inland taluka went to Bombay every October, and returned to till the land at the beginning of the monsoon, leaving their wives and other relatives to look after their land.10 By 1864, when the first statistics on migration are available, a census of Bombay city showed that there were 111,478 people born in Ratnagiri living


in the city. This was at the height of the ‘cotton boom’, which led to a surge in building and land reclamation, so many of the migrants must have been employed as general labourers, though some may already have been working in the cotton mills, of which there were ten by 1860 (the first opened in 1856). The harbour and dockyards also provided considerable employment; in 1872, the largest concentration of migrants from Ratnagiri lived in the harbour district of the city.11 In 1865, the mania of speculation ended in a crash, which brought to an end the building boom, though employment in the mills may not have been affected. As a result, many workers from Ratnagiri left the city, with only 56,879 remaining in 1872. Emigration quickly recovered, though, and the census of 1881, the first to show migration from Ratnagiri to all districts of Bombay Presidency, shows that 173,943 people born in Ratnagiri were living outside the district, 15 per cent of all those born in Ratnagiri. Emigration continued to rise until 1901, when a drop in emigration, particularly to Bombay, probably reflects the impact of the plague epidemic in 1896-8, which led to a mass exodus from the city. Emigration recovered in 1911, and continued at a high rate into the mid-twentieth century.

Table II: Population Structure of the Talukas of Ratnagiri District, 1901 and 1921

Data from COI 1901, Vol. IXA, Part II, Table VIII, and COI 1921, Vol. VIII, Part II, Provincial Table1.

Characteristics of migration from Ratnagiri

Though migration existed in the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, the massive increase in its scale in the mid-nineteenth century marks a change in its character from the labour mobility of specialists and professionals to a mass labour migration which affected nearly every family in the district. An examination of census data on the migrant stream provides further insight into its distinctive character, for migration from Ratnagiri in the late 19th century differed not only from earlier migration, but also from patterns of migration in most other districts of Bombay Presidency.

The main destination of migrants from Ratnagiri was Bombay city. In 1881, 72 per cent of emigrants from Ratnagiri went to Bombay city, and by 1911 this had risen to 87 per cent; other destinations were of little importance, absorbing 1 per cent or less of Ratnagiri’s emigrants. This pattern contrasts with other districts of the Presidency, where migrants’ destinations were more diverse, most moving to neighbouring districts. There is also a very distinctive pattern in the occupations which migrants adopted in Bombay city. Though there is no data on the occupations of migrants from Ratnagiri before 1900, by 1911 36 per cent of migrants to the city were working in the mills (see Table III), comprising between 49 per cent and 56 per cent of the total mill labour force.12 The first cotton mill opened in Bombay in 1856, and by 1870 the mills were employing 8,130 workers daily, rising to 59,139 by 1890, and apart from a drop during the plague years of 1896-8, employment in the mills continued to rise steadily until the late 1920s.13 Not all those listed in the censuses as mill workers, however, were employed regularly in the mills, since besides the regular employees there was a large pool of casual labour, known as badlis (estimated at one third of average full time employment in the mills in 1892),14 who were recruited on a daily basis to cover absenteeism through the agency of the ‘jobbers’ who controlled recruitment into the mills.15 Of those migrants who did not enter the mills, 15 per cent became general labourers, working in the docks and the building sites, so that altogether 51 per cent of migrants in 1911 had become a part of a predominantly unskilled working class in the formal sector in Bombay, while the remaining 21 per cent entered the informal sector as artisans, shopkeepers and domestic servants. This pattern of migration into unskilled work in the formal sector in Bombay can be found from other districts of Bombay Presidency, notably from the north and west Deccan (Satara, Kolhapur, Poona, Sholapur, Ahmednagar and Naski), and from the Konkan (Thana and Kolaba). Migration from Gujarat (Cutch, Katthiawar, Surat and Ahmedabad) was in contrast, mainly into the informal sector, or into the professions, and no other district provided as many mill workers as Ratnagiri.16

Taluka Sex Ratio Average House-

hold Size Excess of married women over married men as % of all women

1901 1921 1901 1921 1901

Mandangad 86 83 4.6 4.3 20 %

Khed 88.5 85 4.8 4.5 18%

Dapoli 88 83 5.1 4.4 19 %

Chiplun 87 85 4.9 4.7 19 %

Guhagur 83 78 5.1 4.5 26 %

Sangameshwar 87 83 5.1 4.8 25 %

Ratnagiri 87 81 5.7 4.8 23 %

Rajapur 89 84 5.4 5.2 21 %

Devgad 91 85 5.6 4.8 17 %

Malvan 89 83 6.6 4.9 16 %

Vengurla 97 94 6.1 5.2 6 %

Whole Dist. 88 84 5.4 4.75 20


Caste/Religious group (main occupation in Ratnagiri)

% of Caste in Bom-bay

Rank

Caste Members as % of all born in Rat-nagiri living in Bombay

Rank

Sex ratio of caste in Bom-bay

(male / female)

Rank

De-pendency ratio (dependents/work-ers )

Rank

Women workers as % of

all females over 15

Rank

% mill workers to total workers

Rank

Sex ratio of mill

workers (male / female)

Main occu-pation of

caste in Bom-bay

Chambhar (Leather worker)

24 1 2 7 129 16 52 9 58 1 69 1 168 Mill-

Bhandheri (coconut grower/boat-man)

21 2 10 2 192 6 59 8 34 8 28 8 306 Mill-

Koli (fisherman ) 21 2 0.5 13 494 2 25 16 30 10 9 12 750 Fisher-

man

Wani (merchant) 20 4 4 6 179 11 66 7 34 8 33 5 354

Mill- Shop-keeper

Parit (washerman) 18 5 0.1 16 135 15 46 11 56 3 31 6 312 Artisian

Maratha / Kunbi (cultivator)

17 6 56 1 199 5 44 12 48 5 53 4 332 Mill-

Shimpi (tailor) 16 7 0.2 15 125 17 100 1 21 13 6 13 700 Artisian

Sonar (goldsmith) 16 7 1.3 8 172 12 6 3 18 14 3 15 141 Artisian

Brahmin (landlord) 13 9 4.5 5 189 7 99 2 9 17 1 16 1260 Clerk

Muslim (cultivator and fisher man )

12 10 5 3 385 3 37 15 12 16 5 14 1676 Artisian

-shop-keeper

Lohar (smith) 12 10 0.1 16 208 4 70 5 29 11 30 7 106 Artisian

Teli (oil presser) 11 12 1 9 181 10 51 10 48 5 54 3 346 Mill-

Mhar (untouchable/scavenger)

10 13 5 3 153 14 44 12 57 2 19 10 226 Labour

Gauli (milkman) 10 13 0.7 11 187 8 41 14 53 4 59 2 305 Mill-

Nhavi (barber) 9 15 0.5 12 185 9 74 4 27 12 21 9 174 Artisian

Ratnagiri is also distinctive in that the majority of migrants were male. While censuses of Ratnagiri in 1846 and 1851 showed a predominance of males, all later censuses showed a surplus of females in the district. In contrast, the sex ration of migrants from Ratnagiri was high, with men out-numbering women by nearly 2 to 1 among migrants from Ratnagiri to Bombay city in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries (See Table I). This pattern of predominantly male migration was not the most common pattern of emigration in Bombay Presidency at this period,

Table III Born in Ratnagiri living in Bombay 1911 (from COI 1911, Vol. VIII, Table VI)

since from most districts the majority of emigrants were female,17 who since they moved to neighbouring districts probably migrated to marry. The age of migrants from Ratnagiri is also significant. The age structure of Ratnagiri district itself differs markedly from that of most districts in the Presidency, and it seems likely that this difference can be attributed to migration. Already in 1891, 40 per cent of the population of the district was under 14, 46 per cent aged 15-49 and 11 per cent aged over 50, as compared to the Presidency as a whole, where 39 per cent were under 14, 50 per cent aged 15-49 and 11 per cent aged over 50. A more detailed examination of Ratnagiri’s age structure across the censuses from 1881-1901 shows that the cohorts of males aged 15-25 and females aged 15-20 are smaller than expected, and this cannot be accounted for by variations in the death rates. A comparison of the census age tables for 1881 and 1891, for example,18 shows that the cohort born in 1861-6 (aged 15-20 in 1881 and 25-30 in 1891) was actually smaller in 1881 for both males and females than in 1891. It seems likely therefore that the age structure of the district indicates out-migration of males aged 15-25, and of some females aged 15-20, and return migration after that age. The data on ages of Ratnagiri immigrants to Bombay in the 1911 and 1921 censuses, though less detailed, confirms this.


The existence of a pattern of out-migration of predominantly young men, and return migration after about ten years in the city (i.e. circular migration), is given support by the data on marriage from the censuses. The censuses of Ratnagiri reveal that there were more married women in the district than married men, a surplus which, given the social characteristics of Western India, cannot be explained in terms of polygamy. In 1901, for example, there were 575,750 more married women than married men in the district (out of a total female population of 620,402). From this surplus of married women (see Table II), it can be deduced that by 1891, 43 per cent of men born in Ratnagiri district but living outside at the time of the census were married men who had left their wives behind, while in 1901 this had risen to 44 per cent. The data on age, sex and civil condition of the population of Ratnagiri, and of Bombay city, suggest, therefore, that a pattern of circular migration had been established from the district of Bombay city by the last decade of the nineteenth century.

While the census data suggests a pattern of circular migration, there is considerable evidence from other sources to suggest that seasonal migration from Ratnagiri to Bombay city was also a common practice, with migrants travelling to work in Bombay in October/December, and returning to Ratnagiri in March/May for the cultivating season (a practice which continue to the present day).19 Many of the British administrators of Ratnagiri commented on the phenomenon,20 and though there is little statistical data to confirm it, since such a movement of labour is not picked up by decennial censuses, the passenger records of the steamships which plied along the coast do suggest seasonal fluctuations in traffic. The steamship company records for 1911-1321 suggest that there were in fact two patterns of movement: those who returned to the district from Bombay for one or two months in the marriage season (February/March) who appear to have been the better-off, probably circular, migrants, since this pattern shows up clearly in second class accommodation on the steamers; and those seasonal migrants who went home in April/May until October/November, presumably to help with cultivation during the monsoon and harvest period, who mainly travelled third class. The importance of this seasonal influx of labour into Bombay in the mid-nineteenth century is indicated by the monthly statistics on deaths in the city between 1848-1872, which show that deaths reached a peak during February-July and were lowest during August to October (when one would have expected the peak to occur during May-October, and the lowest rates from November-March), and also the highest ratio of male to female deaths and the highest ratio of deaths aged 15-55 to total deaths occurred during the months of November-January.22

This pattern of rural-urban migration, maintaining strong rural links, was, and still is, very common in India. The seasonal movement of labour must in part reflect the neat dovetailing of peak periods of labour demand in the city and the rural areas which commonly occurs in tropical monsoon climates (where the very heavy rainfall which occurs during the planting and growing season brings much trade, transport and construction work to a halt). But there are other factors involved, most notably the extent to which women were involved in migration. It seems reasonable to infer that castes with a high female migration rate were more likely to settle permanently in the city, while those with a low female migration rate were more likely to be circular or seasonal migrants (since there was a large surplus of men in Bombay, and male migrants from Ratnagiri would have been unlikely to find a partner from home to marry). A detailed analysis of the sex ratios, dependency ratios and female work participation rates of the migrants from Ratnagiri to Bombay in 1911 (see Table III), shows that the proportion of women migrating varies greatly between castes and religious groups. Very few women from the fishing castes, or from the various mulsim groups migrated to Bombay, while the highest rates of female migration are to be found among the untouchable and low castes (Mhar, Chambhar and Parit castes) and among some of the high status Hindu artisan castes (the Shimpi, Sonar and Sutar castes).

There are several factors which would determine these varying rates of female migration. Only the higher income migrants (such as the Sonar/Goldsmith caste)23 could afford to support a dependent wife in the city, and these groups had a high female migration rate. For the rest, the migration rate for women was mainly determined by the work opportunities available in the city and the rural area. Caste and religious prohibitions on women working outside the home must have had some effect on work participation rates of higher caste and Muslim women in Bombay (as can be seen from Table III), and may also have limited their work in the rural areas.24 But the data from Table III shows that women from the main agricultural castes (Maratha and Kunbi) had a relatively high work participation ratio in the city, and the low rates of migration of women from these castes must be explained by either a low demand for women’s labour in Bombay, or a greater demand in Ratnagiri. For the cultivating castes, the value of a women’s labour in her home village lay not only in the wages she could earn from agricultural labour, but also from her work in maintaining the family plot in the dry season, and supervising its cultivation during her husband’s absence, be a relative, tenant or hired labourer. For cultivators, therefore, the greatest family income could often be obtained by dividing the family, the women remaining on the family plot, and the men working in the city. It is significant that the lowest castes and outcastes – the Mhar and Chambhar and Parit castes who were most likely to be landless or cultivate very small plots – had high migration rates for women.

Patterns of Regional and Communal Migration

Migration from Ratnagiri shows some distinctive features not found in other areas. It is also clear that migration did not affect the district evenly, but that patterns varied across regions and communities. It has already been noted that female migration varied between castes and religious groups; and it is also clear that different castes had different rates of overall migration. Unfortunately there is not data in the censuses on migration of castes and religious groups to Bombay Presidency as a whole, but the census data from Bombay city for 1911(see Table III), and 1921, show three groups with a high propensity to migrate to Bombay at this period. Firstly, there were a number of small castes with traditional skills in demand in the city. The most prominent of these was the Chambhar or leather worker caste which exhibited a high propensity to migrate to urban areas in the nineteenth century, not just from Ratnagiri but all over India25 (which may be connected with the demand for their skills in repairing the leather parts in machinery).26 Their overall numbers were small, however; more important in terms of numbers were the castes which had trade and sea faring connections, though they were less dominant in the area north of Bombay, in Gujarat. By far the largest group of migrants, however, was cultivators, from the Maratha/Kunbi caste, the main farming caste in the district, though it is not possible to determine whether they were landholders, tenants or landless labourers. There was a surprisingly low rate of migration by the major untouchable caste, the Mhar caste, who might have been expected, in view of their poverty and low status in the rural areas, to have been eager of migrate.


Besides variations in rates of caste migration, there are also apparent differences in rates and patterns of migration between the different sub-divisions (Talukas) of Ratnagiri district. Data from the censuses of 1891-192127 show that the highest rates of population growth were in the south Talukas of Malvan, Vengurla, Devgad and Rajapur (an increase of between 8 per cent and 23 per cent between 1891 and 1921), and the lowest in the northern Talukas of Dapoli, Khed, Chiplun and Mandangad (a drop of between 1 per cent and 11 per cent between 1891 and 1921). This might indicate that rates of migration were higher from the northern Talukas, but the population growth rates must be used with caution as indicators or migration. However, though the data on population growth may be unsatisfactory, the data on the population structure of the Talukas makes it possible to draw some conclusions about variations in migration rates through the district. The fullest data is for 1901 (see Table II), and this shows that the three Talukas in the south of the district furthest from Bombay, Vengurla, Malvan and Devgad – had a higher than average sex ratio and household size, and a lower than average surplus of married women over married men. This suggests that there was less migration from these Talukas than from elsewhere (or that migration was predominantly of whole families, but the high population growth rates in these Talukas between 1891 and 1901 make it unlikely that whole family migration occurred on a large scale). A report by the Settlement Officer suggested that migration from this area was mainly of higher castes, with professional and administrative jobs in Bombay, which accords well with this interpretation of the data.28 On the other hand, the northern Talukas – Mandangad, Chiplun, Khed, Dapoli, Guhagur and Sangameshwar – present a different pattern, with lower sex ratio than the south, and lower average household size, and a large surplus of married women over married men, and the four most northerly Talukas also have negative population growth rates from 1891-1921. This evidence does seem to indicate that migration was higher from the northern Talukas, which considerable permanent emigration from the far north of district, and probably higher seasonal and circular migration from the central Talukas of Guhagur, Sangameshwar and Ratnagiri. By 1921, however, the differences in population structure between Talukas in the north and south of the district had become much less clear, which suggests that there were distinct regional variations in migration rates within the district in the nineteenth century, which were beginning the disappear in the early twentieth century.

Patterns of Migration and the Process of Chain Migration

It is clear, therefore, that there were considerable variations in the rates of migration between Talukas, and between castes and religious groups, in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. It is possible that these were caused, at least in part, by differences in the information on migration available to different groups, and by differences in the ease of access to Bombay. Most migrants from Ratnagiri probably travelled to Bombay by sea, since there was no railway in the Konkan and roads were poor, while the district had a long coastline and was intersected by many navigable rivers and creeks. In the earlier nineteenth century, migrants would have travelled on the small passenger boats, many owned by the local Bhandari (or boatman) caste, which plied along the coast to Bombay, while others could have worked a passage on the trading boats.29 By the late nineteenth century steamship companies ran regular services along the coast, stopping at the main ports, and there were also small local passenger boats and steam launches running up the main creeks to bring passengers to the coastal steamers. The records of the steamship companies show that in 1911-12, 110,754 passengers travelled to Bombay from ports in Ratnagiri and Malvan Talukas alone, 114,717 from Bombay into the Talukas.30 The obvious importance of sea transport in taking migrants to Bombay, provided an explanation for the high rates of migration of the Bhandari caste. It might also be expected that migration rates were highest from the coastal areas, and from villages on the navigable creeks and rivers, especially seasonal migration, where ease of travel is most important. However, data from Ratnagiri provides only limited support for this hypothesis. Migration rates do certainly appear to be higher from the Talukas nearer Bombay, but there is no evidence that coastal Talukas had higher rate: of migration than inland. An analysis based on village population growth rates alone in Ratnagiri and Sangameshwar Talukas, shows that in the inland Taluka which were half that for the area as a whole.31 However, since the fastest population growth rates in the Talukas were found in Ratnagiri Taluka, in villages surrounding the port of Jaigad, a regular port of call for the coastal steamers, it is difficult to draw any conclusions from this evidence.

More important in explaining variations in migration between castes and communities, may have been the availability of finance and information, to help with the costs of travel and job hunting in Bombay, and to ensure a job in the city. The role of family, caste and village in this process must have been considerable, and there is convincing, if scattered and anecdotal, evidence to suggest that a process of ‘chain migration’ was developing in the district in the nineteenth century, with family and village members following each other in the same migration route. Studies of Ratnagiri in the 1950s and 1960s,32 have pointed to traditions of migration in particular families and villages, which were also noted in the Settlement Reports for the 1920s. The Revision Settlement of Sangameshwar Taluka noted Muslim migration to South Africa in the 1920s from some villages in the north of the Talukas, which was still continuing in the 1970s.33 Muslim migration to South Africa was also found in Khed Taluka, and the Second Revision Settlement Report in 1929 noted also that different villages in the Taluka provided sailors for particular shipping services some for Royal Indian Marine, some for the coastal steam companies, while others mainly owned their own boats.34 In Malvan, the Revision Settlement report of 1915 noted that most migrants from that Taluka went into the police and government service. And in Kasba Newre in Taluka Ratnagiri, in 1870 some families clearly had greater migration participation rates than others of the same caste: of fourteen Maratha landholders who were reported as being absent in Bombay at the time of a survey enquiry, ten were related (with the same surname).35

Though it appears that the process of chain migration, with the family acting as the link to provide the finance and information for the next generation of migrants, was important in the migration process in Ratnagiri, in other areas of India this finance and information was often provided by an outsider – the labour contractor. Labour contractors were involved in arranging much of the overseas migration from India in the mid-nineteenth century, and also in recruitment for the tea gardens in Assam and South-India, and for the mines in Bihar. Much of the labour employed in Bombay city was also recruited and organized through labour contractors. Most notable were the jobbers in the cotton mills, but contractors were also used in the docks and in street cleaning, and probably in many other industries also.36 However, I have not yet found much evidence to suggest that labour contractors went out to recruit on a large scale in Ratnagiri, or in the other neighbouring districts. Some jobbers working on the coal ships in Bombay port appear to have gone to recruit in their home villages (mainly in Satara) in the 1920s, providing marriage loans and travelling expenses as an inducement (deducted from the labourer’s wages until the loans were paid off).37 But research on jobbers in the cotton mills has uncovered no evidence of recruiting by jobbers in Ratnagiri, except possibly in the early years of the industry.38 In fact, the only systematic recruiting in Ratnagiri during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries appears to have been by the army.


Patterns of Migration and the Socio-Economic Structure of Ratnagiri

Though a process of chain migration can account for some of the variations in migration rates of castes and communities, the data for the district as a whole does show a clear pattern of migration which needs some more fundamental explanation. Demand for labour is obviously essential in explaining the existence of migration, and labour demand can explain some of the fluctuations in the rates of migration from Ratnagiri over time – as for example, the fall in migration between 1864 and 1872 shown by the 1872 census. Labour demand can also help to explain the pattern of migration. There were clearly seasonal fluctuations in demand for labour in a number of industries, most notably in the construction industry in Bombay, and in the docks, which dovetailed with the periods of demand for labour in agriculture in Ratnagiri, and probably helped to establish the pattern of seasonal migration from the district. As has been already noted, the demand for women’s labour in the city may also have been a factor in establishing the pattern of seasonal and circular migration. The demand for the specialist skills of some castes, such as the leather workers, may account for variations in migration rates among some of the smaller castes, though the main migrants, the Maratha/Kunbis, had skill of no particular relevance in the city.

Finally, it is possible that regional variations in migration patterns could be caused by regional variations in the demand for labour in the rural economy (there was little industrial employment in the district – in 1911 industrial establishments only employed 179 people in the entire district).39 The lowest rates of migration were in the southern Talukas where there were the highest rates of cash cropping, and rice cultivation which would lead to higher demand for labour.

However, demand for labour alone cannot explain the high rates of migration from Ratnagiri district as compared to other areas of Western India with equal access to the labour markets. Furthermore, the possibility that demand for labour in the rural economy is correlated to rates of migration, only raises the further question as to why some regions of Ratnagiri (and some districts of Western India) had adopted labour intensive systems of cultivation while others had not. For a more comprehensive explanation, it is necessary to look more closely at the socio-economic factors affecting the supply of labour.

I) Demographic Factors

Models or rural-urban migration, particularly in the Third World, often assume that the pressure of population on land is the root cause of emigration. Data on migration for the whole of Bombay Presidency lends little support to this hypothesis, and similarly data on the Talukas of Ratnagiri district suggest that the lowest rates of emigration appear to have occurred from the area in the south of the district where the population per acre was highest. It is, of course, difficult to draw many conclusions from data on population per acre, because of the great variations in output per acre for varying types of cultivation. However, if population pressure can be used to explain emigration, one would also expect to find that migration began during a period of rapidly rising population or high population pressure on land. However, this does not appear to have been the case in Ratnagiri. Labour migration began in the 1840s, at a time when population appears to have been growing at a slow rate, and data on population per acre suggests that there was still sufficient land available for subsistence.40 The population apparently started to rise rapidly from the mid-1850s, at a time when seasonal migration was already well established, suggesting that the rising incomes resulting from the seasonal migration may actually have stimulated population growth. Though demographic data at this period is inadequate, and some of the apparent rise in population between 1855 and 1872 must be attributed to improved enumeration in 1872 census, data from a survey of thirty coastal villages near Ratnagiri town in 1855 shows a remarkably high proportion of children under 5, confirming the impression of a rise in population at this period (58 male children and 0-4 per 100 married women (including widows) in 1855, as opposed to 39 in 1881, 44 in 1891 and 36 in 1901).41

The period of rapid population rise in the mid-nineteenth century in Ratnagiri did, however, lead to a very considerable pressure on land in the later nineteenth century, and by the 1890s the acreage of land per head had fallen well below subsistence level.42 Ratnagiri was very vulnerable to population pressure on land, because, it was a district with poor laterite soils and very heavy rainfalls. As population rose, the forest and brushwood was cut down, to make room for cultivation, and also to provide leaves and branches which were burnt on the fields as a fertilizer. This led to soil erosion and leaching as a result of the heavy rainfall, so that the quality of soils deteriorated just as they were required to support a larger population. By the late nineteenth century, official reports concluded that the people of the district were no longer able to support themselves from their holdings.43 As a result, even though Ratnagiri was not a district subject to famine as classified by the British, on account of its high and reliable rainfall,44 because of the pressure of population on deteriorating soils even minor harvest failures were likely to be disastrous for the poorer cultivators.

However, though it was generally assumed by contemporary commentators that this pressure of population was a root cause of emigration, it is difficult to provide any clear statistical connection. Rates of emigration rose steadily, for example, between 1881 and 1921, from 18 per cent to 21 per cent of the population, with only a slight drop to 16 per cent in 1901 (see Table I), and yet population growth rates fluctuated considerably. For example, the population of the district (including emigrants in the total), increased 16 per cent between 1881 and 1891, but only 2 per cent between 1891 and 1901 at a time of plague and poor harvest; population then increased 8 per cent between 1901 and 1911 and actually dropped 2 per cent between 1911 and 1921 (because of the 1918-19 ‘flu epidemic). It is obvious that the relationship between population growth and emigration, if it exists, is extremely complex, and is likely to be mediated by a number of other factors in the social and economic structure of the district.

ii) Structure of Landholding

The data on regional patterns of emigration suggests that rates of emigration may have been linked to systems of land tenure. Research on migration both in India45 and elsewhere has shown a correlation between systems of land tenure and rates of migration, communities with greater inequalities in distribution of land-holding having higher rates of out-migration than those where land is more equally divided. Moreover, several studies on the labour catchment area for the coal mines in North-East India have pointed to the connection between emigration and the system of zamindari tenure in the area,46 which was similar to the system of landlord tenure in Ratnagiri.


There were two main systems of land tenure in Ratnagiri district in the nineteenth century – the dharekari system of peasants owned holdings and the Khoti system of landlord-held village. The majority of villages in the district were khoti, but the peasant-held villages were concen-trated in the south of the district, in Malvan and Vengurla, and there were also a number in Ratnagiri, Devgad and Rajapur Talukas. The evidence on migration patterns from the different Talukas in Ratnagiri district suggests that the highest rates of migration occurred from those areas with mainly ‘landlord held’ villages, in the north and central Ratnagiri, while there was less migration from the ‘peasant held’ villages in the south.

My research into the agrarian history of the district suggests that there are two possible ways in which land tenure affected migration rates. Firstly, in the khoti (landlord-held) villages there was greater poverty and intra-village inequality, since one or two families controlled all the land in the village, and the majority of peasants were sharecropping tenants who often had to pay over half the crop plus corvee labour to the Khot (the rates being highest on the middle and lower castes). In contrast, inequality was usually less in dharekari (peasant-held) villages, and the amount paid by landowning peasants in tax (and even the rents paid by tenants of these landowning peasants) was markedly less than the rents of the sharecrop-pers in khoti villages. Moreover, the power of the khoti landlords over their tenants increased between 1820 and 1880 as a result of the introduction of British concepts of property to India through the courts. The courts treated the khot as owner of all the land in his villages, and as such entitled to dismiss tenants at will and raise rents on his land. Such absolute proprietary rights were alien to Hindu law, where it was possible for several rights to co-exist in the same piece of land, and most evidence suggests that the khot was not regarded as owner of all the land in his village in the eighteenth century.47 The poverty of the middle and low caste peasantry in the khoti villages could help to explain why seasonal and circular migration developed in the 1840s, before population pressure became severe, and to explain the apparently high rates of seasonal and circular migration from the north and inland Talukas, which were overwhelmingly khoti.

Secondly, land tenure may have affected migration rates because the system of land tenure influenced investment in agriculture. There were two main systems of cultivation in Ratnagiri; wet rice cultivation (which produced the higher output per acre, largely because it did not need fallowing), and the cultivation of dry grains, mainly dwarf millets, rotated with pulses, on systems involving long fallows. Rice was mainly grown on the flat land on the coast and the banks of creeks, but could be grown anywhere in the district, because of the very high rainfall. However, the inland areas of Ratnagiri were very hilly, and considerable investment of labour or cash was required to turn these slopes into the level embanked terraces needed for rice growing.48

As population increased in Ratnagiri in the mid-nineteenth century, there was considerable pressure on land, and the acreage per head fell below subsistence level. Faced by this agrarian crisis, one solution for the peasantry was to increase output per acre by intensifying cultivation through rice growing and double cropping, or through some forms of cash cropping. However, a detailed examination of village records in Ratnagiri and Sangameshwar Talukas suggests that the highest percentage of rice land per holding is found in peasant owned subsistence holdings (under acres) rather than in tenant holdings in Khoti villages.

Table IV: Holdings and Cultivation in 5 Khoti and Dharekari Villages in Ratnagiri and Sangameshwar Talukas49

Khoti Dharekari

Holdings Muchari Dingani Piradawe Shiragaon Kotawaden

Acre R: G: H: R: G: H: R: G: H: R: G: H: R: G: H:

Under 1 36 0 64 17 0 83 97 0 3 86 2 12 63 6 3

1 - 4 12 0 88 14 0 86 55 0 45 29 26 45 58 5 4

5 – 9 15 0 85 10 0 90 14 0 86 35 2 63 33 2 6

10 - 19 7 0 93 6 0 94 13 0 86 15 1 84 8 1 9

20 - 29 10 2 90 4 0 96 10 1 89 16 2 82 18 1 8

30 – 50 7 0 93 3 0.5 96 10 0 90 18 1 81 17 1 82

Over 50 6 0 94 11 0 89 15 0.4 85 6 0.2 82

R = Rice, G = Garden, H = Hill land.

This could be explained by the fact that the high costs of production in Ratnagiri made cash cropping of rice (and most other local prod-ucts) not very profitable. So only the marginal peasants, under pressure of subsistence, were likely to undertaking the investment of labour required. Moreover, investment was most likely to be undertaken by peasants who owned their own holdings, both because of the security this provided, and because sharecropping is a distinctive to agricultural investment.50 It is interesting that my findings on investment in tenant and owner holdings in the 1880s are very similar to those of economists analyzing the much more sophisticated data from surveys conducted in India in the 1950s-70s.51

My research suggests, therefore, that during the nineteenth century, the subsistence landowning peasants tended to invest their labour in converting their plots form dry grain cultivation on long fallows to the more intensified rice and cash crop cultivation, while the sharecropping peas-ants faced by similar problems of declining output per head, were more likely to migrate to work in Bombay. It seems likely, though, that these differ-ences diminished in the twentieth century, as the impact of government legislation to provide security of tenure for most khoti tenants (in the 1880 Khoti Settlement Act) and most significantly to give tenants the right to pay a fixed cash rent instead of sharecropping (in the 1911 Khoti Amendment Act),52 put the wealthier khoti tenants on a similar footing to the dharekari landowning peasants (though leaving the poorer and lower caste khoti tenants still vulnerable to exploitation).


Conclusion

In this paper I have argued, firstly, that the pattern of seasonal/circular migration from Ratnagiri was determined partly by the seasonal nature of labour demand and partly by the relative demand for women’s labour in the district and the city. Secondly, I have argued, that the communal and regional variations within the district cannot fully be explained by differential access to transport or information, or by processes of chain migration. Instead, the high rates of emigration by the main farming castes, the regional variations in migration, and the pattern of labour demand, point to a crisis in agrarian society in Ratnagiri which can best be explained by an analysis of the structure of landholding in the district. It is urged that the initial migration in the mid-nineteenth century reflected the acute poverty of many tenants in khoti villages, whose situation was apparently deteriorating under the early impact of British rule. It is then argued that in the late nineteenth century rising population was a factor underlying the continuing trend of migration, but the response of the population to the agrarian crisis was determined largely by the structure of landholding. While subsistence landowning peasants were prepared to invest their labour in their holdings to increase output per acre, the sharecropping tenants of the khots opted for emigration. It is urged that the concentration of landholding discouraged the intensification of cultivation which would have created more effective subsistence agriculture in the district, and provided an alternative to emigration.

References:

1. D. Baines, Migration in a Mature Economy. Migration and Internal Migration in England and Wales, 1861-1900 (Cambridge, 1985). 2. E.G. M.D. Morris, the Emergence of an Industrial Labour Force in India (Berkely and Bombay, 1965): D. Mazumdar, ‘Labour Supply in Early Industrialisation: The Case of

the Bombay Textile Industry’, Economic History Review, 26,3 Aug. 1973, pp. 477-96; B. Misra, ‘Factory Labour during the Early Years of Industrialisation: An Appraisal in the Light of the Indian Factory Commission 1890’. Indian Economic and Social History Review, 1075, pp. 204-28; R. Chandavarkar, ‘Workers’ Politics in the Mill Districts of Bombay between the Wars’. Modern Asian Studies 15,3, 1981, pp. 603-47; D. Kooiman ‘Rural Labour in the Bombay Textile Industry and the Articulation of Modes of Organization’, in P. Robb (ed.), Rural South Asia-Linkages, Change and Development (London 1983); R. Newman, Workers and Unions in Bombay 1918-29: A Study of Organisation of Workers in the Cotton Mills (Canberra 1981); C.P. Simmons, ‘Recruiting and Organising an Industrial Labour Force in Colonial India: The Case of the Coal Mining Industry, 1880-1939’ Indian Economic and Social History Review, 13,4, 1976, pp. 455-85; and idem ‘The Creation and Organisation of a Proletarian Mining Labour Force in India: The Case of the Kolar Gold Fields 1883-1955’, Salford Papers in Economics (1986).

3. C. Bates, ‘Regional Dependence and Rural Development in Central India: the Pivotal Role of Migrant Labour’ (unpublished mimeo, 1981); L. Chakravarty, ‘Emergence of an Industrial Labour Force in a Dual Economy: British India, 1880-1920’ Indian Economic and Social History Review, 15,3, 1978, pp. 249-328; S. Corbridge, ‘Industrialisation, Intrnal Colonialism and Ethnoregionalism in the Jharkhand, India 1880-1980’, Journal of Historical Geography, 13,3, 1987, 99. 249-266; R. Das Gupta, ‘Factory Labour in Eastern India: Sources of Supply, 1855-1946: Some Preliminary Findings’, Indian Economic and Social History Review, 13,3, 1976, pp. 277-329; and Idem, Migrants in Coal Mines: Peasants or Proletarians, 1850-1947 (Indian Institute of Management Working Papers Series, Calcutta 1985); P.P. Mohapatra ‘Coolies and Colliers: a Study of the Agrarian Context of Labour Migration for Chotanagpur, 1880-1920’, Studies in History, 1,2, 1985, pp. 247-30 (?); D. Rothermund and D. Wadhwa (eds.), Zamindars, Mines and Peasants: the History of an Indian Coalfield and its Rural Hinterland (Delhi, 1978); A.A. Yang, ‘Peasants on the Move: A Study of Internal Migration of India’, Journal of Interdisciplinary History, 10, 1, pp. 37-58.

4. J. Connell, B. Dasgupta, B. Laishley, R. Lipton, Migration from the Rural Areas: The Evidence of Village Studies (Oxford, 1976). 5. L. Chakravarty op. cit. (1978). 6. Data from Census of India (hereafter COI) 1872, Vol. II; COI 1881, Vol. II, Tables X and XI; COI 1891, vol. VIII, Part II, Table XI; COI 1901, Vol. IXA, Part II, Table XI; COI

1911, Vol. VII, Part II, Table XI; and COI 1921, Vol. VIII, Part II, Table XI. Also Pune Archive, Revenue Commissioner, Central Division Records, Misc. Vol. 138 and 245. 7. In 1852, the Collector even complained that most of the land revenue of the district was being paid back in military pensions: Pune Archive, Pre-1857 Records, Rumal

14/4, letter no. 398 of 1852, dated 10.3.1852, para 1. 8. Bombay Revenue Proceedings, Range 375, Vol. 22, no. 3287, 30 April 1846, paras 8,9 and 11. India Office Records, London. 9. Bombay Revenue Proceedings, Range 272, Vol. 45, no. 8497, 16 Sept. 1838, para 3. 10. Colonel George Wingate’s Dairy, Vol. 1852, p. 75. (University of Durham, Wingate Papers, Box 293). 11. COI 1901, Vol. XI, Part IV, History of Bombay Town and Island by S.M. Edwardes, pp. 120-140. 12. For the basis of this calculation, see M.D. Morris op. cit. (1965), Appendix IV. 13. Ibid., Appendix II. 14. D. Mazumdar, op. cit. (1973), p. 478. 15. R. Newman, ‘Social Factors in the Recruitment of Bombay Mill Hands’, In K.N. Chaudhuri and C.J. Dewey (eds.), Economy and Society (Delhi, 1979). 16. COI 1911, Vol. VIII, Table VI. 17. In 1891, for example, the majority of emigrants from most of the districts of Bombay presidency (excluding the Punjab) were female; male emigrants exceeded female only

from Surat, Thana, Kolaba, Ratnagiri and Kolhapur. Data from COI 1891, Vol. II, Table XI. 18. Data from COI Bombay Presidency 1881, Vol. II, Table VI, COI 1891, Vol. VIII, Part II, Table VIII. 19. H. and V. Joshi, Surplus Labour and the City (Bombay 1976); S.D. Punekar and A. Golwalkar, Rural Change in Maharashtra (Bombay 1973); H. Dandekar, Men to Bom-

bay, Women to Home (1986). 20. E.g. Selections from Records of Bombay Government (hereafter Selections) NS, no. CCIII (Bombay, 1982), p. 6, para 14, and COI 1901, Vol. XI, Part V, p. 46. 21. E.g. Selections NS, no. DLXXIV (Bombay, 1920), p. 9, and no. DXXVIII (Bombay, 1915), pp. 6-7. 22. Deaths in Bombay 1848-65, and Bombay Health Officer’s Report for 1st Quarter of 1872 (Bombay, 1872). 23. Memo by the Commission appointed to Collect Information on the Subject of Prices, C.B. Hart, B.H. Ellis and J.B. Dunsterville, 1864/5, Table p. 112, for wage rates. 24. E. Boserup, Women’s Role in Economic Development (London, 1970). 25. For examples from Nepal and Tamil Nadu, see J. Connell et al. op. cit. (1976), p. 22; for Bengal, see R. Das Gupta op. cit. (1976). 26. E. Perlin, ‘Eyes without sight: Education and Mill Workers in South India 1939-76’, Indian Economic and Social History Review, XVIII, 3 and 4, 1981, pp. 263-85. 27. COI 1891, Vol. VIII, Part II, Table I; COI 1901, Vol. IXA, Part II, Table I; COI 1921, Vol. VIII, Part II, Provincial Table I. 28. Selections, NS no. DXXVIII (Bombay, 1915), p. 6, para 37. 29. Bombay Revenue Proceedings, Range 375, Vol. 22, no.3287, 30 April 1945, para 8; Colonel George Wingate’s Dairy,Vol. 2, 1852,p. 71. 30. Gazetter of Bombay Presidency, Vol. 10, Ratnagiri (Bombay 1880), p. 172; Selections no. DCXXVII (Bombay, 1929), p. 2. 31. In Sangameshwar Taluka, population in 18 villages on navigable rivers rose by 74% from 1830-1911, while in 35 villages not on the river, population rose by 192%. Data

from Selections, NS no. CXCVII (Bombay, 1921), passim; Selections, NS no. DLXXIV (Bombay,1920), Appendix Q; Selections, NS no. DLIX (Bombay,1919), Appendix Q. 32. M.B. Padki, ‘Outmigration from a Konkani Village to Bombay’, ArthaVijnana, 6, 1954, pp. 22-35; P.M. Visaria, ‘Patterns of Outmigration from Coastal Maharashtra, India to

Bombay’ (unpublished mimeo, Bombay and Princeton, 1969). 33. Selections, NS no. DLIX (Bombay, 1919), p. 7. In the 1970s, many Muslim merchants from Kondivre, a village in the north of Taluka Sangameshwar, went to Africa, and

many were sailors, as they had been in the 1820s, Selections, NS no. CXCVII (Bombay, 1912), p. 255. 34. Selections, NS no. DCXXVII (Bombay, 1929), p. 9. 35. Settlement Records for Kasba Nevre, Taluka Ratnagiri, Appendix D, 1870. District Records Office, Ratnagiri. 36. On dock labourers, see R.P. Cholia, Dock Labourers in Bombay (Bombay, 1941); on sweepers, see Bombay Municipalty Health Officers’ Report, 1966, letter no. 192 of

1867, 25 January 1867, p. 7.


37. R.P. Cholia, op. cit. (1941), p. 59. 38. R. Newman op. cit. (1979); D. Kooiman, op. cit. (1983), p. 140. 39. COI 1911, Vol. VII, Part II. 40. To estimate the minimum acreage for subsistence, it is necessary to have data on acreage of both hill and rice land, along with population, which is difficult to obtain.

Data taken from Captain Dowell’s survey of Ratnagiri and Sangameshwar Talukas in 1828-30 (Selections, NS no. CXVII) shows that in 32 villages in the of Ratnagiri taluka, in 1830 there was 0.22 acres of rice land per head and 0.72 acres of hill land, while in the less densely populated inland Taluka of Sangameshwar, in the 48 vil-lages in the north of the Taluka there was 0.2 acres of rice land per head, and 0.77 acres of hill land. If the ‘standard yield’ for the late 19th/early 20th century is used (an admittedly discredited estimate of yield, but there is no better alternative), this would give a yield of 713 lbs. of grain per person near the coast, and 779 lbs. inland. H.H. Mann (Land and Labour in a Deccan Village, Bombay, 1917, p. 135) suggests that 24001 lbs. of grain were enough to feed a family of 3 adults and 3 children for a year, and on this basis, average holdings in Ratnagiri and Sangameshwar in 1830 were large enough to provide subsistence and probably pay rent, though not much else.

41. Data from 30 villages in Ratnagiri taluka in 1855, from Maharashtra State Archives, Bombay Revenue Department, 1855, Vol. 195/980, letter no. 34, 13 April 1855. Data for the whole district in 1881-1901 from COI, Bombay Presidency, 1881, Vol. II, Table VI; COI 1891, Vol. VIII, Part II, Table VIII; COI 1901, Vol. IXA, Part II, Table VIII.

42. Acreage of rice land per head in 48 villages in the north of Ratnagiri taluka and dropped from 0.16 per head in 1830 to 0.14 per head in 1866 (Selections, NS no. CCCLXXVII (Bombay, 1898), pp. 33, 35. My own calculations suggest that cultivated hill land per head dropped from 0.54 acres in 1830 to 0.44 acres in 1867.

43. Report on the Economic Condition of the Masses of the Bombay Presidency (Director of Land Records and Agriculture, Bombay, 1887). 44. A.T. Etheridge, Report on Past Famines in the Bombay Presidency (Bombay, 1868), p. 9; Report on the Famine in the Famines in the Bombay Presidency 1899-1902,

Vol. 1 (Bombay, 1903), pp. 1-5; COI, Bombay Presidency, 1881, Vol. 1, p. 12. See also M. McAlpin, Subject to Famine (Princeton, 1983). The definition of famine is a complex issue beyond the scope of this paper (see A. Sen, ‘Faminee’, World Development, 8, 9, 1980, pp. 613-21), but the evidence of contemporaries, and of the price and demographic data, suggests that in Ratnagiri in the nineteenth century, problems were caused more by the distribution of food than by its availability.

45. J. Connell, B. Dasgupta, R. Laishley, and M. Lipton, op. cit. (1976). 46. E. g. D. Rothermund and D.C. Wadhwa, op. cit. (1978). 47. E. g. BJP 1820, Range 398, Vol. 75, 25 August 1820, pp. 3778-9, paras 4 and 5. The Civil Judge of the Konkan, Hale, describes the khots as principal or sole landholder

or proprietor of a village, and as such entitled to dismiss tenants at will, fix rents on their land etc. 48. In the early nineteenth century, the investment required to convert 5 ½ acres of hill land into rice land was estimated in one of the Peshwar’s grants as 1150 Rupees

(Maharashtra State Archives, Bombay Revenue Department, 1857, Vol. 165, letter no. 2845 of 1,856, Appendix I, pp. 181-2). 49. Data from Settlement Records: Botkut for 1872 for Shiragaon and Kotawaden, taluka Ratnagiri, and for 1885 for Muchari, Dingani and Piradawne, taluka Sangameshwar. 50. In spite of Cheung’s theories on the advantages of sharecropping (S. Cheung, The Theory of Share Tenancy, Chicago, 1969), most economists agree that sharecropping

tenancy has a disincentive effect on investment by the tenant, and data from India supports the view (C. Bell, ‘Alternative Theories of Sharecropping: Some Tests using Evidence from North-East India’, Journal of Development Studies, 13, 4, 1977, pp. 317-46); see also G. Feder, ‘Land Ownership, Security and Farm Productivity: Evi-dence from Thailand’, Journal of Development Studies, 24, 1, 1987, pp. 16-30, for similar conclusions on Thailand.

51. See Abhajit Sen, ‘Market Failure and Control of Labour Power: Towards an Explanation of ‘Structure’ and Change in Indian Agriculture’, Part I, Cambridge Journal of Economics, 5, 1981, pp. 201-28, especially p. 222 on the relationship between farm size and output acre on tenant and owned holdings in India.

52. S. A. Desai, The Khoti Settlement Act (Bombay, 1936).

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Pregnancy Delivery

Most women with proper antenatal care are healthy and have a straightforward pregnancy and labor. The process of giving birth to a baby is known as labor. The expected delivery date (EDD) is determined on the last menstrual period in case of 28 days cycle and mid-cycle ovulation or via ultrasound dating and evaluation. Ultrasound dating can be more accurate.

A full term Normal delivery is defined as delivery of a single baby after 37 weeks of pregnancy, by vaginal route without any intervention and the baby being born head first. Approximately 11% of pregnancies are delivered pre-term and 10% of all deliveries are post-term. Thus, nearly 80% of newborns are delivered at full term.

The Fetal Lie: This refers to the position of baby’s spine in relation to the mother’s spine.

Cephalic lie: This is a "normal" fetal lie, and the baby’s spine is in the same direction as the mother’s.

Oblique lie: When the baby’s spine is at an angle to the mother’s spine

Transverse lie: When the baby’s spine is completely transverse to the mother’s spine (90 degree angle). The main danger is that the umbilical cord can exit the birth canal and get compressed, depriving the baby of blood and oxygen, potentially causing organ, tissue, or brain damage. This occurrence is known as cord prolapse.

Presentation is the term doctors use to denote the position of the baby as it exits the birth canal. The position the baby assumes can affect labor and birth. Right up to week 36 it doesn't matter which position the baby lies in because there is still time for it to make the change. Most babies (approximately 95%) assume the "normal presentation” known as the vertex or head down position.

Breech Presentation: Breech presentation refers to when the baby emerges feet, buttocks, or knees first. Often babies exist in the breach position for much of pregnancy but then manage to orient themselves to the normal position shortly before birth. Labor time is prolonged as the buttocks do not open the birth canal as efficiently as the head. Forceps or a vacuum extractor may be used to assist in this case. Another possibility is for the doctor, with the help of ultrasound, to attempt to rotate the baby into head down position by applying gentle pressure to the mother’s abdomen. This must be done before the 37th week otherwise amniotic fluid makes it too difficult to rotate the baby. There is also a risk of tearing the placenta from the uterine wall when doing this.

Compound Presentation: This occurs when two different parts of the baby are set to exit the birth canal at the same time. For example: an arm alongside the head. Unless the pelvis is large enough to handle the extra width, an episiotomy or c-section must be performed.

Shoulder Presentation: This happens when the shoulders are presented first, with the head tucked inside. If this occurs, the baby must either be repositioned or delivered via c-section.

Face Presentation: The baby is looking up, set to emerge face first.

Brow Presentation: The baby’s head is in between the normal presentation and the face presentation. The forehead emerges first.

C-section delivery will be the choice of all the mal-presentations.

A multiple birth occurs when more than one fetus is carried to term in a single pregnancy. Several factors contribute to the development of a multiple pregnancy: Heredity: Multiple births on a woman's side of the family increases her chances of having a multiple pregnancy.

Race: Women of African descent are the most likely to have multiple pregnancies.

Number of prior pregnancies: Having more than one previous pregnancy, especially a multiple pregnancy, increases the chance of having a multiple pregnancy.

Baby Lie & Birth Presentations

Single or Multiple pregnancies:

“Duon Jeeva Cha Nivara” Dr. Rahmattullah Galsulkar (MBBS) Email: [email protected] Tel: 00965-9-945-954-1

A grand adventure is about to begin. A

great joy is coming.


Delayed childbearing: Older women who get pregnant are more likely to have multiples.

Infertility treatment: Fertility drugs, which stimulate the ovaries to release multiple eggs, or assisted repro-ductive technology (ART), which transfers multiple embryos into the womb (such as in vitro fertilization, or IVF), greatly increase a woman's chance of having a multiple pregnancy.

The last two factors have been on the rise in the last couple of decades and are probably responsible for the increase in multiple births.

Types of Multiples

There are two types of twins: monozygotic (identical) and dizygotic (fraternal). Identical twins result from a single fertilized egg dividing into separate

halves and continuing to develop into two separate but identical babies. These twins are genetically identical, with the same chromosomes and similar physical characteristics. They're the same sex and have the same blood type, hair, and eye color.

Fraternal twins come from two eggs that are fertilized by two separate sperm and are no more alike than other siblings born to the same parents. They may or may not be the same sex. This type of twins is much more common.

The Risks of Multiple Births

Carrying twins does put you in the higher risk category, however due to better medical care most twin pregnancies do result in healthy babies and healthy mothers. Some common concerns arising due to twins are as follows: High blood pressure is about three times more common in twin pregnancies. Anaemia is more common, as greater demands on your supplies of vitamins and iron. Too much fluid (hydramnios) around the baby can also be a problem. Bleeding in late pregnancy, due either to a low-lying or partially detached placenta. Miscarriage: Chances are higher when you are carrying more than one baby mostly because the risk of

chromosomal abnormalities is higher in a pregnancy with twins. Vanishing Twin Syndrome: A twin pregnancy can been diagnosed by an early scan about 6 weeks when

they are just 3mm long. Two tiny embryos can be seen but, about one in five of these will subsequently disappear before 12 weeks and only one grows to term. As the remaining twin grows, its sac spreads to fill the uterus, and the contents of the other sac are absorbed. The vanishing lost twin is reabsorbed into the mother's body or miscarried with little or no warning and few or no symptoms, unlike a regular miscarriage, where you normally have cramping and bleeding. Why this happens is not completely understood.

Eating properly, getting enough rest, and making regular trips to the doctor are critical measures for any expectant mother to stay healthy. A woman with a multiple pregnancy might be scheduled for more frequent medical appointments.

Nutrition

Calcium intake: Pregnant women need additional calcium, so extra milk or fortified orange juice, broccoli, sardines, or other calcium-rich foods should be added to your diet.

Folic acid is extremely important & will decrease the risk of neural tube defect. Protein, which has several important functions, serve as the building materials of body tissue. They also act as

enzymes that regulate chemical reactions to keep a body growing and functioning. Iron is also needed for hemoglobin, the substance in red blood cells that binds oxygen for delivery to the

tissues. Insufficient iron can lead to a condition known as iron-deficiency anemia. Anemia can cause a decreased appetite and extreme fatigue during a pregnancy, as well as a reduced oxygen supply to the developing babies. Iron is absorbed more easily when combined with foods high in acid, such as yogurt, and those with high amounts of vitamin C, like orange juice.

Other nutrients such as Zinc, Copper, Vitamin C, and Vitamin D. So it's important to take your prenatal vitamin supplement every day.

Weight: Mothers carrying multiples are expected to gain more weight during pregnancy but exactly how much weight you should gain depends on your pre-pregnancy weight and the number of fetuses. In general, though, you should consume about 300 additional calories a day for each fetus. It might be tough to eat a lot when your abdomen is full of babies, so try to eat smaller, more frequent meals.

Staying Healthy During a Multiple Pregnancy

Being a mother means that your heart is no longer yours; it wanders wherever your children do.


Emotional and Physical changes: Pregnant women undergo emotional and physical changes during pregnancy and it usually start from the moment they are conceiving or when fertility occurs. The symptoms of pregnancy and the level of difficulty experienced are different for every woman. It is also during these times that they need motivations as the hormonal imbalances sometimes affect them. At times, they are also doubtful whether they can take care of their baby. Most of the times they are also overwhelm about their situation and they also need the love, understanding and caring from their friends, relatives and family.

Just as every mum's labor is different, every baby engages at different times towards the end of pregnancy. When this happens, it's called lightening. The baby's head moves down into your pelvis, or engages. And rest assured that if your baby's head engages early, it doesn't follow that you will give birth early you’ll suddenly feel you have more room to breathe. The pressure of your baby low down on your bladder means that you'll need the toilet more often!

First-time babies tend to engage from about 36 weeks. However, some babies only engage once labour starts. The power of your contractions will soon push your baby down.

Things that can affect when your baby engages:

Your baby is lying with his back to your back, in a posterior position. It's harder for your baby to engage like this and it can make labor harder too.

Your baby has room to move. This can happen if there's a lot of amniotic fluid or you have had a baby before. Your baby is transverse or at an angle (oblique). In these positions, he's less likely to engage before labor

starts. The shape of your pelvis, the position of the placenta, or a harmless growth (fibroid). All these may affect

whether and when your baby engages.

Some women experience very distinct signs of labor, while others do not. No one knows what causes labor to start or when it will start, but several hormonal and physical changes may indicate the beginning of labor.

Lightening Passing of the mucus plug Contractions Water breaking Effacement and dilation of the cervix

Lightening: The process of your baby settling or lowering into your pelvis just before labor is called lightening. The abdomen size visually looks moved down, decreased & you feel comfortable breathing. Lightening can occur a few weeks or a few hours before labor depending on the number of pregnancies. You may feel the need to urinate more frequently because the uterus rests on the bladder more after lightening.

Passing of the Mucus Plug: The mucus plug accumulates at the cervix during pregnancy. When the cervix begins to open wider, the mucus is discharged into the vagina and may be clear, pink, or slightly bloody. Labor may begin soon after the mucus plug is discharged or one to two weeks later.

Labor Contractions: During contractions, the abdomen becomes hard. Between the contractions, the uterus relaxes and the abdomen becomes soft. The way a contraction feels is different for each woman and may feel different from one pregnancy to the next. But, labor contractions usually cause discomfort or a dull ache in your back and lower abdomen, along with pressure in the pelvis. Contractions move in a wave-like motion from the top of the uterus to the bottom. True labor contractions do not stop when you change your position or relax. Difference between True Labor and False Labor: Before "true" labor begins, you may have "false" labor pains, also known as Braxton Hicks contractions. These irregular uterine contractions are perfectly normal and may start to occur in your second trimester, although more commonly in your third trimester of pregnancy. They are your body's way of getting ready for the "real thing."

Head Engagement

Signs of Labor

In the confrontation between the stream and the rock, the stream always wins - not through strength but through persistence.


Contraction Characteristics False Labor True Labor

How often do the contractions occur Contractions are often irregular and do

not get closer together. Contractions come at regular intervals

and last about 30-70 seconds. As time

goes on, they get closer together.

Do they change with movement Contractions may stop when you walk

or rest, or may even stop if you change

positions.

Contractions continue despite move-

ment or changing positions.

How strong are they Contractions are usually weak and do

not get much stronger. Or they may be

strong at first and then get weaker.

Contractions steadily increase in

strength.

Where do you feel the pain Contractions are usually only felt in the

front of the abdomen or pelvic region. Contractions usually start in the lower

back and move to the front of the

abdomen.

Water Breaks

The rupture of the amniotic membrane (the fluid-filled sac that surrounds the baby during pregnancy) may feel ei-ther like a sudden gush of fluid or a trickle of fluid that leaks steadily. The fluid is usually odorless and may look clear or straw-colored. If your "water breaks," note down the time this occurs and proceed to the hospital. Although, labor may not start immediately after your water breaks, delivery of your baby will occur within the next 24 hours.

Lastly, keep in mind that not all women will have their water break when they are in labor. Many times the doctor will rupture the amniotic membrane in the hospital.

Effacement and Dilation of the Cervix

During labor, your cervix gets shorter and thins out in order to stretch and open around your baby's head. The short-ening and thinning of the cervix is called effacement. Effacement is measured in percentages from 0% to 100%. If there are no changes to the cervix, it is described as 0% effaced, when half the normal thickness, it is 50% effaced and when completely thinned out, it is 100% effaced.

The stretching and opening of your cervix is called dilation and is measured in centimeters with complete dila-tion being at 10 centimeters.

Progress in labor is measured by how much the cervix has opened and thinned to allow your baby to pass through the vagina.

* If you think your water has broken * If you are bleeding (more than spotting) * If the baby seems to be moving less than normal * When your contractions are very uncomfortable and have been coming every five minutes for an hour.

First stage: This is typically the longest stage of labor. Cervical effacement & Dilatation occurs in this stage. The first stage of labor is divided into the latent and active phases. The latent phase can last for many hours. The cervix dilates, usually slowly, from closed to approximately 4-5 cm. The active phase lasts from the end of the latent phase until delivery. It is characterized by rapid cervical dilation. The cervix usually dilates at a rate of 1.0 cm/h in nulliparous women and 1.2 cm/h in multiparous women during the active phase.

Second stage: It’s the time between complete cervical dilation and delivery of the neonate, and lasts minutes to hours. Following actions take place.

When Should You Go to the Hospital?

Labor and Delivery.

A mother's joy begins when new life is stirring inside... when a tiny heartbeat is heard for the very first time, and a playful kick reminds her that she is never alone


Engagement of the head into the lower pelvis Flexion of the head, putting the occiput in presenting position Descent of the neonate through the pelvis Internal rotation of the vertex to maneuver past the lateral ischial spines Extension of the head to pass beneath the maternal symphysis External rotation of the head after delivery to facilitate shoulder delivery

Third Stage: The delivery of the placenta is the third and final stage of labor; it normally occurs within 30 minutes of delivery of the newborn. As the uterus contracts, a plane of separation develops at the placenta-endometrium inter-face. As the uterus further contracts, the placenta is expelled.

While most full-term newborns are delivered vaginally, vaginal birth is contraindicated in some circumstances, includ-ing those described in this section. Cord prolapse Abnormal Presentations like Brow, Face, Breech, Fetal Malpositions, Twins or multiples, and High risk maternal

and fetal causes. Vaginal delivery after cesarean delivery Placenta previa, Placental abrubtion (detachment) Cephalopelvic disproportion. Non-assuring fetal heart rate, fetal distress including placental abruption, placental insufficiency, or a tight nuchal

cord. Big Baby Fetal weight greater than 4000-4500 g is associated with a higher risk of shoulder dystocia and birth

trauma during vaginal delivery. Mothers with diabetes have a higher incidence of macrosomia and risk of shoulder dystocia.

All women cope differently with labour. It’s their determination which can make things better.

Self-help: There are a number of other methods of pain relief that you can try if you don't wish to use medicines. These methods include:

using breathing and relaxation techniques or massage being in warm water, such as in a birthing pool moving around, standing up, kneeling and leaning forward

Using a TENS (Transcutaneous electrical nerve stimulation) machine can also help in early labor, though it isn't recommended later on. Two electrodes are placed on your back and electrical impulses are sent to the nerves to block pain signals going from your womb to your brain.

Medicines Gas and air (Entonox): This is a mixture of nitrous oxide (laughing gas) and oxygen. Although not all women find

it effective. Some women find that Entonox can make them feel sick and light-headed. Opiates: They are strong painkillers but may have a limited effect during labor. They can cause side-effects

including feeling sick or dizzy. Opiates may also affect your baby making him or her sleepy both at birth and for a few days afterwards. This can reduce your baby's ability to breathe after birth and this may need urgent treatment. Opiate drugs can also make it harder for you to breastfeed.

Epidural Anesthesia: This method involves having an injection of local anesthetic into your lower back, just above your waist. An epidural completely blocks feeling from the waist down. It's very effective and nine out of 10 women who have one have no pain at all. However, there are side-effects.

External fetal heart rate monitor Most labor and delivery units use continuous monitoring. Standard noninvasive labor monitoring includes the use of sensors attached to the outside of the mother's abdomen. One sensor detects the fetal heart rate via ultrasonography, and the other monitors the timing and relative strength of contractions via a tocodynamometer. The fetal heart rate is

LSCS indications:

Medications for pain relief:

Monitoring the Baby

Life is a flame that is always burning itself out, but it catches fire again every time a child is born


variable and ranges from 120-160 beats per minute (bpm). The heart rate may drop briefly to < 120 bpm, especially during contractions. Persistence of a fetal heart rate lower than 120 bpm defines fetal bradycardia; in labor, a heart rate >100 bpm with reassuring variation is not considered an emergency. Persistence of a rate >160 bpm is called fetal tachycardia.

Forceps: This is a handheld metal instrument with blade extensions that are applied to each side of the fetal head. The traction force of the blades aids in neonate delivery. The use of forceps has decreased Forceps use is associated with less fetal hematoma formation and quicker delivery times compared with vacuum assist but is associated with increased maternal trauma

Vacuum: This instrument consists of a suction cup that attaches to the fetal head to assist with extraction. Traction pressure is created by a negative pressure handle system. Indications for use include the need for urgent delivery because of fetal distress, poor maternal push power, or maternal medical conditions that contraindicate strong pushing. Fetal complications from vacuum delivery include hematomas of the scalp, retina, and intracranium. Maternal complications are less than those with forceps but also include vaginal and perineal lacerations.

Episiotomy: The decision to perform an episiotomy is often made as the newborn crowns. The depth of the incision is directly proportional to how precipitous the delivery is and to the stiffness of the perineum. Episiotomy prevents perenial tears and the further complications.

Amniotomy: It is a procedure of artificially rupturing the fetal membranes to induce or expedite labor.

Loss of >500 mL of blood during vaginal delivery is abnormal. Uterine atony, or failure of the uterus to contract following delivery of the placenta, is the most common cause.

The uterine blood vessels that are torn and exposed during placental separation are not adequately compressed and may bleed excessively.

Retained placental tissue, the use of uterine muscle relaxants during labor, prolonged labor, or an abnormally distended uterus are causes of uterine atony.

Deep vaginal or cervical lacerations are also a cause of postpartum hemorrhage. Rarely, coagulopathies can cause postpartum hemorrhage. Von Willebrand disease is sometimes first noted in

women after a vaginal delivery. To treat postpartum hemorrhage, perform bimanual uterine massage and start an oxytocin drip if uterine atony is

suspected; misoprostol or other prostaglandins may also be indicated. If these interventions do not control bleeding, re-explore the vagina, cervix, and uterus for tears or for retained products of conception.

All pregnancies involve a certain degree of risk to both mother and baby. Factors present before pregnancy or those develop during pregnancy can place the mother and baby at higher risk for problems.

Being very young or old Being overweight or underweight Having had problems in previous pregnancies, such as miscarriage, stillbirth, or preterm labor or birth Pre-existing health conditions, such as high blood pressure or diabetes During pregnancy, problems may also develop even in a woman who was previously healthy. These may include such conditions as gestational diabetes or preeclampsia/eclampsia (dangerously high blood pressure).

Delivery assistance (operative vaginal delivery)

Special Procedures

Postpartum hemorrhage

High-Risk Pregnancy

Before you were born I carried you under my heart. From the moment you arrived in this world until the moment I leave it, I will always carry you in my heart.


THE MOSLEM POPULATION OF BOMBAY

Source: Moslem World, Vol. 1, No.2, 1911, Pp. 17-30

The city of Bombay, the principal seaport of Western India, is situated on an island which covers an area of 22.48 square miles. This island is one of a group and in former days was itself composed of seven small islands. Bombay is connected with another larger island called Salsette and with the mainland by means of causeways and railway embankments. India is no doubt crowded with places of extreme interest, yet none surpasses Bombay in natural picturesqueness, beauty, and salubrity of situation. The city, which recently appropriately called “Bombay the Beautiful,” possesses natural advantages as a trading centre and may also be singled out as a favourable site for habitation. Its growth during the last sixty years has been very remarkable. All the tribes of Western India seem to have flocked to it in search of work or a home. Its population, when it passes from Portugal to England in 1661, was about 10,000; fourteen years later it had risen to 60,000; and in 1836 it was 236,000. I am not in a position to forecast what the next year’s official census will be, but the figures of the census of 1906, which give the total population of the city as 977,822, are quite sufficient for our purpose. The average of inhabitants per acre, according to them, is sixty-eight; but in the most congested districts in the heart of the city this average rises to 712 to the acre.

The chief religions of Bombay are Hinduism, Islam, Zoroastrianism, Judaism, and Christianity. Sixty-two different dialects are spoken, of which the principal are Marathi, spoken by 51 percent of the total population; Gujarati, spoken by 26 percent, Urdu, spoken by 15 percent; and English by 2 percent.

The Bombay Moslem of to-day is very accessible. Education has awakened in him a desire to snap asunder the fetters which obstructed his progress for so long in the past. By last year the total number of Urdu schools was twenty-eight, twenty-five for boys and three for girls, while in 1895 they only had two. The number of Moslem students taking higher education is also steadily increasing. The interest shown by Moslems in the education of their youth has become considerably accentuated of late years. In 1860 there were only three Moslem pupils in the Bombay city colleges, fifteen students in the High, nineteen in the Middle, sixty-six in the Primary, and twenty-six in the Special schools. In 1880 the figures rose to six College students, and seventy in the High, 164 male and five female pupils in the Middle, 185 male and eight female in the Primary, and seventy male pupils in the Special schools. In 1909, we find ninety-three Moslem male College students and only one female, 786 male and fourteen female in the High School, 268 male and six female in the Middle School, and 3,448 male and 1,241 female Primary School pupils. These figures would have been considerably higher if the wealthy and patriotic Moslem philanthropists had raised more endowments to help the children of their co-religionists to take the fullest advantage of the system of higher education. Hence the Moslem of to-day has imbibed something of the spirit of the age which makes him long to be educated and aspire after a high position in the state as well as in society. We also may add that never before was there a better and more magnificent door opened in Bombay for the advance of our Redeemer’s Kingdom.

For working among the Moslems in Bombay the missionary must know Urdu and Arabic. It may also be useful if he has acquired some knowledge of Gujarati. Urdu is easily picked up by Europeans from the Roman character, in which it is printed for those who may not be able to afford the time to exert themselves to acquire knowledge of the Persian character of the Devanagri. By this the missionary will find that in a very short time he can render invaluable service.

The Arabic-speaking community in Bombay numbers 6,119. In addition to this, there are also about 3,000 Jews who speak nothing else but Arabic. The communities whose language is Urdu, or a corrupt form of it, are:- Bohras, numbering 11,992; Julhais, 7,026; Khojas, 10,688; Maiman, 17,585; Pathan, 7,638; Shaikh, 89,522; and others, 5,177. These may be divided into two main sections, those of for-eign extraction and those of Hindu descent. The former include:-

1. Shaikhs. – The majority of Moslem converts have a tendency to describe themselves as Shaikhs of the tribe of Quraish. The title Shaikh belongs strictly only to three branches of tribe of Quraish, viz., the Siddiqi, who claim descent from the first Khalifah; and the ‘Faruqi, a descendant from the second Khalifah; and the ‘Abbasi’, a descendant of ‘Abbas one of Mohammed’s nine uncles. Members of this class are sober, fairly truthful and honest, fond of show and pleasure and careless about their money dealings. According to a North Indian Urdu proverb, “The Shaikh is as sly as a crow.” Many of them are devout Moslems, and almost all are anxious to give their children a kind of education.

2. Saiyids.- Members of this class claim their descent from Fatimah and ‘Ali, the daughter and son-in-law of Mohammed. Their men mark their high birth by placing the title Saiyid or Mir before, and Shah after their names, and among women the title Begam is added after the name. As a class Saiyids are truthful, honest, sober, idle, fond of pleasure and thriftless, a quality which they mis-name resignation, as their common saying expresses: “If we have money, we are lords; if we have no money, we are beggers; if we die, we are saints.” In religion, Saiyids are either Sunnis or Shi’ahs. They are by their profession obliged to show that they are religious, and as a class they are careful to observe all the rites enjoined by the Koran. Several Saiyids have gone through a college course, and have risen to high position in Government service.

3. Moghuls. – Moghuls are of two distinct classes, Persian and Indian. They always place Mirza before their names and Beg after them, and the women add Khanum to theirs. They have no great reputation for temperance, but are hard working and liberal. As a class they are well-to-do. They are mostly Shi’ahs in religion, and have a name for carefully keeping the rules of their faith. As they form a distinct community with their own place of worship, the Persian Moghuls have adopted fewer Hindu customs than most other Moslems. The Indian Moghuls are the descendants of the Moghul conquerors of India. Many of them have pedigrees and traditions tracing descent from the Mirzas or Timurian princes who were obliged to leave Kabul and fly south from Hamayun’s vengeance. In religion the Indian Moghuls are Sunnis.


4. Pathans. – Pathans are of Afghan origin, and their name probably means “highlander.” The men add Khan to their names, and the women Khatun. They are of two classes - old settlers, and newcomers from Afghanistan. The descendants of the old settlers have in most cases lost their peculiarities by intermixture with other classes. They are less shrewd than the Shaikh, but more thrifty, headstrong and hot tempered, with a bad name for greed, as a saying likens the merciless creditor to the Pathan. The Urdu proverb says, “There is not trust in a Pathan’s word.” They are all Sunnis in religion. The unlettered among them carry their religious fervour to fanaticism. But, except the newcomers, as a class they pay little attention to religious duties.

5. Konkanis. – The predominating element in the Konkanis’ ancestry is the Arab. Their forefathers, according to tradition, were classed as nawatis (shipmen). These sailors fled to India in 699 to escape the persecution of Al-Hajjaj-ibn-Yusuf, Governor of Al-‘Iraq, and settled along the western coast of India from Goa to Cambay. On their arrival they intermarried with the Hindus of the coast, whom they converted to their faith, adopting themselves, many of their habits and customs. Later, between the ninth and sixteenth centuries, they freely intermingled with the Arab and Persian merchants who settled in the coast towns. The precise date of their arrival in the island of Bombay is uncertain. They came there from several places on the western coast. They had for years followed the tradition and seafaring professions, and, having purchased lands from the Portuguese, they set to work to raise extensive cocoanut plantations. The Konkanis acknowledge no religious head, and the Qazi of Bombay, although possess-ing some social influence, is officially little more than the registrar of marriage and divorce records. Although the Konkani Moslems have earned a reputation for obstinacy and love of litigation, they are universally regarded as devout and charitable. There is a saying, now become almost proverbial, to the following effect: “Have but the smallest transaction with a Konkani, and you will involve yourself in litigation to the third generation.” Many members of the upper class are men of culture and sterling honour, while the lower classes, the mechanics, lascars, messengers, and clerks are sober, industrious, and extremely enterpris-ing.

6. Arabs. – As a class the Arabs are poor. Their newcomers, from the southern and western coasts of Arabia are generally of the Shafi’i, and those from Muscat and the eastern sea-board, of the Hanbali school. Arabs marry freely with other Sunni Moslems, and have no special or religious organizations. As a class, they do not approve of western education. The local Moslems who are entirely of Hindu descent are:-

1. Bohras. – The original places where the Bohras were converted are Cambay, Patan, Aurangabad and others. Some Bohras claim to have come of Egyptian and Arab ancestors. The date their conversion is fixed at about 1067 by a Yamani Dai’ named ‘Abd Ullah, who was sent to India by the chief Imam of the Musta’li Isma’ili Sect. Two stories are told of this Dai’s first missionary success. According to one, he gained a cultivator’s heart by filling his well with water; according to the other, he won over some of the priests, by dashing to the ground an iron elephant hanging in mid air in one of the Cambay temples. After this the missionary is said to have gone towards Patan, the capital of Gujarat at the time. The rulers, anxious to see the stranger, sent of force of men to bring him to the capital. Finding the saint surrounded by a wall of fire the troops retired. Then the king himself came, and in obedience to the stranger’s command the fire opened and let him pass. Full of wonder, the king asked for one further sigh that the new belief was better than the old. His wish was granted, and one of his holiest idols declared that the Arab’s was the true religion. Hearing these words, the Hindus, king and subject alike, embraced the new faith. For two centuries and a half there was nothing to check the Isma’ili or Shi’ah faith. But with the establishment of Muzaffar Shah’s power, the spread of Sunni doctrine was encouraged, and the spread of Sunni doctrine was encouraged, and the Bohra and other Shi’ah sects repressed. Since then, they have passed through bitter persecutions, meeting with little favour or protection until they found shelter under British rule. The chief event in the history of the Bohras is the transfer of the seat of the Chief Imam of their faith from Yaman to Surat.

There are four schisms from the main body of Bohras – the Ja’fari, the Sulaimani, the ‘Alia, and the Nagoshi. Of the Ja’fari schism the seceders became Sunnis. The origin of the Sulaimani sect was that in the sixteenth century a Surat Bohra sent a missionary to Arabia, where he succeeded in making many converts who for a time considered the Surat Dai’ as their head. But upon the death of the Surat Dai’ in 1588, the Gujarat Bohras chose as his successor one Daud-ibn-Qutub-shah. Meanwhile one of the Yaman Bohras, Sulaiman, on the strength of a letter said to be from the high priest, was accepted as his successor by the people of Yaman. He came over to Surat, but finding his claims rejected by all but a very small body, retired again to Arabia. Such of those Bohras as have upheld his claims were called Sulaimanis.

The Daudi Bohras, the main body of the Shi’ahs, are the richest, best organized, and most widely spread class. They are scrupulous to use no intoxicating drug or stimulants. They are noted for their love of display in house furniture and ornaments. As a class they are quiet, clean, tidy, hard working and sober. They are prosperous and many of them are rich; the poor are thrifty and are free from debt, and the unfortunate are maintained from a common fund. They are attentive to their religious duties, and many, both men and women, know the Koran. They are careful to say their prayers, to observe Muharram, and to go on pilgrimage to Karbala and Mecca. Though fierce sectarians, keenly hating and hated by Sunnis, their reverence from ‘Ali and their high priest seems to be further removed from adoration than among the Khojas. They would seem to accept the ordinary distinctions between right and wrong, punishing adultery and other acts generally held disgraceful. Of the state after death they hold that, after passing a time of freedom as bad spirits, unbelievers go to a place of torment and only believers of the Isma’ili faith, after a term of training, enter a state of perfection. Among the faithful, each disembodied spirit passes the time of training in communion with the soul of some good man, and may learn from his good deeds to love the right; spirits raised to a higher degree of knowledge are placed with him united to the Imams, and when, through the Imams, they have learnt what they still require to know, they are absorbed in perfection. They seem to share all the ordinary Indian beliefs in spirit possession, exorcism, charms, and omens.


The Sulaimanis have the seat of their head Mullah in Yaman. They do not differ much from the Daudi, with whom they associated but do not intermarry. This community has made many changes and improvements in the last forty years. They can claim to have supplied Bombay with its first Moslem barrister, solicitor, doctor, and engineer. The late Mr. Justice Badr-ud-Din Tayibji, a Judge of the Bombay High Court, was a member of this community.

2. Maimans. – This word is a corruption of Mu’mineen or Believers. Maimans are descendants from converts of the trading Lohana and the market-gardening Kachhi castes. The history of their conversion is that Maulana ‘Abd-ul-Qadir Muhyi-id-Din Ghilani, the saint of saints, when on his death-bed, ordered Taj-ud-Din, one of his sons, to settle in India and display to its people the light of Islam. Saiyid Yusuf-ud-Din Qadri, fifth in descent from Taj-ud-Din, was in a miraculous dream ordered to set sail to India and guide its people into the right way of Islam. When Saiyid Yusuf-ud-Din reached Sind, its chief received him with honour and entertained him as his guest. At this time Manekji, the head of the Lohana community, was in favour at the court of Markab Khan, the chief, who became a follower of Saiyid, and Manekji with two out of his three sons and 706 Lohana families followed their ruler’s example. On their conversion the saint changed the name of the community from Mota and Lohana to Mu’min. The Hindu relations of the converted Lohana called on their spiritual guides to pray to Darya Pir, the Indus, to remove the saint. The Indus heard their prayer. The saint refused a grant of land, and after receiving his followers’ assurance that they would continue to support his descendants as their religious heads, Yusuf retired by sea to Al-‘Iraq. Before leaving he blessed his people, a blessing to which the Maimans trace their fruitfulness and success. The Kachh Maimans are a fair people who wear the moustache short according to the Sunna (i.e., practice of the Prophet). The elder men and women try to disguise grey hair by dyeing it with henna. Both women and men blacken their eyelids with collyrium. In business the Maimans are shrewd and energetic. Socially, they are jovial, pleasure-loving, and hot tempered. They are regarded by other Moslems as devout and charitable. A favourite form of Maiman charity is to help poor pilgrims to go to Mecca. Fondness for secret charity is an honourable trait among rich Maimans. The Maiman ideal of hidden generosity was the merchant Hajji Zakariyya, the founder of the Zakariyya Mosque in the street of that name in the city of Bombay. A learned and devout maulvi lodging in Zakariyya Masjid was conscious during the night that a bent old man, muffled in a dirty sheet, was shampooing him. The maulvi prayed the old man to cease, but he would not. The maulvi fell asleep, and in the morning found a twenty-rupee note under his bedding. As he failed to trace the giver, next night, when the old shampooer returned, the maulvi feigned sleep, and caught the old man’s hand while placing a paper under his bedding. In the struggle the old man’s feet fell off, revealing the honoured features of Hajji Zakariyya, who was abashed at being caught in an act of secret generosity. The paper enclosed a note for a hundred rupees. On the wrapper were the words: “A tribute of respect for learning. Pray for the forgiveness of this humble instrument of Allah’s will.”

Maimans are Sunnis of the Hanafi School, to which most of the Indian and Turkish Moslems belong. As a class they are reli-gious, though some of them keep to early non-Moslem social usages. The most notable of these non-Islamic customs is their re-fusal, like their ancestors the Lohana, to allow their daughters and widows any inheritance. So careful are the Maimans to perform the pilgrimage to Mecca that about 40 per cent of their number have the honourable prefix of Hajji. As soon as he has laid by enough money, a Maiman takes his wife and sometimes very young children, and, undaunted by the dangers of the voyage-for He Who cares for him at home will guard him on the way to His House-starts for Mecca, and, if he can afford it, Medina. If he has wealth and leisure, the Maiman pilgrim visits Baghdad to worship at the shrine of his patron saint, Maulana ‘Abd-ul-Qadir Ghilani. Like other sunnis, his belief in magic and sorcery centres in the traditional maxim, “Magic is true, but he who practices magic is an infidel.” To the practice of white magic, soothsaying, and the procuring of luck-charms and amulets, they have, like other Moslems, no objection. They also believe in astrology and consult astrologers, a practice condemned by Mohammed. Their advisers in soothsaying and witchcraft are poor Saiyids. The Maiman is not an envied customer of the Bombay tradesman, for he is strict in his observance of the Sunna, which commands him to haggle till his forehead perspires, just as it did when winning the money. At present the Maimans indulge in every kind of trade, from shopkeeping, broking and peddling to furniture-dealing and timber-dealing, and they include among their numbers some of the richest individuals in Bombay.

3. Khoja. - The Khojas are scattered over almost all India, and they may be found in Bahrein, Bundar ‘Abbas, Mina, Turkish Arabia, and Arabia proper. There is a flourishing Khoja colony in Zanzibar. The Khoja are Isma’ili of the Nazarian subdivision, who separated themselves from the Bohras on a question regarding the succession to the throne of the Fatimite Khalifah in Egypt, Nazar, the eldest son of Al-Musta’sim Billah, whose cause was energetically promoted by Hasan Sabah, and Isma’ili missionary. Hasan founded the order of Fidawis or devotees, known in Europe, probably from their leader’s name, as Assassins or Hash-shasheen. Hasan concentrated his powers at Alamut. After gaining Alamut, he resolved to cease acting as Dai’ or missionary and political emissary of the Fatimites, and, though he did not yet arrogate himself the title of the Unrevealed Imam, he made himself known by the convenient title of Shaikh-ul-Jabal, which two of his immediate successors continued to have. Before his death, Hasan had the satisfaction of having his Order flourishing and bidding fair to undermine by his Fidawis’ poignard, as well as by the leveling force of his doctrines, the neighbouring monarchies of Islam. His successors, becoming the terror of kings and the authors of revolutions, ruled from the confines of Khorasan to Syria. Hasan, the fourth on the pontifical throne of Alamut, threw aside the mystery by which the son of Sabah had deemed it politic to surround his doctrines. He declared himself the Unrevealed Imam and preached that no action of a believer in him could be a sin. He is called the “Ruler of the world who loosed the bonds of the law.” No Khoja mentions his name without the words, ‘Ala zikhrihis-salaam, “Peace be to his name.”

It is through this Hasan that the Aga Khan traces his descent from ‘Ali. The Indian Khojas believe that Hasan was their first Imam who sent a missionary to India. His name was Nur Satagar, and he made a number of converts by ordering the idols of a Hindu temple to speak and bear testimony to the truth of his mission.


The name of Nur Satagar, “Teacher of pure light,” which he took in addition to his own name, and the practice of the Hindu abstractions, or Samadhi, show the process by which the first Isma’Ili preachers gained their chief success among the Lohana tribe. According to the tribe legend preserved by the Khojas, the Lohana are descended from Lava, a son of Rama.

At the middle of the sixteenth century the back-sliding of the Panjab Khojas to the Sunnis showed the need of a vice-pontiff in India and not a Alamut. The Imam summoned one Daud, a descendant of a powerful Khoja family, and invested him with the mantle of a Pir. The day of Daud’s investiture is still celebrated by the Khoja as the Shah’s ‘Id. The Pirship became extinct with the death of Daud’s son, the deputy of the Imam being henceforth styled Wakil. In 1884 the Khoja Imam Aga Shah Hasan ‘Ali, discontinuing the appointment of local Khojas as his Wakils, sent his nephew as his deputy. A year later Aga Shah Hasan ‘Ali, better known as His Highness the Aga Khan, himself came to India, and was the first Isma’ili Unrevealed Imam to settle in this country.

The Khojas’ Islamism is Shi’ah. To the simple Sunni Kalima or formula of faith: “There is no God but Allah and Mohammed is his Prophet,” the Shi’ah adds “and ‘Ali the Companion of Mohammed is the Vicar of God.” The elevation of ‘Ali to an almost equal place with Mohammed is the distinctive tenet of the Shi’ah. To revere ‘Ali as the Vicar, still more as the incarnation of Allah, to go on pilgrimage to Shah Najf, the supposed place of ‘Ali’s Martyrdom, and at Karbala to bow the forehead on moulds of Karbala’s clay and drink the holy clay discovered in water, are meritorious practices in the eyes of the Shi’ahs. In justification of their belief in incarnations, the Khojas put forward the argument about the Godhead in man that is furnished by a tradition which they attribute to Mohammed: “I am the mimless Mohammed. This is Ahad, the One and Unique Allah.” (That is, Mohammed without its three Ms., Mims, becomes Ahad.) The Khojas are fond of the sayings of Mohammed. They pray three times a day, when they repeat the ninety-nine or 101 names of Pir Shah on a rosary. Shah means king, and allegorically stands for God, and Pir the Prophet. They also repeat the names of all the Imams down to the present one. They pray sitting and address their prayers to the Imam. The new moon, Muharram, and Ramazan prayers are repeated in the Jama’at Khana with the Pir. While the prayer-reciters are assembling, a man stands at the chief entrance of the Jama’at Khana demanding the Khoja shibboleth or watchword of every person seeking admission. The newcomers say: Ai Zinda (‘O Thou Living One”), and the janitor answers: Qiyam paya (‘I have found him alive and true”). Next in importance is the Khojas’ sacrament, the Ghat path or heart prayer. Except on holidays, Mondays and Saturdays, the sacrament is held after the morning prayers at the chief Jama’at Khana, when Karbala clay is dissolved in a large bowl of water, and as each of the assembly rises to leave the lodge, he goes to the person presiding, lays before him from two annas to two rupees, and kisses his hand. He receives a small cup of the sacramental water, which he drinks and then retires.

The Khoja enjoys a good business reputation. A Parsi would rather trust a Khoja than a Maiman. He is a good hater: “For hate a Khoja, for pain a boil.” Though called unbelieving epicures, the Khojas have great regard for their religion. They are neat, clean, sober, thrifty, ambitious, and in trade enterprising, cool and resourceful. The first Moslem baronet in Bombay is a Khoja, who was raised to this dignified rank a short time ago.

4. The Julhais, or weavers, and others of the lower classes, such as the Chilichors, or hack victoria drivers and the mill-hands, are descendants of Hindus of many castes, converted to the Shi’as faith by different members of the Isma’ili Saiyids. The men are silk and cotton weavers, dyers and cloth dealers, cart and carriage drivers. The women weave and prepare thread. Not over honest or truthful, they are hardworking, sober, tidy, niggardly in their thrift, and quarrelsome. They are not religious. Some of them are said to worship Hindu gods stealthily. Hindu names are also common among certain classes of them, and while with some of them marriages take place according to the Moslem rule, others, in addition to the Moslem marriage ceremony, call in a Brahmin and go through the Hindu ceremony. In some quarters their marriages take place at a very early age, sometimes before the children are weaned, and they follow the Hindu practice of holding a high festival when the bride comes of age and goes to live with her husband. None of the lower classes has risen to any high position, nor are they very interested in education, and some of them are always in the hands of the merciless moneylenders.

Bombay. PAUL J. E. DAMISHKY. The various missionary societies, about fourteen in number, the work of which is concerned with the non-Christian residents of

Bombay, direct most of their time and attention to the Marathi, Gujarati, and English-speaking peoples of the city. None of them professes to be doing any work among the 167,677 Moslems whose language is chiefly Urdu. The Church Missionary Society started a Moslem mission in 1855 but, owing to straitness of means and other claims, two years ago it handed it over to the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel. This mission, with its rather antiquated methods so strongly in contrast with the splendid Delhi mission of the same society, is represented by the writer of this article, whose mother tongue is Arabic, and who is working here only temporarily, and two others, who are hardly equipped for an Urdu mission in a place like Bombay. At present it has neither schools, nor zenana workers, nor industries, nor hostels. We, who are looking forward for the second appearing of the Lord, ought not to faint in constantly praying in Bombay, and we ought to learn to give as much as in us lies of our substance to further the cause of the Kingdom of Peace, in which the Moslem may share with us that perfect freedom of which Islam has deprived him. What I long to see in Bombay is a strong mission centre with a wholesome Christian atmosphere where the Moslem inquirer can learn from living examples the teaching of the Gospel of Salvation. The results of such a work will be commensurate with the actual and good quality of work accomplished. Up to this we have not been able to reach the higher class of Moslems. Had the mission had more men, the results would have been incalculable.


Although the Moslem of to-day is far more liberal-minded than he was ten years ago, yet he is possessed of enough zeal for his religion to hamper our insignificant progress. I could relate scores of incidents where a Moslem zealot has impeded my work either by bitter hatred of Christianity or by blind fanaticism. In the month of August of this year two orphan brothers came to me for daily instruction. The elder of them, who had made the pilgrimage to Mecca, was twenty-two years old, and the younger was about twelve, but when the secretary of the Moslem Anjuman discovered that I was taking an interest in these two lads he laid hold of them, gave them money and clothing and keeps them in his custody.

It is true that western civilization and missions as well as the revival of Hinduism are causing the religious vitality of Islam to decline and

decay, but Moslems are not unconscious of this, and their various associations are not only largely occupied in reforming the social system, but they are to a certain extent absorbed in political and national affairs. Their leagues and associations are defensive organisations rather than anything else. And yet the ranks of the Moslem community in Bombay, though not aggressive by means of religious propaganda, are being reinforced every day by hundreds of co-religionists from almost all parts of India and Arabia. The increase of the Moslem population between the census of 1901 and that of 1906 is shown as 12,930.

P. J. E. D.


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=> T ہ ں ۔ ان FGHO FC اLML>NCت اور FGHI ڈاCٹ=A=و?UVW رXYZا [ H\ وردہ اور_=M=` abا FC اردو c�Zر دLN>Zا XdO FY HVe FC نLMدہ�ں `ے اردو ز FhC ہNWjk تLlL>eار، FY Yne اور cX Yoe ، ے رہےe=C ہ?Lpہ اbLlا=k اور q Iو TbLں �ہ l ےbLl=`

= اyZہT اور و` q اwx=اف واqI ہ�uے ہ ں ۔ ان Cے sZLtlے `ے ا�Xازہ ہ�Le ہ zC TbLے �ہlLر�LC F{ ZLe و F{ oUe ےC ں ۔ ان ے ہ a و�HO TI وادب Cے dsW ~HNVl�ں C� اoAے �LGZLOہ ?{= وsZLtlہ p�l LC�ع LbLoM ہے ۔ ان LGW LCر اردو M ے� ��L� c�Zہ دC

~ ZLe رXYا�=k FC ہے ۔ ان Le�ں ہ l اول ~� FC تL �L>Z �b=ہLl ےC " �(�+�� ں ں " )EYP اردو l اردو ادب =A ع�p�l اس T اور ا?LدTb `ے _ج F�M اردو زLMن ادب LI Fu�C LCرc ا�{Lر �ہ ں LN}` =C ۔ اس Gاہ FC �\ ب ہےLNC اور ٹ��س qlL\ FHہA

� ان Cے kہ=ے sZLtlے اور AہH�دار F�L>Z ادرا� e=e FC بLNCFC ل ہےLzl ق "۔�' �!�C' ن اور��ں " اردو ز l اردو FC ان �C ہYH� FGHO ے` L FeL ا?� FC و` q د��L>Z ےC ہے \� `ے ا��ں �ے اردو ~ oUe اہ� c=`دو =A تL �L>Z FeL \LG`

~ A=و? <=روLoWس C=اLb ہے۔ oUe اہ� c=`دو abا FC c�Zد " PEY( �+�� اور ��ر ا�1ل: اد�� P#�5 ب " اورLNC ہb ہے ۔ ~ Fhk �M ہے اور اoAے p�l�ع oUe FC ب انLNC ہb و\ہ `ے FC ہZLYl [b�w FuاXNMے اC ہ� انLe ب ہےLNC ہde=l FC ہ ان�=kا F}>\ ب ہےLNC ہ�LbLGoرہ abہ اb ےhZ ےC ں�Zے وا�=C � Yne ں l ہے۔ اردو FN�Cر T z � FC بLNC FC ےZا�� cدL oM abا =A

ں b F�Mہ dYl�ل ہے ۔ _پ ZLYl [b�w LCہ XNYl Fl�Iرہ ہے l نLN>CLA aHl ون= M =�� A ےC TbدL?ا FGHO ) دLM_ ا��ل ) ا`�م FC ں lLW F�M] ہے ۔ اس LNCب l � Yne ) ہZLYl [b�w ےC c�Zد => ں G\=e F�Mہ ہ� �{L ہے اور اس `XoهA ( F=و?l FهXo` LC

ہ اLCدFh� ،Fl دہFH �ے G\=eہ اb�ارڈ `ے ��ازا ہے ۔ bہ ��د A=و? <= دC c�Zے hZے اM abڑا ا�Oاز ہے NہL` �C ہG\=e ۔ � LNCب Vp abے اhZ ےC ے�=C � A تX YO اج=� �C c={s\ دار=` FHO اور دا��ر =OLW ر�lL� ےC دار "_پ �ے اردو�' �>�

ں " !��B4 =�[، =�� اور اد#: l ں�MLNC ہde=l ں l ہے \� اردو FN�Cاز ��= رXا� L ں �l � e=e FoAب اLNC ہb ہے FC �e=l T اور ?{=و ?� Cے Ldb=Ye ہ= W�kے A= روFoW ڈاFZ ہے ۔ bہ UVW FC c={s\ دار=` FHO ں ا��ں �ے l بLNC ب ہے ۔ اسLbL�

abا =A c={s\ دار=` FHO بLNC"aM ��={bہے ۔ " ر FN�Cر T z � FC

L ہے۔ ان de=l FCہ LNCب C مLC ٹ��س F�M =A اردو ادب �bXI ے� c�Zر دLN>Zا XdO => Lت " د��2 اردو "A=و?oCاور د FoCد T رFN�C ہے۔ ا��ں �ے LWہ e=اب �L?�UNl FCہ �� z � FC [ l �o` abں ا l" ونL�yG` �l " ےC اور اس L C �e=l �C

� FC۔ HM Fs` FC ا�ے=C سLoWے رو` L ذرsbہ دFoC اردو Cے اab ?=اl�ش C=دہ LW =OLWہ e=اب ��FGHO �C FN د� Feا=yk ،Fاٹ�=l ،c�b=وہ وہ ا��O ےC FM=O اور F`رL? ،ہے ۔ اردو [�L� ر�dO =A ں��LMز FhC ں Lت ا��L>Z =ہLl T z nM Fاٹ�=l دXsNl ہے ۔ ا��ں �ے [�L� T Gص اہL� ں ں F�M ا��l cرL�� ہG\=e �? ں ۔ اور XI F�M =A FoC�Cرت رN�Cے ہ

�eL` ےC ں� �LہC ں اور�ZوLـ� =OLW ت=}>o` ہ�ر�l ح=w F`۔ اL C [YNol ں l اردو F�M �C c=OLW Fاٹ�=l �VNol " c=ہ c=e=�M " =OLW c�b=ہ�ر ا��l ں اور�G�� FC)F�LN`وXoں ) ہ l ازXا�ہ ا�=OLW اور � HM FuLہNا� F�M �C ا=dڈ�bا =Cذ FC [}b�bا � >� => A=و?

FC [A F�L>Z اور Fdbjہe ں l Fاٹ�=l اردو اور ��L� c�Zد �MLtl ےC ٹ�M �b=` =OLW Fاٹ�=l ہ�ر�l ۔ L C [YNol ں l اردو T رCہNے ہ ں ۔ ا�� ں l=اٹ�L� Fول z �" $S+ ے " رن� FZد FlدLCہ ا NہL` =A ہG\=e ے اردوC1990 F�M ارڑ `ے�bہ اG\=e ں l

��ازا ۔

G�رb] رb<=چ l FهX�Lk LGeLہl ں l FhdGl ں ۔ وہ A=و? <= XdO اLN>Zر دc�Z و` FGHO q اور ا�M=ye FlL�Nہ رN�Cے ہ ں Wہ=ت F�e ۔ o`1967 Le1982ٹ= اور C c=b=duxے l ں�YH� FMواد FGHO ےC �LA و Xoہ FC �\ ں ڈاb=u{ٹ= رہے ہ

1982 T z � FC ہ اردوdsW رX� اور => �ر`ٹC Fے dsWہ اردو `ے aH>ol ہ�hkے اور Xo� �W=Cر A=و?��b FhdGl ں وہ l � �GW 1997`ے O ں l =Ul دوران F`ارا ہے ۔ ا�o` �C ہdsW ے` T HMLI FGHO اور TIL Z FlL�Nا� �Oا TbLہ� ae

Fر`ٹ� ��b)ہ=ہLI ( =A LGbا FC Xoہ Tl�}� ت اور�Oد FC =Ul Tl�}� ے Z ےC � `Le FC ہ اردوdsW ں l)Deputa�on ( ¨=ہLI FY ادارے د�H>l �C ا��C�yb اobڈ رb<=چ ا�<ٹF ٹ �ٹ، Yne ہ�ر�l ےC ے��A پ_ [C ۔ _ج Lb_ ں l [GO مL I LC ہ اردوdsW ے اورhk

Fر`ٹ� ��b م _زاد�ªZا�Mا L�x�l ٹ= اور}b=uے ڈاC چ=>bا`�م اردو ر �Gyا�– FGHO دXsNl c�Zد => ں اbڈوا�bر ہ ں ۔ A=و?l دLM_رX � ں اLp?ے Cے l رL sl ر اورLIے وC ے ان اداروں` F�N>Mے واoAں اور ا اور ادFM اداروں اور eہFdbj ا�oGy�ں `ے واN>Mہ ہ T ہے۔ UVW زL` ادارہ abا T UVW FC ہ ہے ۔ انM=ye ہob=bد F�M LC T?Ln� Fe�yl ں l�\� ہ�uے ہ ں ۔ ا`C Fے `eL¬ ا�� Lت LC ہے \� `ے ان �Nl T�LoW FC{] ہ�Fe ہے ۔ �L>Z =ہLl �HہA د={ol ں `� `ے اہ� اور l ؤں�HہA مLGe ے انC c�Zد => A=و? ~ `ے ��e Xo` ے� �b=ہLl ےC �? ں اس �o\ ں ے ہC XoM �HI ےZLYl �¯l =A اور FY Yne رLGW ےM ں ا��ں �ے l ےdsW اس

��ازا ہے۔

FY Yne ہbLA XoHM ےoAہے اور ا FC TC=W ں l ں�Gbز�°G` روں اورLo G C Tے `O�� = k aHl رLGW ےM ے� ��L� c�Zد ZLYl cX�ں Cے ذرsbہ ان C �ZLyl FGHOے LO�p�lت Fh� �C \ہT اور �hے اL�L}lت `ے روLoWس C=اLb ہے ۔ bہF و\ہ ہے Yoe ~HNVl FC نLN`Xoوہ ا��ں �ے ہ�O ےC روںLo G L ۔ `k L C � H>e رLo G ` [�L� �C تxLYl ےC ں ان l روںLoG ` =zCہ اC �C س=ZL}`چ ا=>bر LdHw ت `ے �ہ �=فLdt� ےC ں ۔ ان Ldt� Fsت F�M دbے ہ`�e =A تLO�p�l اہ� TbLں �ہ l تLslL\ L ہے ۔ دLslL\ =�bت اور FGHO اداروں C اف=NOا LC ہ��ے X {N>l ان `ے F�M ہ �ےjeL`ہ ا}HM ہے Fe�ہ [�L� FoWت اور رو= UM Fر`ٹ� ��b FhdGl ہslL\ درLl FoAد ا�� C ��L� c�Zـ د�eL` ـ�eL` ےC ےo Z ہU� لLs? ں l روںLo G Cے زb= اہLGNم XYsolہ ` �M از�Oا LC ے�=C رLo}Gے ہ` FML lLC ر `ےLdNOں ہ= ا Loر اور `G°�زC XYsol �b=�ے اور ا��G � اL�Zن `�O دXsNl F�M ں l F

��L] ہے ۔


L ہے اور وہLں FGHO ~HNVl و ادHyl FM<�ں، C F�M دورہ LC aZLGl Fو�= M دXsNl ے� c�Zر دLN>Zا XdO => A=و? ں اہ� C=دار ا�Lyم دLb ہے ۔ ا��ں l ے�� A ae ب=¯l ق `ے=�l �C =b�oe FC اردو qGW =C ےZ ہU� ں l ں�>�={�LC ں اور�H{nl

ہ، FC=e ،=Ul، اb=ان، دو�ہ �Lw=M ں l ہے ان FC T�L = و `` FC aZLGl �\ ے�)=tI( [lLW ہYb=?ا FM�o\ ب اور=O cد�s` ، ² –ہ ں۔ \qlL ازہ= C ں l ہYb=?ا FM�o\ ح=w F`ے ۔ اbت دLdt� ں ا��ں �ے l نXoZ ہ اور ��I ، ہ=Yل، ا��doN`ہ، اbرXo}`ہ=ہ، اLI

ں FC TC=W ۔ l ں�>Hyl FGHO F�M ں l ں� �ر`ٹ��b FC �Mؤن اور ڈرLٹ

ں �V�ت وd}e= اور l T UVW FC c�Zر دLN>Zا XdO => ان LGeم او�Lف وxLGCت Cے ��L] ہ��ے Cے LMو\�د A=و? � {W ،رLC � ں وہ ا³HVl ab دو`T، ہ= وLl_ TIدہ Mہ Lseون ر?l TY Y� ۔LNHl ں ´=ور دا�C LC L�`�ں L� aeم و��Lن �ہ �w ںL>}b ں l دو��ں LdHw ں اور� �eL` ےC ےdsW ےoAہ وہ اC و\ہ ہے Fہb ں۔ ر وlہ=LMن ا`LNد اور b=W~ وM=دLMر ا�<Lن ہ = �lL�ش LCم ¯M ے C وا=A FC �bLN`ہ وHاہ� او ر�� FC د�G� م وL� ��L� c�Zں۔ د dYl�ل اور ہ= د�b�sZ رہے ہ �LGا�ہ FY Yneو ��Z FGHO اور cزL C=�ے Cے LOدc ہ ں۔ Wہ=ت `ے زLbدہ ا�� ں LCم �b�O ہے ۔ ان L` FCدFk او ر Mے �

ں oy��kے LN�Z ہے l ع ذہ�=Ul ہb LC لLdIہ اN�L` ےM =C ـ�}bد �C :�O��! م دم�� S�B� م دم�+ آ�آ$ +�ز

�ش �Dدم: ��و�� ا��ر د��D T#اردو �� ا

A ��Y�ر

Lں اور MہT `ے LCر�lLے اb<ے ہF ہM�� F` TہM FC ان �} Z ں ۔ � `ے ں \ A=و? <= XdO اLN>Zر دLse F>C c�Zرف Cے LNnlج ہ= �k �ہ ں ہ => ں A=و?l ۔ FC رتL>\ FC ےo�}Z رفLse FH U{e ہb ں �ے l ے Z ے۔ اسYH� FMے ادC ں اور �ہ اردو C c�Z� اس وTI د LOم اردوداں واI~ ہ l c�Zد �`LI XGnl FuL�M ڑےM ےC ے اور ان�e �HO �ZLw ں l ،FhdGl ،ڑہL°kL� ،ا`{�ل FuLہ =H ` XGہ ا�b �\ ہ�ں LN�L\ ے`ے= دو`�e Tے \� اب ے bہ Z ں ۔ اس =ے ��ٹے w FC FuL�M=ح ہ ں HM{ہ M=اM= دو`F�M T ہl c�Zد => ں YN>l] رہbjA �bL= ہ ں۔ A=و?l نLN>Hا�� se T O�� ہ�Lkر�M رفL

{� ��uLY `ے A =�M�ر او ر ZLdl¯ے `ے dl=ا ۔ Z ۔ F�M LC T O�� ہ�LN`ہے اور دو F�M LC)م ح (

= ¯M ے C LoGe FC ےH� اور �bLN` F>C ں �ے��o\ ں ں اb<ے Z�گ �kرے ہl �?و �HO =ہ= دور، اور ہ ،aHl =ہ Lں e� اjk F>bرc ہ ں \� XI FCر اور \� Cے de=lے N>ـ ہ�·C اور L�Cر cرL\ [>H>e LC تLlX� Lb تLY HVe FoAے ا` FW�lL� =ت ا?=روز UM X�� L}� FC �? �C ان XsM ےC ہ��ے TUے ر�` L ں ہ� ا ہF �ہ ں اور اس د�l FkXز� FC ان � se LC

ٹ=، اور �� = اLM_ =dCدc۔ ZوLM ،�kLk لLA ،گLk �bے و�<ٹ و> \ ،FHl TG�O ہ=ت اورW ں ہ�Fu اور ا�ہ

abہ اb ،ہے cور=p � >ne FC اف اور ان=NOا LC TlX� FC روںLC �? ں اور�GZLO L C ہC ہے Le�ا ہX A ہb ں `�الLہb Lت `ے ہے ۔ �HO و?� `ے ��Z رo�Cے واZے اور ان C TlX� FC=�ے واZے اoAے YH� Fdb=I�ں، >{� �HO �Hse LC �\ اہ� `�ال ہے � Cے �ZLw ہ�eے ہ ں ۔ وہ se ےC T Gر اور اہXI FoAں اور ا `LGج، Lb aHl د� e FC =�M L�\ہ C� اw FoA=ف e=C ��Cے ہ � ں C �e ں {� \� وہ اe=C L>bے ہ ں اور اس Cے F�M �nN>l ہ�eے ہZ ہے FpLYNl LC ن�G¹l ہX��O abع ا�p�l ہb ں؟� C T Gر اور اہXI F>bے ۔ اuL\ FC � sl T Gر اور اہXI FC ں ان l اف=NOے اC ے اور انuL\ FC ز�C =l ہ\�e =A تLlX� FC ہ ان� ،�bXIL� ، �b=Udl =ہLl ےC ام، اس�O ےZے واo�Cر F°>·Zے د` �? Lb �HO ص�UVl F>C ۔ Le�ں ہ �LGہ �ہA Fu�C LC ے�=C � sl Lb ـ�·C ے` T z Ls? Lb FeLb=�� ،FYل �HVe ں l �? Lb �HO اس =A ر�w FOLGN\اور ا cا�}=اد F�d` اور دا�� ور ،�Ynl ،�Ynl � `ے ��از eے ہ ں ۔ >ne اور �bLN` �C ے اسC=C � sl T Gر اور اہXI FC اس =�A ں اور Nے ہZ ٹ�� LC ےZے وا�=C ـ�·C TہM e=C F�M Xے ہ ں۔ `= ` X ا�L� XGں، ´�ZL، اLdIل، L�x�l _زاد اور Yoe³ و Yoe FC رداں ا نXIL� Lb ےZے واo�Cت رLb=�� ~ZLVl {� Mہ ہ= w�ر ا��ں �ے Z ں oM F�M X Yoe فXف ہ=w c=`دو �e ں ·oہA =A وج=O مLM ےC ہ=تW ف=w abں اL N>ہ F> \ » ? F�M ے>bـ ا�·C ۔F{ol Lb �ہ T z � Tdzl ۔ ��اہ وہFuوا=C ولjdl ف=w FoAہ ا\�e FC ادXse = zC abا FC وروں � O�ام اور دا� � `ے nl=وم رہNے ہ ں \� ان Cے LbLWن LWن >neو �bLN` ں اور وہ اس e �ں ہ ہ�eے ہ ں \� LlX� FC ت LO =�olم LbLG� =Aں �ہ ں `LN�yG ہ�ں Cہ ا`Ydw Fے l رLGW LC c�Zر دLN>Zا XdO => ہ� ۔ وہ اس FW�lL� F�M =A `ے اLlX� FoAت ا�Lyم دNbے ہ ں ۔ A=و? FC ے انHہA ے `ےo Z ہ�uL\ LC �\ ں ے ہC مLC LC � FeLb=�� ،FY اور ?�xLsہ w�ر A= ا��ں �ے � =ت �Yne ۔ Lk ےuL\ L C ں l FC [ }�e FC T UVW اور T HMLI ،T GHO FC ے ان` �\ Fk ڑےA FoZا�ہ ��= ڈا=uLw abا �HO �ZLw abا T z ز�M =A FkXہ �

Lد Aڑc ۔ oM

] FhdGl ½ZLC ~`�b `ے FM اے OLG`۔ ) اردو(ا L C [�L� ڈل l =H>�L� Fر`ٹ� ��b ں l اے �bڈل اور ا l ڈZ�k ں l XsM ےC ے�=C cڈ ¾bا FA ں l ے اردو` Fر`ٹ� ��b FhdGl1962 1970ء اور aٹL�=C ،Fر`ٹ� ��b FhdGl نL lے درC ء

�ر`ٹC Fے ا`{�ل _ف اور obٹ] اobڈ ا?=b{� ا`ٹڈ�b `ے \� ��b ڈنoZ اور Fر`ٹ� ��b ر�> l ،Fر`ٹ� ��b =}oW cرو ،Fر`ٹ� ��b ےوہ ہ ں C [�L� ےl�HAں ڈ l � lL¹l : ،ڈ�N l �o· b��o½ ٹZ ،F?ا=k� H{ٹ \uڈا ،F\�Z�Aو =�Nobل ا=·HC ،cڈ�N l ڈH oٹ{�، ?`

Fر`ٹ� ��b FhdGl LkLہ` =A اور `��ے �Hف ا��_ �>Hobا� ٹ{�، اردو ?�� ٹ{� اور ڈ`{=Aٹ ��oZ �} uL` ،�}ٹ`��oZ �ٹ oCڑا` ں �FHGO Xo درس وXeر�b `ے �Hse رN�Cے ہ ں، �=ف l �\ ےl�HAں اور ڈLb=kہ `� ڈb ں۔ l تL �L>Z cڈ ¾bا FA اور abے ا` LGO Lرت FoM ہ�Fk، وہ C =A ہ و?{= `ے اسsZLtl Ts`و =C [� ےk_ �e ہے F>bد اL oM =kں ۔ ا ] LC �HO اÀہLر ہUne cدL oM

= اYsZ] ہC Fہ�FN}` L\ Fu ہے۔ ا`{�uL\ Lہ _kے _uے Lk ۔ nl


½ZLC ٹ�>o{Zے اC FhdGl ےHہA ے ۔�e رہے =C LtO �HO �C ہdHw دو`=ے c�Zد => C [�L� �HO=�ے Cے `�eLـ `�eLـ A=و? {·=ر رہے۔ XsM ازاں ا�b اے Z ےC ں اردو l ½ZLC ~`�b [ OLG`ا XsM ےC ں، اس l)اردو ( اے �bاور ا)تL �L>Z ( ر=·} Z ے Z ےC

Lت �L>Z ے ۔ ذوu�ر ہ=Yl , ے رہے ۔eL�}` ےYb=w ےC نLMت اور درس زL e��1967 => ں A=و?l =GO FC لL` � e ف=� ae ء ں Fk اور اb F�Mہ �=ف Hl ں l FkXز� FC ³VW اور F>C Fدر ہLذو�LW تL Z�¯�l F>bا FC �HO ل�U� اور �bرXeدرس و FC c�Zد

اXNMا ہے ۔

ں _Lb ہے Cہ l ےo�}bد �C Fہ TہM ہb �} Z ں � Cے LCم Fe=C �e ہYneو X Yoe اور ~ ZLeو ~ oUe ں N UVW FMاور اد FGHO Gl ہ ا��ں �ےC Lہ رہb ہlLر�LC ڑاM ہ�A LC c�Zد => L ہ�۔ A=و?Z ہU� F�M ں l ے�=C ار�N`ا �C م اور انL I ےC ا��ں �ے اداروںFhd

Lد رLGW LC �\ F�Cر _ج اردو اور ہC cXoے اM abے oM FC c=b=dux ٹ= اورo` چ=>bر [bر�G l FهX�LkLGeLہl ہ�ر ادارے�l ےC Fl�I FC نLN`وXoہ ہC L�e Lobوغ د=? �C ےhb=�� ے اسC FهX�Lk LGeLہl XUYl LC مL I ےC ہے ۔ اس Le�ے ہ` T z � FC ل ادارےLzl

Fu�ہ FuLA [ }�e ش `ے�bو_ FC cXoہ � l_ ت=}>o` = � اردو اور ´l_ F`رL? = ´ Fosb F�LN`وXoن ہLMں , ز l ظL{Zدو`=ے ا Lb ،cXoوہ ہ�O ےC ے۔ وہ اردو�e ³VW �b=e زوں�l c�Zد => ے A=و?Z ےC ےo�Cد رL oM FC ن ہ� ۔ اور اس ادارےLMز FC لL� ل�M مLOl=اٹ�yk ،F=اL? ،FM=O ،Feر`C Fے `�eLـ `�eLـ FhC دو`=c ہXoو`F�LN ز�LM�ں `ے وا�e ~Iے اور ان F�L>Z LC در� رN�Cے �eے۔ �C ے اس ادارے` =}? c=ہk اور =�� c=ہk FC ان =A [uL>l ےC نLMز Fl�I � ں lہLرت �l اور اس F°>� دل FC ت `ے انL �L>Z [ �A ں l نLN`وXoرے ہL` ہ}HM FhdGl ہ=ت �ہ �=فW FC �C=l FY Yne ں اس l Fے ہ�=O =UNVl abاور ا L·oہA ہXuL? ءLہNے ا�M

ں \ہLں دو�Lر �}�س LC ا`ٹLف Fhk1967 L�e ۔ l ز اور 1980ء�H ں رb<=چ _? <=ز رb<=چ ?l �\ ے�e ےhk�ہ ہ=N` ں l ء =A تLO�p�l ےC ÃbرLe ت اورL �L>Z ،ت=}>o` ،F`رL? ،cXoں اردو، ہ l تXl [ HI abے ۔ ا�e [lLW ا?=اد �HsNl ے` c=b=dux ں MLNC FY Yne FhC ے� c�Zد => T `ے A=و?z � FC =ٹ}b=uاور ڈا F�LM ےC ں۔ اس ادارے �e Fhk FZ =C L ں lہMLNC دہLbہ�ار `ے ز � e

Hyl FYہ Yne LC ۔ اس ادارے FC FuLGoرہ FC ہdHw FhC ںLہb ےhZ ےC ٹb=ٹCں اور ڈا C quLW" ن��ہ�2و'��+� ز " c�Zد => A F�M=و? ے ہXoو`LNن Cے �Oوہ ا��LN>Hن اور Z ےC رL sl �Oے اoAے رہے \� اe=C �e=l ں�`=M ں l ں�° Z Fدو��ں ہ cXoاردو اور ہ

ں XI F�Mر L�� FCہ `ے دL�e LeL\ L�}b۔ اس Cے دو �LGW F��Uرے l aZLGl دو`=ے" ��C+ و��D �'�ر داس "اور " ا��C+ " �\ Tne ےC ےb=�� ےC نLMز F�LN`وXo۔ ہ Fhk �ہ FeL\ ہZا�� T Gاہ FC ے اور انu�ل ہ�dYl TہM ں l ں�YH� FMاور اد FGHO

� دc ہ�Fu ہXoو`C F�LNے �G��ے " (ا�ت ��+� "A=و? <= دc�Z �ے e=e ش `ے� l_ FC cXoاردو اور ہ ( FH U{e اور FC �e=l LGC FNر �ٹ=\F �ے C L�}Zہ o Lت اور �ZLO ڈاCٹ= �L>Z =ہLl ہ�ر�l �e L C quLW ـ ا`ے�eL` FC ےlXYl" FهX�Lk ےC نLMز Fl�I

L�e XoGل `ے ��اہ�L` � ZL� ہNWjk LC ےo�}bب دLNC FC ح=w ں اس l Tne ےC ےb=�� ےZوا F\" +� د#-27ے 'ے ج��ت �ا�M� رزو ��ر� ہ� �� ۔ "

ں A=و? <= دc�Z �ے F�L>Z، ادFM اور LO�p�l F?LYÅت M =Aے LGWر Ldt� ،Ä�Ldlت اور jlاC=ات LC ا�LYsد l ادارے F`ا � ادFM اور A [uL>l F�L>Z= اoAے � xLت اور ��=Lbت Iد TbL¹=ات �ے �ہ� [lL� ےC ہ= تW Flا�Ixا � M اور F}Hl ں l �\ L C

L ۔ \ <ے ڈاCٹ= FM _ر `{< oہ C رLہÀا LC ) Lbٹ _ف ا�ڈoGر��k �� GC F\�Z�� Fl=ٹ a{ ouL` �l=hٹ� �ML` ( ـ�}l �bد cڈ F` Lت ( ZLl =bوز �ML` ےC Xoہ Tl�}� اور Lbف ا�ڈ_ ao M و�bر�= ر�k �ML` ( F\=ر �ٹLGC FN o` =ٹCہ�ر (ڈا�l ےC تL �L>Z ت اورLb=�M

=> ہ (ڈاCٹ= s>l�د �< � �Lن ) Llہ= اور A=و?l�`ہ ا Hl ہslL\ ،=H>�L� �uوا �ML` ( �uراL� ہ N` �bٹ= اCٹ (ڈا� =o` �lٹ=ل ا�<ٹF ٹh�Lbٹ _ف ا�ڈoGر��k ،cXoف ہ_ ( F\ � w �bXZر اXM) Fر`ٹ� ��b �H>l ڑهk FHO =H>�L� �uوا �ML` ( راؤ cے _ر وC cٹ= وCڈا ،) =bوز �ML`

Xoہ Tl�}� ،تLG Hse ( =Cڈk رXoyk �bا �bٹ= اCاور ڈا)Fر`ٹ� ��b FhdGl تL �L>Z ہdsW رX� �ML` ( ۔

oہ lLW] ہے۔ lہLراWٹ=ا >A ن�� LC c�Zد => ں A F�M=و?l دL oM FC FlدLCٹ=ا اردو اWراLہl ح=w FC [bر�G l FهX�Lk LGeLہl FlL�Nا� �Oں اور ا ں Cہ وہ l=اٹ�F اور اردو دو��ں ز�LM�ں XI =Aرت رN�Cے ہC [�L� ض `ے=´ F`ت اLlX� FC ے ان� Tl�}� ے۔ اردو ادب HNVl FC~ ا�Loف C ر=Yl ے ا��ل Z ےC Fkد=C رLC FC ے اس ادارے� c�Zد => C Tے aZLl ہ ں۔ A=و?�� >ne ہG\=e ں l Fاٹ�=l LC تLY HVe ر اردوXI اں=kں اور l اردو LC تLY HVe [MLI FC Fاٹ�=l وہ�O ےC تLlLsا� �C ں� Mں اد l FC

L ۔ k L�}bں �� = `ے د�F=�� T7( ہ�ں او ر ان�S+ د�� دوررس ��ہے وہ ��و� ��#ہ اردو ا��د� ج !� �<�2 در!ے �� +�Oہ ہے۔

Fر`ٹ� ��b FhdGl ہlLر�LC ڑاM اور abا LC c�Zد => G�رb] اور lہLراWٹ=ا اردو اLCدC Flے A XsM=و?l FهX�Lk LGeLہl ں l1982 ےC اردو �e ں l ں�yZLC ےZے واo�Cق رLnZے ا` Fر`ٹ� ��b FhdGl ےHہA ۔ اس `ے L�e L�=C �uLI ہ اردوdsW ں l ء

�` �} Z ے�e ےdsW)100 ( ے� c�Zد => ں dsWے اردو L�e ہF �ہ ں ۔ A=و?l �C=l ےC Fر`ٹ� ��b اس Fا�=A دہLbل `ے زL` �C ے اردوdsW ا��ں �ے XH\ TہM ےu�ے ہeLہ اٹ�XuL? را�A اس `ے L�e L C [�L� ہM=ye FlL�Nڑے اداروں `ے \� ا�M دو xLM رہ�Cjl

�C=lLC ات=Cاjl FMاور اد FGHO اور �bرXeو � Hse ۔ FC LtO T z � FC ےdsW لLs? abا c�Zد => XM FCوA TZ=و? Loر اور `G°�ز G` ،تLdt� رLGW ےM ں ا��ں �ےLہ\ L k �ہ [YNol Fٹ`= ��b FhdGl ے اردوdsW ے` [bر�G l FهX�LkLGeLہl �b b ے ۔�e رLo G` ےC Èt` Flا�Ixا � M اور Fl�I FuLI�O رLo G` ہb ۔ L C �OXl �C ز=ZL}`ے اC aHl رےL` F�M ںLہb ے۔ C XYsol ہ LC �\ FC �uLI ے� Fہ c�Zد => ں اردو Cے FGHO اور ادjl FMاC=ات FC رواA Tb=و?l FhdGl ہC ں LMت M F�MہT ہZ �C F�گ \N�Lے ہ

ں l ے ان C رLo G` رLkدLb �\ ے� c�Zد => L ۔ اس dsWے ��L\ FC `ے A=و?C ں �ے�oGyا� c=`دو qdNe" �`اور ر �lاردو اÉVZـ " اLرہ Le�ردن ہL� [>H>l �\ " اردو FoCہ "، "د�L>?اردو ا =�Lsl ر اورXo� �W=C" ، " ab=ne Xo>A FI=e" ،" نLGbxا =Nا�" ،"cر�A نLtH` وح=yl" ،"م _زاد�}Zا�Mں " (ا�lLر�LC اور FkXز� FC L�x�l ہC L C ہ ا�=ارb ے` ¬yl ے� c�Zد => ے A=و?Z ےC �\


ں p=ور C·�ـ �ہ l رLo G` اس �C پ_ �e ہ ہےL C ہsZLtl Loeں _پ �ے ا l ےH>H` ےC cرL e FC [hb= ` cو Fے ٹC �Wدور در =A ں �ے l XsM ےC =}?ڑے ´�ر وM =A ع�p�l ےe�ا�� F>C F�M اور وہ Lk�ہ LoڑهA ـ�·C" FuLlڈرا LC دار=C ےC زاد_ L�x�l

=UoO " L�}Z) ں l XsM �\" ان اردو�bہ�ا " ا quLW ں l FHدہ" ( F�LGs� FHdW ہl�O" ،" c={s\ دار=` FHO" ،" ہ�L>?اور اردو ا Fاٹ�=l " � اور اردو ادب "اور eا�� " TہM �\ L C F�M مLGNاہ LC تLdt� Fs `�e اور F��U� وہ�O ےC ے ۔ ان�e ےu�ے ہ Z تLا��oO ے> \

ں اردو Cے �Oوہ l �\ FuLy` F�M [{nl abا FC ں� Mر اد�lL� ےC ں��LMز ~HNVl FC نLN`وXoں ۔ ا��ں �ے ہ �Hw Tonl ہ�eے ہ L۔ ا C لL � اLde =A [uL>l F�L>ZدZہ �M ے اورu�ہ [lLW �bے ادC ہ = " l ab=اٹ�F، ہyk ،cXo=اXo` ،FeهF، ا��=c�b اور oCٹ= و´

� XeرLdt� F>bت " LWم ا?<�Lہ e ےC ر��L� رXo� FA�k =ٹC۔ ڈاFم رہL� ےC روںL�� ہ�L>?اردو ا" FN?LYÅ اور F�L>Z FC اردوT Gان " اہ�oO ہM رLo G ہ�ا " اردو اور ?Lر`C Fے F�L>Z اور ادFM رNWے "Cے oO�ان `ے ہ�uے ۔ اور اM abہT ہF اہ� اورLbدLkر `

FهX�Lk LGeLہl ت ��اہ وہLdt� ات اور=Cاjl مLGe ۔ انFuLl=? ل �ے=o\ [U��I ےC ان=bہ اbہ�رG\ Fl�`ا FhdGl ارتX� FC �\ ں، ا`jeLہ، dHwہ، اور ادب LC ذوق وW�ق رo�Cے واZے O�ام l Fر`ٹ�>b�b FhdGl ے اردوhdsW Lb ے ہ�ںu�ں ہ l ٹ� G�رb] ا�<ٹF ٹl LoGر C =C XYsolے رہ hkے ۔ HM{ہ ا��ں �ے ہXoو`LNن ` FhC c�Zد => � ab=W ہ�eے رہے ۔ اF�M L>b �ہ ں Cہ A=و?l ادXse = zC ں FC TC=W اور ZLYlے l رزLo G ` F�M Xoون ہ= M ات اور=Cاjl F�L>Z اور FMاد Xoہ [C ےC ں�oGyت اور ا�LslL\ c=`دو FC

ں lLW] ہ ں ۔ l ں�O�Gyl ےC � lL¹l ےC ڑهے \� انA )۔ Lk�ے ہk_ =Cذ LC Xo�(

uL\ Lے Z ہ�uL\ LC وشLC FY Yne اور FMاد FGHO ےC اب ذرا ان:-

" F{nUl بLVNاور ) ء1959" (ا� " T>d}� م�C بLVNے ) ء1962" (ا��e � Hse =bز c�Zد => C �\ Fosb ( Lہ A=و?C �e=l =C [�C T Gاہ FC وں =OLW ے ان` �\ ¬eL` ےC ں�lXYl ط�>dl رف اورLse ے>b۔ اL C quLW ے� FHؤس دہLہ �o�HdA FZL� ں �o\

`olLے _Fe ہے ۔ ں LC1750 اLW =OLW F?�� abہ e=اب ��FN �ے " �Lolے To` " ��HW رام داس Cے �lہ�ر " L�yG` �lون " l ء

L۔ C quLW ے� FhdGl �C=l ے اردو>\ L C �e=l ہ `ے ا`ےV>� Ft� ے اس� c�Zد => L�e L ۔ A=و?C ہG\=e ں _زاد l اردو " � Yne F�L>Z ں l ب " اردوLU� ےC اے اردو �bں ا l تLslL\ FC ہ= bہ LNCب kL� FhdGl°�ر، k FHOڑه، دہFH اور A��ے و´

ں lLW] ہے ۔ l FC Lن ا��L� Ë ء اLا��" F�LہC FC T C Fـ " را��eL` ـ�eL` ےC رفLse ہے۔ FC �bوXe ا�ہXIL� FC �\ ے� c�Zد => ۔ A=و?

L ہے ۔ k L�Cں ر l بLU� ےC اے �bں ا`ے ا l تLslL\ FhC اور � N}� FN�LW ں ۔ ں ��ٹ� F�M دbے ہl cXoاردو اور ہ " � Yne F�L>Z اور FM۔ " ادFu�ل ہ�dYl TہM �\ ہےL C quLW ے� Fر`ٹ� ��b FhdGl ہ اردوdsW ر ۔ ا`ےLC �b=w ا��ل اور

L۔ ) ا`�م _LMد(XNYlرہ LN>CLAن C quLW ا`ے c�Zد => �ے M F�Mہ ا\Lزت A=و?"c=eوL` " ولLر�L}ہLW ےC ~oUl F`اور ا LC ٹZوL� Fاٹ�=l ےC ے�bرام ر� W �e�W=A "LNC�Zہ ۔ " اوG\=e ں l اردو F�M LC L۔ " C quLW ے� FMو= � O�Gyl LCہ۔ ا`ے �C �C اردو راuٹ=ز Hkڈ، �lL¹l cX Yoe اور FY Yne ،ںb=b=ne Fh� T رLN�C ہے ۔ " دFoC اردو"z � FeL\ ہZا�� abہ \� اO�Gyl LC � lL¹l [GN�l =A اردو FoCد ے A=و? <= " رن _�� " Z ےC �\ ہG\=e اردو LC ولL� ےC =}b ڈ M ام=Wو �bور اد_ XI abے اC ادب Fاٹ�=l XbX\

L ۔ C LtO ارڈ�bہ اG\=e ے� FlدLCہ ا NہL` �C c�Zد Lق " ` F\LG` ن اورLMح " اردو ز=w F`ہے ا �sHNl ت `ےL �L>Z F\LG` �\ ہO�Gyl LC � lL¹l " ³VW ،رXo� �W=C �bاور " اور اد FC �e =l " ��_ =�k " ـ�eL` ےC ےlXYl ط�>dl abں ۔ ا l c=k L��bں ۔ اردو اور دL OLMر FC =Nر ا�Lz� ںL\

ں۔ C �e=l L۔ \� اF�M زXO " qdw =bاL\ TZرc ہے : �lL�ش "C ہG\=e ں l اردو LC ےlڈرا Fاٹ�=l ہ�Llہ�ر ز�l ےC =}ZوXoe و\ے

ٹ�� " ڈاCٹ= ر? � زLNC FC Lb=Cب " اLdIل OLW= اور ` T`L داں " ہے ZLA c ڈ دobٹ اu�A cل دLdIں " ا l ے اردو` c�b=ا�� LC � \� ہXoو`LNن اور LN>CLAن lL¹l دہLbس `ے زL·A وہ�O ےC ۔ ان L C quLW ے� FHدہ Fh� اردو FI=e �Gyہ ہے \<ے ا�G\=e² � =ت � � اور LM ~b=se [MLIت bہ ہے، \� اردو Cے ادdb�ں اور >·Zد cڑM abے ۔ اu�ہ quLW ں l ں�ZL`ر cرL sl ~HNVl ےC ں l c�b=ں۔ ا�� }Lت Cے د�Ldbے Z{�ے ہZLeت وL{ oUe FC ں�N UVW FGHO FhC ے� c�Zد => � XbLW �C ہHsl F�م ہ� Cہ A=و?uرLI LC T ا�Xازہ ہ�Le ہے Gاہ FC ں انbرj� FC ں�N UVW FGHO ر�lL� اور ان T HMLI FC ں ان l تLO�p�l ۔ ان F�M ں l اور اردو F�M ۔

-:bہ د�Ldbے �<� ذMLNC [b�ں Cے ہ ں

1. India: A Polyglot Nation and its Linguistic Problems by Dr. Suniti Kumar Chaterji (Former President, Sahitya Academy)

2. Many Languages and One Nation: Problem of Integration by Dr. V.K.R.V Rao (Former Minis-ter of Education, Govt. of India)

3. A Third Look at our Language Problem by Badruddin Tayyabji. I.C.S. (Retd), (Former Vice Chancellor Aligarh University and Former Indian Ambassador to Japan)

4. The Place and Position of a Link Language in the Multilingual setup of India by Dr. M. Satya Narayan (Chairman, Central Hindi Institute, Agra)


) �lہ�ر اردو �ZLO( F>He داس اور رام �=��Ll =e از ڈاCٹ= �}Xر _ہ ) 5( ) A�`ٹ ڈاCٹ=ل ZLYlہ( اردو اور ہF�L>Z FC cXo رNWہ از راج �=ا�u راز ) 6()7 ( �dW��)ہG\=e اردو LC ں�G�� Fاٹ�=l �VNol ( ورL� نLl�Zا qbXM از

از � =ت O�Gyl ( FoC�Cہ �Cم(`�b=�oے (8)

ں `ے �Xo ہ ں l ے ۔ انhk ے Z F�M �bے ا�ٹ= و` T UVW F> \ c�Zد => " ا��Yب"اردو روز�lLہ :LÀہ= ہےCہ A=و? ں l FhdGl" É� �`ن، ادب اور رLMاردو ز " =A ع�p�l ےC1969 ہlLروز� c�b=ں۔ ا�� l ء "�GuLرٹ�°kL� " ں l " نLN`وXoہ

[MLYe LC ے ادبC نLN>CLA ں 1976" اور l ں "ء l �� ےC نLMز F�LN`وXoہ 1979" ہlLروز� cXoں ۔ ہ l ء " �GuLرت ٹL�M �� " ں l FhdGl" [uL>l F�L>Z ےC نLN`وXoہ " =A1971 ہlLروز� Fاٹ�=l ں l ء " LN` ��Z " ں l ��bڈbڈے اo` ےC FhdGl " FoC�C

ں اور ر�LGH>l "1980 c=kLoe�ں FC ادLlX� FMت l ء) �C�C ہI�O ( ےlLروز� Fاٹ�=l ےC "=kL` " [ZXl ط اور�>dl ڑےM ں l ا�ٹ=وquLW �b ہ�uے ہ ں ۔

ں l اف=NOے اC تLlX� ے 1983ان� �o�}Z FlدLCا = l ں l ارڈ " ء�bا = l زL Nlٹ=ا اردو 1986اور " اWراLہl ں l ء ہ اLCدLC Fl ذe =C� اوA= _ہL}� F ہے ۔ " F�L>Z اور ادy}b FMہFN اb�ارڈ" اLCدFl �ے NہL` ۔ L C LtO

T?LYÅ Fl�`اور ا F`رL? ں l Fر`ٹ� ��b ہN}HC ں ۔ ان Cے �Oوہ V? [MLI FhC= ا�Oاز A F�M=و? <= د�L� �C c�Z] ہ ے L�oM FM=¯lل Cے k�ر�= �ے Z ےC ر=Ye ےC => ہ C1975ے _e �W�ش A=و?�LGzO د۔�lL� ں l Fٹ GC ��}H` ں l ء

ں l Fٹ GC ��}H` ے Z ےC ر=Ye ےC => ں اردو Cے A=و?l دLM_ رX � Fر`ٹ� ��b1977 [°>� � l FhdGl رہے۔ �Cں ر l ء � �<°HٹF ہے l cڑM ے` �` FC نLN`وXoر `ے ہLdNOے اC ٹyM �\ FC ��bر�AرLC , ے Z ےC ٹ} b��o½ ڈoG°Z�bٹ A=و\Z

C [oے رoM �Cے ۔ اور ا`M F�رڈ A F�L>Z ےC رڈ�M اردو FI=e ےC Xoہ Tl�}� تLG Hse ے ۔ وزارتhk ےZ ں l Fٹ GC ��}H` ٹC Fے رF�M �C رہے ۔ ا`F وزارت Cے C �uLI=دہ `oٹ=ل ہcXo ا�<ٹF ٹ �ٹ GC تL��tا� qpو F�L>Z ےC)ہ=k_ ( FC

HlLO �Hylہ Cے رoM �Cے ۔ FhdGl دوردرC �Wے A=وk=ام Cے اbڈوا�uرM c�رڈ Cے رF�M �C رہے ۔ �{�l TlہLراWٹ=ا �ے L ۔ ا��Gy ا`�م C ر=Yl ٹb=ٹ>yl � ٹ}b��bا [� �ں Cے FhC (ا`°CڑZ ں اور�CڑZ �\ ادارہ FG Hse ڑاM TہM abا LC FhdGl

ے hkے M�رڈ Cے ر�C رہ �{ے ہ ں ۔ `oٹ=ل C [ }�e ے Z ےC ر�lا Fl�GO اور F?LYÅ ےC ہےLe�� ½ZLC ا`{�ل اور ے �Xر \Gہ�رhbہ ہC Xoے Z ےC دLM_ رX � Fر`ٹ� ��b )1992 Le رہے۔) ء1995ء �Cد ر�lL�

�N N�ں FC داد `F ڈc دG�b{�ـ ، ڈاCٹ= وC cے _ر وc راؤ، اC �bے LAٹ]، `�� FlL�Nاور ا� FGHO ےC c�Zد => A=و? <ے de=l XoHMہ MLI] اور ذlہ دار �¹=ات �ے دc ہے وہ \ Fyd w �bXZراXM اور Ëا TbاXٹ� ہ>\ ،�o\ ورLb FHO ،cڈ�A ده�راؤLl

LGC FN ر �ٹ=\F �ے اoAے �Ldtت Mہ oO�انo : Fu�C ر`FZ�Gsl Lb FG �ہ ں ہے ۔ ڈاCٹ= INDIA A POLYGLOT NATION AND ITS LINGUISTIC PROBLEMS

ں A F�M=و? <= دXI FC c�Zر e=Cے ہ�uے اoAے H� =A�ص \LMjت l ےdt� ےhk ےbں د l ا�k X�b=A ہ NہL` FoC�C وہ�O ےC L ہے ۔ C رLہÀا LC

T اور ا�O در\ے Ls? FCل LCرC=دZLO Fk� اور�ux ا?=اد FC ��=وں Cے �Oوہ HNVl~ اداروں Cے HMLI FC c�Zد => A=و? =ZL}`ؤ�<] اLC ٹ�=M ں۔ ا��ں �ے hk FC [�L� تLlX� FC ان F�M =ہLM ےC نLN`وXoں ہ l ےy N� ےC �\ Fu_ F�M ں l �HO

T `ے z � FC1987 ے ۔bت دLdt� ں l تLslL\ FC ا=dڈ�bاور ا ½b=dGC ،رد�{>Cن، اXoZ ں l ٹ _ف 1989ء� ں ا�<ٹF ٹl ء L�e ان�oO LC �\ LڑهA ہZLYl abں ا l ڈنoZ ف_ Fر`ٹ� ��b �� C�ybا " c=y lں ا l c=OLW اردو " F?LYÅ =Ul و Xoل ہL` F`ا

hyے C ہ��l تLا��oO ےC تLdt� ے۔ ذرا ان C � A تLdt� ں l تLslL\ FC ہbرXo}`ہ=ہ اور اLI ں l ےZدLde " FM=O =A اردو ں اردو U� LCہ " اردو Cے �Oوہ دو`=c ہXoو`F�LN ز�LM�ں C FM=O =Aے اÅ=ات" " Cے اÅ=ات l تL I=_ن C �LAے " ا`�Fl در`

ں FM=O در` Lت۔ " اردو G\=eے l FhdGl ۔ " اور�GW � O زہ= اورxہ=ہ، اLI ں ں bہ �dtے دbے hkے وہ ہl تLslL\ �\1990 ء Xoے ہhk ےhC XYsol ں l ہ=ہLI ں l– ں l رLo G` =Ul " [OL{e FGہLM F�L>Z اور FMں اد l =Ul ن اورLN`وXoں ہ l cX� ںb�> M "

L۔ ان LGeم oO�ا�Lت `ے NAہ �LNH ہے Cہ A=و? <= دC c�Zے sZLtlے اور ?{= LC داu=ہ LoNC و` q ہے ۔ C � A ہZLYl =A

�GW � O FC =Ul ہ ا?=وز ہے وہ ہے�H\ ں l TH ں اab اور w=ہ \�ان FC د`LNر ?¹l ےH>H` ےC مL I ےC اداروں ے Z ےC ے�=C cر�A ورت=p FC Fر`ٹ� ��b �GW � O ۔ � `Le FC c=b=dux اردو abم اور اL I LC ہ اردوdsW ں l Fر`ٹ� ��b Lم C=Cے وہ LCر�lLہ ا�Lyم دLb \� `ے C =Ulے I لL` abں اLاور ا��ں �ے وہ FC رشL{` FC c�Zد => �{�Tl ہXo �ے A=و?

ں F�M ان L� LCم �MLI L] ?=اl�ش رہے Lk ۔ l ں�YH� FGHO

Xا ہ�eے ہ ں \� A ور=p �GWے دC ں�N UVW لLs? [MLI ہے L C ض=O ـ�eL` ےC ں�ZLzl ں �ے l ں <CLہ AہHے Cہ\ �ر`ٹdsW Fہ اردو C �uLI=�ے ��b FhdGl �\ ں ۔ ے `ے A=و? <= دFozN>l F�M c�Z �ہHC ں ۔ اس e=C Xے ہYoe³ و Yoe FC ان

ں اL?�w abن اٹ� l FhdGl �e ں hk FC [�L� تLlX� FC c�Zد => ے A=و?Z ےC ں ـL N>ر ہ�lL� Xo� ں l � {ZLVl ےC ۔ ان L�e Lb_ [b= ` cو Fدہ ٹ=C =b=ne ےC وف=nZا �Iف \� وہ را=w F`ں۔ ا �e [lLW F�M" م _زاد�}Zا �Mا L�x�l " =ہ �e ے�e = �l ےC

ں اNO=اLpت `ے A =�M�ر �t�ط Ll =�M FCر رہLC �\ F رخ ا�ہw FC F=ف l روںLdے اردو ا�C FhdGl XsM ےC ٹ`LC FH ہ}Nے ٹ L�e ۔


L، �ہ Z مLC ڑ `ے�e ں �ہ \�ڑ uوا=C ں WرL{` F�dC ہ� c�Zد => ے A=و?Z ےC ے�=C [�L� از�Oارڈز اور ا�bے اoeا FoAے ا` FW�lL� ے ۔ وہu�ے ��ف زدہ ہ` Fں ہ�N{ZLVl اور �ہ ،L C ٹ�ـ \�ڑk وہ `ے=k F>C ےC روںL�� X Yoe ں اور� lدLCا Fkد=C رLC تL ZLs? FoAا F�dC ے رہے ۔ ا��ں �ےNڑهM ےk_ ے C XoHM ��=A LC زL Nlا Feے ذاoAے رہے اور اNbم دLyت ا�LlX� �C c�Zد => اور LCر�lL�ں �e FCہ = �ہ ں FC \� `ے ان de=l Lok FhC �Cہ ��L] ہ� `{L�e LN ۔ ` Ll �Nده�راؤ �Aڈc �ے \� A=و?Mے ��b�O X رN�Cے �eے اور \� اردو ہL? ،cXoر`F اور ا��=C c�bے \ �e �ZLO Xے ۔ A=و? <= دFGHO FC c�Z اور ادLlX� FMت

= LC Fu�Cم C" F>C L�=C� `=ا ہNے ہ�uے اLM abر CہC L�e Lہ ¯M ےC = د��L� c�Z اoAے LCم �e FCہ = �ہ ں e=Cے، اور �eہ ں _�{�ـ Llر�ے Cے M=اM= ہے ۔l ے= � O�رت C� ا�Xه>� "

�ر`ٹ��L\ FC F `ے A=و? <= دC c�Zے �<� �TlX `ے `X}dوش ہ��ے A= اab وداH\ FO<ہ ��b ×dGl ے اردوhdsW ں dHwہ اور LdZLwت C� �ہTbL ہk F=اں XIر �l�رے دbے �eے \� l ہdt� ےoAے ا� c�Zد => ں A=و?l �\ L�e L k L C XYsol ں l ے>H\ F`ا �\ L�e L C =ÅLNl X� ےM �C FW�\ �b=A T`دو �b�O abے ا= l ے� [bر\ہ ذXol =A ر�w صL� ں `ے l

:l�\�د �eے ۔ FGHO اور ادFM \ہC Tے �Oوہ bہ ` {� Z=زام `ے XI F>Cر HGl� ہے

] H�� FCہ ا?�اC Fuے "`=eغ و�Mاور ا � XI Tرے زLbدہ ہ�Fe ہے۔ _F>A ا?ہLم و e}ہGاہ FC ں��LMں ز l � HA�رل `�`uLٹ ں \ <CLہ ہXoو`LNن LC ہے l ے=WLsl F�L>Z = zC ہے ۔ � � =b�kL� abے ا Z ےC جLG` ا?=اد Lo�L\ LC ں��LMز Xuے زا` abے ا Z C ل�exاور و FeرL�M � olا=d` ،م�`xر اj� ر اور�� =اFuLM، ٹl اور = dC ،�bم دL� ،رامL}e ،ر�� L k ے Z ےC �HO �ZLw ے اردو

ں ۔ I F�M F>C�م Cے دا��ر ں p Lo�L\ F�M=ورc ہے ۔ �C از �C ان Cے LCر�lL�ں `ے LCن p=ور _LoW ہ��ے �Lہl رےLM = �<=و، ´�ZL اور lا ،c=ہ c=e =�M ،داس FZLC ے Z ےC نLN`وXoں۔ ہ OLW= اور اد�b اe Fl�I FoAہTl�O FC �bj ہ�eے ہ

T ان Fl�I FC ز�LC FkX اU� abہ ہے ۔ {Iں وا l رےLM ےC وں=OLW ں اور� Mرہ اد�Cjl ـ�eL` ےC لLdIا "

�ں lہ�LG�ں اور O�ام ?Ln� ،تLdZLw ہ وdHw ،ں�dbوں، اد=> ں A=و?l �°G C Fر`ٹ� ��b FhdGl �\ =A مLNNے ا�C ے>H\ اس w FNH}��ہ �C =A ں�dZ ے �ہ=ے اورZL�M ےZ��M ےC ان �e ےu_ =ہLM c�Zد => `ے �M= ے ہ�uے ��M auL�ن `ے A=و?ر او l<{=اہٹ `ے bہ NAہ �ہ ں �] رہC L�e Lہ وہ رbٹuL= ہ� �{ے ہ ں، HM{ہ b�ں �Z رہC L�eLہ اF�M اLC =`=M F�Mر ہ�uے ہ ں

{·= دے C= اور اس `ے Mڑے �hGtl ہ� LM =Cہ= �{] رہے ہ ں۔ Z ہ�A LC FkXز� FoAا

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