jurman, b. bader & d.a. aston (eds), a true scribe of ......burial chamber remain insitu. his...
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Jurman, B. Bader & D.A. Aston (eds), A True Scribe of
Abydos. Essays on First Millennium Egypt in Honour of
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ORIENTALIA LOVANIENSIAANALECTA
————— 265 —————
A TRUE SCRIBE OF ABYDOS
Essays on First Millennium Egypt in Honour of Anthony Leahy
edited by
CLAUS jURMAN, BETTINA BADER and DAVID A. ASTON
PEETERSLEUVEN – PARIS – BRISTOL, CT
2017
Contents
Preface . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . vii
A. Leahy’s Bibliography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xi
DaviD a. aston, “the third Cache” – Myth or Reality? . . . . 1Martin BoMMas, the Unpublished stela of Hunefer. Remarks on Glo-
rification texts on new Kingdom Funerary stelae . . . . . 27GerarD P.f. BroekMan, suggesting a new Chronology for the Kushite
twenty-fifth Dynasty and Considering the Consequences for the Preceding Libyan Period . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39
Julia BuDka, Kushites at Abydos: A View from Umm el-Qaab . . 53Maria cannata, From the embalmers’ Cabinets of Curiosities . . 65Mélanie cressent, nouveau raccord memphite: la statue d’Horsema-
taouyemhat Vienne Kunsthistorisches Museum Äs 5775 + Caire Musée Égyptien CG 888 . . . . . . . . . . . . . 77
DiDier Devauchelle, Les enterrements d’Apis au temps des nectané-bos . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 95
roBerto B. Gozzoli, Chronology and Royal succession in the Kushite Kingdom (664–593 BC) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 119
steven r.W. GreGory, on the Horus throne in ḏt and nḥḥ: Changeless time and Changing times . . . . . . . . . . . . . 143
BenJaMin hinson, Dead Ringers: the Mortuary Use of Bells in Late Pharaonic egypt . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 179
karl Jansen-Winkeln, „Libyerzeit“ oder „postimperiale Periode“? Zur historischen einordnung der Dritten Zwischenzeit . . . . . 203
claus JurMan, Impressions of What is Lost – A study on Four Late Period seal Impressions in Birmingham and London . . . . 239
alan B. lloyD, saite Warfare: the Resurgence of Military Ambition 273antonio J. Morales, Aggregation with the Gods . . . . . . . 287Michinori ohshiro, searching for the tomb of the theban King
osorkon III . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 299fréDéric PayrauDeau, nesptah, père de Montouemhat, à Karnak-nord 319olivier PerDu, Les origines du précepteur royal Ânkhefensekhmet, le
nom ancien de Kôm Firîn et le fief Libou dans l’ouest du Delta . 327
VI Contents
caMPBell Price, the ‘Admiral’ Hor and his naophorous statue (Man-chester Museum acc. no 3570) . . . . . . . . . . . 369
troy l. saGrillo, King Djeḥuty-em-ḥat in swansea: three Model scribal Palettes in the Collection of the egypt Centre of swansea University . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 385
cynthia M. sheikholeslaMi, some theban Choachytes of the third Intermediate Period . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 415
John h. taylor, two Lost Cartonnage Cases of the early twenty- second Dynasty . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 445
Günter vittMann, An Abnormal Hieratic Letter from Dakhleh oasis (ostracon Amheida 16003) . . . . . . . . . . . . . 491
SEARCHING FOR THE TOMB
OF THE THEBAN KING OSORKON III
Michinori OHSHIRO
I had the good fortune to have Dr. Anthony Leahy as my teacher at the
University of Birmingham in 1996–1997. He encouraged me to write my MA
dissertation on Osorkon III and his stela from Akoris. He taught me everything
about Egyptology step by step in Birmingham. It was very difficult for a Japa-
nese student but it was also an extremely good time for me. I remember his
words, ‘you are a student in a British university, so I’ll deal with you as a
British student here,’ when I met him for the first time in his office. Now I’m
teaching Egyptology at Komazawa University in Tokyo Tony’s academic influ-
ence is reaching as far as Japan.
During the New Kingdom, Egypt was a united country ruled by a single
king. However, during the following Libyan Period there were often several
kings ruling simultaneously. During one such period, in the middle of the
8th century BC, Osorkon III of the ‘Theban/Herakleopolitan Twenty-third
Dynasty’ ruled Middle and Upper Egypt from Herakleopolis Magna south to
Elephantine. However, Kitchen suggested that Osorkon III ruled from the
Delta, especially Leontopolis.1 Most archaeological evidence indicates that
Osorkon III was a Theban king, although conclusive evidence is lacking.2
If the tomb of Osorkon III were to be discovered in Thebes, this would bring
an end to the argument of whether the ‘Theban/Herakleopolitan Twenty-third
Dynasty’ existed. A possible solution to this question is to be found in texts
mentioning the tomb of king Osorkon in Thebes (philology) and the tomb of
Harsiese in Medinet Habu (archaeology).
Who is Osorkon III?
Since the second half of the 1980s, Leahy, Aston and Taylor (the “Birming-
ham School”) have suggested that Osorkon III was a Theban king and also
a member of the Theban/Herakleopolitan Twenty-third Dynasty.3 Most
1 KITCHEN 1986: 130.2 OHSHIRO 1999: 37–42.3 ASTON 1989: 139–153; ASTON and TAYLOR 1990: 131–154; LEAHY 1990: 155–200; ASTON
2009a: 1–28.
300 M. OHSHIRO
Egyptologists also agree with this theory.4 Although Kitchen has long argued
to identify Osorkon III with the king Osorkon of Manetho’s Twenty-third
Dynasty and that this dynasty was situated in the Delta,5 archaeological evi-
dence, including construction activities by Osorkon III in Thebes, indicate that
he was a Theban king.6 Also it is clear that his son, Takeloth III, was a Theban
king and his daughter, Shepenwepet I, was a God’s Wife of Amun in Thebes.
Moreover, according to the Chronicle�of�Prince�Osorkon7 carved on the Bubas-
tite portal at Karnak,8 Prince Osorkon B — who later became King Osorkon III
because Prince Osorkon B was the High Priest of Amun who disappeared from
the record just before King Osorkon III was enthroned9 — was a son of a The-
ban king, Takeloth II.10 Rudamun, a son of Osorkon III, is attested from a block
in Medinet Habu.11 The names of three kings (Osorkon III, Takeloth III,
Rudamun) are attested on the walls of the chapel of Osiris heka-djet (‘Ruler of
Eternity’) in Karnak.12 So the family genealogy of Osorkon III indicates that
he was rather more closely connected to Thebes than to the Delta.
Kitchen rejects the theory concerning a Theban origin for king Osorkon III
and advocates an origin in the Delta (Leontopolis). Porter recently suggested
that a block with a representation of a king ‘Osorkonu’ (i.e., an Osorkon with
a nw pot as a graphamatic variant of a simple n) from Tanis is associated
with Osorkon III.13 Both Dodson and Aston dismissed this theory because
Osorkon III never used the nw variant in a cartouche, and the appearance of
‘Osorkonu’ differs from other representations of Osorkon III, such as those in
the chapel of Osiris heka-djet at Karnak.14 However, as the paper by Porter
indicates, the theory of a Delta origin for both the king and dynasty is still alive.
If the tomb of Osorkon III were to be discovered in Thebes, it would give
credence to the view that he was a Theban king, and would be an important
point in resolving the problem.
4 JANSEN-WINKELN 1995: 138, n. 58; JANSEN-WINKELN 2006: 234–264; DODSON 1993: 53–68; DODSON 2000: 7–18; VON BECKERATH 1995a: 7–13; VON BECKERATH 1995b: 9–13; VON BECKERATH 1997: 94–99; VON BECKERATH 2003: 31–36; BROEKMAN 2005: 21–33; BROEKMAN 2006: 245–255; BROEKMAN 2009: 91–101; KRAUSS 2006: 178; WILKINSON 2010: 572–573.
5 KITCHEN 1986: 451–452; KITCHEN 2009: 183–184.6 OHSHIRO 1999: 33–50.7 CAMINOS 1958: 10–180.8 HUGHES and NIMS: 1954, pls. 16–22.9 BICKEL 2009: 51.10 ASTON 1989: 150.11 JURMAN 2006: 69–91; BROEKMAN 2009: 96.12 JANSEN-WINKELN 2007: 313–319.13 PORTER 2011: 111–112.14 DODSON 2014: 6–10; ASTON 2014: 21.
SEARCHING FOR THE TOMB OF THE THEBAN KING OSORKON III 301
Where is the Tomb of Osorkon III?
Many burials of priests and priestesses have been found in the Bab el-Gasus,
Deir el-Bahari, behind the Ramesseum, and elsewhere in Thebes. They were
dated to the whole Third Intermediate Period.15 It is obvious that Thebes was
still used as an important necropolis in the Third Intermediate Period. Harsiese
A — a contemporary rival king against Osorkon II and, possibly also his father,
Shoshenq II,16 who ruled from the Delta in the Twenty-second Dynasty — is
regarded as an independent Theban king17 and may be the earliest ancestor of
the Twenty-third Dynasty. The reference to a ḥm-nṯr�n�tꜢ ḥwt�n�nsw Ḥr-sꜢ-Ỉst
on the Karnak statue of Padiamun-Nebnestawy, Cairo JE 37398,18 means that
Harsiese A was a king who had his tomb in Thebes. His tomb has been discov-
ered at Medinet Habu and was excavated between 1927 and 1933.19 The super-
structure of the tomb is lost, but the entrance passage, an antechamber, and a
burial chamber remain in�situ. His sarcophagus was also found there.20
Although the tomb of the Theban/Herakleopolitan king Takeloth II, the
father of Osorkon III, in the Twenty-third Dynasty has not yet been found, there
is a possibility of it being in Thebes and that he was buried there by his son
because some of his direct descendants were buried there. These include:21
1. Ankhpakered ii (son of Tabeketenasket B): tomb B 29 at the Ramesseum.
2. Isisweret i (sister of Takeloth II): buried behind the Ramesseum.
3. Nehemsybast (granddaughter of Takeloth II): There is a high possibility
that she was buried in the cemetery behind the Ramesseum because her
funeral goods (a part of a cartonnage and a shabti box) were found there.
4. Nimlot F (son of Takeloth II): His tomb has not yet been found, but there
is a high possibility that it is in Thebes because of his wooden stela Vatican
329/Turin 1468 which is distinctly Theban in style.
5. Pediamennebnesuttawy vi (grandson of Peftjauawybast and great-grandson
of Rudamun): a fragment of his coffin was found in TT 83 at el-Qurna.
6. Tabeketenasket B/Tamit (granddaughter of Takeloth II and Nehemsybast’s
cousin): tomb B 28 at the Ramesseum.
The above mentioned examples may indicate that the tombs of Takeloth II
and his son Osorkon III are situated behind the Ramesseum. R. Anthes
suggested that the Priest of Amun, Osorkon, son of a king Takeloth, may be
15 LULL 2009: 245; NIWIŃSKI 2009: 277–289; ASTON 2009b: 237–253.16 Cf. ASTON 2009b: 157–268.17 JANSEN-WINKELN 1995: 129; DODSON and HILTON 2004: 224.18 CARTER and LEGRAIN 1905: 126; JANSEN-WINKELN 1997: 103–114; JANSEN-WINKELN 2014:
177–178, n. 312.19 HÖLSCHER 1956: 8–10; ASTON 2014: 18–21.20 CARTER and LEGRAIN 1905: 122; IKRAM and DODSON 1998: 235–310.21 ASTON and TAYLOR 1990: 131–138; DODSON and HILTON 2004: 224–231; ASTON 2014:
23–37.
302 M. OHSHIRO
buried with Ankhpakered ii and Tabeketenasket B/Tamit behind the
Ramesseum.22
There are also other royal burials in Thebes after Takeloth II. These may
afford collateral evidence that the tomb of Osorkon III was also erected in
Thebes (I append here only a selection because Takeloth III had a large number
of children and grandchildren).
1. Djedptahiufankh D (Second Prophet of Amun): tomb 17 at Medinet Habu.
2. Gautsoshen iii (daughter of Djedmutesankh ix and Hor xv): Deir el-Bahari.
3. Hor xvi (Prophet of Montu): Deir el-Bahari.
4. Horudja (Overseer of the Singers of Amun): TT 367 (usurped tomb) at el-
Qurna.
5. Irbastwedjanefu A (daughter of Takelot III; Lady of the House): in the
temple of Hatshepsut at Deir el-Bahari.
6. Irthorru i (Prophet of Montu): Deir el-Bahari.
7. Iufa ii (Prophet of Amun): TT 367 (usurped tomb) at el-Qurna.
8. Meresamenet (Singer of the Harem of Amun): in the temple of Hatshepsut
at Deir el-Bahari.
9. Nakhtbasteru (great-great-granddaughter of Takelot III): Deir el-Bahari.
10. Osorkon G (son of Takelot III; Prophet of Amun): tomb B 27 at the
Ramesseum.
11. Pamiu vi (son of Pakhuru and Irbastwedjanefu A): in the temple of Hat-
shepsut at Deir el-Bahari.
12. Shepenwepet I (sister of Takelot III and daughter of Osorkon III): Her
tomb-chapel was found at Medinet Habu.
The above mentioned examples may indicate that Deir el-Bahari is another
potential location for the tomb of Osorkon III.
As with that of his father, the tomb of Osorkon III has likewise not yet been
found. However, there are some clues indicating its location. These are found
in the hieratic papyri Paris Louvre E. 7858, from the reign of Necho II; Turin
231.2, from the reign of Amasis; and Paris Louvre E. 7128, from the reign of
Darius I. The location of Osorkon III’s tomb was indicated in these papyri, as
all refer to the gift of land and his tomb (ḥwt�n�nsw) near the land and house
on the west bank in Thebes:
“Year 2, Tobi 30. Peteêsi confirms to a woman 6 arourae23 in the domain of Amun in Tshetrês, which had been given to his wife and which her brother had confirmed to him (Peteêsi), near�the�tomb�of�king�Userton.”24
(Louvre E. 7858 Necho II)
22 ANTHES 1943: 34 and pl. 2; ASTON 2014: 28–29.23 The term aroura (10,000 square cubit=52.4 m2) is used to describe a measure of land in
ancient Egypt.24 GRIFFITH 1909: 19, com. 14; DONKER VAN HEEL 2014: 201.
SEARCHING FOR THE TOMB OF THE THEBAN KING OSORKON III 303
“Year 10, Paopi. Pshenêsi given to Tsenenhôr half of a vacant house-site, on which he proposes to build, on�the�west�of�Thebes�near�the�tomb�of�king�Userton, the expense of building to be shared equally; and half of the title-deeds.”25
(Turin 231.2 Amasis)
“Regnal Year 12, month of Paopi, of king Darius…. You made me happy with the price of this land that is in�the�waste�land�in�the�tomb�of�the�king�Wsr-tn�on�the�west�of�Thebes. ”26
(Louvre E. 7128 Darius I)
This Userton (Wsr-tn) must be a king Οσορθων (Osorkon), the Theban king
Osorkon III. P. Montet discovered Osorkon II’s plundered royal tomb at Tanis
(San el-Hagar) in 1939,27 and it is likely that Osorkon the Elder (Twenty-first
Dynasty) and Osorkon I (Twenty-second Dynasty) were also buried in Tanis
since the known tombs of other kings of these two dynasties were located there.
It is also certain that Osorkon IV did not rule Thebes, since, according to Piye’s
Victory Stela, he was a king in Bubastis. Thus, the only possibility remaining
is for the tomb mentioned in the papyri to be the tomb of Osorkon III.
So where is the tomb of Osorkon III in Thebes? The location of the royal
tombs in Tanis (Twenty-first and Twenty-second Dynasties) provides the clue
because they were likewise used by Libyan kings, ethnically related to the
kings of the Theban/Herakleopolitan Twenty-third Dynasty, all having
the same traditions and customs. There is one particularly striking, and new,
characteristic about the royal tombs in Tanis: they were built within the
temenos enclosure wall, and in front of the temple of Amun (cf. Fig. 1).28 It is
usually thought that the reason why is to protect them both by divine influence
and through the practicality of a temple enclosure.29
The tomb of Harsiese, the Libyan king and high priest, and possibly the
founder of the Herakleopolitan/Theban Twenty-third Dynasty30, was discovered
outside the large pylon gateway of Ramesses III at Medinet Habu,31 located
just beside the enclosure wall of the Small Temple of Medinet Habu (Fig. 2).32
Combined with the evidence from Tanis, this suggests that the Libyan kings
preferred to be buried within a temple temenos. Although Stadelmann suggests
that the location of necropoleis within temple precincts was a common practice
25 GRIFFITH 1909: 28–29 (48).26 MALININE 1953: 85–88.27 MONTET 1947.28 LULL 2002: 19–44.29 See the following for further discussion as to the reason: LEAHY 1985: 51–65; KAWAI 1998:
33–45.30 BROEKMAN 2008: 209–234; BROEKMAN 2009: 91–101.31 DODSON 1994: 92 and pl. 42; STRUDWICK and STRUDWICK 1999: 117.32 PORTER and MOSS 1989: 772 and map XVI; HÖLSCHER 1954: 8.
304 M. OHSHIRO
during the Third Intermediate Period,33 and Pérez Die mentions that in Ihnasya
el-Medina (Herakleopolis Magna) the Third Intermediate Period necropolis was
located near the temple of Herishef (although she states that the temenos wall
has not yet been discovered),34 I will attempt to limit the scope of this observa-
tion. It is worth mentioning that the royal tombs in Tanis and the tomb of
Harsiese in Medinet Habu are situated in the exact same position, to the observ-
er’s right as one enters the temples.35
In addition, the elite tombs from the Third Intermediate Period in el-Ashmu-
nein (Hermopolis Magna) are situated on the east side of the axis of the Thoth
temple and in front of the pylon of Horemheb.36 A stela of Osorkon III and
other blocks with his name were found in this area.37 The tombs are also found
at the front of the temple of Amun from the Third Intermediate Period in Tell
el-Balamun (Fig. 3).38 The location of the tombs is completely similar to those
at Medinet Habu and Tanis. The possibility of a similar arrangement of tombs
exists at Ihnasya el-Medina and Tell el-Muqdam (Leontopolis) — in which a
heart scarab of queen Kama was found in the Libyan twin burial chambers39
— which show the same location (to the observers’ right at the entrance of the
temple). There are Libyan burials in the enclosure at Sais and they may date to
the Third Intermediate Period, but their exact date is not secure because there
are no related stelae and pottery.40 At Mendes, there are Libyan burials in the
east of the main temple and there is a royal necropolis.41 Although the royal
necropolis is dated to the Twenty-ninth Dynasty, Donald Redford’s team dis-
covered a small fragment mentioning a Shoshenq, Great Chief of the Ma, so
some Libyan royal tombs may still be there.42
From the above, therefore, we might assume that the tomb of Osorkon III
was constructed between the outside wall of a temple and its surrounding
temenos wall, and probably to the right of the entrance. When we further con-
sider the phrase “on the west of Thebes near the tomb of king Userton (Wsr-
tn)” in the above mentioned papyri, it is clear that a temple on the west bank
is meant. Furthermore, judging from the context of the land and houses in the
33 STADELMANN 1971: 111–123.34 PÉREZ DIE 2009: 304.35 However, I should mention that the God’s Wives of Amun were buried to the left of the
axis in the main temple at Medinet Habu because of no space. The space was occupied by the small temple and the sacred lake.
36 SPENCER 2007: 49.37 SPENCER 1989: 32, 70; BARD 1999: figs. 13 and 149; OHSHIRO 1999: 33–50.38 SPENCER 2003: pls. 1 and 2.39 GAUTHIER 1921: 25; KITCHEN 1986: 130, 579.40 Personal communication by Penelope Wilson.41 REDFORD 2010: 149, fig. 11.4; SNAPE 2014: 192.42 Personal communication by Donald Redford. See REDFORD 2004: 24, 36–37. For other
Great Chiefs of the Ma at Mendes, see YOYOTTE 1961: 131–132; GOMAÀ 1974: 85–89; MOJE 2014: 180–183.
SEARCHING FOR THE TOMB OF THE THEBAN KING OSORKON III 305
above mentioned three papyri, the tomb of Osorkon III must not be so far from
the residence of the ordinary people (but their residences were all over the area)
and it must be a landmark which people could see from their residences. The
temples with large enclosure walls still in� situ at that time may be ruled out
because people could not see inside. The condition of the potential location is
thus as follows:
1. The tomb was located within the precinct of a temple.
2. The enclosure wall was already destroyed and the interior could be seen by
the reign of Necho II. Or there were some residential areas in the enclosure
wall.
3. It was easy to recognize that it was the tomb of king (= a landmark of sig-
nificant size and/or shape).
Particularly important is that, at the time the papyri were written, people in
Thebes knew the exact location of the tomb of Osorkon III.
What is the Shape of the Tomb of Osorkon III?
We will pay attention to the shape of the tomb, especially the superstructure.
Firstly, we should consider the strong possibility that the tomb had a notable
and impressive superstructure so that whoever saw it could recognize that it is
a royal tomb. This suggests that the shape of the tomb of Osorkon III was simi-
lar or different to the royal tombs at Tanis (Fig. 4). Lull suggests that the Tanite
tombs had pylons and a chapel.43 Aston also suggested that the tomb of
Osorkon III had an entrance pylon and two chapels such as the chapel of Osiris
heka-djet built during his reign. He also speculated that it was similar to
Tomb 5 in Ihnasya el-Medina (Herakleopolis Magna) (Fig. 5) and a tomb in
Tell el-Muqdam (Leontopolis).44
On the other hand, Budka and Kammerzell, as well as Lull, suggest that the
tomb of Harsiese A at Medinet Habu (see above) had certain Kushite charac-
teristics because of the staircase leading down to the burial chamber (Fig. 6).45
Additionally Lull stated a hypothesis that the tomb of Harsiese A had a pyramid
as a part of the superstructure.46 Certainly the structure of his tomb is similar
to the royal tombs of the Twenty-fifth Dynasty in el-Kurru (Fig. 7). I think that
Kushites copied the tomb of Harsiese or possibly the tomb of Osorkon III.
The first pyramid in Nubia was probably constructed for Kashta, the father
of Piye who was the first ruler of the Twenty-fifth Dynasty. It is possible that
Kashta already invaded as far north as Thebes.47 There he would have seen the
43 LULL 2002: 44–59; ARNOLD 1999: 31.44 ASTON 2014: 22, fig. 2-2.45 BUDKA and KAMMERZELL 2007: 207, w. n. 12.46 LULL 2002: 168.47 TÖRÖK 1997: 144–145.
306 M. OHSHIRO
tomb of Harsiese or other tombs with a pyramid at Deir el-Medina and Dra
Abu el-Naga, something not seen before in distant Kush. It must be very
impressive for him. Most foreign pharaohs including Persian48 and Greek, even
Roman Emperors were also fascinated with the Egyptian culture. Perhaps when
he returned to Kush with this impression, he then constructed his tomb with a
pyramid. In addition Libyans have the same preferences as them. It is known
that the pyramids were adopted in Nubia as the symbol of the kingship after
Kashta, and in Libya, at el-Charaig (Fig. 8) and el-Hatiyah (Fig. 9) around
ancient Garama.49 A Libyan pharaoh Osorkon III would perhaps have also
preferred such a structure to an Egyptian pylon and chapel.50
I will suggest that the tomb of Osorkon III was the same architectural type
as Harsiese’s, a tomb with a small pyramid.
Conclusion
So where is the tomb of Osorkon III? If he was a Theban king, he must be
buried in Thebes. According to the papyri of the Twenty-sixth and Twenty-
seventh Dynasties, his tomb was located on the west bank of the Nile. In terms
of the tomb’s location, it must be on the observers’ right of the entrance to a
temple. It is possible that the style of the tomb was originally an underground
tomb with a pyramid superstructure, similar to those near Napata or those at
Deir el-Medina and Dra Abu el-Naga.
All the temples on the west bank could be a potential choice for the location
of Osorkon’s tomb. However, it seems to me that Medinet Habu is the most
likely because Takeloth III’s niece Nesterwy, daughter of Rudamun, grand-
daughter of Osorkon III, was buried at Medinet Habu 51 and a tomb-chapel of
Shepenwepet I (daughter of Osorkon III) was also found there. So I will suggest
that the most probable location of the tomb of Osorkon III is also at Medinet
Habu, especially in front of the Small Temple, in the area overbuilt by struc-
tures erected during the Twenty-fifth Dynasty, Twenty-sixth Dynasty, Twenty-
ninth Dynasty, Thirtieth Dynasty and the Ptolemaic period,52 or in the still not
fully excavated area around the tomb of Harsiese. It is time to re-research the
48 OHSHIRO 2008: 75–92.49 MATTINGLY 2007: 78, 84, 168. Mattingly states that these pyramids were constructed from
the 1st to the 4th Century AD. However, there is a possibility that these go back somewhat earlier in time.
50 Although Osorkon II, Sheshonq III and Pamay are also Libyan pharaohs, and there is no evidence of pyramids at Tanis, there is a possibility that it will be found in the future. Or it may depend on the difference of the regional characteristic between Upper Egypt (Osorkon III) and Lower Egypt (Tanite kings).
51 DARESSY 1897: 170; HÖLSCHER 1954: 32; ASTON 2009b: 265.52 HÖLSCHER 1939: 33–36, 52–62.
SEARCHING FOR THE TOMB OF THE THEBAN KING OSORKON III 307
areas on the observer’s right of the entrance between the temenos wall and the
temples at Thebes.
I am very grateful to Dr. Troy Sagrillo for some comments and to Studio
Hisatsune for the illustrations. This study was financially supported by the
Grant-in-Aid for Scientific Research, Japan Society for the Promotion of
Science (No. 25370838: Michinori Ohshiro (Komazawa University)).
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Fig. 1. Plan of the temple in Tanis(after MANLEY 2003: 96, fig. w/o no)
Studio Hisatsune.
312 M. OHSHIRO
Fig. 2. Plan of Medinet Habu(after WILKINSON 2000: 193, fig. w/o no)
Studio Hisatsune.
SEARCHING FOR THE TOMB OF THE THEBAN KING OSORKON III 313
Fig. 3. Plan of the temple in Tell el-Balamun(after SPENCER 2003: pl. 1)
Studio Hisatsune.
314 M. OHSHIRO
Fig. 4. The royal tombs at Tanis, © Photo by the Author.
Fig. 5. Tomb 5 in Ihnasya el-Medina(after PÉREZ DIE 2009: 325, pl. 12; 2004: 69, fig. 3)
Reproduced by permission (Archivo Heracleopolis Magna).
SEARCHING FOR THE TOMB OF THE THEBAN KING OSORKON III 315
Fig. 6. Plan of the Tomb of Harsiese(after HÖLSCHER 1954: 9, fig. 9)
Studio Hisatsune.
316 M. OHSHIRO
Fig. 7. Plan of the Tomb of Piye in el-Kurru(after MORKOT 2000: 141, fig. 64)
Studio Hisatsune.
SEARCHING FOR THE TOMB OF THE THEBAN KING OSORKON III 317
Fig. 8. Pyramids at el-Charaig in Libya, © Photo by the Author.
Fig. 9. Pyramids at el-Hatiyah in Libya, © Photo by the Author.