judaeo-arabic and muslim apocalyptic visions in the yemen

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Judaeo-Arabic and Muslim apocalyptic visions in the YemenAuthor(s): Yosef TobiReviewed work(s):Source: Proceedings of the Seminar for Arabian Studies, Vol. 27, Papers from the thirtiethmeeting of the Seminar for Arabian Studies held in London, 18-20 July 1996 (1997), pp. 235-241Published by: ArchaeopressStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/41223604.

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Judaeo- rabie nd Muslim pocalypticisionsntheYemenYosefTobi

It is quitewell known hat emeni-Arabiciteratureand culturewere a very significantource of asomewhaturious iterary ork:the visionsof theEnd of Days. To understandroperlyur subject,we must roceed rom wo lear tatements:(i) TheJewishpocalyptic ritings not riginal,nor does it solely integrate lements fromtheMuslim pocalypse ndeschatology.ut t s a copyof Muslimrevelations rom heYemen,to whichJewish ritersaw fit oappend heJewishspect.(ii) TheMuslim s wellas theJewishpocalypticliteratures not an intellectualomposition y aknownuthor,ut popular reationhat evelopedandexpanded ver thecourseof centuries.t formsan inseparablepartof the folk writings f theYemen,a non-canonicaliterature hichdid notspring p nscholarlyircles. tstransmittersid notconsidert a sacred textwhosewording ad to bemeticulouslyreserved,ut an availablereceptaclenewtoJudaeo-Arabiciteraturen theYemen.In thepresent aper would ike todeal with n

aspectwhichmight e poured utaccording o theneedsof timeand place,mainly s a reaction opertinentoliticalcircumstances.n thisway theapocalypse urned ntoa work n which deas andattitudeso the historicalituation f various imesandplacesaccumulated,henew notreplacing heold,but ugmentingt. This is thekeyto thequiteunusual aturefthe pocalypses,which ontain henames fpersonagesnd towns ndcontain ubjectmatternconnected ith he timewhentheywerewritten. he task of the scholar is thereforeo

Proceedings fthe eminarorArabian tudies 7 (1997)

discover hereferencesotherelevant vents f thetime in order to determinewhen and whereaparticular ersion of apocalypticrevelationwaswritten.1Therefore,n order o mpartorrectignificanceto theJewish evelations emust xamine atleastto somedegree theMuslimrevelations.hesearefarmore diversified nd richerthan the Jewishvisions and theyexist in printed r handwrittenoriginals.2mportantor urpurposes, aturally,retheMuslim pocalypses rom heYemen,which othe best of my knowledge are still only inmanuscript,uchas LeidenMS Or. 14266, he itle-page of whichreadsas follows folio la, in a latehandwriting):KitbAnwr l-yaqn li-l-imml-Mansur i-Allahrabb al-calamn rahima-huAllah tala. Hawhd al-Kitbsiyaral-hulaf* l-slifln bd al-nabi sall Allhcalay-hiwa-li-hiwa-sallama,wa-m sa-yaqacu i ayym l-mariqwa-al-sufynia-al-daggl, lacana-humAllh, wa-al-mahdial-muntazar alay-hi l-salm (translation:he Bookof theLights f theFirmFaith/by the mam, heConquerorwith the help of God, Masterof theUniverse mayGod,He is ever xalted, avemercyon him.Thisbookcontains hehistoryfthe arlycaliphs/after heProphet,mayGod blesshim ndgrant im ndhishousepeaceandwhatwill ometopassin thedaysof theEastern ingand the ufynandthe nti-Messiah, ayGod curse hem,nd thehoped-for essiah, eacebeuponhim).3

235


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YOSEFTOBIAll thefiguresmentionedn thisdescriptionf themanuscriptlsoappear n theJewishpocalypses.nseveralplaces in themanuscripthere re certainchapters hich re alsowell known rom heJewishrevelationsfolio 25a): ahditgammah i habar al-mahd alay-hil-salm many raditionsoncerningtheMessiah, eacebe uponhim); folio30a):fasififathi-hi calay-hi al-salm Quskantniyyahwa-Rmiyyah a-gayr lika minbildal- (chapteron hisconquest, eacebe uponhim,ConstantinopleandRome, nd others fthe ands ftheChristians);(folio 33a): fasi fi hurg l-dagglal-lacnwa-myatbu-hu(chapteron the emergenceof theaccursed nti-Messiah nd what followson fromhim); (folio 35a): mas'alahfi hurgYgug wa-Mgug question oncerninghe mergencefGogandMagog); (folio36a): mas>alah i tuluc l-amsminmagribi-hwa-hurug bit al-ard (questionconcerningunrise rom unset nd theexit of thebeast f the arth).4These apocalypses re frequently rittenn apoetic tyle, ften nrhyme,ndsomeevenfollowmetre. hey re also known ythenamemalhamah(plur.malhim), termwhichbecamecommon nJudaeo-rabic iteraturen theYemen lso.5A Muslim pocalypse,lbeitnotfrom heYemenbut fromEgypt, nd verysimilarto the JewishYemeni apocalypses,was published n Germantranslationlone byHartmann1924 : 89-92; andsee Fahd 1966 : 227 n. 1). The apocalypses takenfrom he workMuhdarat l-abrrwa-musmaratal-asgrbythe renowned rabmystic rom painMuhy l-Dn bn al-cArabd. 638/1240), nd it iscontained n a chapterntitled he Destruction ftheWorld t theEnd ofDays.1 romvariousmattersmentionedn the pocalypse,he ditor egardstasa responseo theCrusades, amely o theweaknessof theMuslims nthe aceoftheChristians'ictoriesover hem n the ast.It is commonknowledgethatthe messianicnotionsn slamweregreatlynfluencedyJudaismandChristianitynd some consider Abd Allah b.Saba>,theJewish postatefrom heYemen wholived in the time of early Islam, and Wahb b.Munabbih, howas born s a Muslim ohisYemeniJewishmother,o be amongthechief hannels nthis espect.6 otsurprisingly,herefore,ven n theMuslim apocalypsesone comes across material236

originatingnJewish nd Christianiterature,uchas the War of Gog and Magog (Huart 1904;Hartmann 924 : 111; Fahd 1966 : 67 ; Geddes1967). Furthermore,n theearlydaysof Islam theJewswere deemedto possess knowledge f thefuture. or example, n apocalypticmalhamahnmanuscriptntitledMalhamat l-bayn fimrifaial-sinnwa-al'duhurwa-al-azmnThe malhamahof theexposition f knowledge f theyears, hegenerationsnd the imes) sdescribed s a responseby Kacb al-Ahbr,who had been asked byMucwiyahbout hemahdlFahd1991 247).Kacbal-Ahbr s none other than a Yemeni Jewishconvertn the ime fMuhammad, major igurenthe ransferencefJewishraditionsnto slam n tsearly phase (Wolfensohn1933; Schmitz 1978).Tabar, the renownedMuslimhistorian, resentsother raditionselatinghatTubyc, heson of thewife of Kacb al-Ahbr,whosefatherwas a Jew,prophesied he death of cAmr bn Sacd; whileanother ew,Rs al-JluttheExilarch) oretoldhedeathofHusaynb. cAlnearKarbal Van Vloten1894 55).However,t seemsthat heJewish ackgroundfthe pocalypsesttest ot nly o iteraryorrowingsfrom arlyJewishources, ut lso tothe nclusionof ocalpre-Islamic istoricalmatteronnected ithYemenite ewry,heuprisingf theYemenipeopleunderthe leadership f Sayf b. Dh Yazan, thegrandsonf theYusuf Dh Nuws,the astJewishking of the Yemeni Himyarite ingdom.As isknown, hiskingwas defeatedn AD 525 by aninvading hristianrmy hat rossedtheRed SeafromEthiopia at the requestof the Byzantineemperor.hustheJewish imyariteingdomndedand the land of the Yemen fell underEthiopianChristianule. But theYemenis werenotready oadjustto thissituation nd aboutfifty ears aterthey aised hebannerfrebellion nder his ayfb.Dh Yazan, and drove the Ethiopians ut of theYemen. The deeds of Sayf b. Dh Yazan wereabsorbed nto he raditionf theYemenipeople ndbecame the subjectof varioustales (Hirschberg1946a : 108-9; Fahd 1966 : 84, 161, 169, 250;Nicholson1929 : 28-9; Geddes 1967; Anonymous1294 (H)). One of these ales,brought y bn cAbdRabbi-hi,hefamousAndalusiancholar357/967),connects ayfb. Dh Yazan withMuhammad ya


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JUDAEOARABICANDMUSLIMAPOCALYPTIC ISIONSsecret raditionransferredy him to a delegationsentbythetribe fQuraysh romMecca abouttheexpected ppearance fMuhammad s a redeemer(Ibn cAbd Rabbi-hi1949, II : 23-8). In the abovementioned pocalypses,7however,the hope isexpressed hat scion ofHimyar tockwillagainconquer he and, hopethat as noplace ngeneralJewish r generalMuslimeschatology,utonly nlocal Yemenieschatology,t a timewhenYemeniJewry assubject oEthiopian hristianitynd wasstrivingo break ree fit,namely etweenAD 525and AD 575. This presumablywas the startofYemeniapocalypticwriting,nd its creatorswereYemeniJewsor Himyariswho had converted oJudaismndsoughtnJudaism otonlythe iteraryvehicle tself f apocalypses nd revelationsf theredeeming essiah, ut lso different otifsuch stheWarofGog andMagog.Moreover,mpacted ytheapocalyptic ales on Sayfb. Dh Yazan whoseresidencewas the astleof Gumdn nSanc5,omeYemeniJudaeo-ArabicpocalypsesrelatethattheMessiah Ben Yosef (expected o appearbefore heDavidic Messiah) shall rise from that castle(Ratzahbi1970 : 306-7). It is also noteworthyhatMuhammad'sppearances a prophettrugglingortherecognitionf one God caused an enhancementof messianic xpectationsround the time of hisprophecyHeller1927;Hirschberg946b).8Most surprisingly,n echo of the Himyariapocalypticmotifs found n thework f a liturgicalpoetfrom retz srael,possiblyElcazarHa-Qilliri,thegreatestf thepoets f Eretz srael,who ived nthe firsthalf of the seventhcenturyAD, andwitnessedvents n the ve of theMuslim onquestandduringts course.9t is almost ertain hat hepoembeginningin translationromHebrew)Thatdaywhen heMessiah, on ofDavid,comes1 s partof a comprehensiveaytanic omposition,lose tothe Ninthof Ab, whose subject matter s aneschatological escriptionf that ay'.Now in oneof the lines of thepoem thefollowing hrase sfound:Andfromhe andofYoqtanwillcomefortha kingand his campswill be strengthenedn theland1Even Shemu'el 1954 : 158; Yahalom1979 :130).The editors f thepoem nterpretedoqtanasmeaningArabia, ccording o Genesis 10:6 (EvenShemu'el1954 : 158; Yahalom1979 : 128). Yet itseems hat distinctionhouldbe madebetween he

nameYoqtan nd thenameYishmacel. ccordingocommonJewishtradition ince the time of theSages,Yishmacelhe onof Abrahams the atherfthe Arabpeoples.By contrast,notherradition,spreservedmong heJews f theYemen,considersYoqtanthe on ofcEber, f theprogenyfShem heson ofNoah,to be theprogenitorf theArabtribesthere.This identifies oqtan withQahtn,whoaccording o Arab tradition as thefather f thetribes ftheYemen.10 he idea does not ppear oofar-fetched,hat choesof theeschatologicalmotifsprevalentn the Yemen in thesixthcentury D,undoubtedlyhared ytheJews f that ountry,lsomadetheirwaytoEretz srael.Thisis especiallyoinlight f thefact hat t thebeginningfthe ixthcentury oliticalties existedbetweenYusuf DhNuws, the last Jewishking of the Himyarkingdom, nd the Jewish ettlementn Tiberias(Hirschberg1968a; 1968b; 1976), and that thePersian assaniddynasty, hichbrieflyuledEretzIsraelat the tart fthe ixth enturyn the ve oftheMuslimconquestAD 614-629),also ruled heYemen from heend of the sixthcenturyo theMuslim onquest f that ountryAD 575-629).Needless to say,theQuran tself s repletewiththerevelationf theEndofDays,under he bviousinfluencef theJewishradition,11lthoughhe deais expressed armore implynd ina lessfigurativeandcomplexmannerhan n the pocalypses nderreviewand in theJewish pocalypsesof thepre-Islamic and early slamicperiods Even Shemu'el1954 31 , 2 ; ewis 1949-51;1974;Kedar1985;Yahalom1992).Moreover,heQuranic ision f theEnd of Days is not meant to express theeschatological spirationsf a certain roup ivingin oppressivepoliticalcircumstances,ut is theexpressionfa religious-ethicalonceptntendedolead believers oproper ehaviour ndrepentance.12Bycontrast,rom hebeginningf slam,rightfterthedeathof Muhammad,nd still moreafter hedeposition f cAl b. Ab Tlib and the rise of theUmayyad ynastyn Damascus 41/661), factionof schismatics ormed first heKhawrij LeviDella Vida 1978) and later he Shcs Sachendina1981) - who werenotwillingto conformo thefrustratingolitical eality. heybegan odevelop nIslam an apocalyptic schatologyn whichtheyexpressedheir opesofthe dvent fa betterime,

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YOSEFTOBIin which rule would be restored to him who wasworthyof it. These groups did not recognize thelegalityof theUmayyad and Abbasid rule,and sawtheperiodofthefirst aliphs who reigned n Medina(al-hulaftf l-) as the Golden Age of Islam,whose restorationwas to be sought. This mayexplain theregularappearance of the names of thecities of Mecca and Yathrib13 nd of the historicalfiguresof those times,such as Abu Bakr, the firstCompanion caliph who succeeded afterMuhammad's death (11-1 3/632-4). Anotherhistoricalpersonage is the Umayyad al-Sufyan, nwhom the Messiah, or more precisely the anti-Messiah, is incarnate and who represents thehistoricalfigureof Abu Sufyn. The latter was atfirst n opponent of Muhammad, but later joinedhim; yet from him arose the house of Umayyahwhich usurped the rule from the family of theProphetand his son-in-law,cAl b. Ab Tlib, whomarried he atter' daughter timah.14In the fullness of time the Muslim apocalypseswereaugmentedbyother ayersreflecting,s stated,latercircumstances, uch as thewar of the Abbasidcaliphsand otherMuslim rulers gainsttheChristiankingdoms in Byzantium and Europe, and thestruggle f the Arabs againstOttomanrule,while inthe Muslim apocalypses from the Yemen, detailswere added connected with the political conditionsof that country. But in the framework of thisdiscussion,whose subject is apocalypticrevelationsin Judaeo-Arabic iterature n theYemen, suffice tto state that heir iterary rigin s notJewish, xceptfor thepre-Islamic Himyarielement.Jewsfrom theYemen, whether associated with a particularmessianic activity or not, took up Muslimapocalypses, either from written or from oralsources, and copied them in the Hebrew script,amending and abridgingthem,yet not eradicatingtheir evident Arab-Muslim essence, except for theending, which they made explicitly Jewish: thevictory f theJewishMessiah and the reignof theHoly One Blessed Be He all over the world.Needless to say, obvious Jewishmotifswere added,surrounding the figure of Aaron the priest,Jerusalemand the building of the Temple andsuchlike. Naturally, the use of these apocalypseselicited no essential problem, n thatthe ideologicalfoundation came from Judaism; moreover, the238

Jewishapocalypticcreation,as early as the Biblicalliteraturethe book of Daniel) dealt much with thestruggles nd warsbetween the variouskingdoms spreparatorytages for the appearance of theJewishMessiah and therule of theKingdomofHeaven.A separate question is, when did the use of theMuslim apocalypses begin in Judaeo-Arabicliteraturen the Yemen? It is difficult o answerwithprecision. The manuscripts in which Jewishrevelations of the apocalypse have survived do notpredatethefourteenth/nineteenthentury.But,sincethese belonged to folk literature and were notabsorbed into the scholarly literary anon, the dateof thecopyingof thesemanuscripts annot be takenas proof of the time of the revelationsin them. nany event, in the Sabbatean composition GeHizzayon (The Valley ofVision) of the 1070s/1660sthe influence of the apocalyptic literature underconsideration s clearlymarked.15

NotesThis was done thoroughly yHartmann1924) inthe apocalypse published by him, although itseems that he was rather far-fetched n hisattempt o give the relevantbackgroundto eachevent, place and name mentioned in thatapocalypse. Regarding the Judaeo- emenitevisions of the End of Days from the nineteenthcentury, f.Eraqi-Klorman 1993 : 73-6. See alsothe brilliant nalysisbyLewis (1949-51).A vast scholarly iterature as been publishedonapocalypticMuslim-Arabicworks;mostof themare mentioned in the comprehensive book ofFahd (1966). The following re some of the moreimportantnes: Casanova 1910; Hartmann1924;Geddes 1967; Fahd 1960; Sachendina 1981 :161ff ndpassim; Fahd 1991.For the description of this manuscript, seeWitkam 1986 : 368-70. I would like to expressmysincere thanks o the ibrary f theUniversityof Leiden and to its librarianHans Van de Veldefor the warm welcome during my visit in July1995.4 I intend to publish an article soon with acomprehensive study of the contents of thismanuscript and its relation to the Jewish-Yemenitevisions of theEnd ofDays.For the use of this term n Arabic literature,ee


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JUDAEO-RABICANDMUSLIMAPOCALYPTIC ISIONSVan Vloten 1894 : 56-7; Casanova 1910;Hartmann924 111;Fahd 1991.6 On cAbdAllahb. Saba>, ee Hodgson1960. TheShicites fmodernran ry ard o dissociate imfrom henascency f Shicism. ee cAskari 978.On Wahbb.Munabbih,ee Huart 904;Horovitz1934;Khouri 972;Adang, orthcoming.7 On Judaeo-Arabicpocalypses rom heYemen,see Ratzahbi1970; Tobi 1996a : 181-93.For astudy f these pocalypses, ee Eraqi-Klorman1993 : 63-86. This work s criticizedn Tobi1996a : 169-74.On thepreservationf thepre-IslamicHimyaritelementn Arabic raditionftheYemen after he adventof Islam see VanVloten1894 : 61-2; Eraqi-Klorman993 : 18;Mermier 994: especially133; Varisco 1994 :13. For a recently ublishedmalhamahbout aHimyari ing, ee Pitrovski 984. I have beenunable ogain ccess to this ublication.Jewishmessianism t thattime,especially nArabia,serves as a foundation tone for thecomprehensivexplanation f Croneand Cook(1977),for he dvent f slam.A renewedmageof Muhammad s a messiah arose amongtheMoriscos,after heir xpulsionfromChristianSpain, as an anti-Christianrgumentn theirpolemics. t is expressedn thepolemicalworkGospelofBarnabas (Wiegers1995). The closerelation etween heappearance f Muhammadas a prophetnd theJewishraditionalotion fmessianisms clearly xpressed y the MuslimmythbouttheJew bn Sayyd, mbodyinghecharacterf al-Daggl (theMuslimAntichrist)in referenceo MuhammadHalperin 976).Theclaim that Muhammadis mentioned n thePentateuchs expected oappear n theform fthe Messiah was still made in sixth/twelfthcentury emen by a Jewish onvert o Islam(Halkin1952 x-xi in Hebrew]).9 This poemhas been discussedmanytimes npaytanic nd eschatological esearch iterature.See Even Shemu'el1954 : 154-60;Lewis 1974.For a summary f the discussionand a fullpublication f thepoem,see Yahalom 1979 :128-33. Even Shemu'el (1954 : 54, 157-67),adopts heview of Marcus 1934 : 21-9; see also1933 : 28-9), thatthe author f thispoem isQilliri;whileYahalom (1979 : 128), doubts t

because there s no solid proof. t is clear,however, hatQilliri ived n Eretz srael at theend of the ixth enturynd thebeginningftheseventh enturynd it is probable hathe waswitness o theMuslim ccupation f the ountryin 13/634. ee Klein 1930 : 30; Fleischer 988406. Qilliri's onsciousness f the existence fJewishcommunities n the Yemen may bededucedfrom is shvfata a paytanic enre),nwhichhe mentionsheTime ofRedemption,ndincludes he Yemenite ommunitiesmongthesuffering ewish ommunitiesn exile, whosereturn o Eretz srael at that ime s anticipated:'So,He shall deliver hedistressed hopainfullydwellamong henations from Elam nd fromShincar and from Kush and from Sheba1(translatedromHebrew).cElamis a paytanicfigurative ynonymfor Persia, Shincar forBabylonia,Kush forEgypt, nd Sheba for theYemen.QillirimentionsheArabs n that oem,butFleischer1981 : 296-9), itseditor, elievesthatt was composedbefore hey onquered hecountry.This is not the place to discuss this subjectcomprehensively,ut suffice t to say that nSacadia'sbiblical afir to Gen. 10:29,as well asin the Yemenitemidrashicwork,Yoqtan isidentifiedithQahtn,nd thenames f three fhissons,Hadoram,Uzal, andDiqlah,with hreetowns n theYemen:Dhamr, an'a5 nd Sacdah.In accordancewith this tradition, hich wasstrongly ooted in the Yemen, Rabbi YosefMadmunid. 1948), the eaderof the Yemenitecommunity in Kefar Ha-Shilo5ah (nearJerusalem),nhis Hebrew enditionfa Judaeo-Arabic vision of the End of Days, identifiedQahtnwith oqtan Tobi 1996a 186-7).Thereis no question hat his dentifications Sacadia'sinventionr speculation,ather hat t reflectspre-IslamicJewishtradition,ateradaptedbySacadia, ikemanyother raditionsept n pre-Sacadian Arabicbiblical translationshatwerelatertransplantedy him into his own tafslr(Tobi 1993 112; 1996b 490). C/.n. 13,below.11 For bibliography regarding the Muslimeschatologyn Muhammad's ime,see Anees-Athar 986 100-2.1 Cf.Crone nd Cook (1977 : 34) on the haracter239


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YOSEFTOBI

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Ge Hizzayonwas published yScholem 1946).C/.Tobi1986: 92-101.

of slamicmahdism:Whereashe n-gatheringfthe Israeliteexiles is a central heme of themessianicprogramme,he eschatological n-gatheringf the shmaelitess a purely hristianfantasy.. whereas nJudaismhe other ide ofthecoin is messianic ope, n Islam it is a Sufiresignation.113 On the oleof Mecca in theJewish isions f theEnd ofDays,see Eraqi-Klorman993 : 72-3. Itshould be noted that Mecca is frequentlymentionedn theJewish oetryf theYemen aswell as in the Sabbateanwork Ge Hizzayon(Scholem1946;Tobi 1986 : 95-6,99, 132) in asimilarontext,otby tsArabicname, utby tsHebrewrendition esha. This identificationfbiblicalMeshawithMecca is found n Sacadia'stafsr o Gen. 10:30. C/. n. 10, above, andYahuda 1895 : 110. Yathribs theancient, re-Islamicname fMedina, he irst uslim apital.14 On Abu Sufyn nd his connectionswith theUmayyad ouse, eeMadelung 986;Watt 960.On his image n the ShN visions f theEnd ofDays,see Sachendina 981 165; ntheYemeni-Jewish isions,eeEraqi-Klorman993 17,66-7,69,77.

ReferencesAdang, (forthcoming). Jewish egendin anArabCoat, inHebrew]Anees,M. A. & Athar,A. N. 1986. Guide to Sraand HadlthLiteraturen Western anguages.London/Nework.Anonymous, 294 (H). Srat Fans al-Yaman al-Malik ayfibn hl Yazan. Cairo, inArabic]cAskari,M. 1978. cAbdu>l-lahbn Saba> and OtherMyths.eheran.Casanova, P. 1910. La Malhamat dans l'Islamprimitif.evuede l'Histoire es Religions 1 :151-61.Crone, . & Cook,M. 1977.Hagarism: heMakingof he slamicWorld. ambridge.Eraqi-Klorman,. 1993. The Jews fYemenn theNineteenthentury: Portrait fa MessianicCommunity.eiden.Even Shemu'el,Y. 1954. MidrashicWorksonRedemption.erusalem,in Hebrew]

Fahd,T. 1960.Djafr. l2 II : 375-7.Leiden.1966. La Divination rabe: tudesreligieuses,sociologiques tfolkloriquesur le milieunatifde l'Islam.Leiden.1991. Malhamah,Malhim.El2 VI : 216, 247.Leiden.Fleischer,E. 1981.Qillirianssues. Tarbiz 0 : 282-302. [inHebrew]1988. Concerninghe Solutionof theQuestionabouttheTime and Place of R. ElcazarBeribbiQillir's Activity.Tarbiz 54 : 381-427. [inHebrew]Geddes, L. 1967. The Messiah n SouthArabia.MW51: 311-20.Halkin,A. S. 1952. Moses Maimonides' pistletoYemen.NewYork.Halperin, . J.1976. The IbnSayydTraditionndthe egend fal-Dajjl.JAOS96 : 213-25.Hartmann,. 1924. Eine islamicheApokalypseusder Kreuzzugzeit.Ein Beitrage zur Gafr-Literatur,chriftenerkonigsbergerelehertenGesellschaft/3 89-116.Berlin.Heller,B. 1927.YouschaAl-Akbar t les Juifs eKheybar ans le romand'Antar: n movementmessianique ans l'ancienneArabie.Revue desEtudesJuives 4 : 113-37.Hirschberg,. Z. 1946a. srael in Arabia.Tel Aviv,[inHebrew]1946b.The TracesoftheMessiah n Arabia n theFifthndSixthCenturyfterheDestructionftheSecondTemple. n,A. Schwartzed.) TheMemorialVolume ftheRabbinicalSchool inVienna 112-24.Jerusalem,inHebrew]1968a. Yosef theKingofHimyarndtheRise ofMar Zutra. n, H. Z. Hirschberged.) All theLandofNaftali 139-46.Jerusalem.Hebrew]1968b. Mar Zutra,Head of the Sanhdrin n

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