journal of swedish antiquarian research...

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JOURNAL OF

SWEDISH ANTIQUARIAN

RESEARCH

2018:1

Viking art, Snorri Sturluson and somerecent metal detector findsBy Peter Pentz

Pentz, P., 2018. Viking art, Snorri Sturluson and some recent metal detector finds.Fornvännen 113. Stockholm.

This paper seeks to contribute to a recent debate on the use of private metal detect-ing and its value within archaeology. Specifically it explores – by presenting somerecently found Viking Period artefacts from Denmark – how private metal detect-ing can contribute to our understanding of Viking minds. By bringing together themyths as related by Snorri Sturluson in the early 13th century with the artefacts, Iargue that thanks to private metal detecting through the last decades, our ability torecognise Viking art as narrative art has improved substantially.

Peter Pentz, National Museum of Denmark, Ny Vestergade 10, DK–1471 København [email protected]

Over 60 years ago, Thorkild Ramskou (1953described Viking art as almost exclusively decorative, only functioning as a covering for plaisurfaces. In the rare cases where it was representative, quality was poor. Viking artists, he statedpreferred to portray scenes from myths of thgods and heroic legends. Such scenes functioneas mnemonics; for the viewer they would recalwell-known myths and tales. Despite this, Ramskou attempted to trace and identify elementfrom one of the more well-known cycles of Viking belief, the ragnarøkkr, the Twilight of the godand the end of the world.Today it is acknowledged that the motifs on

wide variety of highly decorated precious objectfrom the Late Iron Age – bracteates, relief broocheetc. – have been selected with a great deal of careBut tracing Norse mythology in Viking art is stila challenge.Our understanding of for instance the event

of Ragnarøkkr owes much to Snorri Sturlusonwho in the 13th century transmitted his knowledge of old Norse myth, preserved through generations of oral tradition, into writing. One o

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the main problems in understanding Viking artis the scarcity of reference materials. We largelyknow Norse mythology and its narratives throughMedieval Christian authors, in particular Snorri.Hence, the myths have come down to us biased,reinterpreted and even now and then propagan-dised. Furthermore, what survived is only a selec-tion. Much is unknown to us today; many talesand myths have been lost. An example of such alost myth is probably that of the “meeting of thetwo valkyries,” a scene depicted on several smallcharms, pendants or fittings (fig. 1), and now foundin increasing numbers thanks to amateur metaldetectorists. We have no reference in any knownmyth to such a meeting, and whether the two fe-male figures actually are representations of val-kyries, or if they rather depict diser, norns, shieldmaidens or other beings is not clear at all (Price2002; Pentz 2017a, p. 24).The saddle cloth or caparison suspended under

the horse is almost always divided into nine rec-tangles. That this fabric has a special meaningand symbolism is reinforced by some other de-tector finds, small pendants depicting this deco-

Fornvännen 113 (2018)

Art. Pentz 17-33_Layout 1 2018-02-16 14:37 Sida 17

Fig. 1. The meeting of two valkyries: a scene from aprobable myth not recorded by Snorri, on a fittingfound at Sønder Tranders near Ålborg in 2014. This isone of many finds with the same scene found bydetectorists. All known examples are from SouthScandinavia and England. It is uncertain whether thisdistribution pattern reflects Viking Period reality ormodern differences in metal detector legislation. Inv.no. C42888. Photo: Roberto Fortuna, NationalMuseum of Denmark (NMD).

Fig. 2. Amulet with nine rectilinear shapes. A numberof such amulets have been found by metal detectingwithin the last years. This one was found in 2011 nearHavsmarken, Ærø. Inv. no. C39155. Photo: SørenGreve, NMD.

rated cloth on its own (fig. 2). While the numbernine appears frequently in Norse mythology (Price2013; Holst et al. 2017, p. 53; Pentz 2017a), theconnection to the two valkyries remains obscure.One suggestion, however, is that the cloth mightrepresent the textile woven from the causalities ofwar known from Darrað’s song, Darraðarljóð, alsocalled The Valkyrie’s Song, from the Njál’s Saga.This cloth, incorporating skulls and men’s intes-tines, was woven by twelve womenon a loom builtof weapons, prophesying a bloody battle in Ire-land, possibly the Battle of Clontarf in 1014 (Pentz2017a). The riding valkyrie with her sword drawnand the cloth without saddle (?) might, then, cor-respond to the last words of the poem: “start weswiftly with steeds unsaddled—hence to battlewith brandished swords!”. For the weaving ofdestiny in Norse myth, see Bek-Pedersen 2011.For recent discussions of the poem and its rela-tion to Clontarf, see Quinn 2017.The relationship between Norse mythology

and archaeology and iconography has been inten-sely explored by Anders Andrén in his 2014 bookTracing Old Norse Mythology (which is a fitting fol-

low-up to his earlier 1997 book). Andrén arguesconvincingly that Old Norse beliefs should bestudied in a dialogue between archaeology andthe narrative tradition of the sagas.Sadly, the quest to find precise archaeologi-

cally contextualised evidence linked to the colour-ful tales of e.g. Snorri, has been more or less unre-warding. There are, though, a few notable excep-tions, such as Michaela Helmbrecht’s 2012 iden-tification of a gilded bronze fitting from Uppåkraas illustrating the Völundarkviða, showing Way-land the smith ascending eagle-like after his grue-some murder of the young princes and the rape oftheir sister. Studies in Viking art in a wider con-text, though, linking it to broader social and con-ceptual dimensions, have proven much more suc-cessful (e.g. Hedeager 1997; Domeij 2006; 2009;Helmbrecht 2011; Neiss 2004).While the quantity of written sources must be

regarded as fixed, the archaeological material seemsto be an inexhaustible source. Thus, archaeologyis our best opportunity to study the myths of pre-Christian Scandinavia. As John Hines puts it,

18 Peter Pentz



Archaeology … is the sole basis for writingprehistory, and is thus the best point of ref-erence for locating the earliest detectableforms of these myths within a concrete culture-historical framework

(2000, p. 166)

…archaeology is not only an accessible and a substantial source, but also an essen-tial basis for understanding what both thefactual history and the myths of the VikingPeriod and the Middle Ages meant in prac-tice.

(p. 174)

Most new finds of Viking art acquired by theNational Museum of Denmark originates fromnon-professional metal detecting. Opinions, re-gulations and legislation on the use of metal de-tectors vary between the Scandinavian count-ries, with Finland and Denmark having the mostliberal approaches (Rundkvist 2008; Wessman etal. 2016). While the professional view in Den-mark is now at the point where most archaeolo-gists recognise the potential of amateur metal de-tecting as a valuable contribution to archaeologi-cal research, the case appears more complex in Nor-way, Iceland and Sweden. There some archaeo-logists still seem to consider almost all non-pro-fessional metal detecting with scepticism (Rund-kvist 2008; Henriksen 2011; Dobat & Jensen2016). Here I aim to show how archaeological re-search has benefited from private metal detect-ing, and more specifically, how Viking age findsfound by detectorists can enlighten and contri-bute to our understanding of Old Norse thinkingand myth relating to impairment and disability.

Sif ’s hair… or Freyja’s?In Snorri’s Skáldskaparmál he tells the tale of thetheft of Þórr's wife Sif's beautiful hair. Loki oncecut all her hair off. The furious husband threat-ened kill Loki, but Loki managed to avoid thisdestiny. He promised to have the dwarves makeSif ’s hair of pure gold, which would grow likeregular hair. Loki persuaded the dwarf Sindr tomake the golden hair, and it grew on Sif ’s head.Despite the destructive nature of this action,

orchestrated by the trickster Loki, the theft ulti-

mately led to the making of the most treasuredpossessions and weapons of the gods in Ásgarðr(Skáldskaparmál, ch. 35). In addition to the re-placement hair, made of pure gold, the dwarfmaster smiths also crafted the spear Gungnir forÓðinn and the ship Skíðblaðnir for Frey (fig. 3).As Elisabeth Arwill-Nordbladh has shown

(2016), the theft of Sif ’s hair was much morethan a harmless joke. In Viking society hair was asignificant and highly esteemed part of the body,a sign of social status. Stealing Sif ’s hair was notonly damage to her body, it also questioned andchallenged her status. It was an offence, and bygaining access her hair, it was implied that Lokigained access to her body as well. Such an impli-cation corresponds well to the contents of Loka-senna, in which Loki accuses the gods of im-morality and sexual misconduct.Among the many detector finds are a few,

apparently female, figurines are seen en face tear-ing their braided hair (fig. 4). The most expres-sive of them is a 4.6 cm tall gilded silver figure(Holst et al. 2017, pp. 62, 160 f) found at Tissø onnorth-western Zealand. This particular examplehas a cat-like face. These figurines are usuallyinterpreted as Freyja, goddess of love and war.The curious gesture, the woman tearing out her

19Viking art, Snorri Sturluson …


Fig. 3. Brooch shaped like a Viking ship with reefedsail; is it Frey's Skíðblaðnir? Found in 2007 at Tjørne-høj, not far from Odense, Funen. Inv. no. C37026.Photo: John Lee, NMD.


Fig. 4. Woman tearing out her hair, often identified asFreya. Found at Tissø on north-west Zealand, but inthe 1990s. Inv. no. C34048/FG3589. Photo: RobertoFortuna & Kira Ursem, NMD.

Fig. 5. Privately owned figurine, perhaps depictingFreya and her cats? Provenience and authenticityunknown. Photo: Timeline Auctions. Jfr. fig. 4 iRoger Wikell et al:s artikel, s. 13 i detta häfte.

own hair, is similar to the posture of the love god-dess Venus in some Roman representations (Holstet al. 2017, 62 f).In Snorri’s Skáldskaparmál, one of the ken-

nings for Freyja is “possessor of tomcats” (Edda2012, p. 148 f). Unlike all other animals in theservice of the gods, the two cats have no names(Price 2002, p. 56). In Snorri’s Gylfaginning, thecat-drawn carriage of Freya is mentioned twice(Edda 2012, pp. 42 f, 76 f). It is, however, notobvious why Freya herself should develop a cat-like face, just because of her ownership of malecats and her cat-drawn carriage. Other gods hadno such animal-like appearance – Óðinn is neverdepicted as a horse, Freyr as a boar, Þórr as a goat,and so on.It could be argued that the figurines’ cat-like

countenance should be understood as a referenceto Freya’s magical skills, since the cat seems toplay a magical role in sagas and mythology. It is,however, a somewhat far-fetched argument. In a

wider sense, gods and humans were capable ofshape-shifting, and depictions of hybrids, animal-human/animal-God, are seen in Late Iron Ageart, often interpreted as berserkers. For an inter-pretation of the figures as humans in shamanistictransformation, see Kastholm 2014.When interpreting the identity of the Tissø

figurine, a gilded silver fitting or pendant show-ing an almost three-dimensional seated figure,apparently female, must be taken into considera-tion (fig. 5). This remarkable piece was sold atauction in London in February 2017. Like theTissø figurine, she also tears at her hair. A shawlor a cape is shown as two crossed ribbons on herchest, but where the Tissø woman wears a floor-length robe, this figurine clearly wears trousers.Women wearing trousers are mentioned in theIcelandic sagas, though with some disapproval.As seen on the valkyrie figurines, women woretrousers for practical reasons, such as when rid-ing. The most extraordinary features of the Lon-

20 Peter Pentz



don fitting or pendant are the two cats with curl-ing tails flanking the woman.While there is no reason to suspect that the

item was illegally acquired, information on itsprovenience is inadequate. Provenience (unlikeprovenance) indicates a thorough history of anartefact back to its find-spot. However, most an-tiques market professionals provide only an in-complete history, and even when they do, thereare few possibilities of verification. After sale, theartefacts disappear from view and further inves-tigation is usually impossible. In the case of theFreya amulet, information on its origins was lim-ited to a short catalogue description: “Propertyof a German gentleman; acquired on the Euro-pean art market in the 1990s.” Such scanty dataleave room for much speculation – cf. Gustafsson2017a; 2017b.In the debate on the use of metal detectors by

non-professionals, this particular artefact can beused as an argument both for and against. Itcould well be a detector find, and those who fa-vour a restrictive approach would claim that theappearance of such an important object on themarket is the consequence of too liberal a legisla-tion. Those preferring a moderate and controlledapproach would claim that this could be a findfrom areas in which metal detecting is banned.Hence, this find would have to live a hidden lifein disguise from the public eye, and the finderwouldn’t present it to a museum or another au-thority. If the finder does not want to keep hisfinds, he will sell them, but then accompanied byinadequate or even false provenience informa-tion.Whatever the case is with the Freya amulet,

any discussion is weakened by the inadequateinformation. With a full record this piece wouldhave been crucial when interpreting the hairtea-ring woman motif, but as it is, the explanatorypower of the piece is weakened. As it stands, theidentification of the figure as Sif with her goldenhair is as probable as Freya.Ole Thirup Kastholm (2014) has suggested that

the hair tearing figurine should not necessarilybe interpreted as a goddess, but rather as a wo-man performing shamanism. A number of equal-armed brooches also show a person tearing out orpulling her hair, e.g. from Birka (Arbman 1940,

Taf. 81). On some of these, the person is bearded(Helmbrecht 2013, p. 20 f).A main point of Snorri's narrative is that Sif

lost her hair, but in the end the result turned outto be an improvement. The golden hair made bythe dwarves was ranked amongst the finest of thegods’ treasures, so although Loki inflicted harmon her, it ended up as an asset for her and for thegods.

The hammer MjǫllnirLoki, not being satisfied with this outcome of hiscrime, wagered his own head in a bet with thedwarf Brokkr, on whether Brokkr’s brother Eitriwas capable of crafting three more equally finetreasures. Despite more tricky interference byLoki, Eitri actually succeeded in producing threesuch treasures: the ring Draupnir, the boar Gullin-bursti, and the ultimate lethal weapon Mjǫllnir,the hammer. Despite its defective short handle,caused by Loki’s teasing of Eitri during his work,the gods judged the hammer as “the foremost ofall the treasures,” and consequently the dwarfhad won the wager against Loki.The hammer, controlled and used by the gods’

most famous elite soldier, Þórr, was the mosteffective tool of violence in the hands of the godsin their perpetual fight to maintain a balancedcosmos. Thanks to the hammer and its owner,the end of the world was delayed.Being the foremost treasure of the gods, the

hammer is, not very surprisingly, the most com-mon Viking Age amuletic pendant. The inscrip-tion on a runic amulet from Kvinneby on Ölandindicates its protective nature: “…may Þórr guardhim with the hammer…”. (The text is interpreteddifferently by runologists, but all seem to agreeon these specific words; Louis-Jensen 2005.) Manyhammer pendants are little simple T-shapedcharms, made of metal or other materials, such asamber. It has been argued that these hammersshould rather be considered as charms of no fur-ther significance than other charms modelled inthe shape of implements, such as sticks, strike-a-lights, etc. (Sonne 2013). This may theoreticallybe true for many of the small and simple ironhammers, often long-handled and suspended to-gether with other amulets from a ring. However,it is difficult to perceive the more elaborated and




Fig. 6. Hammer pendant, found in 2014 near Købelevon Lolland. A runic inscription reads: hamr x is –“This is the hammer”. Inv. no. C40632. Photo:Arnold Mikkelsen, NMD.

richly decorated hammer pendants made of sil-ver, amber or even gold as anonymous hammers.With their stunted and “mutilated” shafts, they

make clear reference to the narrative in Snorri'sSkáldskaparmál – En þat var lýi á, ar forskeftit varheldr skammt (Codex Regius), En lítit var forskeptit(Codex Upsaliensis). In the Gesta Danorum (book3, II, 66), Saxo offers another explanation for thehammer’s short handle. In a fight between godsand men, the hero Høtherus chopped off the endof the hammer’s (literally the “club’s”) handle:… proinde victoria ad superos concessit, ni Høtherus,interclinata suorum acie, celerius advolans clavampræciso manubrio inutilem reddidisset.One such short-handled hammer pendant was

found by a detectorist in 2014 at Købelev on theisland of Lolland, south of Zealand (fig. 6). In it-self, the hammer amulet is rather simple: a silver-plated iron hammer with only a few decorativelines in the plating. But, although more lavishly de-corated hammer pendants of this kind are known,this one is distinguished by a runic inscriptionsaying hamr x is meaning “this is the hammer”(Rasmussen et al. 2014).When the hammer received the name Mjǫll-

nir it became personalised. The name means “thepulverizer” or “the smasher”(Markússon 2005,p. 153 f). In some instances in myth and poetry,the word “hammer” is used alone, without men-tioning its name – though it is obvious thatMjǫllnir is meant (Lindow 1997). For instance,in the Þórsdrápa by the 10th century skald EilífrGoðrúnarson, Þórr is as usual killing giants withhis dreyrgum hamri, that is his blood-drippinghammer. But this is by no means the only example,so although the runic inscription on the Købelevhammer does not say “this is Mjǫllnir”, but “thisis the hammer”, we may assume that it is actual-ly Mjǫllnir.Named and personalised, the imperfection of

the hammer due to Loki’s interference can beinterpreted as a congenital malformation. How-ever, in spite of its deformation, the hammer wasjudged by the divine jury as the foremost treasureof all the dwarves’ creations. As a weapon it wasperfect. As in the case of Sif's hair, the loss ordamage turned out to be an improvement for thebenefit of not only the gods, but also humankind.

Lost or defective body parts: Óðinn, Loki andMímirAmong the more common examples of VikingPeriod art found in detector surveys are headsand masks. They are almost exclusively made ofbronze, some gilded, or silver.The interpretation of these pendants or fit-

tings is problematic. They can be interpreted asfaces, masks, or both. Their deeper meaning isnot quite clear, although there are some interest-ing suggestions. Often they are referred to asÓðinn’s masks, or simply as Óðinn. One of thearguments in favour of an identification of theheads and masks as representing Óðinn owes itsorigin to Snorri Sturluson. In his Gylfaginning (ch.14; Edda 2014, p. 28 f), he narrates how Óðinnexchanged an eye for a drink from Mímir’s well atthe foot of the World Tree, and the incident isreferred to in other sources as well. Some of the

22 Peter Pentz



Fig. 7. Fragmented mask. Note that one of the eyes ismutilated. Found in 2005 at Gammeltoft on Djurs-land. NMD, inv. no. C36867. Photo Museum Øst-jylland.

Fig. 8. So-called Óðinn’s mask, found in the 1990snear Tissø. Inv. no. 34048/FB 474. Photo John Lee,NMD.

heads clearly lack an eye, or one of the eyes hassecondarily been recarved as missing. Masks andheads are numerous throughout the Iron Age,and one-eyed or “eye-scratched” heads occur cen-turies before the Viking Period (Price & Mor-timer 2014, p. 531).A very convincing but unfortunately rather

fragmentary mask with such a scratched and blin-ded eye was found at Gammeltoft in Djursland(fig. 7). The left eye of the mask or helmeted headis clearly deficient. Another, much better preser-ved example, also found by a detectorist, is an

oblong representation of a warrior found nearTissø on Zealand (fig. 8; Holst et al. 2017, p. 58).Made of silver with traces of gilding, the maskshows an elongated face, bearded and with openmouth. The figure has large round eyes, the right-hand one without any pupil (fig. 9). Holst et al.(2017) suggest that the open mouth refers to poe-tic and mantic speech. This open mouth seems tobe more or less ubiquitous on the mask pendants.The question is whether the mutilated or miss-

ing eye means that these heads depict Óðinn.Some have clearly been reworked in order to




Fig. 9. Close-up of the eyes of the mask from Tissø.The figure's right-hand eye has no pupil.

Fig. 10. Mask found in 2015 at Øster Lindet, south-west Jutland. Vertical lines through the lips may indi-cate sewn or scarred lips and so the mask may depictLoki. Photo: Brian Christensen, Sønderskov Museum.

blind one of the eyes, but this does not mean thatthe mask was produced as an Óðinn figure – actu-ally rather the opposite, since the injury was add-ed secondarily. The mixing in Germanic leader-ship of human and divine, rulers identifyingthemselves as incarnations of the gods, leaveroom for a broader perspective (Price & Mor-timer 2014). Rather than directly referring toÓðinn, these figures, injured by “self-inflicted”blinding of one eye, might illustrate the willing-ness of the owner or bearer of the blinded maskto accept divine rights of power – and above all,to sacrifice a part of themselves. Leszek Gardeła(2014, pp. 81–83) has identified a one-eyed femalehead from the Viking trading place of Truso, Po-land, as an example of the mutilation of an eye.Whether this head is related to Scandinavian one-eyed symbolism or not is unclear. But it is worthconsidering the changeable gender identity ofÓðinn (cf. the discussion of the figure on the Lejrethrone, summarized in Mitchell, forthcoming).One common mask type found in large num-

bers by metal detectorists is the so-called “turn-around” mask (Hardt & Michaelsen 1991). Thesemasks owe their name to the intriguing trick that

if the head or mask is turned 180 degrees, anotherface appears, relatively clearly. It is unknown, how-ever, at which angle these masks were originallyintended to be viewed, or if this notion is a mo-dern construct. Generally, the masks are pen-dants, but not always.One has attracted particular attention. A frag-

ment of a mask or head was found by a detectoristin 2016 at Øster Lindet in south-west Jutland(fig. 10; Grundvad 2017). The central part of thependant exhibits the usual circular eyes, but thearea around the mouth shows more noteworthyfeatures. Three distinct lines cross the lips, bring-ing to mind a soapstone hearth-stone from Snap-tun in east Jutland, which depicts a mask withidentical lines across the lips (Madsen 1990). TheØster Lindet and Snaptun masks have been inter-preted as portrayals of Loki with his sewnup lips(Madsen 1990; Grundvad 2017). Snorri’s mythabout Sif ’s hair, and the wager between Loki andthe dwarves that put Loki’s head at stake, is fol-lowed by the account of the sewing-up of Loki’slips. Since the dwarves had won the wager by pro-ducing further treasures, they claimed Loki’s head.However, although Loki admitted that his head

24 Peter Pentz



Fig. 11. Mask with lips marked by vertical lines,found in 2011 near Ulstrup in Eastern Jutland. Suchmasks are frequently found by detectorists, and theymay have been intended as turn-around figures. Inv.no. C38635. Photo: Søren Greve, NMD.

Fig. 12. Mask fitting for a casket, found in 2016 nearVejlby on Djursland. Photo: Roberto Fortuna, NMD.

had been at stake and now belonged to Brokkr,he claimed that his neck was his own and thus notincluded in the wager. And his head could not beremoved without violating his neck. The godsbroke their promise, as usual, and Loki saved hishead. However, they allowed Brokkr to sealLoki’s foul mouth.That it was specifically Loki’s mouth that the

gods allowed to be mutilated is hardly a coinci-dence. Mouth, tongue and words were Loki’svenomous weapons. With them he caused a lot oftrouble among the gods and triggered the deci-sive disaster, the death of Baldr. By sewing upphis mouth, Brokkr intended to silence Loki.Whether the turnaround masks really are por-

traits of Loki or of Óðinn is unclear. Loki is defi-nitely the prankster among the gods, and theturnaround masks is to some extent comparableto Medieval manuscript drôleries. However, thesewn-up mouth is a little awkward when the mask

is seen upside down (fig. 11). Another possibilityis that this mask type is a stricter and more regularversion of the interlaced mask, known e.g. fromrune stones and casket fittings. This type is usu-ally interpreted as apotropaeic, intented to scarepeople off from removing or destroying the runestones or to discourage theft from the caskets. Inthat sense, the type can be said to represent a partof Óðinn’s personality, linked to one of his mostpowerful accomplishments, seiðr magic, whichallows him to bring about people’s death and mis-fortune (Pentz 2017b). A very fine example of amask of this type was found in 2016 at Vejlby inDjursland, eastern Jutland (fig. 12).Another possible identification when attempt-

ing to interpret the heads or masks is that they re-present Mímir’s head. Neil Price (2002, p. 158) hassuggested that a man's head pendant from Askain Östergötland, found in a woman’s grave, couldrepresent Mímir. In the Ynglinga saga, Snorri re-




Fig. 13. Terminal from adress pin or penannularbrooch, height 31 mm,probably representingFenrir the wolf. Found in2016 near Gudum onwestern Zealand. Inv. no.C43115. Photo: RobertoFortuna, NMD.

counts how the gods sent Mímir as a hostage tothe Vanir, with whom they were at war. But theVanir beheaded Mímir and returned the head toÁsgarðr. Óðinn then preserved Mímir’s headwith herbs and spells, turning it into a kind oforacle, divulging information from other worlds.

There is no indication in the Eddas that thesewing-up of Loki’s mouth had any consequen-ces. Throughout the myths, he constantly causesunease and quarrels through his malicious tongueand mouth, by lies and slanders. Likewise, afterÓðinn lost his eye he gained a sight far beyondusual physical capability, he also gained intuitionand knowledge beyond the ordinary. And he couldsee all over the world from his throne Hliðskjálf,with the help of his ravens (Mitchell forthcom-ing). A small silver figurine, found in 2009 by adetectorist at Gammel Lejre on Zealand, mightbe an illustration of this. For Mímir, the loss ofhis whole body was substituted by wisdom andspiritual insight, and the ability to travel betweenthe worlds. The pairing of disability and enhanc-ed ability is obvious in both instances.

In general, it is difficult to be certain aboutthe precise identities of the heads and masks found.Blinded or scratched eyes, sewn or scarred lips

may indicate something, but perhaps somethingless clear-cut than individual named divinities.Rather than arguing that the masks and heads aredepictions of the gods, we may suggest that theyoperated as metonyms for divine powers, skillsand properties.

The Hand of TýrOne of the most captivating detector find with afigural representation from Norse mythology isthe discovery of a small bronze fitting showing adog or a wolf with what appears to be a hand or aglove in its mouth (fig. 13). This remarkable piecewas found in 2016 on west Zealand at a site whichhas produced many artefacts from the VikingPeriod.

The fitting is cast in silver, but appears to havebeen gilded all over. The absence of gilding in theempty and hollow eye sockets, contrary to theinterior of the beast’s ears, indicates that therewas inlay here, possibly niello, which has beenlost. The animal has a long, thin neck, the skin orfur patterned with close parallel lines. It has smallplump ears, and behind them is a triangular fieldwith niello insertions, ending in a small knot.The snout is long and slender, with a marked

26 Peter Pentz



nasal bridge and forward-facing nostrils. Themouth is closed, but with everted and suspendedlips around a human hand. Three fingers aremarked on one side of the wolf ’s jaws, while thereare four on the other. There is a deep irregulardepression where the neck meets the head. Theanimal's neck ends at a short socket with irregu-lar fractures, suggesting that the fitting was orig-inally a pin terminal.This figure immediately recalls the myth of

the binding of the wolf in Snorri’s Gylfaginning.This myth relates the story about Loki’s threechildren, Jǫrmungandr, that is the Miðgarðr ser-pent, Hel and Fenrir. Óðinn threw Jǫrmungandrinto the sea, and then threw Hel into Niflheimrand gave her authority over the nine worlds.However, the gods had severe forebodings con-cerning the third of the children, the wolf, son ofLoki and the giantess Angrboða.The gods raised the wolf in Ásgarðr, but only

Týr had the courage to approach and feed him.Fenrir grew rapidly, and since prophecies foretoldthat he was destined to cause them harm, the godsmade first the chain Lǿðingr for the beast andthen the chain Drómi, both of which Fenrirbroke.As in the case of Mjǫllnir and Sif ’s hair, the

gods now had to turn to the dwarves, who madea magical restraint for them named Gleipnir.Magnus Källström (2016, p. 270) has suggestedthat the beasts seen on some rune stones are de-pictions of Fenrir, and that on the Vang stone inOppland (early 11th c.) he is shown with Gleipnir.This restraint was soft and smooth but strongerthan an iron chain. Surely, said the gods to Fen-rir, he could snap so slight a silk ribbon since hehad broken great iron chain before. But if thewolf failed to break the restraint, the gods prom-ised to free him. Fenrir agreed but demanded thatone of the gods place a hand in his mouth. OnlyTýr had the necessary courage. Fenrir, of course,failed to free himself and consequently Týr losthis hand.A Viking Period date for the Fenrir fitting can

easily be determined by stylistic/typological com-parison. The wolf shares many traits with thewooden animal heads from Oseberg, such as thesnout and the huge round eyes. A 9th centurydate seems likely, preceding and following cen-

turies not being entirely excluded.Týr is usually believed to have lost impor-

tance in the Viking Period (Andrén 2014). He israrely mentioned in the Poetic Edda, and his con-tributions to the word-feud Lokasenna, in whichseveral of the gods appear, are modest. His onlyappearance in the star role is in the case of thebinding of Fenrir. Still, Snorri calls him one ofthe most important gods.Note though that the fitting is not a depiction

of Týr himself, but of the monstrous creatureFenrir. This is unlike how the binding of the wolfwas depicted centuries before on a bracteate fromTrollhättan (Hedeager 1997; Hauck 2001; Axboe2005; Axboe & Källström 2013). Here Týr is seenin his entirety, occupying the bracteate at almostfull height, in contrast to the much smaller wolf.Likewise, if the identification of Týr on the pre-Viking picture stone from Hangvar Austers I,Gotland is correct (Ney 2017, p. 242), the god isalso seen in full figure here. The focus of themotif on the fitting is not Týr himself, but hishand between the wolf's jaws. The god is alsodepicted on the tapestries from Överhogdal inHärjedalen, Sweden (Ney 2017, p. 193). Thesehave radiocarbon dates in the Late Viking orEarly Medieval Period (Nockert & Possnert2002).Týr’s chief characteristic is his courage. “There

is a saying that a man is týr-valiant who surpassesothers,” records Snorri (Edda, p. 45). Actually,etymologically the word tír/týr means either “glo-ry, fame” or “god”. Courage qualified a man foran extended life in the Hall of Fame, Valhǫll. Theimportance of fame and courage and their rela-tionship to death is described in the famous stan-za 77 from Hávamál:

Cattle die, kinsmen die,The self must also die;I know one thing which never dies,The reputation of each dead man.

(Hávamal, 1996, p. 24)

The focal point of these poetic lines is the com-memoration of the dead. To die well for a warriorin Norse literature meant to leave as one’s legacy a heroic story. The word translated as “reputa-tion” in the poem is orðstírr, incorporating the




Fig. 14. Female warrior – a valkyrie? Probably a ringpin terminal. Found in 2012 near Hårby on westernFunen. Inv. no. C39227. Photo: John Lee, NMD.

words orð and týrr literally meaning “word-glory”,i.e. fame. Týrr is of course echoed in the name ofthe war god Týr (Taylor 2011, p. 125).Nothing suggests that Týr’s loss had any con-

sequences for his reputation as a warrior. In Loka-senna, Loki taunts him by saying that Týr couldnever bring peace between men because his righthand is missing. What exactly is meant by that isdebated, but probably Loki hints at the fact thatTýr is lacking the hand which was used when tak-ing an oath. The right hand is also linked a demon-stration of friendship, literally to shake hands (cf.Sigurðsson 2007, pp. 154, 156 f).Another probable terminal for a ring pin has

been found by a detectorist at Hårby on Funenand depicts a female warrior, perhaps a valkyrie(fig. 14). Those who wore such pins may con-

sciously have chosen precisely these figures, andthis may have advertised an affiliation, such assuggested by Charlotte Hedenstierna-Jonson(2002; 2009) for a group of sword chapes. Boththe valkyrie and the Fenrir/Týr figures certainlyrelate to warrior culture. In Snorri’s Edda, the poemSigrdrífumál has an initiation-like ritual with aninvocation apparently for initiating swords. Inthis spell, Týr’s name appears twice. Apart fromemphasising his role as a warrior god, the ritualsuggests that the sword was Týr’s weapon, thuslinking him to the warrior elite. Týr is described both as an einhendr áss, a one-

handed god, and viga guð, battle god, in Snorri’sSkáldskaparmál. In the biography of a warrior, thephysical consequences of battle and single com-bat – dismemberment – were acknowledged andremembered. It was a hallmark, a part of his orð-stýrr, his “word-glory” – his memorial. In EarlyMedieval and Viking warfare, the extremities, inparticular hands, feet and legs, were exposed toinjury during combat. The sagas mention manyindividuals, including women (Eyler 2016, p. 152offers a list), who lost extremities in combat, andwere subsequently named – and thus remembered– for their impaired bodies. From the late VikingPeriod we know that such combat-inflicted physi-cal losses were celebrated. In Canute the Great’slegislation, a section is devoted to such losses andthe compensation which should be given (Bertel-sen & Carpener 1960, p. 391). We may assume thatthis was an acknowledgement of the problems fol-lowing upon such injuries, and that such losseswere sustained to benefit the whole group. In thislaw, compensation for the loss of various bodyparts is calibrated; for instance, the thumb is heldin high esteem, a testimony to this finger’s im-portance in Viking life and particularly in war-fare. (Cnut’s legislation on bodily impairment wasprobably based on Anglo-Saxon and Frankish law;Bertelsen & Carpener 1960.)As a god, Týr seems to have dwindled in im-

portance through the Late Iron Age. But perhapsthis one story about him, the loss of his hand,may have survived through the Viking Periodand later. It may thus be that the hand in themouth of the beast became a symbol of ultimatecourage and sacrifice for the group.The wolf lost its role as the most fearsome of

28 Peter Pentz



Fig. 15. As Christianity replaced old beliefs, the wolfwas replaced as the ultimate beast by the dragon. Aring pin, an excavation find from Varde, shows a handin the dragon’s mouth (above), a motif also found as adetector find (right) – a fragment found in 2010 nearVindeby on Lolland. Inv. no. D261/2010. Photos:Lars Bentsen, Varde Museum; Søren Greve, NMD.

beasts in the Middle Ages. Biblical wolves are main-ly juxtaposed with lambs, but although under-stood representatively, they never had a such apronounced position as in Norse myth, and norwould they play any role on Judgment Day. Ametal detector find from Vindeby on Lollandand a ringed pin found at Varde in Jutland (fig.15) display a hand in the jaws of a dragon, thebeast of the Bible – an echo of the Pre-Christianmyth of Týr and his courage?

Divine defective bodiesIn Snorri’s writings, the gods are imagined ashaving essentially human bodies. However, incontrast to humans and giants, the gods never diein the mythology. The notable exception is Baldr,whose role in the pantheon, apart from his tragicdeath and its implications, is not described in anydetail.Although the gods never die, their divine bo-

dies do suffer injuries and defects. But their ene-mies, the giants, never derive any advantage fromthe injuries the gods suffer. They always recoveror develop other qualities. In return for the sur-render or sacrifice of a part of their bodies, thegods achieve enhanced abilities (Sayers 2016).The abovementioned examples are not the onlyones. Heimdallr sacrifices his ear, or his hearing

(or his horn?), at the foot of the World Tree(Voluspá 26; Andrén 2014, p. 30). After this loss,Heimdallr develops a new sense, so that he canhear the wool grow on the sheep and the grassgrow in the fields (Wanner 2012).Even Baldr’s slayer, Hǫðr, whose blindness

should have been a severe disadvantage for a war-rior, appears as an adequate or even able fighter.Actually, Hǫðr is the source word of four ken-nings for “warrior” (Liberman 2004). It mighteven be that his blindness is in some respect apositive trait, as good warriors can “transportthemselves” during battle to become more effi-cient killers, acting in “blind fury” through “batt-le blindness” (Bragg 2004, p. 116 f).These divine impairments are not uncom-

mon. Sif loses her hair, Óðinn an eye, Týr a hand,Heimdallr (perhaps) an ear, and Mímir his entirebody from the neck down. The stunted handle ofÞórr’s hammer can possibly be conceived of assimilar to the injuries suffered by the gods. Schol-ars have frequently observed that the injuries andlosses suffered by the gods – or their dearest be-longings, like Þórr’s ever-renewed goats – aredefined as disabilities, rather the opposite. Of thethirteen male gods mentioned by Snorri, morethan half have some kind of impairment.




From Ásgarðr to MiðgarðrLife in Miðgarðr was a mirror of life in Ásgarðr,or rather, the design of Ásgarðr and its inhabitantswas modelled on the earthly lives of (noble) hu-mans. In Ásgarðr, each of the gods had halls, house-holds and servants. They even had temples, al-though it is unclear which deities they worshipped.Sagas and poems mention many crippled and

injured people. They are often recognisable thanksto a nickname relating to their deviant appear-ance, such as Þorgils skarði, Skeggi skammhöndungand Halldórr slakkafótr of the Sturlunga Saga. Theirimpairments – a cleft palate, a withered hand,and a limp – do not seem to have impeded theirabilities or status as authoritative and prestigiouschieftains and landowners. But the position ofthe deformed and disfigured in Norse society isto some extent ambiguous in the written sources.Mutilating an opponent, for example by cuttingoff a hand, buttock or foot in order to cause a per-manent, visible injury, was a viable means of dis-honouring them (Lawing 2013, p. 133).In Grettir’s saga, the Viking Onund is inten-

tionally maimed in battle by Norwegian Vikings.In order to give him a visible memory of the fight,they cut off one of his legs. Thereafter he is calledOnund Woodenleg, Önundur tréfótur. After firsthaving been mocked by other Vikings, his reputa-tion and skill as a brave man is enhanced by hisinjury, since only few two-legged men can standup to him (Eyler 2016, p. 156 f; Bragg 2004, p.244). The wooden leg becomes a sign of distinc-tion, of Onund's abilities as a warrior.Other deformities were congenital. In the old-

est known Old Norse Christian law texts, espe-cially the Norwegian ones (the Borgarþing, Gula-þing and Eiðsivaþing law codes), the problem ofcongenital deformations is dealt with quite pre-cisely, in order to control the behaviour of socie-ty towards such deformations and allow for dis-ability (Lawing 2013). The laws are generallyquite generous here except in the severest casesthat allowed for infanticide (child exposure, bar-naútburðr). Whether these regulations can beprojected back into the Viking Period is a matterof discussion. However, in a warrior society likethat of the Vikings, it would have been necessaryto deal with both injuries inflicted in war and, ina wider perspective, disability in general.

Hávamál, in counselling on a proper conductof life, states that disability should not hinderperformance:

The lame man rides a horse,The handless man drives a herd,The deaf man fights and succeeds;

(Hávamál 1996, 22)

Just as people’s defects and disabilities could becongenital or acquired over a lifetime, weaponslike Mjǫllnir and possibly also other objects couldsuffer similar fates. Swords, for instance, couldhave names and a biography, which had an impacton their functions. An old or “injured” sword couldbe as good as or even better than a new one. Con-sider for instance a sword mentioned in the Vatns-dæla saga (ch. 39), the blade of which suffered acut, leaving a cavity so deep that a finger could bepoked into it. It was later reforged and became“the best sword ever”(www.sagadb.org/vatnsdaela_saga).

ConclusionsIn the examples given above, metal detector findshave been the basis for a discussion of impair-ment. This is only one of many topics that couldbe discussed on the basis on the same material,combining Snorri’s accounts with new-found arte-facts. Another theme, for instance, could be theViking concepts of allegiance, oath and sacrificeas negotiation. Heimdallr and Óðinn sacrificeparts of themselves in exchange for enhancedhearing and seeing, respectively. Týr sacrificeshis hand in exchange for fame.Even the making of the strong restraint, Gleip-

nir, is in itself a story of loss and acquisition orsacrifice and compensation. The losses are the sixingredients used by the dwarves in making Gleip-nir: the noise a cat makes when it moves, thebeard of a woman, the roots of a mountain, thesinews of a bear, the breath of a fish and the spitt-le of a bird. It is apparent from Snorri’s accountthat these elements existed before the episode(Mitchell 2000). In the Skáldskaparmál, the ab-sence of the six elements is given as evidence forthe truth of the Binding of Fenrir myth. And thegain is the restraint itself, which makes it possibleto bind Fenrir and postpone Ragnarøkkr. For the

30 Peter Pentz



warrior Týr, who loses a part of his body, thereward is a place in the Hall of Fame.All of the myths involve oath breaking. In the

case of Sif ’s hair, the gods cheat Brokkr of hiscompensation, Loki’s head. In the binding ofFenrir, the wolf is the brave one, he who daresand takes risks. But the gods brake their oath, andFenrir is not released (Enoch 2004). In general, itseems that the gods’ treachery does not diminishtheir power, rather the opposite. In both instan-ces, solidarity within the group – the gods – ismore important than the oaths to Fenrir andBrokkr.Metal detecting obviously yields finds of me-

tal, much of it jewelry and fittings. Common tothese is that the items were meant for display, tosignal something. Whatever the ideas behind thechoice of motif for a piece of jewellery or a fitting,we can guess that the person who displayed thepiece also displayed an affiliation to a group or atleast some common concepts.A quarter century ago John Lindow claimed

that Mjǫllnir was the only divine attribute to befound archaeologically:

It is a fact that the hammer was the onlyattribute of the Norse gods to be crafted byhuman beings. No golden hair of Sif wasdeposited in a hoard, no miniature Gungniror Skíðblaðnir was worn by people andburied with them.

(Lindow 1994)

This statement is by now no longer unchallenged,thanks to the large number of artefacts found bymetal detecting. Miniature spearheads, ship-shap-ed brooches and female figurines tearing outtheir hair have all been found. The identificationof these pieces as Gungnir, Skíðblaðnir and Sif isof course conjectural and perhaps even debat-able, but still worth discussing. In the case of Fen-rir and Týr's hand, at least, the proof of identityshould be clear. Whatever the case may be, met-al detecting has provided us with new evidenceand stimulated discussion, improving our accessto Viking thought and beliefs.Stressing social and regional differences in

religious practices, the term “Norse paganism”as a unified thing has been challenged and ques-

tioned (Andrén et al. 2006; Nordberg 2012).However, in spite of all precautions that shouldbe taken in handling the Icelandic and EarlyMedieval texts such as Snorri’s, these sourcesremain a fundamental basis for our understand-ing and interpretation of archaeological findswhether found in Iceland, Norway, Denmark orSweden (Andrén 2006; 2014).Metal detecting is closely linked to research at

a variety of sites. Even though detector finds canbe categorised as stray finds with GPS coordi-nates, they contribute substantially to our know-ledge of the Viking mind. Most of the abovemen-tioned examples have been found on sites whichcan, thanks to metal detecting, be identified ascentral places or markets – sites that would likelyhave been unknown today without metal detect-ing.I started out from Ramskou’s opinion of Vi-

king art being almost purely decorative. Today,and thanks largely to the numerous finds frommetal detecting, we may claim the opposite.Maybe we cannot understand the context of themeeting of the two valkyries, but we can be surethat a tale or a myth about the depicted episodeexisted. Viking artists almost always intendedtheir work to represent something specific.

ThanksI am grateful to my colleague at the National Mu-seum, Stephen Lumsden, for his careful and me-ticulous reading of the paper. His revision of myEnglish together with his valuable commentsimproved the manuscript substantially.

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