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TRANSCRIPT
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Editor: Dr. Pushpa Tiwari
Article
Volume: II, Issue II, July-December 2011
IMPERIAL ARCHITECTURE IN THE LATER MUGHAL PERIOD:
CONSIDERATION OF SITE
Ms. Savita Kumari
Abstract
When the Mughal Empire was at its zenith, it was the court that was responsible for undertaking major art
and architectural projects and determined the style and taste of the period. In the Later Mughal period
(17071857) decentralization took place not only in the domain ofpolitics but also in the realm ofart and
architecture, which reflected continuing tussle between Mughal rulers and contending groups: nobility in the
eighteenth century and the British in first halfofthe nineteenth century. During this period, architecture and
politics cemented together. The Mughal rulers hardly had any opportunity to patronise magnificent
architecture in want ofresources and stability. Their architectural activity was limited to few modest tombs,
palaces and mosques. The present article attempts to demonstrate how these few modest buildings were
imbued with strong political and religious messages and exerted considerable influence owing to the site
where these buildings were constructed.
Keywords
Dargah, Muhajjar, Urs, Pir, Pirzadas, Murid
Content
Imperial Architecture in the Later Mughal Period: Consideration ofSite
Mughal rulers built extensively throughout their Empire and were responsible for patronising some ofthe finest
buildings ever seen by the entire Islamic world. In the later Mughal period (17071857), however, emperors
made scant contribution in the domain ofarchitecture owing to political instability and financial bankruptcy.The article constitutes a survey ofsalient architectural features ofthe buildings patronised by the later Mughal
emperors. An Attempt has been made to reconstruct the original fabric ofbuildings through topographical
paintings ofDelhi, produced during that time, as a number ofbuildings patronised by the rulers are now in
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altered state and lost their original fabric. The present article also addresses certain issues related to the
locales where architectural projects are undertaken by the Mughal emperors. Imperial tombs, palaces, and
mosques are taken as case studies to see how the location where rulers erected their buildings made a direct
reference to the contemporary political and cultural landscape ofDelhi.
Later Mughal Emperors Reign Period
Bahadur Shah I
17071712
Jahandar Shah
17121713
Farrukhsiyar
17131719
Rafi ud-Darjat
1719
Rafi ud-Daulat a.k.a. Shah Jahan II
1719
Nikusiyar
1719
Muhammad Ibrahim
1720
Muhammad Shah
17191720, 17201748
Ahmad Shah Bahadur
17481754
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Alamgir II
17541759
Shah Jahan III
In 1759
Shah Alam II
17591806
Akbar Shah II
18061837
Bahadur Shah Zafar
18371857
Table 1: Reign period of the Later Mughal Emperors
Imperial buildings ofthe Later
Mughal period studied in this article
Date
Tomb Buildings
Tomb ofthe emperor Shah 'Alam
Bahadur Shah I, Dargah ofShaikh Qutb
Sahib Bakhtiyar Kaki, Mehrauli, Delhi
1712
Tomb ofthe emperor Muhammad
Shah, Dargah ofShaikh Nizamuddin
Auliya, Delhi
17191748
Palaces
Zafar Mahal (Palace ofAkbar II), 18061837
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Mehrauli, Delhi
Gateway, Zafar Mahal, Mehrauli, Delhi 1848
Zafar Mahal, Red Fort, Delhi 1842
Hira Mahal, Red Fort, Delhi 1842
Mosque
Moti Masjid, Mehrauli, Delhi 1709
Table 2:Imperial buildings of the Later Mughal period
Imperial Tombs
The significance oftomb buildings for the Mughal rulers for proclamation ofpower and authority can be
judged by the fact that the first grand architectural project undertaken by the great Mughal Emperor
Akbar(15561605) was a tomb. In 1526, Babur led the foundation ofMughal Empire in India. The Mughal
Empire, however, remained in an unsettled state, constantly challenged by the native rulers, until Akbar
consolidated the empire. To mark the consolidation ofMughal Empire and legitimize the rule ofthe dynasty,
Akbar built the tomb ofhis father Humayun, which was completed in 1571, adjacent to the Chisti shrine of
Nizam ud-Din Auliya in Delhi [Lowry 1987, 136]. Since then, Mughal rulers patronised some ofthe finest
tomb buildings and the tradition reached at its apex with the construction ofTaj Mahal at Agra.
From 1707 to 1857, a number ofrulers ascended the Mughal throne, however, not a single significant tomb
was constructed for any ofthe emperor. The process began with the death ofAurangzeb. He was buried in
an open grave at Daulatabad at the dargah ofShaikh Burhan al-Din. His grave was marked by a simple stone
cenotaph. This was in accordance with the final wishes ofAurangzeb. It may be noted that even ifAurangzeb
would have not made such a wish, his successors were unable to construct any magnificent edifice over his
grave due to the war ofsuccession that broke among them.
The political turmoil that began with Aurangzebs death ceased only in 1857 with the final eclipse ofthe
Mughal Empire. The struggle for authority was most explicitly expressed by burials ofroyalty. In a period of
150 years, only two modest marble enclosures were constructed in the name oftomb for the rulers in vicinity
ofchistidargahs. This has already been pointed out by the recent scholarship that even the modest tombs of
the Mughal emperors, for instance, tombs of Babur and Aurangzeb, exerted great influence as it was
benefited from the religious dogma [Brand 1993, 323].
Here one may note that the monuments commemorating the death oflater Mughal rulers may not have
architectural significance but the sites selected for burial of these rulers played a prominent role in the
contemporary political and cultural landscape.
The graves ofroyalty were found at the following sites:
Dargah of Shaikh Qutb Sahib Bakhtiyar Kaki and
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Dargah of Nizam ud-Din Auliya and
Humayuns Tomb
Dargah of Shaikh Qutb Sahib Bakhtiyar Kaki: the dynastic graveyard
Thedargah of Shaikh Qutb Sahib Bakhtiyar Kaki became the most preferred place for the royal burial in the
later Mughal period. It may be noted that even when the emperors died outside Delhi, inevitably, their bodies
were brought to the imperial capital for burial. Bahadur Shah I died due to illness on February 27, 1712 atLahore. It was in Lahore a monumental mausoleum was erected for the Mughal Emperor Jahangir in 1621.
Lahore was, however, not considered as the proper last resting place for Bahadur Shah. His body was sent
to Delhi under the supervision of Bibi Mihr-Parwar, the emperors widow for interment. Thus, Delhi became
the unquestionable site for the royal burials. The emperor was buried in a muhajjar(tomb enclosure open to
sky) in the vicinity thedargah of Shaikh Qutb Sahib Bakhtiyar Kaki at Mehrauli near Moti Masjid, which was
built by him in 1709 [Irvine 1971, 135].
The architectonics of the tomb of Bahadur Shah I: Now & Then
The grave of Bahadur Shah I was interred in an oblong muhajjar resting on a low plinth (pl. 1). The muhajjaris entirely made of marble. The design of the enclosure, at present, appears heterogeneous. The plinth is
decorated by an intricate floral scroll comprising of iris flowers alternating with lotus buds. The northern and
southern sides, which are longer sides of the enclosure, consist of five panels. The western and eastern sides
have four panels. The eastern and northern sides are above the ground level which is part of the mosque
enclosure behind the tomb. The other two sides are in consistence with the ground level.
The eastern and western sides have blind trefoil arcades. The central panel of western side, however, consists
of a window with quatrefoil jali (tracery). The enclosure is entered from the southern side through a cusped
arched entrance. The entrance is higher than the enclosure wall. This entrance is flanked by intricate jalis set ina trefoil arch. Each unit of the tracery consists of four symmetrical foils. The spandrels are decorated with a
finely carved meander of conventionalised iris flower. These jalis are framed by rectangular pilaster commonly
seen in the later Mughal architecture. The base and the capital of the pilaster are decorated with acanthus
motif. The fluted shaft emerges from a lotus flower and is decorated with chevron pattern. Such pilasters are
earlier seen in the architecture of Aurangzeb, e.g., Badshahi mosque in Lahore. Other two panels on this side
form a blind arcade. The northern side, which faces the mosque, is comparatively well proportionate and
homogeneous in design. Three intricately carved jalis alternate with two bind cusped arches. The entire
enclosure wall was topped by a cinquefoil cresting which is now damaged at several places.
From a representation of the tomb of Bahadur Shah I in a company painting by artist Sita Ram (pl. 2) whichis in the British Library, London, it is evident that the original fabric and setting of the tomb has changed
considerably. The muhajjar was originally within an enclosure as can be seen in the painting. The southern
side of this enclosure was occupied by the muhajjar. It is preceded by an open courtyard. The northern side
had a dalan (hall) which is entered from an elegant arcade of baluster columns supporting cusped arches.
The dalan still survives (pl. 3). The eastern and western sides were closed by red sandstone walls, which no
more exist. A narrow staircase between the tomb and the eastern enclosure wall which descends to the
mosque enclosure, seen in the painting, still exists (pl. 1).
What is important to notice is that originally the entire plinth, on which the muhajjar stands, was enclosed bymarble jali (pl. 2), however, at present only part of this plinth is surrounded by the jali (pl. 1). This led to
exclusion of three graves from the muhajjar which originally might have been within the enclosure. Also,
originally, the entire southern side of muhajjar had elegant quatrefoil jali which gave the tomb enclosure a
graceful appearance. It seems that at some point of time the original jalis crumbled. In the process of
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restoration, its, original fabric was lost.
Selection ofDargah as the last resting place
It was believed that the deceased would be benefited by the barqat (blessings) ofthe saint ifburied in the
vicinity ofa dargah. Yet another reason for selection ofa dargah as the last resting place was its importance
in life ofthe community. The dargah was a popularly visited site; hence, memories of those buried in its
vicinity would be immortalised. Here, one may note that the grave ofBahadur Shah I was venerated by thepeople. His urs (death anniversary) was an important festive occasion in Delhi. The travellers who visited
Delhi during the later Mughal period were quite fascinated by the festivities at the tomb ofBahadur Shah I
during the celebration ofhis urs.
Urs ofBahadur Shah I as described inMuraqqa -e Dehli
In hisMuraqqa -e Dehli, Dargah Quli Khan, an important official in the principality ofHyderabad, gives a
graphic account ofthe celebration during the urs ofKhuld Manzil (Bahadur Shah I). He stayed in Delhi from
1737 to 1741. He writes, The Urs ofKhuld Manzil is celebrated on the 23rd day of[month ofsacrifice]
Muharram-ul-Ihram. His grave is situated beside the grave ofHazrat Qutb-ul-Aqtab. His [Khuld Manzils]Begum, Mehr Parwar, with the help of Hayat Khan Nazir, starts the arrangements for the decoration of
lamps [at the grave] a month in advance. Chandeliers of all kinds are hung and the artisans from the royal
house come and give the lamps the shape oftree which when lighted put to shame both the Cyprus and the
boxwood trees. When the place is fully lighted, it dazzles like sunlight and overshadows the moon. The sun
realising its unimportance sets and does not show its face before dawn. The towers oflamps throw lights as
high as the sky. The bunglows in every lane shine as bright as the Valley ofTur.
Hand in hand, the lovers roam the streets while the debauched and the drunken unmindful ofthe mushatsib
[kotwal] revel in all kinds ofperversities. Groups ofwinsome lads and novices [in this trade] violate the faithofthe believers through their unappreciated acts which are sufficient to shake the very roots ofpiety. There
are beautiful faces as far as the eye can see. All around prevails a world ofimpiety and immorality in different
hues. The whores and lads entice more and more people to this atmosphere oflasciviousness. Nobles can be
seen in every nook and corner, while the singers, quwwals, and beggars outnumber even the flies and the
mosquitoes. In short, both the nobles and the plebians quench the thirst oftheir lust here. But however, it is in
ones welfare and prudence to ignore these immodesties [Khan 1989, 1718].
Representation ofurs ofBahadur Shah I in a nineteenth century painting
From a painting entitled the Catafalque of the Emperor Bahadur Shah Idated early nineteenth century inthe Victoria and Albert Museum Collection, it can be suggested that the grave of Bahdur Shah remained
popular in early nineteenth century as well. This is a rare painting which depicts probably the celebration of
urs ofthe Emperor Bahadur Shah I. The observations made by Dargah Quli Khan, in second half ofthe
eighteenth century, are also captured in this early nineteenth century painting.
It seems, however, that the artist has created the image from what he heard about the festivity and not
through direct observation as the topography ofthe place is not accurate. In this painting, the background
consists oftwo distinct zones: the left part is the white faade ofthe palace with a jharokha. The palace
seems to be the Zafar Mahal at Mehrauli. The right part consists ofa garden. This division sets up the stage
against which the drama unfolds.
Against the architectural background, behind cluster ofpeople, is shown a prince astride a bedecked
elephant. From the garden, on the other side, appears a royal horse. The elephant and horse create a
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demarcating line between the populace in front and men in procession at the back. Some of them carry
candles in procession. Against the garden is shown the bedecked shrine with a canopy placed diagonally. In
front ofthe right corner ofthe shrine is a tall staffcovered heavily by black cloth. From its top protrude a
hand. Smaller versions ofthis hand can be seen all along the front ofthe tomb from which dangles colourful
bundle ofclothes. The hand was one of the imperial Mughal symbols carried when the emperor appeared
anywhere. It is frequently depicted in paintings ofPadshahnama ofShah Jahan [Beach & Koch 1997, 28,
24,42].
The artist succeeded in capturing the mood ofthe festival. Throng ofpeople from various strata ofsociety are
shown flooding at the site. The artist has shown them in different views; sometime figures are cut to indicate
that their numbers are not restricted only to the picture plane. The empty space on the left side of the
foreground and in the centre creates a breathing space in an otherwise crowded composition. The artist has
particularly shown multitude ofwomen dressed in beautiful attire, jewellery, and footwear. Their palms and
fingers are shown coloured with mehndi. Though the treatment ofhuman figures is static yet a great sense of
movement is created through their gestures and postures as well as gaze. The garden with barely visible
branches and trunks ofthe tree indicate the darkness ofnight when not even a single star is in the sky. Yet the
festival site is shown in brilliant light. Everything seems to be illuminated. The bright colour palette, further,heightens the spirit ofcelebration.
It is, thus, clear that the modest grave ofBahadur Shah I emerged as a significant site not only for the royal
family but also for the general public ofDelhi.
Other rulers buried near the dargah of Shaikh Qutb Sahib Bakhtiyar Kaki
Two other Mughal rulers, Rafi ud-Darjat (February 28, 1719June 6, 1719) and Rafi ud-Daulah (June 8,
1719September 19, 1719) were buried near the dargah ofShaikh Qutb Sahib Bakhtiyar Kaki. Here one
may note that Rafi-ud-daulah died in a camp at Bidyapur [Irvine 1971, 431]. Yet, his body was sent to Delhiwhere it was buried beside his brother Rafi ud-Darjat [Irvine 1971, 432]. These rulers were merely puppets
and ruled for a briefperiod with no time to commemorate a tomb building. Since, their rule was supported by
the nobility, they were given proper burial in the vicinity ofthe dargah ofShaikh Qutb Sahib Bakhtiyar Kaki.
It has already been observed that the tenure ofEmperor Bahadur Shah I and other two rulers were too short
and unstable for construction ofany magnificent tomb. What is intriguing to notice is that the three last Mughal
rulers, Shah Alam II (r. 17591806), Akbar II (r. 18061837), and Bahadur Shah II (r. 18371857) also
desired to be buried in the muhajjar ofBahadur Shah I, however, his desire was never fulfilled. One may
question what prompted these rulers to select the muhajjar ofthe tomb ofBahadur Shah I as their last resting
place when they had the resources to construct tombs for themselves? This is evident from the fact that all
these three rulers patronised architecture. In fact, Shah Alam II constructed tombs for his mother and
daughter. These tombs, known as Lal Bangla, are the largest tombs constructed by any later Mughal ruler.
Yet he did not construct his tomb. Similarly, Akbar II and Bahadur Shah II constructed palaces but not their
tombs.
Michael Brand, an eminent scholar, has already pointed out the great respect orthodox burial enjoyed at the
Mughal court due to Quranic injunction [Brand 1993, 323333]. In case ofburial and entombment ofthe last
three Later Mughal rulers, it seems, other issues were also involved except for the religion which prescribes
an uncovered grave exposed to the purifying rain and dew as a symbol ofhumility [Brand 1993, 324]. Theconsideration was ofacquiring religious sanction to rule when political power was constantly shrinking and
passing into the hands ofthe British. The emperors were not only rulers but also pirs,a fact, also attested by
contemporary painting which depicts these rulers seated on the throne with a rosary in their hands. The close
association ofthe court and the dargah ofthe Bakhtiyar Kaki is further arrested by the fact that pirzadas
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(descendants ofsaints), encouraged Akbar II and Bahadur Shah Zafar to accept disciples or murids who
acknowledged the spiritual guidance ofthe king [Spear 2002, 74]. Thus the divine right ofthe emperor was
well established. Such a practice empowered the modest graves of later Mughal emperors, which
symbolically, ifnot architecturally, exerted more prestige. The modest muhajjar ofBahadur Shah I, in the first
halfofthe nineteenth century, became the dynastic graveyard for the later Mughal rulers.
The dargah ofShaikh Nizamuddin Auliya: Tomb ofMuhammad Shah
Muhammad Shah (r. 17191748) had a long reign compared to other Later Mughal rulers. He was the only
emperor who built his tomb during his lifetime. He preferred the site ofthedargah ofShaikh Nizamuddin
Auliya as his last resting place. Previously, at this site was buried the Mughal princess Jahan Ara Begum,
daughter ofShahjahan, in an open grave surrounded by an elegantly carved marble enclosure. In fact, it was
the dargah ofShaikh Nizamuddin Auliya which was extremely significant for the Mughal royal family prior to
the Later Mughal period when the focus ofroyalty shifted to the dargah ofShaikh Qutb Sahib Bakhtiyar
Kaki. However, this shift became more pronounced in the early nineteenth century.
Architectonics of the tomb ofMuhammad Shah
The Mughal Emperor Muhammad Shah is also buried in a muhajjar (pl. 5) which is closely modeled on the
tomb ofJahan Ara Begum. However, it is more intricately carved. Over an ornate platform rests the grave of
Muhammad Shah. This is surrounded by an oblong marble enclosure which consists offive panels on the
eastern and western sides and three panels on northern and southern sides. The central panel on the eastern
side is constructed as an elegant double arched entrance with marble doors. The outer cusped arched
entrance gracefully connects with the inner arch. The intrados are intricately carved. Fine carving of
meandering floral scroll can also be seen on the spandrels. The entrance is flanked by columns. The original
upper parts of the columns no more exist. The corners of the enclosure are provided with rectangular
pilasters, a characteristic feature ofthe later Mughal architecture. The original finials over these pilasters dontmore exist any more. An elegant floral cresting forms the upper part of the enclosure wall which is also
broken at several places and are reconstructed.
In this enclosure were also buried Nawab Sahiba Mahal, wife ofMuhammad Shah, his daughter, who was
married to the son ofNadir Shah, and her infant daughter. A fine tomb ofsimilar type was also constructed
for the Mughal prince Mirza Jahangir by his mother Nawab Mumtaz Mahal Begum, wife ofAkbar II.
Humayuns Tomb: Burial ground for the defeated
It is significant to note that burial ofa number of Later Mughal rulers went unmarked as no edifice wasconstructed to commemorate their death. There bodies were simply interred in Humayuns Tomb (pl. 6).
Though a sixteenth-centurybuilding, Humayuns Tomb acquired a different connotation in Later Mughal
period because ofwhich it became important to incorporate Humayuns Tomb in the present discussion.
It is intriguing to notice that at Humayuns Tomb those emperors and princess ofthe Later Mughal period
were buried who were either defeated in war ofsuccession or dethroned and brutally killed by powerful
nobles. Thus, Humayuns Tomb became the burial ground ofthe defeated. The first such instance took place
immediately after death ofAurangzeb.
In the battle ofJajau, which took place in 1707, Shah Alam Bahadur Shah I (r. 17071712) emerged
victorious. His brother Azam Shah, contender for the throne, and his two nephews Wala-jah and Bidar
Bakht were killed in this war of succession. Bahadur Shah ordered that bodies of the princes were to be
dispatched in biers for burial in the mausoleum ofHumayun [Irvine 1971, 34]. He could have buried the
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bodies ofhis defeated relatives at Jajau but he did not do so. Yet another contender for the throne, Kam
Baksh, youngest son ofAurangzeb, and his sons were defeated and killed in a war waged by Bahadur Shah I
in 1709 in Deccan. After paying due respect to their bodies, the victorious emperor ordered dispatch oftheir
bodies for burial in the mausoleumofthe Emperor Humayun [Irvine 1971, 6465].
The defeated princess could have been buried in Deccan. After all, in Deccan, at Daulatabad, was also
buried the former Emperor Aurangzeb. Now, the question arises what made Bahadur Shah to select tomb of
Humayun in Delhi as the last resting place for his defeated brothers. There could be two reasons. He sentbodies ofhis brothers and other princes to the imperial capital to convey that no contender for the throne had
survived and his rule was unchallenged.
Secondly, by selecting the Humayuns Tomb he was referring to the act ofhis father, Aurangzeb. One may
note that Aurangzeb after killing his brother Dara Shikoh, the heir apparent, interred his body at Humayuns
Tomb. By repeating his fathers act, Bahadur Shah I was justifying his deeds. One more reason which could
have prompted Bahadur Shah I to bury his defeated relative at Humayuns Tomb was to portray himselfas a
just ruler who gave respectable burial to his enemies. At the same time he was aware that memories ofthe
deceased would be overshadowed by the burial ofHumayun.
It has been observed that, later on, all those rulers who were dethroned and murdered were buried at
Humayuns Tomb. After a briefrule ofless than a year, emperor Jahandar Shah (r. February 27, 1712
February 11, 1713) was dethroned and imprisoned in Tripolia Gate by Farrukhsiyar with the help ofSayyid
brothers. He was brutally killed in imprisonment on February 11, 1713 [Irvine 1971, 254]. His dismembered
body was disgracefully displayed in the victory procession of the new Emperor Farruksiyar (17131719)
and was later buried in Humayuns Tomb [Irvine 1971, 255256]. History repeated itself once again.
Farrukhsiyar was dethroned, blinded, and imprisoned in Tripolia Gate by Sayyid brothers [Irvine 1971, 391].
Later on, they killed himbrutally [Irvine 1971, 392]. His body was also buried at Humayuns Tomb [Irvine
1971, 393-394]. Yet another emperor, Alamgir II (17541759) was killed by his prime minister and wasburied in the Humayuns Tomb [Sarkar 2008, 125].
Humayuns Tomb which symbolised consolidation ofthe Mughal Empire in India, ironically, also marked the
end ofthe Mughal dynasty. It was here, the last Mughal Emperor, Bahadur Shah II was arrested and with
this ended a dynasty which ruled for more that three centuries.
Imperial Palaces in the Later Mughal Delhi
The Later Mughal rulers of the eighteenth century could not contribute a single palace. The only palace
constructed at this time by the royal family was Qudsia Bagh Palace which belonged to Nawab QudsiaBegum, wife ofMuhammad Shah and mother ofAhmad Shah (r.17481754). It was only during the rule of
last two rulers, Akbar Shah II (180637) and Bahadur Shah II (183757) the practice ofbuilding palaces,
renewed though on a very small scale. These were the last efforts to a bid for posterity through architecture,
though, in a very small scale. Surviving on the pension ofthe British, they had neither resources nor power to
undertake any bigproject.
Palace of Akbar II or Zafar Mahal
Akbar II selected the vicinity ofdargah ofBakhtiyar Kaki for constructing his palace. It has already been
observed above that during the Later Mughal period Mughal rulers developed close association with this
shrine for various reasons. The selection of this site was in accordance with the existing Mughal palace-
building tradition. Through a close proximity ofsome oftheir fort palaces with the khanaqah ofChisti saints,
Mughal rulers attempted to link the secular and the sacred. The establishment ofFatehpur Sikri, commenced
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in 1571 by Akbar (15561605) at the khanaqah of another Chishti saint Shaykh Salim is well known.
Similarly, the lakeside palace ofJahangir (160527) and Shah Jahan (162858) on the Ana Sagar in Ajmer
serves as a royal link with Indias premier dargah that ofMuin al-Din, in the town. In Delhi the Din-Panah of
Humayun (153040; 155556) was adjacent to the Chisti shrine Nizam al-Din Auliya; it was further more
site ofIndraprastha, associated with the Epic Mahabharata, thus linking the Mughal with both religious
authority and an ancient pre-Islamic Indian past [Asher 1993, 281].
Akbar II went a step further. By taking murids, who acknowledged the spiritual guidance ofthe king, heblurred the line between the royal and the divine. He was not only the Emperor but also the pir. What could
have been a better place than the vicinity ofdargah ofBakhtiyar Kaki for presentation ofsuch an image?
This palace was known as Lal Mahal [Husain 1991, 89]. It came to be popularly known as Zafar Mahal
because in 1848 Bahadur Shah erected a lofty gateway on the northern side ofthe palace. It was made so
high probably to admit elephants when they are required for ridingpurposes [Husain 1991, 89]. At present,
the palace is in ruins. Only the gateway has survived in its original form (pl. 7). It is an imposing three-
storeyed structure with chamfered corners. The central faade consists ofa monumental gateway. Set within
double arches, the gateway rises up to the second storey. Outer cusped arch rests on slender pilasters. The
wooden doorway is still surviving. Above the gateway is an arcade ofthree cusped arches. This central
section is flanked by wall divided into three storeys. The lower storey is decorated with a niche crowned with
a bangla roof, above this is a reliefofthe similar niche. The two are separated by a band. Second storey has
elegant window framed by slender pilasters crowned with bangla roof. Here, too, the motifis repeated in
relief. The upper storey has elegant jharokha. The entire faade is topped by a chajja over which is a
battlement. From inside the upper story ofthe gateway is an elegant structure. It is composed as a pillared
hall flanked by rooms.
Bahadur Shah II used to spend month ofmonsoon at this palace. He patronised the solona or Punkah
festival which was held each August towards the end ofthe rains, when he or his sons headed a procession tothe shrine ofQutub Sahib, the king on his elephant and his followers waving large fans [Spear 2002, 74].
Such procession was also a way to display the royal splendour.
By early 20th century this palace was already in ruins as evident from an ASI report of 192223. The
repairs to the Zafar Mahal at Mehrauli, commenced last year, were completed. They comprise the removal of
debris, replacement ofcertain roofs by new ones, and some petty repairs to the walls, chajja, floors, etc. The
palace is a typical specimen ofthe late Mughal architecture, exhibiting all the shortcomings ofthat period. The
interest attached to it is purely ofhistoric nature, as it was the residence ofthe last Mughal emperors [ASI
Report 1990a, 78].
What is intriguing to notice is that the tomb ofBahadur Shah I was also included in the palace precinct. This
feature was in discord with the established Mughal practice ofpalace building as tomb was never in such
close proximity to the palace.
Bahadur Shah Palaces in the Red Fort: Zafar Mahal and Hira Mahal
In Hayat Bakhsh garden of the Red Fort, Bahadur Shah II added several palace pavilions. The central
feature ofthis garden was Zafar Mahal or Jal-Mahal (Water Palace) constructed in the middle ofa large
water tank (pls. 8-9). This tank was constructed by Shahjahan [ASI Report 1990, 8]. However, during thereign ofBahadur Shah II, it was deepened through construction ofa parapet on the top ofthe ornamental
border [ASI Report 1990, 8]. Bahadur Shah built this palace in 1842 in the 6th year ofhis accession [Khan
1979, 72]. Originally, it had a central hall with rooms, suits, and verandah all around it. There was a bridge
on the eastern side ofthe palace which connected it with the mainland (pl. 9). Hayat Bakhsh garden as well
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as various buildings within it was already in a state ofbad preservation and neglect by 1901, many ofthe
buildings were then sadly in need ofrepair; others were used as barrack rooms or stores, while the area in
which they stood was cut up by modern roads, and disfigured by unsightly military buildings. The old levels of
the ground had been obliterated and bewildered visitor to the palace of the Great Mogul wandered
aimlessly about from building to building [Sanderson 1990, 7].
Sanderson writes: In 19041905 excavations were made on a large scale in the Hayat Bakhsh garden,
which led bare the old tank and water channels, and the extent ofthe former, ofwhich the Zafar Mahal is thecentral feature, was accurately determined. In 1905-1906 the work was continued and a start made on the
reconstruction ofthe old channels. Fragments ofthe ornamental kerb and causeways were found between the
tank and the Sawan pavilion, and from these, together with the old plans which showed the border, it was
possible to carry out the work with perfect accuracy to the original. The large central tank built by Shah
Jahan appeared to have been deepened, probably at the same time as the Zafar Mahal erected in its centre,
and this had been done by building a parapet on the top ofthe ornamental border. .Accordingly, it was
felt that the traces ofthe parapets existence should not be destroyed and the missing portions ofit were,
therefore, restored, so that the tank could be filled up to the higher level [Sanderson 1990, 7].
At present, the palace rests on a plinth consisting offive openings on each side (pl. 8). The plinth is separated
from the palace by a chajja resting onbrackets. The faade ofthe palace is marked by three cusped arches
flanked by jalis set within arches that recall the baldachin covering. Some ofthe jalis no more exist. On each
side, from the central cusped arch projects an elegant jharokha. The central hall no more exists, however, the
rooms and verandahs around it are still there. A series ofstaircases lead to the upper storey. The upper
storey is separated from the main palace by a chajja resting on brackets. The setting ofthis red sandstone
building in the centre ofa garden, with beautiful marble pavilions ofShah Jahan on either side, creates a
pleasant visual effect.
Moti Mahal and Hira Mahal
Bahadur Shah constructed two pavilions on the east terrace ofHayat Bakhsh garden. Moti Mahal existed up
to the mutiny, but no trace ofit is left now. The other pavilion, Hira Mahal, built in 1842, still exists (pl. 10).
Each side consists ofthree cusped arches resting on four elegant pillars, except the side facing the river. Here,
the central cusped arch is flanked by rectangular openings serving as windows. In a contemporary drawing,
one can see that these windows were provided with lattice work (pl. 11). The central cusped arch also had a
jali with a window in the centre. From the painting it is evident that the river front was provided with a
parapet. One also comes to know that Hira Mahal was flanked by two European style buildings. The
company drawing also gives a glimpse ofcontemporary furnishing. Preceding the Hira Mahal is a canal. This
canal can also be seen in the painting with swimming ducks. This is the famous Nahar-i-Bahisht. According to
Sir Sayed Ahmad Khan, the old canal contained, in the neighbourhood ofthe palace, 24 fountains ofsilver,
only the canal has remained [Khan 1979, 7273]. In accordance with other buildings on the river front,
Bahadur Shah constructed this palace in marble.
Now, the question arises what prompted the emperor to construct new palaces in the fort when some ofthe
significant existing buildings were in want ofrepair or mismanaged. Was he asserting his hereditary right over
the fort ofhis ancestors? These buildings in the fort were constructed in 1842. From the archival documents
[Political Progs 1846, 41] it is evident that the British, by 1846, had already made their mind to persuade the
emperor to leave the fort ofShahjahanabad and move to Qutb Delhi. It is speculated that the process mighthave started from the British side by 1842 and the emperor by constructing new buildings made his stand
clear that he had no intention of leaving his hereditary residence. By doing so Bahadur Shah was using
architecture as a symbol ofhis authority. This is yet again an old Mughal practice [Asher 1993, 281].
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Religious buildings patronised by the Later Mughal rulers
There are very few religious buildings which are directly associated with the Later Mughal rulers. One ofthe
earliest buildings is the Moti Masjid (pls. 12-13). It was built by Bahadur Shah I in 1709. The mosque is
situated to the west ofthe grave ofBakhtiyar Kaki. This was the beginning ofconstruction activity at this site.
From this point onwards, as seen above, the vicinity ofthe shrine became the focal ofconstruction activities
ofthe Later Mughal rulers.
The mosque is closely modelled on Moti masjid ofAurangzeb. This is, however, a single-aisled mosque
unlike the double-aisled mosque ofAurangzeb. The prayer chamber is entered from three arched entrances
and is surmounted by three bulbous domes. The central bay on the eastern side projects from the wall. It is
flanked by slender engaged baluster like column. The corners ofthe faade are provided by rectangular
pilasters. This mosque is flanked by wings on northern and southern side. From inside, the bays are
interconnected with cusped arches resting on slender pillars with ornamental base and capital. The side
chambers are entered from rectangular openings framed by a blind cusped arch. The entire mosque is built of
white marble. The pavements are also built in white marble with black slate lining. Sir Syed Ahmad Khan
mentions: The central dome fell by an earthquake, it has been promptly repaired [Khan 1979, 65]. The
mosque is within a walled enclosure.
Imperial contributions were further made to this shrine during the reign ofFarrukhsiyar. He built an elegant
marble enclosure around the grave, two entrances and reconstructed the original stucco mosque in white
marble. Catherine Asher, a renowned Art Historian, is ofthe opinion that these constructions were invoking
memories ofthe association ofMughal royalty with the Chisti shrine at Ajmer, which was severed in Later
Mughal period due to political disturbances [Asher 1992, 294295]. Now, can it be suggested that the
growing popularity ofthe shrine ofBakhtiyar Kaki was because he was the disciple ofMuin ud-Din Chisti,
the most venerated saint by Mughal rulers among all? Further, his dargah was the oldest in Delhi. Its
establishment coincided with the very beginning ofIslamic rule in India.
Other contribution ofthe rulers in the field ofreligious architecture was a wall around Dargah Chiraq-i Delhi.
This was added by Muhammad Shah. It has already been observed above that Muhammad Shah preferred
the vicinity ofNizam-ud-Din Auliya as his last resting place. One can sum up that despite political turbulence
and financial crisis, the patronage to the Chisti dargah continued. However, rulers did not construct many
mosques as Jama Masjid ofShahjahanabad remained the principal mosque for them. Here, passing reference
can be made ofChobi Masjid (The Wooden Mosque) built by Ahmad Shah in the Red Fort. The pillars and
arches ofthis mosque were ofwood. By 1850, it was already in dilapidated condition and was repaired by
the British [Khan 1979, 69] . The mosque existed up to the time of the rebellion of1857 [Sanderson 1990,
7]. It has been observed that a number ofimperial monuments were in a want ofrepair. It testifies that the
craftsmanship of these buildings as well as the material used were of inferior quality than the Mughal
monuments ofthe earlier period. This was natural as the state had limited resources.
To sum up it can be suggested that despite small scale and inferior material, the imperial patronage conveyed
strong message ofpower and authority on account ofthe locale where they existed and the subtle references
that were made to the great past. Instead ofscale, material, and ornamentation ofthe buildings, it was the
site, where a building was constructed, that conveyed authority and intention ofthe Later Mughal emperors.
REFERENCES
1. Archaeological Survey ofIndia Annual Report 191112. 1990. New Delhi: Swati Publications.
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2. Archaeological Survey ofIndia Annual Report 192223. 1990. New Delhi: Swati Publications.
3. Asher, Catherine B. 1992.Architecture ofMughal India. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
4. Asher, Catherine B. 1993. Sub-Imperial Palaces: Power and Authority in Mughal India in Ars
Orientalis 23. Ann Arbour: University ofMichigan Press.
5. Beach, Milo Cleveland and Koch, Ebba, eds. 1997. King of the World: The Padshahnama (An
Imperial Mughal Manuscript from the Royal Library, Windsor Castle). Translated from Persian by
Wheeler Thackston. Great Britain: Thames and Hudson.
6. Brand, Michael. 1993. Orthodoxy, Innovation, and Revival: Considerations of the Past ImperialMughal Tomb Architecture inMuqarnas: An Annual on Islamic Art and Architecture X: .323.
7. Husain, Maulvi Muhammad Ashraf. 1991. Record ofAll the Quranic and Non Historical Epigraphs on
the Protected Monuments in the Delhi Province.Memoirs ofthe Archeological Survey ofIndia. First
Published in1936.
8. Irvine, William. 1971.Later Mughals, Vols. 1 & 2. New Delhi: Oriental Books Reprint Corporation.
First published in 1922.
9. Khan, Dargah Quli. 1989. Muraqqa-e-Dehli: The Mughal Capital in Muhammad Shahs Time.
Translated from Persian by Chander Shekhar and Shama Mitra Chenoy. Delhi: Deputy Publication.
Originally written between 1737 and 1741.10. Khan, Syed Ahmed. 1979.Atharal-Sanadid. Translated from Persian by R.Nath asMonuments of
Delhi: Historical Study. New Delhi: Ambika Publications. First Published in 1854.
11. Lowry, Glenn D. 1987. Humayun's Tomb: Form, Function, and Meaning in Early Mughal
Architecture,Muqarnas: An Annual on Islamic Art and Architecture IV: 136.
12. Political Progs. 17th Oct.1846. No. 31. National Archives ofIndia. Unpublished Manuscript.
13. Sanderson, Gordon, Shah Jahans Fort, Delhi. In Archaeological Survey of India Annual Report
191112. New Delhi: Swati Publications.
14. Sarkar, Sir Jadunath. 1997.Fall of the Mughal Empire, Vol. 2. New Delhi: Orient Blackswan Private
Limited. First published in 1934.15. Spear, Percival, 2002, Twilight ofthe Mughals: Studies in Late Mughal Delhi, in the Delhi Omnibus,
edited by R. E. Frykenburg. New Delhi: Oxford University Press. First Published in 1951.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I am deeply indebted to Prof. (Dr.) Anupa Pande, HOD, Department ofHistory ofArt and Dean National
Museum Institute ofHistory ofArt, Conservation and Museology (NMI), New Delhi, for her invaluable and
insightful suggestions. Thanks are due to Ms. Susan Stronge, Senior Curator, Victoria and Albert Museum(V&A) and Mr. J.P.Losty, formerly head ofprints, drawings, and photographs at the British Library, London
for their help with the painting entitled The catafalque ofthe Emperor Bahadur Shah I (IM37-1911) from
the V&A collection. Thanks are also due to Dr. Jennifer Howes, Curator ofVisual Materials, British Library
for help with the painting entitled The tomb of the Emperor Shah 'Alam at the dargah ofQutb-Sahib at
Mahrauli (Add.Or.4811) from the British Library Collection. I am also grateful to the Archaeological Survey
ofIndia (ASI), Victoria & Albert Museum and British Library, London for granting permission to publish the
photographs. I am thankful to Dr. Chedha Tingsanchali, Associate Professor, Shilpakorn University, Thailand
and Shri Tejas Garge, Assistant Archaeologist, ASI for photographs. I am indebted to Ms. Ekta Sharma,
Assistant Editor, Penguin, and Shri Tathagata Mandal, Research Assistant, NMI for their invaluable
suggestions in editing.
DETAILS OF FIGURES
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pl. 1. Tomb ofthe emperor Shah 'Alam Bahadur Shah I, 1712, Dargah ofShaikh Qutb Sahib Bakhtiyar
Kaki, Mehrauli, Delhi
pl. 2. Painting inscribed as the tomb ofthe Emperor Shah 'Alam at the dargah ofQutb-Sahib at
Mahrauli, Add.Or.4811, watercolour on paper, 1815, Artist: Sita Ram (fl. c.1810-1822), Copyright
British Library Board, British Library, London
pl. 3. Dalan (Hall), Tomb ofthe emperor Shah 'Alam Bahadur Shah I, 1712, Mehrauli, Delhi
pl. 4. The Catafalque ofthe Emperor Bahadur Shah I, IM 37-1911, c. early nineteenth century, watercolour,
gold on paper, Victoria and Albert Museum, London
pl. 5. Tomb ofthe emperor Muhammad Shah, Dargah ofShaikh Nizamuddin Auliya, Delhi
pl. 6. Tomb ofHumayun, completed in 1571, Delhi
pl. 7. Gateway, Zafar Mahal, 1848, Mehrauli, Delhi
pl. 8. Zafar Mahal, 1842, Red Fort, Delhi
pl. 9. Zafar Mahal, after R. Nath,Monuments ofDelhi: Historical Study, Illustration No. 43
pl. 10. Hira Mahal, 1842, Red Fort, Delhi
pl. 11. Hira Mahal, after R. Nath,Monuments ofDelhi: Historical Study, Illustration No. 44
pl. 12. Moti Masjid, outer faade, 1709, Mehrauli, Delhi
pl. 13. Moti Masjid, interior, 1709, Mehrauli, Delhi
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