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DOI: 10.1177/0095798410390690

December 2010 2011 37: 336 originally published online 20Journal of Black Psychology

Dominica Francoise McBrideAddress Racism

Manifesting Empowerment: How a Family Health Program Can

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1The HELP Institute, Huntsville, AL, USA

Corresponding Author:Dominica Francoise McBride, The HELP Institute, Huntsville, AL, USA Email: [email protected]

Manifesting Empowerment: How a Family Health Program Can Address Racism

Dominica Francoise McBride1

Abstract

Racism has been conducive to ostensible health disparities, with African Americans being gravely affected. The lack of cultural responsiveness within the health care system is one reason among others for the persistence of such discrepancies. Family is an integral factor in the culture and history of the African American community, making the inclusion of this variable in health care a potentially ancillary response to culture. The present study endeavored to ascertain the views of African American parents/guardians and health care professionals on how a family health program could address racism and the subsequent ill effects. Applying qualitative methods, various themes on addressing racism emerged, including the following: (1) enhancing self-esteem, increasing cultural pride and knowledge, and enhancing con-duct; (2) increasing intraracial community cohesion; and (3) bolstering inter-racial community connection.

Keywords

racism, African-centered psychology, self-esteem, family systems, program development



McBride 337

From the times of overt racism with African enslavement to the present age of purported equality with a Black president, African Americans have borne the brunt of health disparities. These differences in health statuses are mani-festations of the undercurrent of persisting racism. They exist due to a lack of cultural responsiveness in the health care system (Betancourt, Green, Emmilio Carrillo, & Park, 2005; Gilmore, 2007); a history of iatrophobia (i.e., fear of medical care) due to historical egregious acts by medical professionals (Washington, 2006); differences in availability, accessibility, and/or quality of health care (Agency for Healthcare and Research Quality, 2006); and/or disparities in health literacy and/or education (Kalichman et al., 2000; Pirisi, 2000). Although the demonstration of racism has drastically changed from the 1800s and even the 1960s to now, it endures as a bane in the existence of African Americans. It continues to be conducive to physical health complica-tions and emotional distress (Jones, 2000; Washington, 2006). Thus, there exists an acute need to address racism, not only on the individual level but also at the community level. Despite the negative views of one culture versus another, culture can also be a well of rich resources as means to therapeutic ends.

Family in the African American culture has been a prominent cultural tool and resource (Boyd-Franklin, 2003). In being culturally congruent, a researcher must use the definition of the target culture; therefore, the definition of family in African American culture includes a network of individuals from aunts and cousins to church kin and neighbors (Boyd-Franklin, 2003; J. L. McAdoo, 1993; Sudarkasa, 2007). This cultural factor influenced the direction of the present study and led to the inclusion of family and the journey of conceptual-izing a culturally responsive family health program (FHP) for African Americans. The purpose of the study was to learn community members’ ideas on how an FHP can address racism and incorporate racial socialization; this article presents their conceptions.

The Relevance and Impact of RacismRacism, in all its forms, whether interpersonal (Sue et al., 2007) or systemic, has had deleterious impacts on various realms of life for African Americans, including health (Jones, 2000), social relations (Sue et al., 2007), socioeco-nomic status, self-esteem (Simons et al., 2002), ego identity development (Phinney, 1993), and education (Smith, Atkins, & Connell, 2003). For African American communities, racism is a very present and pernicious part of their life context (Sue et al., 2007) and must be considered in the socializing pro-cesses of African American families (Coard & Sellers, 2005). Stevenson (1995)



338 Journal of Black Psychology 37(3)

conveyed this sentiment as well as elucidated the interplay between internal and external processes:

What African American teenagers believe about their racial and gender identities is a result of both interpersonal and intrapersonal processes that influence cognitive, affective, and behavioral domains. (p. 49)

This sentiment has implications for African Americans and ethnic minorities at any stage of human development, not only the teenage years, as demonstrated in the famous “doll study” by Kenneth and Mamie Clark in the 1940s.

In 2005, Kiri Davis, a 16-year-old African American, created a documentary, replicating Clark and Clark’s doll study (Davis & Reel Works Teen Filmmaking, 2005). Although this study may have lacked scientific rigor, it still showed that not much has changed regarding the impacts of racism in almost 60 years. Out of the 21 Black children presented with a White and Black doll, 15 chose the White doll when asked which doll they “like the best” or “would like to play with.” When asked to choose the “nice doll,” the children chose the White doll. When asked which doll was the “bad doll,” the children pointed to the Black doll. At the end of the interview, Davis asked the children, “Can you give me the doll that looks like you?” The children indicated the Black doll, demonstrating the subtle ways that racism continues to manifest.

“For the average Black person, literally hundreds of racist incidents . . . crash annually into his or her life” (Thompson-Miller & Feagin, 2007, p. 107). In a study conducted by Simons et al. (2002), they found that a majority of their youth sample had been a victim of racism. Sixty-seven percent of chil-dren in their sample indicated that they had been insulted due to being Black, 46% of the students were the target of racial slanders, 43% of them had been under suspicion of criminality simply due to their race, 30% of the children were prevented from participating in a social activity due to their race, 18% of the participants had experienced physical racism, and between 44% and 48% of children’s friends and family members had been ill treated due to their race. Fox and Stallworth (2005) found that more than two thirds of the ethnic minorities in their sample reported being the victim of racial/ethnic bullying (e.g., not getting credited for work, being interrupted while talking because of their race) in the workplace.

Health disparities, due to related racism and racial socialization, have per-sisted for years, seeping into the 21st century. In part, these disparities are due to differing lifestyles and eating patterns, but racism and race-related stress also contribute to these discrepancies (Mays, Cochran, & Barnes, 2007; Jones, 2000). Incidents of racism have insidious and intransient effects, both psychological



McBride 339

and physical (Bynum, Burton, & Best, 2007; Mays et al., 2007; Simons et al., 2002; Utsey & Hook, 2007). The physical impacts of racism and race-related stress on the body are remarkable (Jones, 2000). Racism increases race-related stress (Utsey & Hook, 2007), which can be conducive to dangerous levels of cortisol in the blood, having negative impacts on the body, and can lead to hypertension. Mays et al. (2007) corroborated this statement:

These experiences are thought to set into motion a process of physio-logical responses (e.g., elevated blood pressure and heart rate, produc-tion of biochemical reactions, hypervigilance) that eventually result in disease and mortality. (p. 204)

Blacks are also disproportionately represented in the lower income bracket and, thus, forced into poor communities with a lack of proper resources and quality education. These factors further increase the probability of acquiring a disease and/or dying at a younger age (Mays et al., 2007). The psychologi-cal effects of racial discrimination only serve to perpetuate illness and create more barriers to success and livelihood. Simons et al. (2002) found a positive correlation with experiences of racism and depressive symptoms, especially feelings of hopelessness and worthlessness. Victimized by racism, the psy-chological functioning of many individuals is compromised and has impacts that potentially last a lifetime (Thompson-Miller & Feagin, 2007). Social skills and academic success are also compromised by a negative racial identity (Smith et al., 2003), which is often the result of racial discrimination.

Defining Racial Socialization and Its PowerAlthough harmful physical, emotional, mental, and social repercussions of rac-ism exist, there are protective and auxiliary tools used to prevent and over-come such effects. When describing racial socialization, Peters (1985) stated the following:

The socialization of children in Black families, then, occurs within the mundane extreme environment of real or potential racial discrimina-tion and prejudice. The tasks Black parents share with all parents—providing for and raising children—not only are performed within the mundane extreme environmental stress of racism but include the res-ponsibility of raising physically and emotionally healthy children who are Black in a society in which being Black has negative connotations. This is racial socialization. (p. 161)




Racial socialization, which scholars concur has a “unique relevance” for African American families, is a potential major tool that Black parents can employ to protect their children from these devastating possibilities and to increase their self-esteem and coping (Coard & Sellers, 2005).

With stressors and pressures such as racism, a majority of Black parents use various tools to protect their children from social ills. Caughy, Campo, Randolph, and Nickerson (2002) conducted a study on the use and impact of positive racial socialization messages. They found that 88.8% of the parents in their sample attempted to instill a sense of pride in the African American culture and heritage, 74.1% of the parents encouraged spirituality in the lives of their children, 66.5% of the parents used messages preparing their children for racism, and 64.8% of the participants promoted racial mistrust. Parents who used messages focusing on racial mistrust, spirituality, and pride had lower behavioral problems with their children than those who did not. Parents who cultivated a sense of Black pride created an environment that led to aca-demic achievement (Smith et al., 2003). Positive racial socialization, such as cultivating pride in one’s culture, is also associated with a strong and positive racial identity for Black individuals (Stevenson, 1995). A strong ethnic identity was found to be a unique protective factor for ethnoracial minorities (Simons et al., 2002). Phinney (1993) found that one’s ethnic identity development correlated with one’s ego identity development. In other words, if one is secure in one’s ethnic identity then that person is more secure in her/his overall or ego identity. H. P. McAdoo (1985) also found that an enhanced concept of one’s culture was congruent with an increased self-esteem in young children. Racial socialization, especially focused on cultural pride, is a conduit for a positive self-concept. Bynum et al. (2007) supported this with college fresh-men, concluding that positive racial socialization served as a buffer to race-related psychological stress and distress.

Purpose of ArticleThe purpose of the present study was to ascertain how to address the problem of racism through an FHP. Hood, Hopson, and Frierson (2005) edited a com-pilation of chapters on culturally responsive program evaluation, honing a theme of the importance of varied community inclusion. This means that in constructing a culturally sound program or initiative, the researcher (or pro-gram developer/evaluator) should elicit varied community participation and voice, including community members and professionals working in the com-munity. Therefore, the present study used a qualitative design and recruited participants from said groups. This article will present one community’s ideas



McBride 341

for how an FHP could incorporate racial socialization and ameliorate the negative effects of racism. Therefore, the present research sought to answer the following research question:

Research Question: How can racial socialization be incorporated into a family health program for African American families?

MethodParticipants

In an attempt to obtain a variety of perspectives and a comprehensive idea on how an FHP can address racism, the present study included two groups: (1) African American parents/guardians (n = 54) and (2) professionals who work with Black families (n = 17). Parents and guardians were included due to their lived experience with raising children and confronting racism in their own lives. Adult parents/guardians (18 years and older) were targeted for the present study because they are usually leaders of the household with the power to make decisions that can change the nature of the household. Additionally, they often have a more mature perspective on the underlying factors affect-ing the behavior of those in the household and are more likely to have had experience with confronting and coping with racism (as opposed to youth; see Bell & McBride, 2010). Therefore, they would be more apt to provide insightful information for an FHP. Also due to lived experience, more parents and guardians were recruited for this study than professional participants. On the other hand, owing to the more objective position of helping families pro-fessionally, the professionals were invited to participate in order to provide a more informed and expanded purview.

A total of 71 individuals participated in the present study. Of the parents/guardians, 10 participants were male (18.5%) and 44 participants were female (81.5%). Their ages ranged from 18 to 84 years, with an average of 52 years. The parents/guardians had an average of 3 children, with a range from 1 to 10. The majority of the parents/guardians were in the lower socioeconomic status, with 66% making less than US$30,000 dollars per year. Of those who res-ponded, 57% reported being married, 22% reported being single, and 21% reported being in a romantic relationship other than marriage.

A total of three health care agencies (two focused on physical health and one focused on behavioral health) who work with Black families participated in this study. The professionals worked with African American families for




an average of 7 years (3 years in the local target community), ranging from 2 months to 10 years. The professionals assumed various job positions: one director, one program manager, one supervisor of case managers, four case managers, eight family support specialists, one nurse, and one administrative coordinator. As a self-identified ethnically and racially diverse group, approximately 59% (10) identified as Caucasian, 24% (4) as African American, 6% (1) as Hispanic, 6% (1) as Middle Eastern, and one did not identify an ethnicity.

MeasuresEach participant completed a demographic survey and participated in a focus group. Parents/guardian and professional focus groups were run separately. Two demographic surveys were created (one for parents/guardians and one for professionals) specifically for the study. The focus group questions were constructed to ascertain how racial socialization could be incorporated and addressed in an FHP.

Demographic variables and racism/racial socialization. The parent survey inquired about the following demographic information: age, marital status, income, gender, and relationship to dependent(s). The professional survey targeted demographic data, including professional position, race/ethnicity, and num-ber of years working with African American families.

Focus groups. Seven focus groups were conducted with parents/guardians and three with professionals. The parent/guardian focus group questions included the following: What could a family health program do to buffer the harmful effects of racism for Black families? What are messages that parents/guardians can send to their children to protect them from the harmful effects of racism? What messages have you received that have helped you handle racism in the past? How could these messages be incorporated into a family health program for Black families? The professional focus group participants were asked: What could a family health program for Black families do to buf-fer against the negative impacts of racism?

ProcedureThe study was reviewed and approved by the institutional review board. The present study focused on a district within a large Southwestern metropolitan area. This district has the largest percentage of African Americans in this area. It also has a stark history of racism with deleterious residual effects. Due to



McBride 343

contextual struggles and the need for a culturally responsive process and prod-uct (Hood et al., 2005) in order to increase the likelihood of effectiveness (Kumpfer, Alvarado, Smith, & Bellamy, 2002), participants for this study were recruited from this district. Recruitment for the focus groups ensued until recurring themes emerged and no new ideas were provided.

The criteria for parent/guardian participants were that they had to be African American, biological parents or the caretaker or legal guardian of a depen-dent, 18 years and older, and live in the target district. From fliers to presenta-tions, various methods were employed to recruit participants. Fliers targeting parents/guardians were placed in locations where many African Americans in the target area frequent, including predominantly Black churches, a Black barbershop, a Black mechanic’s shop, and two community centers. In addi-tion, presentations were made to two additional Black churches. A booth was also constructed at a local health fair, advertising the study. One week prior to each group, the participants were called and notified of the date, time, and location of the focus group. Each parent/guardian focus group was held at a local community location for ease of access, including two community centers, three churches, and one mosque.

For the professional participants, three agencies that predominantly provide health services for families in the target area were identified. Each agency was called directly, given a description of the research study, and asked if their employees would be interested in participating in a focus group. Each agency identified agreed to participate, and each focus group was held at the targeted agencies.

A trained and experienced facilitator conducted each group using the focus group protocol. The protocol included a description of the study at the begin-ning of each group, the distribution and completion of the consent form and a demographic survey, and the aforementioned questions. The facilitator fol-lowed informed consent procedures, which included explaining the study, recording procedures, and confidentiality to the group prior to the start of each group. The principle researcher, a PhD in counseling psychology, con-ducted the majority of the groups alone. Two of the groups were conducted by both the principle researcher and another trained focus group facilitator. This facilitator was trained in using the focus group protocol prior to his facilitation of the groups. Each group lasted an average of 1.5 hours, with an average of eight members. At the end of each focus group, the members were informed that a summary of the content could be disseminated on request and each member was provided with contact information. Following the focus groups, the recordings were transcribed verbatim.




Data Analysis

A combination of Kvale’s (1996) and Krueger’s (1998) suggested qualitative data analysis constituted the data analysis for the present study. Two steps were added in the final stages of analysis to support the validity of the inter-pretation of data. Each question was asked and the participants were given time to formulate and vocalize their ideas and experiences. The facilitator then condensed, interpreted, and reflected their thoughts for verification. They either affirmed or corrected the reflection or interpretation. Following the dis-cussions, the focus group recordings were transcribed, and NVIVO (a quali-tative data analysis software program) was used to organize, categorize, and code the material. The focus group data were read multiple times. The first reading was for initial coding, where words, phrases, and/or ideas were given a label. The second reading was to verify the codes and find any missed data or opportunity for coding. The third reading was for axial coding, where the initial codes were condensed and made into larger, more encompassing labels. The fourth reading was to, again, identify any missed concepts or ideas. After completing this process, a final focus group was conducted with a sample of past focus group participants (both parent/guardian and professional; n = 15), who were presented the themes and interpretations. The group gave feedback, verified findings, affirmed interpretations, and added new thoughts. Their feedback was included in the final report.

ResultsIncorporating Racial Socialization Into an FHP for African Americans in South Phoenix

Both parent/guardian and professional participants suggested an FHP imple-ment a variety of tactics in confronting the epidemic of racism and negative racial socialization. The sequence of the themes moved from internal indi-vidual processes to external and community interactions. These proposed solutions included the following: (1) enhancing self-esteem and empowering the individual, (2) providing positive Black role models for youth, (3) high-lighting talents and manifesting strengths, (4) education, (5) increasing cohe-sion within the Black community, and (6) increasing cohesion with other ethnic groups within a community. The theme of education was more struc-tured and formal, especially from the parent/guardian focus group members. The parent/guardians were compensated with US$20 following the focus



McBride 345

groups. According to these focus group participants, program participants should be educated on certain topics and discipline areas. They suggested that each program participant be taught: (1) the history of African Americans with a focus on bolstering cultural pride; (2) the roots and reasons for racism, helping them to understand racism; (3) respectable conduct of an individ-ual; and (4) policies of discrimination at school and/or in the workplace.

Enhancing Self-Esteem/Empowering the IndividualWith the recognition that situated experiences have led to a sense of disem-powerment, both parent/guardian and professional participants asserted that the program should increase self-esteem. Enhancing self-esteem was the most frequently mentioned method of combating the negative effects of racism and integrating positive racial socialization into an FHP. The participants asserted that when an individual attains solidarity of identity or a sense of empowerment, she/he becomes impervious to external insults. Theoretically, that person should no longer succumb to racist comments or messages because she/he has formed a protective shield, made of a positive and solid self-concept. These sentiments are represented in the following statement by a parent:

I think it’s self-esteem. You need to have self-esteem workshops or exercises because someone can say you’re this, call you all kinds of names, talk about your family members, talk about where you live or what have you, but if you are ok with yourself, it doesn’t make a dif-ference what this person says or starts calling you out of your name. I think it’s all about your self-esteem . . . self-esteem definitely needs to be part of the program, especially with children and youth.

This comment echoed other participants’ thoughts on how to overcome racism on the individual level. They agreed that racism has diverted youth and formed a false sense of self, which has led to a lack of respect for self and others. This infected mindset was perceived to be at the root of negative thinking, misbe-haviors, and failure. Therefore, parent/guardian and professional participants conveyed that enhancing one’s self-concept should lead to the opposite—a renewed sense of self and positive, empowered living. The parent/guardian participants perceived this phenomenon in their own lives and, thus, stated vari-ous steps/tools in actualizing future program participants: (1) self-exploration, (2) self-acceptance, (3) self-love, (4) positive affirmations, (5) highlighting talents and manifesting strengths, and (6) positive role models (see Table 1). Professionals also supported the notions of targeting self-love, using positive



Tabl

e 1.

Ste

ps a

nd T

ools

for

Incr

easi

ng S

elf-e

stee

m

Step

s/to

ols

Mea

ning

Exam

ple

Step

1: S

elf-

expl

orat

ion

and

know

ing

self

The

con

cept

of s

elf-e

xplo

ratio

n en

taile

d an

inte

rnal

an

d ex

tern

al lo

ok a

t on

esel

f, a

look

at

one’

s th

ough

ts,

beha

vior

s, an

d lif

e ci

rcum

stan

ces.

Thi

s th

eme

also

in

clud

ed t

he e

xplo

ratio

n of

iden

tify,

valu

es, a

nd t

he

cong

ruen

ce o

f beh

avio

rs a

nd v

alue

s. T

here

fore

, an

FHP

coul

d in

clud

e ac

tiviti

es t

hat

guid

e th

e pa

rtic

ipan

t to

be

gin

and

delv

e in

to t

his

proc

ess

of e

xplo

ring

sel

f.

I did

n’t

wan

t to

be

a re

ligio

us p

erso

n, s

o be

ing

in t

he N

atio

n, I

don’

t w

ant

to t

hink

insi

de n

o bo

x. I

wan

t m

y m

ind

to b

e fr

ee, l

ike

a bi

g dr

eam

er.

I don

’t w

ant

to b

e bo

xed

in t

o w

here

I ca

n’t

see

I’m a

ll th

e w

ay o

ut

the

ghet

to, w

hat

kind

of t

alen

t I g

ot, w

hat

kind

of s

kill

I hav

e. I

can’

t se

e be

caus

e I’m

box

ed in

. . . .

So, j

ust

imag

ine

the

exte

nsio

n of

sel

f to

see

thes

e ar

e m

y pr

oble

ms,

my

faul

ts, n

ext

leve

l. “A

m I

on p

oint

, no

I m

isse

d it.

” I h

ave

to lo

ok a

t m

ysel

f as

a hu

sban

d an

d as

a fa

ther

and

I w

ant

to b

e be

tter

tha

n I w

as la

st y

ear. A

nd b

e tr

ue t

o m

ysel

f. I s

houl

dn’t

have

sm

acke

d th

at b

oy. I

sho

uldn

’t ha

ve c

usse

d hi

m o

ut. I

t’s p

rogr

essi

ve

thin

king

. As

the

min

iste

r [t

each

es],

alw

ays

be [

a] b

ette

r m

an. D

o th

e be

st

you

can.

Alw

ays

impr

ove.

Be

bett

er t

omor

row

tha

n yo

u w

ere

yest

erda

y. D

on’t

be s

tuck

and

bec

ome

self

righ

teou

s. . .

. Alw

ays

brin

g it

to y

ours

elf

and

we’

re t

alki

ng a

bout

lovi

ng y

ours

elf. A

lway

s st

udy

your

self.

Step

2: S

elf-

acce

ptan

ceSe

lf-ac

cept

ance

not

onl

y se

rves

as

a st

ep in

the

pro

cess

to

lovi

ng o

nese

lf bu

t it

also

was

per

ceiv

ed a

s a

shie

ld a

gain

st r

acis

m in

and

of i

tsel

f. It

incl

uded

an

unco

nditi

onal

acc

epta

nce

afte

r a

thor

ough

exp

lora

tion

of s

elf.

It w

as s

een

that

whe

n a

pers

on a

ccep

ts h

erse

lf,

then

tha

t pe

rson

is le

ss p

ervi

ous

to o

ther

s’ c

ritic

ism

or

att

acks

. In

an F

HP,

the

prog

ram

dir

ecto

rs c

an

enco

urag

e a

nonj

udgm

enta

l and

acc

eptin

g st

ance

with

th

e pa

rtic

ipan

ts in

look

ing

at t

hem

selv

es.

Acc

ept

your

ow

n an

d be

you

rsel

f. N

ow I

have

to

ask

who

am

I? F

irst

, ac

cept

it. I

n or

der

for

me

to a

ccep

t m

y ow

n, I

have

to

know

wha

t m

y ow

n is

. Onc

e I f

ind

out

wha

t m

y ow

n is

and

I ac

cept

my

own

and

star

t be

com

ing

mys

elf,

then

I ca

n le

arn,

onc

e I a

ccep

t m

ysel

f, I c

an le

arn

to

love

mys

elf.

Step

3: S

elf-

love

Self-

love

incl

uded

per

sona

l con

duct

and

pre

sent

atio

n.

A c

erta

in m

inds

et s

eem

ed t

o be

syn

onym

ous

with

se

lf-lo

ve. T

he p

artic

ipan

ts n

oted

tha

t th

is s

tep

wou

ld

be d

ispl

ayed

by

a po

sitiv

e se

lf-co

ncep

t an

d a

sens

e of

em

pow

erm

ent.

So, n

ow o

nce

I’m b

egin

ning

to

lear

n w

ho I

am. I

’m n

ot a

nig

ger.

I’m n

ot

a ne

gro.

. . .

Now

I’m

beg

inni

ng t

o lo

ve m

ysel

f and

the

re’s

dign

ity. A

nd

ther

e’s

prid

e, n

ot a

rrog

ance

. So,

I ca

n lo

ok a

t th

e m

an in

the

Whi

te

Supr

emac

y an

d ha

s in

doct

rina

ted

my

min

d an

d be

gin

to r

ever

se it

and

re

vers

e al

so B

lack

infe

rior

ity a

nd I’

m b

egin

ning

to

be p

roud

of w

ho

I am

so

you

can

prac

tice

your

rac

ism

all

you

wan

t bu

t w

ith p

rope

r ed

ucat

ion,

wis

dom

and

kno

wle

dge,

I ca

n de

al w

ith y

ou d

iffer

ent.

(con

tinue

d)

346



Step

s/to

ols

Mea

ning

Exam

ple

Prog

ram

To

ol 1

: Po

sitiv

e af

firm

atio

ns

Posi

tive

affir

mat

ions

are

upl

iftin

g or

em

pow

erin

g st

atem

ents

or

mes

sage

s (e

.g.,

verb

al m

essa

ges,

visu

al s

ymbo

ls, b

ehav

iors

) th

at o

ne s

ays/

exhi

bits

to

one

self

and/

or o

ther

s. Pa

rtic

ipan

ts a

dvis

ed t

hat

posi

tive

affir

mat

ions

be

used

as

guid

es o

r re

min

ders

of

pos

itive

asp

ects

of o

nese

lf, in

clud

ing

one’

s et

hnic

gr

oup

affil

iatio

n. A

n FH

P co

uld

incl

ude

activ

ities

tha

t sp

ur p

artic

ipan

ts t

o ge

nera

te p

ositi

ve a

ffirm

atio

ns a

nd

hom

ewor

k to

use

the

m d

aily.

I’m n

ot lo

okin

g at

a n

igge

r. . .

. I’m

not

look

ing

at t

his

or t

hat.

I’m lo

okin

g at

a r

efle

ctio

n of

God

, a r

efle

ctio

n of

God

tha

t’s in

mys

elf.

Prog

ram

To

ol 2

: H

ighl

ight

ing

skill

s an

d m

anife

stin

g st

reng

ths

Hig

hlig

htin

g sk

ills

and

tale

nts

was

sai

d to

be

an e

ffect

ive

tact

ic in

bol

ster

ing

one’

s se

lf-es

teem

. Par

ticip

ants

as

sert

ed t

he p

rogr

am p

artic

ipan

ts s

houl

d re

mem

ber,

high

light

, and

/or

expl

ore

thei

r sk

ills

and

tale

nts

in a

n FH

P.

1. T

alen

t sh

ows

2.

Ski

lls/t

alen

t ex

plor

atio

n

Prog

ram

To

ol 3

: Po

sitiv

e ro

le

mod

els

Part

icip

ants

per

ceiv

ed h

avin

g po

sitiv

e ro

le m

odel

s as

a

way

to

help

gui

de y

outh

. Pos

itive

mod

els

shou

ld s

erve

to

tea

ch t

he y

oung

par

ticip

ants

pro

per

cond

uct,

show

th

em t

hat

they

, too

, can

suc

ceed

, and

pro

vide

men

tori

ng

for

daily

livi

ng (

e.g.

, int

erac

ting

with

fam

ily, a

chie

ving

in

scho

ol).

An

FHP

coul

d in

clud

e ro

le m

odel

s (e

.g.,

mat

ch

mod

els

with

par

ticip

ants

, use

mod

els

as fa

cilit

ator

s).

Als

o, I

have

to

say

I’d li

ke t

o se

e in

thi

s pr

ogra

m a

n ef

fort

to

grow

po

sitiv

e ro

le m

odel

s fo

r ou

r Bl

ack

yout

h as

opp

osed

to

the

typi

cal

rapp

ers

and

com

edia

ns t

hat

they

see

. Man

y of

our

boy

s ar

e se

eing

our

m

ales

act

ing

igno

rant

. I w

ould

like

to

see

the

prog

ram

mak

e an

effo

rt

to b

ring

in m

ore

posi

tive

role

mod

els.

Tabl

e 1.

(co

ntin

ued)

347




affirmations, focusing on strengths, and using positive role models (be them professional or personal). Since each step and tool was said to be integral in empowering an individual, the FHP should include exercises and components that move each participant through this process. This suggestion was also sup-ported by both parents/guardians and professionals.

EducationEducation was seen as a tool in emboldening the individual. Parent/guardian participants desired that education be used to teach history, appropriate and respectable conduct, how to navigate the work or legal system in confronting racism (also highlighted by professional participants), and the roots of and reasons for racism. An FHP could have lessons or sessions on each area. Although each area has implications for self-empowerment, each area also had somewhat unique purposes.

History. Many parent/guardian participants highlighted African American history; however, some participants reached even further into the past:

And emphasize that we are the decedents of God himself. He created us. We are the mothers and fathers of civilization. Everything came from us. . . . We [should] know our history. What we’ve done increases self-love. I may not see that right now in the community, the beauty, but it’s been there and it’s in us to bring back out. And emphasize that. That will help to increase self-love and self-worth.

This quote summarizes the thoughts on the power of history in evoking the strength and the “beauty” in the individual and community. Therefore, an FHP should teach both African and African American history, with the goal of reignit-ing pride in the community: “I think we’re proud people and I think that we need to take that back and install that we’re proud people,” declared one parent.

Respectable conduct. There were two related purposes conveyed in teach-ing respectable conduct: (1) to increase the likelihood of success in life and (2) to present a positive image. The participants conveyed that proper behav-ior be taught, with proper behavior taking different forms depending on con-text or subgroup (e.g., parents, women, men). One parent participant elaborated on the profound impact learning proper conduct had on her:

They [the mosque] taught me self-esteem and the value of myself. Also, the value of what it takes to make my family healthy and to avoid certain illness by teaching me the proper way to cook and how to prepare the



McBride 349

food and how to have a proper relationship with a man and what I should expect from him as far as my treatment, how to make him respect me, asking the proper questions, making sure that he does not come to me in an improper way, disrespecting me, come to me in a respectful form, meaning getting into my head as opposed to “can I just take you out, go to a hotel, let me buy you a pair of shoes and let’s get our boogie on.” What is the proper things? What can I look for as far as a proper father for my children? Does he have a good worth ethic? Does he know how to maintain a family? Does he know how to speak properly? These [teachings made] me better and in turn it increased my self-esteem.

Understanding racism. Understanding racism encompassed comprehending the reasons for others’ actions. Education on racism was seen by the parent/guardian participants as a way to help others understand that racism is not personal. It was perceived that an individual could take this knowledge and empower herself/himself by not succumbing to or internalizing these insults.

Knowing policy and navigating the system. Being aware of work or public place discrimination laws and policies was another theme that emerged within parent/guardian focus groups. They perceived this knowledge as empowering and, if used correctly, a direct affront to racism:

If anybody has any problems say, somebody said that “I’ve been mis-treated and I believe it’s because of my color,” there’s so much equal opportunity laws out there nowadays, you can take it above that per-son. If you feel like you’ve been done wrong then go to the supervisor. Talk to someone, ok request someone else. If that is the supervisor, can I contact the person who’s over you? How do I file an appeal? Ok, you got to take it a step further. Some people don’t know how to fight for their rights. That’s all that means. If you feel like you’ve been denied due to racism, fight for your right. I don’t take “no” for an answer.

Some participants insinuated that the ignorance of these policies perpetuates latent or blatant racism. The professional participants emphasized providing support to the program participant in navigating the health care system if rac-ist behavior is experienced.

Intragroup CohesionInternal-to-group racism and conflict arose as another major barrier to con-fronting racism on both the micro and macro levels. One participant stated,




You could go in the African American culture as far as racism because we have racism amongst ourselves—a different skin color, different type of hair. We need to start with ourselves, stop the racism towards each other.

Both parent/guardian and professional participants asserted that the group should unite through behavior, ideas, thoughts, goals, and pride. Each area should have the goal of improving the group internally and externally. Internally, the group should take care of and uplift one another; externally, they should proj-ect a positive image. With both aspects weighted equally, creating intragroup cohesion was perceived as a vital first step in addressing systemic and perva-sive racism:

I think it, I’m not going to say it’s a huge, because the other type of racism is still, but it makes an impact on us coming together as a people to deal with how we deal with the other type of racism. Because if you can’t stand with or deal with someone in your own race then what does it matter how somebody outside of your own race does? And what does it matter what they do to someone else? You don’t care about them either. So, once all that is dealt with and we can actually unite. And here’s the thing, historically, Black women are the glue. We’re the backbone of the community so when we start breaking apart and dividing, that is very harmful to the race and the culture as a whole.

This professional participant spoke to not only the possible detriment of divi-sions but also the effect that internal racism has on societal harmony. Both parent/guardian and professional participants purported that the way an FHP could attain this intragroup collaboration and respect was through education, shifting perspective, and time together. As conveyed previously, the program participants should learn of their collective history, with a focus on how to elicit positive change. This education and paradigm shift was conveyed to have the power to counter the negative effects of racism and to begin to unite a people. Last, having group gatherings, such as the focus groups and barbeques, was also seen as a way to bolster unity and cohesion, per both parents/guardians and professionals.

Intergroup CohesionMisunderstanding and a perception of profound interracial difference were expressed as key causes of racism, according to parent/guardian group members.



McBride 351

Therefore, parent/guardian participants suggested that an FHP focus on allay-ing the tension between and ignorance of other races. As with increasing intragroup cohesion, time together, education, and paradigm shifting were seen as helpful in championing interracial unity. Time together arose as the main way to subdue prejudice and racist ideals: “I think they should have programs where people could come together and socialize together in areas, maybe soccer, maybe football—just come together,” stated one participant. Parent/guardian participants stated that time together would be conducive to knowl-edge of and compassion toward other ethnicities:

To try to teach those that are ignorant about racism, try to let them understand what level that they at. Like they say the Mexicans, Whites, Chicanos, everybody needs to understand the different races; bring them to the table.

Furthermore, the stated arrangement of educational activities not only included experiential learning but also more formal tutelage. Some parent/guardian par-ticipants suggested that an FHP teach that “love has no color” and “. . . every-body’s equal and everybody’s the same.” Participants believed that this would not only combat systemic racism but also strengthen their local community.

DiscussionIn answering the question of how can racial socialization be incorporated into an FHP for Black families, the participants addressed both negative and positive racial socialization. An FHP should work in various ways and on multiple levels, including the individual, ethnic group, and multiethnic com-munity, addressing each level in that sequential order (from bottom to top, as shown in Figure 1). On the micro level, the program should combat negative racial socialization by introducing and inundating participants (particularly youth) with positive racial socialization and provide guidance through the process of self-exploration to self-actualization. Participants suggested that program facilitators provide education on African and African American history to instill pride and further knowledge of self. Education on proper self-conduct, understanding the roots of and reasons for racism, and proce-dural ways to confront racist actions in institutions were all seen as strategies to empower the individual. Education on self-conduct was perceived as empowering because it allowed the individual to see her/his power to choose behaviors and, thus, better her/his life. Understanding racism was seen as emboldening due to the decreased likelihood of personalizing affronts. Last,




knowing how to legally confront racism was viewed as bolstering because it gave the individual a path of action instead of remaining in a state of passive victimization.

On the level of the group, participants saw it necessary to unify the Black community, returning to the strong sense of community that once existed. This unity was seen to have implications for present day and for posterity. True community would uplift the youth and families within the group pres-ently as well as recreate the past tradition of “the village raising the child.” According to participants, this sentiment and unspoken rule was and would be conducive to holistic health.

Intra-GroupCohesion

Individual as Model

The individual implements positivebehaviors and becomes a model

and positive representativeof the ethnic group.

Individual as “Introspector”

The individual becomes introspective andexplores the racial

messages received and the way one hasintegrated these messages.

UniversalCommunity

In this level, there is amanifest solidarity. Thegroup functions as an

empowered unit.

Figure 1. Hierarchy of overcoming negative racial socialization and its effects



McBride 353

Last, promoting intergroup collaboration and connection may be another powerful way to include and address racial socialization. Through the building of authentic interethnic relationships, people may begin to perceive similarities and appreciate differences. This shift in perception could, purportedly, remind an individual of her/his and others’ humanity (e.g., “We all have the same blood running through our veins”). Additionally, it could begin to alleviate stereotypes that perpetuate negative racial socialization, as surmised by participants.

Limitations and Future ResearchThis research was conducted in a relatively unique Southwestern African American community. This community has a history of interracial conflict and tension between the Hispanics and African Americans, which persist even today. Thus, some of the views shared (e.g., placing focus on interracial cohesion) may be specific to this community and not generalizable to other African American communities. Also, there is a large age range with the parent/guardians. Naturally, there are different perspectives connected to dif-ferent stages of life. Future research could segment age groups and analyze any differences in indications on an FHP connected to age or stage of life of the participants. Also, the study focused on parents/guardians and did not include youth, who would have added a unique perspective and would have been directly applicable to the youth components. Future research could include youth in the next steps of program development, shaping the cur-riculum and examples used in programs sessions (see Nastasi et al., 1998). Future researchers should also facilitate similar processes in other Black and ethnically diverse communities. In addition, future research should investi-gate how ideas from the micro level can be implemented on the macro level. Specifically, how can ideas and experiences from the individuals and families be integrated into policy? Finally, future research should complete the process of program development through evaluation, applying culturally responsive methods throughout with various communities.

ConclusionVarious threats to equality and an equitable quality of life persist. Racism is one such threat that continues to have deleterious effects on the mind and body. Even though one may have experienced such social ills, the impact can still be addressed and ameliorated. Furthermore, negative consequences of rac-ism on the mind and body can be preempted. Because of the cultural-historical influence of family in the African American community, an FHP seems fitting




to address this predicament. Therefore, the present study endeavored to seek out the ideas of Black parents/guardians and those working with Black families on how an FHP can address the effects of racism. The participants asserted that actions should be taken on various levels, from the individual to the community. They advocated for bolstering of a sense of individual empowerment as well as a sense of ethnic community empowerment. They also crossed color lines and expressed desires for interracial collaboration and connection. This integrated collection of conceptions forms a foundation for a culturally responsive FHP and addressing the seemingly timeless social dynamic of racism.

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the authorship and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research and/or authorship of this article: The author was reimbursed for money spent on this project by a grant mechanism through the Graduate and Professional Student Association at Arizona State University.

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