issue no 25

Issue No: 25 28th Sep, 2012

25


Contents

Article of the week

The crisis of the Palestinian national project ...................................................................................... 3

Commentary

After 19 years, the PLO admits Oslo failure ........................................................................................ 6

News Tour

Al-Ramahi: PA has to protect citizens or let the resistance do so ...................................................... 8

Dismissed employees warn Fayyad's government of staging an open sit-in ..................................... 8

Transport union resumes strike action in West Bank ......................................................................... 9

Egypt warns Israel that it will respond to any aggression in Sinai ...................................................... 9

Qatari delegation arrives in Gaza for reconstruction project ........................................................... 10

New Israeli incursion north of Gaza .................................................................................................. 10

Mashaal to refuse renewal of his post as head of Hamas's political bureau ................................... 11

Hamdan: Mashaal carefully studied his decision to give up his post ............................................... 11

Caricature

USA Presidential Elections ................................................................................................................ 12

Palestinian Weekly Report is a periodical insight into the latest developments of the

Palestinian Issue. It’s issued by The Palestinian Cultural Organization Malaysia and it

focuses on the most important news and analysis about the happenings of the

Palestinian struggle against Israeli occupation in the Holy Lands of Palestine. The

views expressed in this report do not necessarily reflect PCOM's editorial policy.


Article of the week

The crisis of the Palestinian national project

By: Dr. Muhsen Saleh

Palestinian national project is experiencing a

loss of direction which prevents progress and

blocks opportunities to take advantage of the

enormous potential of the Palestinian people.

The route to a peace agreement adopted by the

PLO leadership, the Palestinian Authority in

Ramallah and Fatah is at a standstill.

Similarly, the path of resistance to the

occupation adopted by Hamas and Islamic

Jihad is also at a stalemate.

The Palestinian factions have stumbled in the

efforts to achieve national reconciliation; the

PLO has an ever smaller role; and the PA

suffers from being split in two between the

West Bank and the Gaza Strip. The PA also

suffers under Israeli hegemony in the occupied

West Bank, while the people of Gaza labour

under Israel's blockade. Financial crises grip

both branches of the Authority. Widespread

frustration prevails among ordinary

Palestinians fed up of their leaders' poor

performance and weak interaction with the

Arab Spring.

All of this leads some to ask sarcastically if the

Palestinians have ever had a truly "national"

project. What could or would be the basis for

such a project? Could yielding most of historic

Palestine to the Israelis be a "national" act or

be pursuant to a national programme? What

are the red lines and the required constants

within the national project and what would

amount to treason or unpatriotic behaviour

damaging to the national interest? How can we

differentiate between "treason" and a "point of

view" if the constants themselves are up for

discussion?

The national crisis is nothing new; during the

British Mandate period there was a struggle

between the Hussaini family and the

Nashashibis. While this took the form of an

inter-family conflict, it nevertheless included

those linked to nationalist activities and helped

to shape the relationship with the British

authorities, the regional situation and priorities

for the resistance and peaceful political action.

Similarly, a crisis appeared when the PLO, led

by Ahmed al-Shaqiri, rose within the domain

of Palestinian guerrilla factions - particularly

Fatah - which saw its establishment as a pan-

Arab attempt to dominate Palestinian national

action.

It appears that there is no one single factor in

the current crisis. In a crisis of identity and

ideology, Islamic, nationalist, leftist and

liberal trends squabble; perhaps this is an

important factor, particularly when

disagreements relate to faith-based constants

like the Islamists' refusal to recognise Israel or

relinquish any part of Palestine in contrast to

others' pragmatism, realism, vested interests,

tactics and progressive action.

The same applies to the way that the

conditions stipulated by the International

Middle East Quartet following Hamas's

victory in the 2006 Palestinian Legislative

Council elections were dealt with; the most

prominent of the conditions remains formal

recognition of Israel. Hamas's rejection of this

condition, about which Fatah had no problem

agreeing, and the refusal to give up armed

resistance resulted in the imposition of a harsh

US and Western-led blockade against the

movement, its government and the Palestinian

people in the West Bank and Gaza Strip. It

also led to and continues to cause conflict

between Fatah and Hamas, with one camp in

favour of a peace agreement and the other

favouring resistance.

This highlights the crisis surrounding the

national project's priorities. Armed resistance,

civil disobedience or peaceful acquiescence?


The formation of a unity government, fresh

elections, the re-structuring of the PLO; all are

on the priority list. As are reform of the

security agencies, the economy and lifting the

siege of Gaza. Maybe UN recognition of an

independent Palestinian state should be at the

top of the list, or tackling Israel's Judaisation

of Jerusalem. How is it possible to decide and

give each of these issues the attention they all

deserve? On what basis should some be

deferred while others are pushed forwards?

Institutionally, the lack of a single umbrella

body is a major obstacle. Fatah has assumed a

lead role in the PLO for almost 44 years,

whereas Hamas and Islamic Jihad, which

represent large segments of Palestinian

society, are not part of the organisation. The

PLO, therefore, does not represent the will of

the people and its effectiveness has been lost

as it has taken a subsidiary role to the PA. The

Palestine National Council has not convened

in any meaningful way since 1991, and has not

had free and fair elections for even longer.

Fatah bears responsibility for what has

happened to the PLO and should take the lead

on its restructuring.

It goes without saying that regional and

international influence plays a huge part in

Palestinian affairs. The role played by Egypt,

Syria, Jordan and Saudi Arabia is clear. Egypt

has had a historic role in bringing order to the

Palestinian house, and was a prime mover

behind the formation of the PLO. Its links with

Fatah have been close which also led to pre-

revolution moves to weaken Hamas; support

for the movement up to the current

revolutionary phase came largely from Syria.

The Arab states, especially those neighbouring

Palestine, must bear responsibility for

deepening the crisis of the Palestinian national

project as they prevented or limited the scope

for resistance, for popular and national

activities, and for the Palestinian people,

including refugees, to organise themselves

freely in their "host" countries.

Ever since the signing of the Oslo Accord and

the creation of the PA Israel has been the

"absent presence" in much of the decision-

making process of the PLO and the leadership

of the Authority. Oslo obliged the PLO to

abandon armed resistance and establish a

national authority whose economy and

movement of people and goods is controlled

entirely by the occupying power, Israel. This

gives the state of Israel enormous power over

the Palestinians and their institutions, which

they have used to disable the leadership,

dismantle the infrastructure and arrest the

opposition. In fact, Oslo has allowed Israel to

restrict and prevent Palestinian reconciliation.

Western attitudes, particularly in the US, have

had a considerable effect on the Palestinian

situation. Absolute and unquestioning US

support for Israel, economically, militarily and

politically, has provided cover for the

occupation and its violations of human rights

and crimes against humanity. The imposition

of Israeli conditions on the Quartet the

recognition of Israel, ending armed resistance,

recognition of agreements previously signed

by the PLO including the Oslo Accords -

constitute blatant interference in Palestinian

affairs. Similarly, America and its allies have

sought to isolate and topple Hamas; to present

it as a "terrorist" organisation and strip it of its

legitimacy, while punishing the Palestinian

people for their free and democratic electoral

choice.

The openly pro-Israel stance of the US played

a part in the failure of peaceful negotiations

and in blocking any prospect of obtaining

Palestinian rights, or even some of them, from

the Security Council or the United Nations. It

also played a part in bringing the peace plan of

the current Palestinian leadership to a full stop.

An essential part of Palestinian reconciliation

talks focused on the method of formulating a

Palestinian government in accordance with

Quartet conditions and the anticipated US and

Israeli veto; this also applies to the holding of

elections and reform of the security apparatus

among other things.

Divide and rule has long been a tactic of

colonial powers, but in this the people of

Palestine have not helped themselves. They

have allowed cultural differences to take

priority over national interests, affecting the

art of managing difference and peaceful co-

existence and being able to meet on common

ground. Individual selfishness and partisanship

have led to a struggle for control and

exclusion; suspicion and political mistrust,

with serious damage done to trust-building as

a result.

For the past 25 years, Fatah has placed state

building over liberation of the land, and has

regarded Hamas's resistance operations to be


disruptive to the PA's attempts to find a

peaceful settlement with Israel. Both factions

have used harsh language against each other

and taken actions and reactions to try to get the

upper hand. Frequent bloodletting, physically

and metaphorically, has increased the lack of

confidence held in both groups.

All of this has had an effect on Palestinian

leadership, which has failed to live up

expectations and the aspirations of the people.

There is clear disrespect for legislative

authorities and a weakening of the executive

arm. Political opportunism and corruption has

dogged attempts to develop the political and

economic infrastructure. This has been

compounded by the very apparent failure to

manage political differences.

Finally, the geographical split has complicated

efforts to build bridges between Fatah and

Hamas and develop a coherent strategy.

Palestinians in historic Palestine are physically

divided, with 2.6 million living under Israeli

occupation in the West Bank; 1.6 million

under Israeli siege in the Gaza Strip; and 1.3

million inside "1948 occupied Palestine", now

known as Israel. Add to that the refugees in

surrounding countries and the worldwide

diaspora who are still denied their right to

return to Palestine after 64 years, and you have

a very difficult position from which to develop

an effective political programme.

The Palestinian national project is thus facing

a real crisis. Perhaps the atmosphere of the

uprisings and the changes affecting the Arab

world give hope for the possibility of real,

positive change within the Palestinian arena.

However, the realistic route to the

development of a serious national project is

reform of the Palestinian house internally

under a single umbrella body which includes

everyone; which benefits from the energies of

all groups and individuals; and which is built

on a unified national charter and political

programme compatible with the Palestinian

constants. All should be implemented by an

elected leadership committed to national

priorities free from external influences.


Commentary

After 19 years, the PLO admits Oslo failure

By: Dr. Daud Abdullah

For the first time in 19 years the Palestine

Liberation Organisation/Palestinian Authority

has raised publicly the possibility of revoking

the Oslo accords with Israel. Several press

reports have quoted senior PLO officials,

Yasser Abed Rabbo and Nabil Shaath, among

them as saying that the annulment of the

agreement was now on the table for

Palestinian discussion. The explanation given

for this sudden turn-around is that Israel's

policies have practically ruined all chances of

a two-state solution to the conflict.

According to Abed Rabbo, who was quoted in

the London based Al Quds Al Arabi, the

decision is not just about revoking the accords,

but equally to find a better alternative policy.

He clarified further that the PLO was not

seeking to dissolve the PA and its institutions,

or create a political vacuum in the territories. It

was, on the contrary, seeking to strengthen the

existing institutions and enable them to

exercise control over their land.

Given all the Israeli shenanigans of the last

two decades, it has taken the PLO an

incredibly long time to admit the futility of

Oslo. Without formalising it on paper, Israel

abrogated the accords long ago. Though

largely weighted in their favour, every Israeli

prime minister since Yitzhak Rabin has sought

to alter the agreements signed by his

predecessor. Thus the policies which they

adopted have, accumulatively, led to today's

wretched dead end.

More than any other, Benjamin Netanyahu

was, from the very beginning, extremely

hostile to the accords. Days after they were

signed in 1993, he told a rally that they were

based on an "enormous lie". Then, when he

became prime minister for the first time in

1996, he promised his settler supporters that

he would interpret the accords in such a way

that would put an end to "the galloping

forward to the '67 borders". In this regard, he

has been uncharacteristically true to his word,

for the likelihood of a Palestinian State built

on the June 1967 borders is as remote as ever.

While the West Bank remains under Israel's

permanent military occupation, the Gaza Strip

is subject to a comprehensive blockade. In the

case of the former, Israel presently maintains

48 military bases to protect the 500,000

settlers ensconced behind a wall, whose

apartheid features are made more apparent by

a network of by-pass roads, tunnels and

bridges for use by Jews only.

Clearly, if Israel was really committed to the

Oslo process and a two-state solution, it would

not invest billions of dollars every year to

expand the settlements whose number has

doubled since 1993. The same applies to its

Western benefactors who lavish it with aid and

yet claim commitment to a "two-state

solution".

On paper, the Oslo accords were supposed to

launch a transitional period that would end in

May 1999 with a Palestinian state in all of the

West Bank, including Jerusalem, and the Gaza

Strip. After 19 years, Israel not only succeeded

in making this transitional period permanent,

but also gave it a distinctly grotesque apartheid

character. All that remains for the expectant

Palestinian state is 42 per cent of the West

Bank; and even that is liable to further

expropriation.

When the PLO/PA returned to Palestine in

1994, the promise was to transform the

territories into the Singapore of the Middle

East. Many Palestinians were led to believe

that there was actually light at the end of the

tunnel. They were spurred on with the glamour

of offices and titles, none of which were ever

functional outside the narrow confines drawn

up by the Israeli occupation.

In the circumstances, the PLO/PA failed to

deliver on its promise of economic prosperity,


and because of its security ties with Israel, the

occupier, lost both the will and the means to

resist the malignant occupation.

There were three overriding components to the

Oslo accords; political, economic and security.

While the PA in Ramallah obtained token

political benefits from the process, Israel

revelled in the economic rewards. Tel Aviv

maintains dominant control of the border

crossings, water sources, land and commerce;

85 per cent of the PA's trade is with Israel. As

for the PA itself, its role has been confined to

security cooperation with Israel and the

administration of civic services for the

population, with financial aid provided by

international donors.

It was not a coincidence, therefore, that the

current civil unrest in the occupied West Bank

erupted on the 19th anniversary of the Oslo

accords and their abject failure. All the high

expectations of 1993 have now evaporated

into thin air. Although high prices and late or

non-existent salaries were the immediate cause

of the protests, there is no doubt that they were

also a rejection of the Oslo project. Hence

protesters raised the slogan, "Freedom where

are you... The practice of the PA stands

between us and you."

Throughout its 19-year history, the Oslo

agreement was pronounced dead on many

occasions, only to be revived for the benefit of

the Israeli occupation. Yet the Ramallah

authority never did proclaim its demise. This

may well be its latest and final opportunity to

break loose from its imbalanced strictures. Can

it be done? Yes, but only if the PA reconciles

with its people and includes them in the

decision making process.


News Tour

Al-Ramahi: PA has to protect citizens or let the resistance do so

27/09/2012

RAMALLAH,(PIC)-- The Secretary-General

of the Palestinian Legislative Council, Dr

Mahmoud Al-Ramahi, denounced the assault

on three Palestinian citizens by Israeli gangs

near Ramallah yesterday.

Al-Ramahi stressed that there is no deterrent to

these gangs that aim to terrorize and displace

the citizens from their homes in order to seize

them.

The increasing settlers' attacks are caused by

the PA constant pressure on the resistance in

the West Bank, preventing them from

struggling against the occupation, al-Ramahi

said in a press statement on Wednesday.

Ramahi said that the PA should be protecting

the Palestinian people from settlers' attacks, or

release resistance to do so.

The international community is involved in

these crimes against the Palestinians by its

silence towards the continued Israeli attacks

and by its support to the Israeli government

politically, economically and militarily, he

stated, expressing his surprise at the

international attitude against the Palestinian

resistance in the Gaza Strip and silence

towards settlers' attacks in the West Bank.

Dismissed employees warn Fayyad's government of staging an open sit-in

25/09/2012

RAMALLAH, (PIC)-- A number of

employees, dismissed from their jobs on

political grounds, staged yesterday a sit-in in

front of Council of Ministers of Ramallah

government to demand the implementation of

Supreme Court's decision to let them

immediately return to their jobs.

Among the participants in the sit-in were three

teachers; Ahmed Wahdan who has launched

on Sunday an open-ended hunger strike,

Marwan al-Aqra and Ummar Mayadma.

The protestors had informed the government

about their intention to begin a continuous sit-

in and an open-ended hunger strike. Yet, after

they received documented promises from

Ramallah "government" to meet their

demands, they decided to suspend their protest

for a week to give the government the

opportunity to implement the court's decision

and let them return to their jobs.

The Palestinian Supreme Court had issued a

judicial ruling on Tuesday September 4, 2012

considering Fayyad government's decisions to

dismiss the employees for political reasons

illegal and void and ordered the government to

reinstate them. However, Fayyad government

ignored the Court's decision.

The number of employees dismissed from

their governmental jobs for reasons related to

their political affiliation is estimated at

thousands, including nearly 800 school

teachers.


Transport union resumes strike action in West Bank

25/09/2012

RAMALLAH, (PIC)-- Transport union

decided to strike on Monday from 2 p.m. to 4

p.m. and all day Wednesday in case the PA did

not meet their demands, Ibrahim Awadallah,

the union spokesman, announced.

“The strike is not a goal, but a means to

achieve the demands of the public transport

sector, which has deteriorated due to high fuel

prices, and we started struggling to survive”,

Awadallah said in a press statement issued on

Monday.

"We wished that our demands were met after

meeting with the PA transport ministry" he

added. The union is asking the government to

limit the price of diesel to 5.5 shekels ($1.4)

per liter, to exempt transport workers from

income tax, and lower VAT to seven percent.

Awadallah held the Ministers Council of

Ramallah responsible for losses and damage to

the transport sector, which is one of the most

important sectors that finances the government

and employs thousands of Palestinian citizens.

He pointed out that the union negotiation

committee will hold a meeting next Thursday

to assess and study future steps.

Egypt warns Israel that it will respond to any aggression in Sinai

26/09/2012

EGYPT, (MEMO)-- Egypt has told the Israeli

and US defence ministries, as well as the

leadership of the multinational UN forces in

Sinai, that its army will respond immediately

and without hesitation to any violations of its

borders by the Israel Defence Forces. Any

terrorist operations committed on Egyptian

soil, said a security source, will be tackled by

Egyptian forces to maintain its territorial

integrity.

The statement was made in a meeting of joint

security staff of the UN, Egypt, Israel and

America. A source told the Arab News

Network (Moheet) that any statements to the

contrary made by any Israeli official of any

rank are unacceptable. A member of Egypt's

Supreme Council of the Armed Forces warned

Israel about "the consequences of challenging

Egypt".

Egypt is aware of reports coming from Israel,

the source added, that Prime Minster

Netanyahu wants to carry out a military

operation in Sinai with the aim of killing the

militants who pose a threat to Israel.

"However, any internal or external aggressor

will be stopped, and we will not allow anyone

to violate an inch of Sinai."


Qatari delegation arrives in Gaza for reconstruction project

26/09/2012

GAZA, (MEMO)-- A delegation from Qatar

has arrived in Gaza to begin projects which are

part of the $300 million grant from the Gulf

Emirate for the reconstruction of the besieged

territory. According to Palestinian sources,

Ambassador Mohamed El-Ammady is heading

the delegation which has already met Prime

Minister Ismail Haniyeh and a number of his

cabinet ministers and officials.

The visit is expected to last for 10 days, during

which delegates will tour a number of areas to

be rebuilt thanks to Qatar's grant. The visitors

are expected to lay the foundation stones of a

number of buildings, especially reconstruction

in the main Salah al-Din area, as well as the

new Sheikh Hamad residential city.

The Emir of Qatar, HH Sheikh Hamad bin

Jassim Al-Thani, agreed to finance Gaza

reconstruction during a meeting with Mr.

Haniyeh on the Prime Minister's tour of Gulf

Countries last year.

Large areas of the Gaza Strip were devastated

during Israel's assault and invasion in 2008/9,

in which 1,400 Palestinians were killed, one-

third of them children.

New Israeli incursion north of Gaza

27/09/2012

GAZA, (PIC)-- The Israeli occupation forces

(IOF) at dawn Thursday carried out amid

intensive gunfire a limited incursion into the

northern area of the Gaza Strip.

Local sources told a reporter for the

Palestinian information center (PIC) that

several Israeli tanks and bulldozers under

aerial cover advanced into Abu Safiya area

east of Jabaliya district and bulldozed

agricultural lands.

As they usually do during their incursions, the

IOF opened machinegun fire at Palestinian

homes in the area and caused panic among the

residents.


Mashaal to refuse renewal of his post as head of Hamas's political bureau

25/09/2012

BEIRUT, (PIC)-- Member of Hamas's political

bureau Ezzat Al-Resheq said that Khaled

Mashaal would not accept his nomination for

the presidency of the Movement's political

bureau in the coming internal election.

"During the last meeting that was held by

Hamas's political bureau and attended by its

leaders from home and abroad on the occasion

of the approaching election for the leadership

of the Movement, Khaled Mashaal reiterated

his position on not accepting his candidacy for

the presidency of the Movement's political

bureau in the next organizational round,

Resheq stated on his facebook page on

Tuesday.

He highlighted Mashaal's keenness on acting

in harmony with the spirit of the Arab Spring

and making way for the new blood in the

Movement.

Hamdan: Mashaal carefully studied his decision to give up his post

BEIRUT, (PIC)-- Hamas's foreign relations

official Osama Hamdan said head of the

political bureau Khaled Mashaal's decision not

to accept his candidacy for the presidency of

the Movement was taken after in-depth

consideration.

In a press release, Hamdan categorically

denied the claims saying that Mashaal took his

decision in this regard as a result of internal

disputes.

He affirmed that senior Hamas leaders tried

diligently to dissuade Mashaal from his

decision, especially in light of the events in the

region, but he insisted on not accepting the

renewal of his post.

The Hamas official added that Mashaal told

Hamas leaders during a recent meeting that his

decision was taken after in-depth study of the

reality of the Movement, the Palestinian cause

and the region with the intention of making

way for the new blood in the Movement.

The official noted that Mashaal is

characterized as being a leading figure in the

Movement since its inception and thus

knowing every detail about it, adding that

Hamas, under his leadership, made quantum

leaps forward in its resistance activities and its

political relations.


Caricature

USA Presidential Elections

issue no 25

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