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      CHRISTIANITY: A CAUSE OF MODERN SCIENCE?

    The Duhem-Jaki and Merton Theses Explained

    by Eric V. Snow

    When we think of Christianity's role in the rise of science, what do we

    think of? How it hindered it, such as the conflict between Galileo (1564-1642) and the Inquisition in the seventeenth century? Or, perhaps, do we

    think of Thomas Huxley debating evolution with Bishop Wilberforce in the

    nineteenth century? What we need to do now is take a deep breath, and take a

    step out of today's overwhelmingly secularized intellectual climate, and

    consider this: Modern science arose among avowedly Christian clerics,

    theologians, monks, and professors of medieval and renaissance Catholic

    universities and monasteries. Normally, the Middle Ages are regarded as

    having a worldview very opposed to that of science by atheists and agnostics

    similar to the manner Leonard Peikoff, the literary and philosophical heir of

    novelist Ayn Rand, expressed himself: "For centuries, nature had been

    regarded as a realm of miracles manipulated by a personal deity, a realm whose

    significance lay the clues it offered to the purposes of its author."1  Yet,

    if science gradually arose during the medieval and Renaissance periods, butChristianity and science are seen as totally incompatible, how did this occur?

     After all, neither Galileo nor Copernicus (1473-1543), who maintained the sun

    was at the center of the solar system, not the earth, were skeptics or

    unbelievers, unlike such medieval predecessors as the Islamic poet and

    astronomer Omar Khayyam (1048?-1122) or Frederick II (1194-1250), Holy Roman

    Emperor? The remarkable truth is that the worldview of Christianity was

    absolutely necessary for the rise of modern science, as shown by the Duhem-

    Jaki and (only secondarily) Merton theses.

    The Duhem-Jaki and Merton theses are quite different in how they tie

    Christianity to the birth of science. Pierre Duhem and Stanley Jaki,

    respectively past and present professors of Roman Catholicism, see a direct

    tie between Christian metaphysics, its rejections of various classical Greek

    philosophical conceptions, and the birth of a self-sustaining science.2  On

    the other hand, Robert K. Merton, the sociologist who wrote Science in

    Seventeenth Century England,3 ties seventeenth century English Puritanism's

    1Leonard Peikoff, The Ominous Parallels as quoted in Harry Binswanger,

    ed., The Ayn Rand Lexicon Objectivism from A to Z (New York: New American

    Library, 1988), p. 297. 2Jaki himself probably would be embarrassed by entitling this historical

    interpretation in this manner. He routinely freely draws upon and repeatedly

    mentioning in his works Pierre Duhem, and even wrote a biography of him.

    Pierre Duhem is the French scientist and historian of science who wrote the

    magisterial ten volume Le Systeme Du Monde. I label this thesis after theboth of them because Jaki seems to be the main "scholarly popularizer" of

    Duhem's thesis in the English speaking world. Duhem's work mentioned above is

    significant for almost single-handedly creating scholarly interest in medieval

    science. 3Robert K. Merton, "Science in Seventeenth Century England," Osiris, 1938,

    pp. 360-632. This is the original edition of this book. 

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    ethics to the rise of English science much the same way the German sociologist

    Max Weber tied the rise of capitalism to Calvinism.4  Merton's approach is

    quite different from Jaki's and Duhem's, since Merton sees the rise of English

    science only as a relatively inadvertent product of Puritanism's values and

    beliefs, using an externalist approach that analyzes how religious beliefs and

    actions caused by them affect the larger society. By contrast, Duhem and Jaki

    take a more internalist approach by looking at the intellectual roots ofscience and by seeing theology and science as closely tied together in the

    medieval era since the same people often did both (such as the Frenchman

    Nicole Oresme).5  Merton only sees Protestantism as helping science along, and

    not as creating it, for Galileo, the discoverer of the inverse squared law of

    the acceleration of falling bodies in physics, and his predecessors were

    Catholics.6  Somewhat curiously, these two theses often seem to pass each

    other like two ships in the night without partisans or critics of one

    mentioning the other.7 

    TECHNOLOGICAL ADVANCE DOES NOT EQUAL SCIENCE

    We must avoid assuming technological advance proves a given civilization

    has science, or modern science, for most inventions that affected daily lifein the pre-modern world economically were "empirical" discoveries by craftsmen

    and other pragmatic types, not true scientists meditating on the laws of

    nature. While the Greeks, Chinese, Indians, and Islam all had what can be

    fairly called "science," their science lacked the rigor and vigor that would

    characterize the West's science from Galileo onwards, and soon fizzled out on

    own. In order to have some idea of what culture's science really qualifies as

    science it's best to introduce a definition here to avoid misunderstandings:

    4Max Weber, The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism (New York:

    Charles Scribner's Sons, 1958). Especially interesting in this context is

    note 145 on p. 249, where Puritanism's tendencies toward empiricism are

    mentioned. Discussing Spener's work in this area, he says a consequence of

    Puritanism scientifically was "that just as the Christian is known by the

    fruits of his belief, the knowledge of God and His designs can only be

    attained through a knowledge of His works." 5See the explanation of externalist and internalist approaches in the

    introduction of George Basalla, ed., The Rise of Modern Science External or

    Internal Factors? (Lexington, MA: D.C. Heath and Company, 1968), pp. vii-xiv. 6Theodore K. Rabb, "Religion and the Rise of Modern Science," Past and

    Present, July 1965, pp. 122, 125. 7Stanley Jaki never seems to mention the Merton thesis in any his books I

    used for this essay. Likewise, such a critic of the Merton thesis as Rabb

    seems to be oblivious to Duhem's thesis. Hence, he write when attacking Hill:

    "In the story of the rise of science, therefore, religion is a peripheral

    concern." Duhem doesn't even rate a (negative) mention. See Rabb, "Religionand the Rise of Modern Science," Past and Present, July 1965, p. 126. About

    the only place I found the two mentioned together was this comment by Hall:

    "Merton, who made no reference to either Duhem or Wohlwill, saw a parallel

    lack of continuity in the attitudes of society to science." See A. Ruppert

    Hall, "Merton revisited or Science and Society in the Seventeenth Century,"

    History of Science (Cambridge, England: W. Heffer & Sons, 1963), p. 12. 

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    The systematized collection of knowledge about nature through using only

    reason and sense experience in order to discover the underlying laws of

    nature, which explain how nature is organized and allow future accurate

    predictions about nature's processes or objects to be made. For all the

    world's civilizations, only Greek geometry fully met this definition, along

    with mathematics in general, prior to the time of Galileo, and that is only by

    excising the "sense experience" part of this definition.

    Just what are the tenets of the Duhem-Jaki thesis? First, it denies

    that sociological non-intellectual, externalist causes are sufficient

    conditions to create modern science. As Jaki put it:

    This historiography of science has still to face up honestly to

    the problem of why three great ancient cultures (China, India, and

    Egypt) display independently of one another, a similar pattern

    vis-a-vis science. The pattern is the stillbirth of science in

    each of them in spite of the availability of talents, social

    organization, and peace--the standard explanatory devices

    furnished by all-knowing sociologies of science on which that

    historiography relies ever more heavily.8

     

     All of these conditions may be necessary to allow a civilization to develop

    science, but we have to look to the intellectual climate to understand why

    only one particular civilization developed a self-sustaining, modern science.

    Peculiarly, this same culture had been in the immediately preceding centuries

    intellectually and economically quite backward compared to the great Eurasian

    cultures that rivaled it. Those influenced by Marxism may often be loathe to

    investigate how the intellectual climate can independently change on its own,

    and influence politics and economics. For we should realize that while the

    mode of production (the technology and system of economics utilized by a

    society) can and does influence the superstructure of ideology as Marx

    maintained, the reverse influence can and does happen also. "Ideas have

    consequences" is an assumption that won't be proven here,9 but it is a

    perfectly reasonable one when so much religious behavior is not tied to the

    economic self-interest of some class in society.

    THE PHILOSOPHICAL IDEAS A CULTURE MUST AVOID TO DEVELOP SCIENCE

    So now, according to Duhem and Jaki, what ideas are necessary to have

    (or, to be more precise generally, not have) in the intellectual climate of a

    civilization to keep science self-sustaining, instead of dying out after a few

    centuries of progress? First, a linear, potentially quantifiable conception

    of time that clearly distinguishes past, present, and future promotes a

    scientific view of nature and its cause-effect relationships is necessary for

    a scientific outlook. In the Judeo-Christian tradition, this idea comes from8Stanley Jaki, The Savior of Science (Washington, D.C.: Regnery Gateway,

    1988), p. 35. 9 A contemporary example is how Boris Yeltsin and his group of

    revolutionaries have the ideology of capitalism (or did!), and seek to impose

    it on a (formerly?) socialist economy. 

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    the act of God in creating the universe from nothing at some specific point of

    time in the past, and then time is seen as progressing through the present on

    to the future with the second coming and the day of judgment. The alternative

    view of time, the concept of the "Great Year," maintains centuries-long time

    cycles exist in which the future repeats the past exactly or almost exactly,

    making progress of any kind theoretically impossible. This idea of time

    breeds a sense of complacency ("we know it all already") and/or hopelessness,hindering the development of science in a given culture. Second, if science

    is to exist, explanations of natural phenomena must avoid a priori, pseudo-

    scientific "explanations" that really do not describe the causes of events,

    such as astrology. Third, science is hindered by the organismic view of

    nature. This idea conceives all of the universe as alive, as if it was one

    huge organism which goes through the above mentioned cyclical process from

    birth, to maturity, then death, to be born again. The tie to pantheism--

    believing EVERYTHING is God, a standard Hindu view--is obvious here. This

    outlook sees what we moderns consider inanimate (and non-divine) objects, like

    rocks, the planets, the stars, the oceans, and other natural objects to have

    wills of their own, or intelligences of their own. Fourth, science is

    hindered if the reality of the basic orderliness of the universe ("the

    external real world") is denied. Humans will not often investigate carefullywhat is considered not to really exist, or that which will be changed at whim

    by the God(s), or nature herself. Fifth, the heavens (outer space) must not

    be considered alive, or divine, if a scientific astronomy is to exist. Sixth,

    a balance between reason and faith is necessary, without the religious people

    totally rejecting science or natural laws, and without the

    philosophers/scientists totally rejecting the claims of religious truth.

    Seventh, man needs to be seen as fundamentally different from the rest of

    nature, as having a mind that makes him qualitatively different from the

    animals, etc., not just quantitatively different. The foundations for this

    view are laid in the Judeo-Christian worldview in Genesis where man and woman

    were made in God's likeness and image, and were told they had dominion over

    the animals (Gen. 1:26-29). So long as all or most of false ideas in these

    areas are believed by a great majority of the intellectuals/"wisemen" of a

    given culture, a self-sustaining science will not comes to exist in a given

    civilization, especially any true science of bodies moving in the external

    real world (i.e., physics, unlike math).

    Now, the tie between the acceptance or rejection of such ideas and the

    rise of modern science may not be altogether obvious.10  Hence, a lot of

    explanation is needed to prove such connections, and this essay is only

    scratching the surface. Readers seeking more evidence should read Jaki's

    10Probably the best one book on this subject in English is: Stanley Jaki,

    Science and Creation From Eternal Cycles to an Oscillating Universe (New

    York: Science History Publications, 1974). Of course, the ultimate source onthis subject is Pierre Duhem's Le Systeme du Monde, with its ten (!) volumes,

    most of which has yet to be translated from the French. A good project for

    someone or some group who wishes to do immeasurable good for the cause of

    Christian apologetics would be to pay a group of scholars to translate this

    work into English so it could have more influence in the English-speaking

    world. 

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    works in particular.11  Also, it should be noted that some civilizations had

    all or most of these false ideas, such as Hindu India, while other(s) had

    fewer of them (China), and other(s) still fewer (Islam). Correspondingly, the

    last progressed in science further as compared to the other two

    correspondingly to the acceptance of such ideas, and the second more than the

    first. For instance, the Chinese lacked the delusion the heavens were divine

    and/or living.

    12

      Such an idea was found in On the Heavens, a very influentialwork by the ancient Greek philosopher Aristotle (384-322 b.c.), which hindered

    indigenous Islamic science13 permanently, and Christian science for many

    centuries before being finally cast off. On the other hand, Hindu science

    concerning the material world was crushed by almost all these faulty

    intellectual ideas: the external real world and its orderliness were denied,

    eternal cycles and the organismic view of nature were espoused, and the

    heavens were seen as divine. Islamic science would have become self-

    sustaining possibly, if its holy book the Quran (Koran) had not emphasized

    God's will and power so much as against His reason, and if Muslim philosophers

    and scientists had not become so mesmerized by Aristotle's physics and

    philosophy. Let's briefly consider each of these great civilizations in turn,

    and see how these faulty metaphysical concepts held their science back from

    continual development.

    WHY DIDN'T CHINA DEVELOP SCIENCE BEFORE EUROPE?

    When we look at the great civilization of China, and its marvelous

    wealth, population, and technological prowess during the ancient and medieval

    periods, it is easy to wonder why science did not occur there first.14  Paper,

    gunpowder, the compass, and moveable type were all Chinese inventions.

    China's sophisticated rice agriculture, improved by selective plant breeding,

    was much more productive than contemporaneous medieval European agriculture.15 

    Yet, such technological accomplishments do not prove China had modern

    science:

    Nevertheless the accompanying assumption of Singer [who influenced

    Joseph Needham, the great Sinologist of Chinese science and

    technology] and of his era [the early twentieth century] that

    engineering innovation has almost always sprung from prior

    scientific discovery is not warranted by the facts. This

    11Two good places to begin are: Stanley L. Jaki, The Savior of Science

    (Washington, D.C.: Regnery Gateway, 1988) and Jaki, The Origin of Science and

    the Science of Its Origin (South Bend, IN: Regnery/Gateway, 1978). 12Jacques Gernet, "Christian and Chinese World Views in the Seventeenth

    Century," Diogenes, Spring 1979, p. 105. 13Jaki, Science and Creation, pp. 205, 208. 

    14

    See Janet L. Abu-Lughod, Before European Hegemony The World System A.D.1250-1350 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1989), p. 322. An in-depth

    analysis in the form of a series of articles can be found in Hu Daojing, Li

    Guohao, et al., eds., Explorations in the History of Science and Technology in

    China (Shanghai: Shanghai Chinese Classics Publishing House, 1982). 15 Alan K. Smith, Creating a World Economy Merchant Capital, Colonialism, and

    World Trade 1400-1825 (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1991), pp. 17-18. 

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    certainly confused Needham about China's influence upon European

    science, and I suspect that it has not clarified his probings of

    the Chinese phenomena.16 

    This distinction Abu-Lughod appears to have missed,17 which is why it was not

    mere time and chance China declined whilst the West rose, riding the back of

    the first modern science.

    What were some of the science-hindering metaphysical concepts found in

    Chinese philosophy and religion? First of all, the concept of eternal cycles

    was most certainly present. One Buddhist monk attacked the Christian dogma of

    creation as follows:

    Space, worlds, and beings have no beginning nor end if we consider

    them not in themselves and individuals but in their totality.

    They are eternal from this global point of view. They proliferate

    without end and during incalculable cosmic periods progress

    through successive stages of formation, stability, degradation and

    then a return to nothingness.18 

    Such ideas were no mere individual eccentricity of this monk, but were part

    and parcel of Chinese intellectual life, having apparently been strengthened

    by the entrance of Buddhism from Hindu India, and were assimilated into Neo-

    Confucian thought.19  What are the problems caused by acceptance of such

    cycles of thousands of years in which the world and its civilizations are

    repeatedly created and destroyed only to be created again? Such views create

    a sense of metaphysically-induced hopelessness and passivity since no matter

    how hard humans may struggle to achieve, work, and think, the results of all

    efforts will be destroyed.20  Also, a non-linear view of time makes careful,

    precise quantification (measurement using numbers) of time irrelevant. It also

    makes people tend to confuse the order of cause and effect since the idea of

    this-after-that (succession) is weakened. Yet science requires non-passive

    16Lynn White Jr., "Review Symposia Science in China," Isis, March 1984, p.

    178. Another useful critique of Needham's work is Willard J. Peterson,

    "'Chinese Scientific Philosophy' and Some Chinese Attitudes Towards Knowledge

    about the Realm of Heaven-and-Earth," Past and Present, May 1980, pp. 20-30. 17 Abu-Lughod, Before European Hegemony, p. 322. 18 As quoted from Jacques Gernet, "Christian and Chinese World Views," p. 104.

    See pp. 100-102 for more examples. 19Joseph Needham, Science and Civilisation in China, Vol. 2, History of

    Scientific Thought (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1962), with the

    assistance of Wang Ling, pp. 485-487, 420, 404; Jaki, Science and Creation,

    pp. 33-35. 20

    However, such ideas could also breed the opposite attitude, of complacency,"the illusion that one is and remains on top, at least in the sense that the

    irreversible decline will begin to be felt only by one's distant progeny"

    (Jaki, Savior of Science, p. 42). That is, instead of despondently waiting

    for the cycles of history to bring a future "golden age," you may think you

    are presently living during a "golden age." Hence, you begin to think no

    further improvements are possible or necessary. 

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    investigators of nature, precise quantification of time, and the correct

    knowledge of causes, so the above false ideas need to be firmly rejected for

    it to exist.

    Jaki illustrates the consequences of the Chinese view of time as lacking

    of sense of succession, weakening their view of cause and effect with

    the fact that the Chinese saw nothing inordinate in attributing

    the political failure of a certain prince to the sacrificing of

    humans at his burial. As both political impotence and cruelty

    evidence the absence of the same virtue, one could replace the

    other as explanation regardless of their sequence.21 

    Jaki goes on to quote Granet's comment that cause and effect did not matter to

    the Chinese, but instead saw the world as consisting of manifestations whose

    order did not matter since being "Equally expressive, they appeared

    interchangeable."22  With the Chinese having such a conception of time, a true

    modern science would never have spontaneously arise among them--or any other

    civilization believing in eternal cycles so firmly, since it undercut the idea

    of succession in time which is so necessary to developing an idea of, andapplying, the law of cause and effect.

    SOME CHINESE PSEUDO-SCIENTIFIC "EXPLANATIONS" THAT HINDERED SCIENCE

     Another metaphysical delusion the Chinese sadly suffered from (though

    they were hardly alone) were various a priori pseudo-scientific "explanations"

    of natural events. In Chinese thought the two best examples of this were the

    two forces of Yin and Yang on the one hand, and the book of Changes (I Ching)

    on the other. Yin (female) and Yang (male) were seen as the two forces

    pervading all of nature and its processes. As a result, the Chinese would not

    hesitate to assign "the changes of weather to the stillness of Yin."23  Yin

    and Yang were used to explain why magnets became attracted to each other, and

    describe the movements of the sun, moon, and stars.24  Likewise, the I Ching

    was a manual of divination that would line up various sayings and

    interpretations of natural events through various symbols such as lines,

    trigrams, and hexagrams. Through this book any observation in nature ("omen")

    would be given an instant interpretation as to its cause and significance.

    (Compare this to the Roman practice of examining animals' livers to make major

    decisions of state, etc.) Although normally very sympathetic to the claims of

    Chinese culture and science, Needham still was willing to say: "Yet really

    they [Han dynasty scholars] would have been wiser to tie a millstone about the

    neck of the I Ching and cast it into the sea."25  The most widespread of

    pseudo-scientific delusions was astrology. It plagued Islam, India, even

    Christendom to a great degree--and China as well.26  At the Emperor's court,

    21Jaki, Science and Creation, pp. 34-35. 

    22His emphasis, as quoted in Ibid., p. 35. 

    23Ibid., p. 45. 

    24Ibid. 

    25Needham, Science and Civilisation, p. 311. 

    26Ibid., pp. 351-357. 

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    various "wise men" (astrologers, astronomers, and meteorologists) would

    interpret and blame on the emperor various portents and "signs."27  What are

    the costs of having such a priori "explanations" of natural events? They dull

    the human mind through thinking it DOES know why such events occur, when in

    fact the laws of nature are still unknown. To posit such metaphysical

    entities as Yin and Yang, or the effects of stars upon people's destinies, and

    then say they determine natural processes, creates the delusion of knowledgeout of ignorance. Of course, the Chinese were hardly alone in embracing such

    science-hindering deceptions--see Aristotle's On the Heavens, and his four

    elements theory, for starters.

    THE CHINESE VERSION OF THE ORGANISMIC VIEW OF NATURE

     Another metaphysical conception that impeded Chinese science was an

    organismic view of nature, which sees all of nature as being one huge living

    creature that goes through a repeating cycle of birth, maturity, and death.

    Humans are considered to be part of it and fundamentally being like the

    animals, not basically different from them. Correspondingly, Taoism, which

    was espoused by the sixth century b.c. Chinese philosopher Lao-tzu, conceived

    of nature as "an all-encompassing living entity animated by impersonalvolitions," was a source of trouble for Chinese science.

    28  True, Needham,

    sympathetic as always, strongly emphasizes how Taoists would contemplate

    nature and believe it had an underlying order. (Needham believed "Tao" could

    be best translated "order of nature").29  However, the Taoists would not

    actively investigate nature as opposed to a mystically-inclined contemplation

    and inactivity concerning it: "He who practices the Tao, daily diminishes his

    doing. He diminishes it and again diminishes it, till he arrives at doing

    nothing. Having arrived at this non-inaction, there is nothing that he does

    not do."30  This attitude of non-activity (not intended to be taken literally,

    as even Jaki commented),31 is at least partly due to how Taoism would see man

    as totally weak and impotent compared to the majesty of nature, with which he

    27See Wolfram Eberhard in John K. Fairbank, ed., Chinese Thought and

    Institutions (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1957), p. 69. In

    fairness, since portents were used as political weapons many times (shades of

    Rome!), in order to dissuade the emperor from this or that decision, they were

    not always taken seriously. Nevertheless, such activities did not promote

    science or a scientific worldview: "It is quite obvious that specialists were

    interested only in the political application of their observations and not in

    philosophical reasoning or scientific abstractions." 28Jaki, Science and Creation, p. 29. 

    29Needham, Science and Civilisation, pp. 36, 56-57, 558. 

    30The Chuang Tzu, the second most important text, as quoted in Jaki, Science

    and Creation, p. 29. Wide variations of belief existed in Taoism, whichincluded many practitioners of the Chinese peasantry's varied superstitions,

    not just philosophers like Lao-tzu. See N. Sivin, "On the Word 'Taoist' as a

    Source of Perplexity. With Special Reference to the Relations of Science and

    Religion in Traditional China," History of Religions, February-May 1978, p.

    314. 31Jaki, Science and Creation, p. 29. 

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    should see an intimate organic unity.32  By seeing nature as a vast, single

    spontaneously acting organism (albeit as mystically inspiring as that may be

    for many in the New Age/environmentalist crowd), it kept them from developing

    the idea of natural law in the modern sense. Needham himself, although noting

    the tie in Chinese thought between the cyclical time and organismic concepts,

    failed to realize the negative consequences of such concepts by trying to put

    them in the most positive light.

    33

      However, such ideas have negative effectson developing an active mindset towards nature, which was necessary to develop

    modern science, as Jaki describes:

    The organismic concept of the world (not in the Whiteheadian

    sense) invariably fosters a state of mind dominated by a nostalgic

    longing for the primitive golden age, with its idyllic settings in

    which everything takes place in an effortless way. In that

    dreamlike condition of spontaneousness men live off nature without

    disturbing it [compare this thought with what some

    environmentalists believe today!], and carry out their social

    propensities without the sense of constraint due to authorities

    and laws.34 

    In short, both belief in eternal time cycles and in nature as one huge

    organism encourage the passivity that opposes the mentally active,

    investigating spirit of science, such as shown by Aristotle and Leonardo da

    Vinci (1452-1519) dissecting carcasses, instead of just meditating and

    contemplating passively deep within a forest about Nature.

    CHINESE CONCEPTIONS OF THE LAWS OF NATURE

    The Chinese believed nature both was orderly and had an actual existence

    (when not influenced by the rather pervasive, Hindu-derived Buddhist ideas of

    maya, the belief all is illusion). However, they lacked the concept of

    natural law, as ordained by a personal God, which assured nature was

    rationally understandable to mankind's mind:

    It was not that there was no order in Nature for the Chinese, but

    rather that it was not an order ordained by a rational personal

    being, and hence there was no conviction that rational personal

    beings would be able to spell out in their lesser earthly

    languages the divine code of laws which he had decreed

    aforetime.35 

    32Ibid., p. 36. Note the contrast to the Hebrew view of Gen. 1, where

    mankind is place above and separate from nature, as being like God, and

    dominate over the animal kingdom. 33

    Ibid., p. 42. 34Ibid., p. 43. 35Needham, Science and Civilisation, p. 581. The Judeo-Christian mindset

    stemming from Genesis 1 is that if man's mind was made in the image of God,

    and nature also reflects God's attributes (Romans 1:19-20), then scientists

    investigating nature can be assured it can be understood by their minds in

    turn. 

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    For a man who was a Marxist (and, admittedly, simultaneously, a very liberal

    Protestant),36 this must have been a very hard concession to make, as Jaki

    observed,37 for it points to an ideological cause for why modern science did

    not appear in China, not an economic or political cause. In contrast, the

    view of how Christianity's concept of the rationality of God was tied to the

    rise of science in the West is best stated by the English philosopher AlfredNorth Whitehead (1861-1947):

    I do not think, however, that I have even yet brought out the

    greatest contribution of medievalism to the formation of the

    scientific movement. I mean the inexpungable belief that every

    detailed occurrence can be correlated with its antecedents in a

    perfectly definite manner, exemplifying general principles. . . .

    When we compare this tone of thought in Europe with the attitude

    of other civilisations when left to themselves, there seems but

    one source for its origin. It must come from the medieval

    insistence on the rationality of God, conceived as with the

    personal energy of Jehovah and with the rationality of a Greek

    philosopher. Every detail was supervised and ordered: the searchcould only result in the vindication of the faith in

    rationality.38 

    The rationality of God is implied through certain texts, although written

    specifically concerning church services, a broader application of these texts

    is still appropriate: "God is not a God of confusion but of peace," who wants

    activities to be "done properly and in an orderly manner" (I Cor. 14:33, 40).

    Since Whitehead was a pantheist, he would not be especially likely to concede

    too much to medieval Christianity about its sense of nature being rationally

    knowable and its role in causing modern science to exist.

    WHY DIDN'T INDIA DEVELOP SCIENCE BEFORE EUROPE?

    Moving westwards to the land of India, an equally perplexing problem

    with the lack of modern science seems to present itself. Hindu civilization

    on the subcontinent was ancient, well-settled, and extremely rich materially

    by the standards of the time. India routinely ran surplus balances of trade

    36Jaki, The Origin of Science, p. 79. 

    37Jaki, Savior of Science, p. 33. A somewhat different analysis as to why

    China developed no modern science due to its philosophy focuses on its

    tendency to turn inward to know the mind and the individual, as opposed to the

    outside world. See Yu-Lan Fung, "Why China Has No Science--An Interpretation

    of the History and Consequences of Chinese Philosophy," International Journal

    of Ethics, April 1922, pp. 237-263. However, a sociological explanation forthe failure of modern science to arise in China involving what could be called

    "Mandarin bureaucratism," also exists. See Max Weber, The Religion of China

    Confucianism and Taoism (Glencoe, IL: The Free Press, 1951), pp. 150-152.

    Jaki's analysis doesn't hit on all the reasons why modern science did not

    arise in China, though I have stressed it here. 38 As quoted in Jaki, Science and Creation, p. 230. 

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    with the West, as China did. As late as 1770, after the industrial revolution

    had begun by some dating schemes in England, the British wool industry tried

    to prohibit the import of Bengali calicoes into the United Kingdom.39  And

    enormous credit should be given to the Indian mind for the momentous invention

    of the Hindu-Arabic numerals, with their place notation and the concept of

    zero. For without this system of enumeration, the (easy) quantification of

    natural events and substances, so necessary to the development of modernscience, would never have occurred.

    40  (If you doubt this, try multiplying

    using Roman numerals alone, without any mental use of the Hindu-Arabic

    numerals, MDCCCLXVIII by CCLIX!)

    Unfortunately, Hindu civilization as a whole was weighted down with

    almost the most anti-scientific metaphysics imaginable. The Hindu concept of

    maya, the view that sense data tell only of illusion, not a real external

    world, was anti-scientific in the extreme.41  Generally, you do not

    39John R. Gillis, The Development of European Society 1770-1870 (Lanham,

    Maryland: University Press of America, 1983), p. 13. 40However, Christianity still had a role here concerning the application of

    the then new system of numerals, due to its view God was rational and createdan orderly universe. "They [the Parisian precursors of Galileo, Buridan and

    Oresme] became the starting point [of modern science] because they were imbued

    with what is Gospel truth for Christians though it had never been for the

    Greeks of old, namely, that the universe is not God, but only the fully

    consistent artifact of a rational Creator. Because of their belief in that

    consistency, they could approach with quantitative eyes the phenomenon of

    motion in a broad sense, an approach alien to the Greeks," my emphasis, Jaki,

    Origin of Science, p. 85. Such an analysis badly undermines the standard

    belief of agnostics and atheists that the Greeks could have created modern

    science except for the rise of Christianity and the collapse of the Roman

    empire. 41Mainstream Christianity could never accept the fundamental unreality of

    matter or the material world because Jesus became a material, fleshy Being

    through the incarnation (John 1:1-2, 14). Those who thought Jesus was just a

    spirit being who just appeared to be a man--the gnostics generally--were

    condemned in the strongest possible terms by orthodox Christians, including

    the apostle John. For example, II John 7 says: "For many decievers have gone

    out into the world, those who do not acknowledge Jesus Christ as coming in the

    flesh. This is the deceiver and the antichrist." Or, we have I John 1:1:

    "What was from the beginning, what we have heard, what we have seen with our

    eyes, what we beheld and our hands handled, concerning the Word of Life . . ."

    Further, unlike Hinduism and its myths, Christianity is a religion based upon

    the reality of certain historical facts, such as the death and resurrection of

    Jesus Christ. It doesn't really matter, to the Hindu mind, whether Krishna

    really did anything as described in a Hindu holy book, but Christianity is ahopeless religion if Jesus didn't really exist, didn't really die, or didn't

    really arise from the dead. As Paul said (I Cor. 15:13-15): "But if there is

    no resurrection of the dead, not even Christ has been raised; and if Christ

    has not been raised, then our preaching is vain, your faith also is vain.

    Moreover we are even found to be false witnesses of God, because we witnessed

    against God that He raised Christ." This fundamental difference between

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    systematically investigate that which you think is a mirage. Hence--the Hindu

    mind turned inwards, and progressed in math by leaps and bounds, but failed

    utterly to come up with a science of the external real world, such as physics.

    The concept of eternal cycles, with its view of universal destruction and

    recreation, saturated Indian culture as well. The sense of hopelessness and

    passivity caused by this latter concept is aptly illustrated by the comment of

    king Brithadratha in the Maitri Upanishad as he contemplates an endless seriesof the transmigrations of the soul: "In the cycle of existence I am like a

    frog in a waterless well."42  Or, consider what the god Vishnu told the god

    Indra in the Brhamavaivarta Purana: "I have known the dreadful dissolution of

    the universe. I have seen all perish, again and again, at the end of every

    cycle. At that terrible time, every single atom dissolves into the primal,

    pure water of eternity whence originally all arose."43  Our modern minds,

    which presumably automatically reject such concepts, unless influenced by New

     Age mush, etc., may see their deadening effects on constructive activity by

    how some today react to the fear of nuclear war: "let us eat, and rink for

    tomorrow we die" (I Cor. 15:32). Worse yet, death is no escape, for that will

    bring only another rather meaningless life by a rebirth, unless you have

    reached the final necessary stage of perfection before being absorbed into

    Brahma and the end of your individual existence.

    THE HIGH COST OF PANTHEISM AND THE ORGANISMIC VIEW OF THE UNIVERSE FOR INDIA

    Hindu pantheism caused problems in developing a scientific astronomy,

    for the heavens were seen as divine and animate. Here the organismic view of

    the cosmos levies a terrible tax, for then the heavens are seen as alive with

    a will of their own, instead of being merely inanimate, inorganic matter. In

    contrast, eventually, in the West, Aristotle's view of the heavens being

    divine and/or intelligent was extinguished, but only after many centuries of

    the Christian era:

    . . . [D]uring the twelfth century in Latin Europe, those aspects

    of Judeo-Christian thought which emphasized the idea of creation

    out of nothing and the distance between God and the world, in

    certain contexts and with certain men, had the effect of

    eliminating all semi-divine entities from the realm of nature.

    Thus nature tended to become a mechanistic entity, running

    according to the characteristics with which it had been endowed

    and powered by the forces it had been given in the beginning.44 

    Left to itself, Hindu pantheism never would have eliminated the divine,

    organismic view of nature since it saw no ultimate difference between God and

    the universe.

    Judeo-Christianity as based on historical fact that it is potentiallyfalsifiable is very different from the metaphysical speculation of various

    pagan myths, whether Hindu or Greek. 42Ibid., p. 7. 

    43Ibid., p. 8. 

    44Richard C. Dales, "A Twelfth-Century Concept of the Natural Order," Viator

    Medieval and Renaissance Studies, Vol. 9, 1978, pp. 191-192. 

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    The most widespread pseudo-science in Eurasia was (and is) astrology,

    and to this day it plagues India with its influence. Tying a person's destiny

    to an arbitrary interpretation of a given position of the stars and planets on

    some given day is a denial of the scientific outlook. It encourage a passive,

    fatalistic attitude in individuals through its complete denial of free will.

    Why bother to know or try to change the world, when your destiny has beendecreed by the heavens? Even today, India is saturated by this nonsense, and

    far more people take the predictions made far more seriously than in the West.

     As Jaki observed: "Call for such conversion [that is, an acceptance of

    science and modern technology by a changed mindset] will hardly be heeded as

    long as the voice of astrologers is not on the wane but on the rise (in spite

    of science and education) and carefully listened to by higher government

    [Indian] officials."45  True, astrology attained a grip upon much of the

    Islamic and Christian worlds in the medieval past, and even devotees in

    modern, twentieth century America such as Nancy Reagan. Nevertheless, the

    culture of Christendom had built-in limits to its broad cultural acceptance

    since it is seen as an idolatrous system that also denies moral

    responsibility. Hence even as astrology grew in the West with the recovery of

    the Greek classics and the growth of interest in science,46

     the Churchcontinued to condemn it.

    47  Unfortunately, India had nothing intrinsic to its

    culture that frontally assaulted astrology--hence, the former remains deeply

    in the latter's thrall to this very day.

    WHY DIDN'T THE ISLAMIC/ARAB WORLD DEVELOP SCIENCE BEFORE CHRISTENDOM?

    Now the failure of the Islamic world to produce modern science is much

    more curious than India's or even China's. The flourishing of Islamic science

    and scholarship under the Umayyads and early Abbasids, using the ancient Greek

    classics, was simply remarkable. The medical works of al-Razi and Avicenna

    (980-1037) were used by Christendom deep into the sixteenth century, more than

    500 years after their deaths. The fact such English words as astrolabe,

    chemistry, alcohol, algebra, algorithm, and azimuth are derived from Arabic

    shows the influence Islamic science had on the West. Islamic mathematicians

    made immense contributions such as al-Khwarizimi (the algorithm and algebra),

    Thabit ibin Quarra (studied irrational numbers), Albategnius and Abu al-Wafa

    (trigonometry), Umar Khayyam (works on analytical geometry), and Nasir al-Din

    al Tusi (trigonometry).48  Furthermore, believing in a single God who created

    45Jaki, The Savior of Science, p. 30; Jaki footnotes his source as the

    January 6, 1983 International Herald Tribune. 46Lynn White, Jr., "Science and the Sense of Self: The Medieval Background

    of a Modern Confrontation," Daedalus, Spring 1978, pp. 56-58. 47For example, Savonrola (1452-1498), a Catholic religious revivalist and

    reformer in Renaissance Florence, condemned Florentines as believing inastrology more than God. See Richard C. Trexler, Public Life in Renaissance

    Florence (Ithaca, NY: Cornell, University Press, 1991), p. 79. Augustine

    attacks astrology in Confessions (Middlesex, England: Penguin Books, 1961),

    pp. 73, 139-142. 48Sydney Nettleton Fisher and William Ochsenwald, The Middle East a History

    (New York: McGraw-Hill Publishing Co., 1990), pp. 99-116. 

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    the universe at a definite point in time, with time linearly proceeding to

    judgment day, Muslims were not obvious, easy prey for eternal cycles, the

    organismic view of the universe, or astrology. Orthodox Islam did not deny

    the reality of the external world, nor was it apt to think the heavens were

    divine/alive since they emphasized the monotheistic nature (oneness) of God so

    strongly. So why did Islamic science mostly fizzle out after 1200?

    Unfortunately, for the Islamic world, its leading philosophical,

    theological, and scientific figures made some very serious wrong turns. The

    key problem was a lack of balance between faith and reason, which ultimately

    extended from the Quran's emphasis on the absolute (and arbitrary) will of

    God. No Islamic equivalent of Thomas Aquinas appeared on the scene to

    systematically reconcile and integrate the theology of Islam with the

    rationalism of the Greek classics, without unduly bending one to fit with the

    other. Hence, the two most important Islamic theologians, al-Ashari (873-935)

    and al-Ghazzali (1058-1111) were very mystically inclined, and both stressed

    God's will as opposed to His reason. Al-Ghazzali's work, Incoherence of the

    Philosophers, sharply assaulted the Aristotelian philosophers called the

    mutazilites. It asserted the doctrine of occasionalism, which sees the law of

    cause and effect as only occurring due to God's continual, direct interventionin the universe. Hence, to al-Ghazzali, if a rock lands on my big toe after I

    release it, the resulting pain is only due to God putting it there in me, not

    due to the properties of the rock and toe themselves. The direct consequences

    of such a concept against the idea of a scientific law of nature can easily be

    imagined.49 

    THE COST OF LACKING BALANCE CONCERNING THE IDEAS OF THE GREEK CLASSICS

    On the other hand, the Islamic philosophers Avicenna and Averroes (1126-

    1198) clearly subordinated their Islamic faith to Aristotle's metaphysics.

    Indeed, Averroes' concept of double truth--of saying what was true for

    religion was not necessarily true for philosophy--denies the metaphysical

    unity of the intellectual and sensible world. This view allows him to avoid

    having to deny Aristotle's On the Heavens when it conflicts with the Islamic

    faith.50  These two philosophers, much like the mutazilites, fell nearly

    completely under the spell of the ancient Greek classics, and could not

    conceive how these classics could be wrong. They did not try to reconcile the

    conflict between Islam and the Greek classics, but basically ignored or denied

    it. Yet, as we will see, such a conflict between the teachings of

    Christianity and various pagan Greek ideas, combined with the clear rejection

    49Jaki, Science and Creation, pp. 204-205. It is quite clear the

    traditionalist theologians beat out the Aristotelian philosophers culturally,

    because of the concept of bid'a, which saw any innovation as evil, with one

    exception: If the unbelievers used it in battle, you (the Muslim) could useit also. "In the Muslim tradition, innovation is generally assumed to be bad

    unless it can be shown to be good. The word bid'a, innovation or novelty,

    denote a departure from the sacred precept and practice communicated to

    mankind by the Prophet, his disciples, and the early Muslims," Bernard Lewis,

    The Muslim Discovery of Europe (New York: W.W. Norton, 1982), p. 224. 50Jaki, Science and Creation, p. 206. 

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    of some of the latter, was necessary in order to strip the latter of

    metaphysical falsehoods that would have prevented the rise of a self-

    sustaining science. Here, these Islamic philosophers fell into the trap of

    accepting easily gained a priori concepts about the physical world. It's much

    easier to read and accept what someone says rather than to do experiments or

    think carefully in original ways. A true science of physics could not develop

    until Aristotle's On the Heavens and Physics were junked. That only occurredin the West due to the tenets of Christian theology conflicting with these two

    works, and individual philosophers and theologians pointing out such conflicts

    without ignoring or denying them. The rejection of such errors in the Greek

    classics in the culture around him made it much more possible for someone like

    Galileo to boldly say "Aristotle was wrong!" concerning some point of his

    physics which didn't conflict with Christian theology. Unfortunately, this

    process of partial rejection and partial acceptance in an overall synthesis

    like that of Summa Theologica, the master work of probably the single greatest

    Catholic theologian, Thomas Aquinas (c. 1224-1274), did not occur in the

    Islamic world. Putting it in crude, exaggerated terms, Avicenna and Averroes

    seemed to think Aristotle could think no wrong, and al-Ghazzali and al-Ashari

    seemed to think Aristotle could think nothing right. A balance was necessary

    here, within the culture and individual intellectuals as a whole to have aself-sustaining science occur, using the insights of the ancient classics yet

    being willing to point out their errors, theological and scientific, something

    which occurred in Christendom but not the Islamic world, which is why modern

    science arose in the former and not the latter.

    In addition, and rather strangely considering the tenets of orthodox

    Islam definitely conflict with such concepts, the Muslim world had a wide

    acceptance of eternal cycles, astrology,51 and the organismic view of nature

    as reflected in the belief that the heavens were alive, or even divine. For

    instance, al-Kindi vehemently attacked alchemy, the crude, "magical"

    forerunner of chemistry, but promoted the ideas of eternal cycles along with

    ibn-Khaldun (1332-1406), the famous north African Islamic historian. Both

    tried to fit historical events into 20 and 240 year time cycles. Abu-Mashar,

    in his Book of the Revolution of Birth Years, said the Deluge would recur

    every 180,000 years.52  The Brethren of Purity's encyclopedia that summarized

    knowledge (Rasa'il) was saturated with astrology, the occult, and contained

    even the view that 3000 year time cycles corresponded with the rise and fall

    of civilizations as determined by the Zodiac. Avicenna did not see God as

    directly creating mankind (versus Gen. 2:7), but the latter was the emanation

    of a series of higher intelligences, each of which grew weaker, until the

    final, weakest one made humanity. Astrology ran surprisingly rampant, due to

    the influence of the Persians and Hindus the Muslims had conquered, as well as

    the Greek classics themselves. Even such a critic of eternal cycles as al-

     51

    Thomas F. Glick, "George Sarton and the Spanish Arabists," Isis, December1985, p. 497. Glick notes how astrology was considerably stronger in the

    Islamic world compared to Christian Europe. 52This view plainly conflicts against Genesis 8:21-22; 9:11-16 and God's

    promise to never flood the earth again, as symbolized by the rainbow. Here,

    perhaps, having the Bible itself, instead of the Quran (Koran), would have

    helped him avoid this error. 

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    Birundi still wrote a book espousing astrology.53  The end result of these

    concepts running amuck, despite they plainly conflicted with Islamic theology,

    helped to strangle science in the Muslim world. No equivalent of the 1277

    condemnation by Bishop of Paris Tempier against pagan Greek concepts (or other

    such condemnations or cultural acts of resistance) occurred in the Arab or

    Islamic world.

    HOW MUHAMMAD'S VIEW OF GOD'S WILL UNDERMINED ISLAMIC SCIENCE

    However, the Muslim failure in creating a self-sustaining science has a

    deeper root: Muhammad (c. 570-632), the founder and prophet of Islam, in the

    Quran emphasized God's will and power at the expense of His rationality. It

    is common for people to think of the God of the Bible as being just like the

    God of the Quran, especially the non-religious who think, "All religions are

    the same." However, this assumption can be seriously questioned once the

    texts and accompanying history of the Bible and Quran are compared. Drawing

    upon a list of comparisons made by Morey, some evident differences arise. The

    God of the Quran is not active directly in history in the same manner as

    Jehovah, since He did not enter history personally as Jesus via the

    Incarnation did, but used angels and prophets as messengers. He is totallyunlimited in his possible choices, but the Christian God is limited by His

    essence, as illustrated by Titus 1:2, which says He cannot lie. He is less

    knowable. Islam's condemned applying positive predications to God; humanity's

    knowledge of God consists really only of negative stated attributes such as,

    "He is not limited," or "God is not mortal." He is less personal. Allah is

    seen as so transcendent men cannot know Him personally or as personally.54 

    Consider the following sobering comment by Morey, when investigating the

    impact of the Quran's theology on science:

    6. Because the God of the Bible is limited by his own righteous

    nature and there are certain things He cannot do, he is completely

    consistent and trustworthy. But when we turn to study the actions

    of Allah in the Quran, we discover that he is totally capricious

    and untrustworthy. He is not bound by his nature or his word.55 

    Hence, when al-Ghazzali condemns the concept of the laws of nature as

    restricting God's freedom to act, he is perfectly in line with the Quran: It

    is not just his personal idiosyncratic interpretation of Islam's chief holy

    book. The consequences of such a view were well described by the great Jewish

    scholar, Maimonides (1135-1204). He saw the Mutakallium (orthodox Islamic

    theologians) as only willing at most to concede the laws of nature were like

    the customary riding habits of the caliph going through a city: subject to

    change at whim if desired. Maimonides put it thus: "[T]he thing which exists

    with certain constant and permanent forms, dimensions, and properties (in

    nature) only follows the direction of habit . . . on this foundation their

    53Jaki, Science and Creation, pp. 198-200, 206-7, 211. 

    54See the list of comparisons in Robert Morey, Islam Unveiled The True

    Desert Storm (Shermans Dale, PA: Scholars Press, 1991), pp. 57-60. 55Ibid., p. 58. 

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    whole fabric is constructed."56  Hence, the metaphysics of the Quran, by

    emphasizing God's arbitrary and changeable WILL, as opposed to His reason,

    helped to sink Islamic science through creating a weak view of the laws of

    nature and an orderly universe.

    THE CONFLICT BETWEEN CHRISTIAN THEOLOGY AND ANTI-SCIENTIFIC PAGAN IDEAS

    In the West, pagan beliefs in eternal cycles, the organismic view of

    nature, astrological speculation, the divinity/aliveness of the heavens and

    the illusionary nature of the external world ran into the hard rock of

    Christian theology. Hence, although the classical corpus (as elucidated by

    Muslims like Avicenna and Averroes who were not truly orthodox) strongly

    encouraged belief in such anti-scientific concepts in the West, there was

    always enough intrinsic cultural resistance in the Christian intellectual

    community as a whole to keep such pagan concepts from totally mesmerizing

    Christendom. Most likely, Christianity by itself, without the Greek classics

    (or Hindu-Arabic numerals) would not have created modern science. However,

    the dogmas of Christian theology allowed a certain intellectual community to

    strip the classics of antiquity of the disastrous influence of these anti-

    scientific concepts due to their conflict with their religious ideas, allowinga true modern science to eventually blossom. Of course, if Catholic

    Christians had not believed in concepts opposed to these pagan ones due to

    their theology, such a conflict would not have occurred and science would not

    have reached a modern, self-sustaining form in the West. Duhem, in his Le

    Systeme Du Monde, maintained that modern science was made possible by the

    Bishop of Paris Tempier's condemnation in 1277 of 219 propositions, which

    blasted these anti-scientific concepts of antiquity.57 

    True, Jaki and Duhem mistakenly overemphasize the contribution of

    Christian theology relative to the ancient Greek contribution to the rise of

    science. The mindset exemplified by the Elements of Euclid (living c. 300

    b.c.) in using general propositions in geometry as proofs and building upon

    them through demonstrations, and Aristotle's Prior Analytics, which stated the

    laws of logic, the idea of the syllogism, and how to analyze an argument's

    form for its soundness, was necessary for the rise of science.58  The Greek

    mind always had an authentic respect for reason even in the works of Plato (c.

    428-348 b.c.). He was an irrationalist, but still couched his beliefs in

    dialogs and arguments that purported to be a dialectical process of reaching

    the truth, and not as a mystical revelation. Nevertheless, an important

    56 As quoted in Jaki, Science and Creation, p. 214. 57 As Jaki notes, Science and Creation, pp. 230, 245. 58Galileo leaned heavily on Aristotle's Posterior Analytics not just during

    his earlier Scholastic stage, but throughout his life. Scholasticism was a

    philosophy thoroughly imbued with Aristotelian thought due to the influence ofThomas Aquinas attempting to reconcile Christian theology and the philosophy

    of Aristotle. See the works of W.A. Wallace and W.R. Shea cited in Jaki,

    Origin of Science, footnote 62, p. 143. This shows, incidently, how the

    rebirth of Platonism in the Renaissance may have hindered science instead of

    helping it, since Aristotle had manifestly a more rational and scientific

    worldview than Plato. 

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    contribution was made by Christian theology that is normally TOTALLY

    overlooked. Imagine--the dogmas of Catholicism promoted the rise of science!

    We must not let Galileo's fate at the hands of the Inquisition blind us to

    Christian theology's contribution in sweeping away the rubbish of these pagan

    beliefs from science, which kept science from becoming self-sustaining and

    modern. These beliefs, if accepted, turn the human mind inward, causing it to

    accept too blindly what occurs in the real external world, making itimpossible to develop the most basic science of moving bodies (physics).

    However, notice that the Christian contribution is not so much as creating a

    broad respect for rationality, or the discovery of the basic laws of logic

    used in scientific reasoning (as found in the Organon, Aristotle's body of

    logical works). Rather, Christian theology (by chance conflict, someone could

    argue) shot down the false, self-inhibiting ideas of pagan Greek science,

    absorbed much of its respect for reason from them, and then allowed science to

    blossom forth. However, since the God of the Bible operates in a much more

    rational manner than the stories of the pagan gods non-Christian cultures

    believed, Christianity helped promote rationality to a degree as well.

    (Doubters of this should carefully read Genesis 1-2, and then compare read the

    bloody battles among the gods involved in the creation of the world in the

    Babylonian myth Enuma elish, which is absurdly asserted to have influencedMoses/the writer(s) of Genesis). Christian theology removed the intrinsic

    stunting inhibitions of Greek science. It did not create science by itself

    mostly from scratch. However, neither could have the philosophy of the Greeks

    without the theology of Judeo-Christianity have created modern science by

    themselves either, for it took Christianity to remove various science-

    inhibiting false metaphysical concepts from the former's philosophy to have

    modern science born.

    CHRISTIAN THEOLOGY'S LINEAR TIME CONCEPT OF TIME VERSUS PAGAN ETERNAL CYCLES

    Because it would involve repeating exactly or almost exactly the events

    of the Bible's history, Christians fundamentally could never accept the idea

    of eternal cycles. To a Christian, the thought of his savior God dying

    horribly on a stake repeatedly again and again is too horrible to contemplate:

    ". . . because this He did once for all when He offered up Himself" (Heb.

    7:27). Hence, even when some Christians influenced by pagan thought accepted

    by idea of eternal cycles, who include the rather unorthodox Catholic church

    writer Origen (185?-254? A.D.)59 and even Thomas Aquinas,

    60 the concept was

    accepted in a highly mitigated, attenuated form that greatly lessened its ill

    effects.61  Origen and Thomas both still believed in an absolute starting

    point (creation), and ending point (judgment). They still believed free will

    existed, which mean the passivity and sense of hopelessness induced by the

    treadmill of meaningless alterations of catastrophes and golden ages in ages

    past and to come was largely removed. Some early Christian theologians, such

    as Jerome (c. 374-419 A.D., translator of the Latin Vulgate Bible) and

    59Ibid., pp. 169-171. 

    60Ibid., pp. 225-226. 

    61See A.G. Molland, "Medieval Ideas of Scientific Progress," Journal of the

    History of Ideas, October-December 1978, pp. 562-564. 

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    Hippoclytus, condemned eternal cycles totally.62   Augustine, the greatest of

    the Catholic Church s earlier writers (354-430 A.D.), was more equivocal, but

    was willing to forcefully condemn the more literal forms of eternal cycles,

    and still believed in creation and judgment. He denied reincarnation as well.

    This allowed him to maintain a basically linear concept of time with the two

    end points between God beginning everything and judging everyone.63  Bishop

    Tempier's condemnations in 1277 helped put a limit on the acceptance of suchanti-scientific doctrines through an attack on eternal cycles in proposition

    92, and against the eternal existence of the universe (a belief necessarily

    tied to the former) in propositions 83-91. These condemnations helped keep

    many philosophers/theologians in Christendom from totally capitulating to

     Aristotelian thought, as had happened with Islamic culture with Avicenna

     Averroes, and the mutazilites.64  Oresme (1323?-1382), a direct forerunner of

    Galileo in developing physics freed from Aristotelian conceptions, condemned

    belief in such cycles.65  Hence, the Christian belief in creation and judgment

    kept Christendom off "the treadmill of the Yugas" (Jaki's phrase), killing a

    sense of passivity caused by helpless hopelessness, by promoting a linear

    conception of time that made its precise quantification and cause-effect

    relations to be more easily conceived.

     Astrology, that prime example of an answer-giving a priori pseudo-

    science, ran into repeated condemnations by church writers and theologians in

    the West. Augustine, as noted above, blasted it in the Confessions.

    Hippolytus hit it hard in The Refutations of All Heresies.66  While the early

    medieval Church fought astrology very successfully, the increasing interest in

    science due to the recovery of the Greek classics, made interest in astrology

    surge as well.67  Correspondingly, a condemnation of astrology figured in

    proposition 105 of Tempier's list.68  Oresme told the king of France, his

    patron, in a booklet to ignore astrology.69  Isadore of Spain in the early

    medieval church attacked it also.70  Roger Bacon (c. 1220-1292), famous for

    his predictions of future human inventions, agreed with astrology to some

    degree, but still rejected its control over individuals' destinies as opposed

    62Jaki, Science and Creation, pp. 166-167, 175-176. 

    63Jaki, Science and Creation, pp. 178-184. See also Molland, "Medieval

    Ideas," p. 562. "Eternal cycles" are only "eternal" if they have no beginning

    (creation) and no end (judgment). If they are eternal, then they induce the

    existentialist feeling of hopelessness, of life being two spans between

    nothing, of nothing being important since all doesn't matter since everything

    will be destroyed, etc. 64Jaki, Ibid., p. 229. Also see Edward Grant, "The Condemnation of 1277,

    God's Absolute Power, and Physical Thought in the Late Middle Ages," Viator,

    Vol. 10, 1979. 65Jaki, Ibid., p. 237. 

    66

    Ibid., p. 166. 67Lynn White, Jr., "Science and the Sense of Self: The Medieval Backgroundof a Modern Confrontation," Daedalus, Spring 1978, p. 56. 

    68Jaki, Science and Creation, p. 229. 

    69Ibid., p. 237. 

    70Richard C. Dales, "The De-Animation of the Heavens in the Middle Ages,"

    Journal of the History of Ideas, October-December 1980, p. 534. 

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    to that of nations.71  Astrology did have some major influence in Christendom,

    but as even Bacon's case shows, there were limits to the acceptance of this

    pseudo-science that allowed science to eventually develop independently of it.

    CHRISTIAN THEOLOGY VERSUS THE DIVINITY OF THE HEAVENS

    The divinity of the heavens, normally closely allied to the organismicview of the natural world, was gradually eliminated by the medievals.

    72  The

    mesmerizing power of Aristotle (384-322 b.c.), who propounded such views in On

    the Heavens, was felt in Europe too, which was why this process took so long.

    Jerome denied the heavens were alive, but Augustine remained in an anguished

    uncertainty.73  Thomas entertained the notion, but only to a limited degree.

    74 

    Even Kepler, the discoverer of elliptical orbits of the planets, still

    believed intelligences controlled the movements of the heavens.75  However,

    due to an already developed concept of natural law there were natural limits

    on accepting this idea. "The overwhelming majority of European thinkers

    accepted the reality of the order of nature [unlike the Hindus], and most

    considered nature to be a self-sufficient creation of God, containing all the

    powers necessary for its operation without God's direct intervention [unlike

    al-Ghazzali's concept of occasionalism concerning the universe's naturallaws]."

    76  Of course, the Christian rejection of pantheism, which says the

    material world is God also, was instrumental in destroying the idea of the

    heavens being divine as well.

    The West began to develop the idea of the universe being rationally

    knowable since God made it:

    The cosmologists [of the twelfth century] felt certain that all of

    nature was fundamentally rational because the all-knowing God had

    made it so. . . . William of Conches writes that "the world is an

    ordered aggregation of created things". And Thierry of Chartes

    says: "The world would seem to have causes for its existence, and

    so to have come into existence in a predictable sequence of time.

    This existence and this order can be shown to be rational."77 

    71Jaki, Science and Creation, p. 227. More on Roger Bacon and astrology can

    be found in: David C. Lindberg, "On the Applicability of Mathematics to

    Nature: Roger Bacon and His Predecessors," British Journal for the History of

    Science, March 1982, pp. 22-24. 72Dales, "The De-Animation," p. 549-550. Ironically today, this view is

    coming back through New Age/environmentalist thinking. 73Ibid., p. 533. 

    74Jaki, Science and Creation, pp. 225-226. 

    75Dales, "The De-Animation," p. 550. 

    76

    Ibid., p. 547. 77Tina Stiefel, "Science, Reason and Faith in the Twelfth Century: TheCosmologist' Attack on Tradition," Journal of European Studies, March 1976, p.

    4. Also see her article on a highly similar subject: "The Heresy of Science:

     A Twelfth-Century Conceptual Revolution," Isis, September 1977, pp. 346-362.

    In a useful corrective to Jaki, she points out the resistance faced by these

    innovators from other theologians or philosophers. Also along the same lines

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    The clock maker metaphor for the universe by used by Oresme.78  Bacon felt all

    branches of learning had basic unity, interdependence, and interconnectedness

    since only one God made them all.79  With the approval Thomas gave to reason

    in Summa Theologica, science could go forward as secure in the existence of

    natural law, which was a concept al-Ghazzali and al-Ashari denied to Islam by

    emphasizing God's will and power too much relative to His reason.

    THE IMPORTANCE OF BURIDAN AND ORESME IN BUILDING THE FOUNDATIONS GALILEO USED

    The first key steps in totally discarding Aristotle's physics were done

    by Buridan and Oresme. For Galileo and Leonardo da Vinci had leaned upon them

    indirectly for many of their seemingly totally new ideas in physics or in

    other fields.80  Ancient Greece had developed a science of geometry that could

    be called "modern," but this concerns mental entities, not material objects.

    Its physics remained hopelessly backward by comparison due to pagan ideas

    about eternal cycles, the irrationality of the universe, and the divinity of

    the heavens. The second century astromer Ptolemy, whose work the Almagest

    espoused an earth-centered solar system, as well as Plato, believed the

    heavens were divine, which prevented belief that the laws of motion on earthapplied to the stars and planets, and in developing correct conceptions of

    these laws to begin with. By contrast, the medieval Christian Catholic

    Buridan, in a crucial passage, anticipated the idea of inertia (the idea an

    object once in motion continues to move in the same direction until it

    encounters resistance) through his discussion of impetus. Notice the

    reference to God not directly making the laws of nature operate:

     Also, since the Bible does not state that appropriate

    intelligences move the celestial bodies, it could be said that it

    does not appear necessary to posit intelligences of this kind,

    because it would be answered that God, when He created the world,

    moved each of the celestial orbs as He pleased, and in moving them

    He impressed in them impetuses which moved them without His having

    to move them any more except by the method of general influence

    whereby He concurs as a co-agent in all things which take place;

    'for thus on the seventh day He rested for all work . . .' [Gen.

    2:2] And these impetuses which He impressed in the celestial

    bodies were not decreased nor corrupted afterwards, because there

    was not inclination of the celestial bodies for movements.81 

    of a corrective, although it is rather speculative, is: Manfred Gordon, "A

    Strategy For Medieval Science," Diogenes, Winter 1981, pp. 70-93. These

    innovators did face serious opposition, even persecution, which should not be

    ignored. 78

    Jaki, Science and Creation, p. 240. Jaki notes that Oresme did notdispense with the notion the heavens had intelligences, but this metaphor

    certainly leads in this direction. 79Ibid., p. 226. 

    80H. Butterfield, The Origins of Modern Science 1300-1800 (London: G. Bell

    and Sons Ltd., 1949), pp. 8-9. 81Jaki, Savior of Science, p. 53. 

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     Also note this additional statement as a nascent form of the idea of inertia:

    But because of the resistance which results from the weight of the

    [waterwheel of the] mill, the impetus would continually diminish

    until the mill ceased to turn. And perhaps, if the mill should

    last forever without any diminution or change, and there were noother resistance to corrupt the impetus, the mill would move

    forever because of its perpetual impetus.82 

    While these passages are only halting steps on a long road to repealing

     Aristotle's physics, they do show a move to break out of his conceptions of

    how moving bodies move. These men show that the Church never uncritically

    accepted the Greek classics as many in the Islamic world had done earlier.

    True, it tied itself and lent its authority to the Greek classics excessively,

    which set the stage for its eventual disaster resulting from it using force

    that made Galileo recant his belief that the earth moved. With the later

    discoveries of Galileo, Hooke, Kepler, Torricelli, Boyle, Newton, and others,

    Europe's science took a vast qualitative leap, but we should not overlook its

    origins and these men's predecessors in the Middle Ages.

    THE MERTON THESIS STATED

    Now Merton's thesis does not claim as much for Christianity as the

    Duhem-Jaki thesis does, for the former merely sees seventeenth century Puritan

    ethical values as being conducive to engaging in scientific endeavors. One

    partial critic of Merton's thesis pointed out how some values of Puritanism

    opposed science even as some promoted it:

    If seventeenth-century science grew in harmony with Puritan values

    of utility, reason, empiricism, and the glory of God, it also grew

    by distancing its activities and goal from other values or

    sentiments displayed by Puritanism: intolerance, dogmatism,

    enthusiasm.83 

     Also, since Merton is a sociologist, he is approaching science through its

    relationship to the rest of society, which is an externalist approach, instead

    of looking at science from inside its own history.

    Merton lists various values that helped promote science among Puritan

    82Dales, "The De-Animation," p. 547. However, note that Dales says that

    Buridan still was largely Aristotelian in outlook. A similar point in made by

     A.C. Crombie in Augustine to Galileo, vol. 2, Science in the Later Middle Agesand Early Modern Times XIII-XVII Centuries (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University

    Press, 1961), pp. 66-73. Hence, Buridan was making only the first steps

    towards a correct physics that broke away from Aristotle's mistakes, it must

    be stressed. 83Thomas F. Gieryn, "Distancing Science from Religion in Seventeenth-Century

    England," Isis, December 1988, p. 590. 

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    Englishmen in the seventeenth century.84  One is to glorify God and serve Him

    through doing activities of utility to the community as a whole, as opposed to

    the contemplative, monastic ideal of withdrawal from the community. Through

    "the drive for the conviction of one's election, . . . the Calvinistic

    doctrine of predestination escapes any drift toward an apathetic pessimism."85 

    Through emphasizing a vocation (again, something useful to the community as a

    whole) this created diligence, industry, and hard work in Puritans. As theQuaker leader Baxter put it: "No: no man should do so without a special

    necessity or call: for there are general precepts on all that are able, that

    we live to the benefit of others, and prefer the common good, and as we have

    opportunity do good to all men."86  The result is the individual chooses the

    vocation that is best suited for his abilities. Reason and education were

    both praised, the latter needing to be practical in nature, not highly

    literary in content, and definitely not consisting in the philosophy of

    scholasticism, with which the Catholic "Angelic Doctor" Thomas Aquinas is

    identified.

    VARIOUS ENGLISH PURITAN SCIENTISTS

    The religious values and beliefs of many English scientists of thisperiod are easily documented. For instance, Charles Boyle (1627-1691), the

    deviser of the namesake law concerning the compression of gases, the English

    chemist and physicist wrote in his last will and testament: "Wish [the Royal

    Society, a group of scientists] a happy success in their laudable Attempts, to

    discover the Nature of the Works of God, and prayer that they and all other

    Searchers into Physical Truths, may Cordially refer their Attainments to the

    Glory of the Great Author of Nature, and to the Comfort of Mankind."87  John

    Ray (1627-1705), the great biologist, told a friend that sparing time to

    investigate nature was good: "What time you have to spare you will do well to

    spend, as you are doing, in the inquisition and contemplation of the works of

    God and nature."88  Although not a Puritan himself, Francis Bacon (1561-1626),

    who some have thought wrote Shakespeare's plays, had a Puritan mother who (as

    mothers tend to do!) influenced him. His emphasis on the utility of

    scientific discoveries, as opposed to gaining knowledge for its own sake,

    which was Aristotle's tendency, has a Puritan ring to it. Forty-two of the 68

    founding members of the Royal Society (starting through meetings in 1645

    unofficially) for which their religious background was known were Puritans.

    Such a high proportion is very much out of whack compared to their proportion

    in the total English population, which was mainly Anglican. Sir Robert Moray,

    Sir William Petty, Robert Boyle, John Wilkins, John Wallis, and Jonathan

    Goddard were all prominent leaders of the Royal Society--and all Puritans.89 

    Furthermore, the scientific method needs both an empiricist and

    84Merton, "Science," pp. 420-459 for general statements in this section. 

    85Ibid., p. 423. 

    86Ibid., p. 423. 

    87Gieryn, "Distancing Science," p. 590. 

    88Merton, "Science," p. 445. 

    89Ibid., pp. 471-473. 

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    rationalist90 approach to nature to work properly, something which Jaki comes

    back to again and again. Curiously, Puritanism provided both by having the

    rationalism of Augustine's type of Neo-Platonism, yet needing empiricism in

    order to serve one's calling (vocation/occupation) and be useful to the

    community as a whole.91  The irony to this is that the man who sparked the

    Reformation, Martin Luther (1483-1546) had anti-rationalistic tendencies,92 

    and attacked the Copernican view of the universe. John Calvin (1509-1564),whose Institutes of the Christian Religion systematically set the doctrinal

    agenda of many Protestants, including the Puritans, was not enthusiastic over

    many of the scientific discoveries of his day.93  What this shows is the

    unintended consequences of the new religious values of Protestantism.94 

    Interestingly, even as the Counter-Reformation was damaging Catholic science

    (the Inquisition's effort against Galileo, for instance), Protestant science

    was taking off, helping to make up for the slack.95  Although we have only

    briefly surveyed the Merton thesis, partly because it overlaps the Duhem-Jaki

    thesis in pointing to religion as positively influencing science, although by

    a rather different means. However, it helps to show when pious Puritan

    scientists discussed thinking God's thoughts after Him and trying to know

    God's attributes better through studying His creation (compare Romans 1:20),

    they were not saying this as a rationalization to justify their activities,but really meant it.

    WHEN CHRISTIANITY GETS BLAMED FOR SCIENCE: THE ENVIRONMENTALIST CRITIQUE

     A supreme irony is that many environmentalists publicly concede the

    Christian origins of science, but in a spirit of condemnation, since various

    ecological disasters get blamed on the Bible's injunctions to multiply and

    subdue the earth.96  The reversion to ideas rejected by our medieval

    ancestors--in the "New" Age movement--involves reviving the ideas of eastern

    mysticism as found in Hinduism and Buddhism, and dressing them in some western

    garb. Of course, the Unity School of Christianity, "New Thought," and

    Christian Science have been at this for decades going into the last century.

    The religious outlook of Transcedentalist Ralph Waldo Emerson (1803-1882),

     American poet and essayist, was unquestionably pantheistic. Similarly, the

    United Nations' Environmental Programme's Global Biodiversity Assessment, some

    1,140 pages long, explicitly condemns the Western (read Christian) worldview

    as being "characterized by the denial of sacred attributes in nature, a

    characteristic that has its roots in Greek philosophy [a basically false

    90Empiricism maintains knowledge is mostly gained by the senses, while

    rationalism maintains knowledge is mostly gained by thinking, reasoning, and

    logic. 91Ibid., p. 452. 

    92R.C. Sproul, John Gerstner, and Arthur Lindsley, Classical Apologetics A

    Rational Defense of the Christian Faith and a Critique of Presuppositional Apologetics (Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan, 1984), pp. 196-198. This work

    attempts to minimize Luther as being an irrationalist, it should be noted. 93Ibid., p. 452. 

    94Ibid., p. 459. 

    95Theodore Rabb, "Religion and the Rise of Modern Science," p. 126. 

    96Jaki, Origin of Science, p. 107; note his footnotes in particular. 

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    statement, as shown above--they weren't familiar with Aristotle's On the

    Heavens evidently], and became firmly established about 2,000 years ago with

    the Judaeo-Christian-Islamic religious traditions." Further, they condemn the

    abandonment of the organismic view of nature thus:

    This perspective, especially as elaborated in the Judaeo-Christian

    tradition, set humans not as part of a wider community of beings,but apart. . . . Societies dominated by Islam, and especially by

    Christianity, have gone the farthest in setting humans apart from

    nature and in embracing a value system that has converted the

    world into a warehouse of commodities for human enjoyment.

    They go on to condemn pagan cultures which converted to Christianity that

    "began to cut down the sacred groves [compare the KJV's translation for

    Canaanite Asherah poles!], to bring the land under cultivation"!97 

    Considering such attacks on Christianity for helping cause a rationalistic,

    scientific worldview that led to environmental destruction, it's then absurd

    to complain about Christianity or the Bible as the roadblock to science

    getting started in the late Middle Ages,98 or to make broad general statements

    about the necessary warfare of science and religion the next time evolutionget attacked by various fundamentalists. As Jaki put it:

    The argument would make some sense if it were accompanied by the

    recognition that the medieval state of mind nurtured by the Gospel

    has indeed been responsible for the rise of science.

    Responsibility for the effect, the misuses of science, implies

    responsibility for the cause. But the latter responsibility,

    which in this age of science appears to be the most coveted

    credit, the credit for the rise of science, is not attributed to

    Christianity when its mentality is blamed, for instance, by the

    noted historian of technology, L. White, for the ecological misuse

    of science.99 

    Hence, if you're an environmentalist or New Ager who blames Christian

    worldview for creating the science and technology that is supposedly ravaging

    the earth100, it's time to start admitting the facts of history showing how it

    97 As quoted are found in The New American, April 29, 1996, p. 7. 98The philosopher of science Sir Karl Popper once said: "Science was

    invented once. It was suppressed by Christianity, and it was only reinvented

    or, rather, recovered with the rebirth of Platonism in the Renaissance," as

    quoted in Jaki, Origin of Science, p. 152. This view also slights the

    importance of Aristotle's Organon, such as in the Prior Analytics, which

    provided humanity with the basic laws of logic. 99

    Jaki, Origin of Science, p. 107. 100The standard environmentalist scare stories are largely either false orexaggerated, especially concerning conditions in America itself, wherein the

    environment today overall is unquestionably better than it was in 1950. The

    newspapers columns of the late Warren Brookes were good on this point. Also,

    see Dixy Lee Ray with Lou Guzzo, Trashing the Planet (New York: Harper

    Collins, 1990) and Edith Efron, The Apocalytics (New York: Simon and

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    helped to cause modern science to exist. It's time to stop repeating bromides

    about the warfare of science and religion that could have come from the 1925

    Scopes "monkey trial" where the agnostic lawyer for the defense Clarence

    Darrow embarrassed William Jennings Bryan, thrice-time presidential candidate

    loser for the Democratic party, who was assisting the prosecution.

    Briefly above the Duhem-Jaki and Merton theses were surveyed, which showhow Christianity led to the rise of modern, self-sustaining science in Europe

    by stripping pagan Greek thought of false metaphysical ideas that hindered

    science, or had values conducive to scientific endeavor practically.

    Generally the militant secular view that sways most western intellectuals has

    allowed the raw facts of the Christian role in the rise of science to be

    covered up, often causing intellectuals to leap some two millenia from ancient

    Greece to Galileo in their reco