investment, savings and growth - international experience relevant to some current economic issues...

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Investment, Savings and Growth - International Experience Relevant to Some Current Economic Issues Facing China By John Ross The following study on the international relation of investment, savings and economic growth is based on a paper produced by the author for Antai College of Economics and Management, Jiao Tong University Shanghai. It originally appeared on the blog China in the International Financial Crisis . * * * Introduction This is the first of two papers devoted to the evidence on the relation between investment, savings and growth with particular regard to present economic issue s facing China in relation to the internatio nal financial crisis . The two papers, although inte r related, are produced separately for the following reasons. The first paper is an historical and comparative examination of the factual relation between investment rates and economic growth rates. The economic evidence it produces is clear. A very high rate of investment is required for rapid economic growth of the 8% a year level China requires. It is a high level of investment, not a high level of consumption, which is indispensable for rapid economic growth rates there are no examples of countries wit h low rates of investment and very high economic growth. Those who argue that China, to maintain its level of economic growth, must increase its consumption level and reduce its rate of investment must produce evidenc e to justify that claim and will be unable to do so. However, from an underlying strategic economic issue such as the above, it is not possible in a one to one mechanical way to derive immediate policy conclusions something the present author is acutely aware of from both theoretical consi deration s and practical experience. In order to judge a specific immediate policy it is necessary to have not only an overall framework but also detailed knowledge of concrete economic circumstances. The issues dealt with here affect economic strategy and other concrete factors must be taken into account in framing short term economic policy responses. Investment and savings In relation to the international financial crisis significant discussion has taken place regarding the US and Chinas savings rate. H owever, from the point of view of Chinas economic growth rate, the issue with the most direct effect is Chinas rate of investment. The savings rates effect on growth is indirect. This distinction may be e asily illustrated by noting that while savings are necessarily required to finance investment it is both theoretically and practically possible, for example, for a country to have a high savings rate but to have r elatively low or moderate investment and economic growth rates S audi Arabia and Li bya ar e examples. In suc h cases a high

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Page 1: Investment, Savings and Growth - International Experience Relevant to Some Current Economic Issues Facing China

8/9/2019 Investment, Savings and Growth - International Experience Relevant to Some Current Economic Issues Facing China

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Investment, Savings and Growth - International Experience Relevant to Some

Current Economic Issues Facing China

By John Ross

The following study on the international relation of investment, savings and economic

growth is based on a paper produced by the author for Antai College of Economics and

Management, Jiao Tong University Shanghai. It originally appeared on the blog China in the

International Financial Crisis.

* * *

Introduction 

This is the first of two papers devoted to the evidence on the relation between investment,

savings and growth with particular regard to present economic issues facing China in

relation to the international financial crisis. The two papers, although inter related, are

produced separately for the following reasons.

The first paper is an historical and comparative examination of the factual relation between

investment rates and economic growth rates. The economic evidence it produces is clear. A

very high rate of investment is required for rapid economic growth of the 8% a year level

China requires. It is a high level of investment, not a high level of consumption, which is

indispensable for rapid economic growth rates there are no examples of countries wit h

low rates of investment and very high economic growth. Those who argue that China, to

maintain its level of economic growth, must increase its consumption level and reduce its

rate of investment must produce evidence to justify that claim and will be unable to do so.

However, from an underlying strategic economic issue such as the above, it is not possible in

a one to one mechanical way to derive immediate policy conclusions something the

present author is acutely aware of from both theoretical consi derations and practical

experience. In order to judge a specific immediate policy it is necessary to have not only an

overall framework but also detailed knowledge of concrete economic circumstances. The

issues dealt with here affect economic strategy and other concrete factors must be taken

into account in framing short term economic policy responses.

Investment and savings 

In relation to the international financial crisis significant discussion has taken place

regarding the US and Chinas savings rate. H owever, from the point of view of Chinaseconomic growth rate, the issue with the most direct effect is Chinas rate of investment.

The savings rates effect on growth is indirect.

This distinction may be easily illustrated by noting that while savings are necessarily

required to finance investment it is both theoretically and practically possible, for example,

for a country to have a high savings rate but to have relatively low or moderate investment

and economic growth rates Saudi Arabia and Libya are examples. In such cases a high

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savings rate is not used to maintain a high rate of domestic investment, with an associated

high rate of economic growth, but instead foreign assets or exchange reserves are

accumulated.

It is therefore investment which directly affects the rate of national economic growth. For

that reason, regarding the potential for strategic economic growth, analysis should

commence with the investment rate.

Confusion of domestic demand and domestic consumption  

This strategic issue relates to a further, more immediate, economic question. In sections of 

the media stimulation of domestic demand is sometimes treated as though it were the

same issue as the stimulation of domestic consumption. This is self -evidently theoretically

false. Domestic demand consists of two components, investment and consumption.

Stimulation of domestic investment is just as much stimulation of domestic demand as is

stimulation of domestic consumption.

The consequences of different allocations of GDP resources to investment and consumptionare, however, extremely different from the point of view of Chinas economic growth. As

will be seen in detail below a very high level of fixed investment in GDP is a precondition for

a high economic growth rate in any country - including China. Lowering the proportion of 

Chinas investment in GDP, that is raising the proportion of consumption in GDP, will lead to

a much slower rate of growth of Chinas GDP. From this more immediate angle also the first

key macro-economic issue that should be examined is the investment rate.

This paper, therefore, examines the relation of the rate of investment and the rate of 

economic growth both from a fundamental historical perspective and from the point of view

of the recent international experience of high growth rate economies.

The tendency of the proportion of the economy devoted to fixed investment to rise  

Considering first the investment rate from a long term historical perspective, one of the

most factually well established historical trends of economics is that the proportion of the

economy devoted to fixed investment historically rises with time - and that this rise is

correlated with increasingly rapid rates of economic growth.

This process can be clearly measured over a three hundred year period, and can also be

seen to operate dramatically in the period since World War II. All major economies that

have grown rapidly have a high level of fixed investment. There are no examples of major

economies which have grown rapidly with a low rate of investment.

These facts have evident conclusions for the discussion of the model of economic growth

and for Chinas investment level.

After considering this from the point of view of a long timescale, setting out the factual data,

it will be examined from the point of view of the experience of high growth economies since

World War II.

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The historical trend of the proportion of investment in GDP  

Figure 1 shows the percentage of fixed investment (gross fixed capital formation) in GDP for

a series of major countries over the longest periods of time for which data is available. [1]

Figure 1 

The pattern is evidently clear and striking. By far the strongest trend is for the proportion of 

GDP devoted to fixed investment (gross domestic fixed capital formation) to rise with time.

This in turn, as will be shown, is associated with progressively ri sing rates of economic

growth.

The historical correlation of increasing proportions of GDP devoted to investment with rising

rates of GDP growth

Considering this historical trend in more detail, and analysing countries in the chronological

order in which a new peak in the proportion of GDP devoted to gross fixed domestic capital

formation appeared, the following is the historical pattern.

- Commencing with the period immediately antedating the industrial revolution, the

proportion of GDP devoted to fixed investment in England and Wales, at the end of the 17th

century, was 5-7 per cent. [2] This rose slightly, although current estimates are that it did

not rise greatly, during the 19th century - peaking at over ten percent of UK GDP prior to

World War I.

This level of investment was sufficient to launch the first industrialisation of any country but

at a rate of growth which, while unprecedented at the time, was extremely slow by

contemporary international standards - about two per cent a year.

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- Turning to the latter part of the 19th century, the proportion of US GDP devoted to fixed

investment had risen to considerably exceed that for the UK reaching a level of 18-20 per

cent of GDP by the last decades of the century.

A sharp fall in the proportion of the US economy devoted to fixed investment commenced

in the late 19th century, and was particularly pronounced during the period between World

War I and World War II being associated with the great depression of the inter-war period.

After World War II the US resumed its pattern of 18-20 per cent of GDP being devoted to

gross fixed capital formation. This generated an average growth rate of 3.5 per cent a year.

With such a growth rate an economy doubles in size every 20 years and quadruples in size

every 40 years. It was on the basis of this historical level of investment, and growth rate,

that the US overtook Britain to become the worlds greatest economic power.

- In the period following World War II Germany achieved a level of fixed investment

exceeding 25 per cent of GDP peaking at 26.6 per cent in 1964. This period 1951 -64 was

that of the post-war German economic miracle with average growth of 6.8 per cent a year

- with such a growth rate an economy doubles in size every 11 years and quadruples i n 22

years.

- Starting at the beginning of the 1960s Japan achieved a level of gross domestic fixed capital

formation of more than 30 per cent of GDP. This reached a peak in the early 1970s, at 35 per

cent of GDP, before later sharply falling. During the period of a high and rising rate of 

investment in GDP the average annual rate of growth of the Japanese economy was 8.6 per

cent.

- From the 1970s onwards, South Korea similarly achieved a level of fixed investment of 30

per cent of GDP. During the 1980s this rose above 35 per cent of GDP. The other East Asian

Tiger economies Singapore, Hong Kong and Taiwan showed a similar pattern. South

Koreas economy confirmed the relation between fixed investment and economic growthillustrated by Japan by growing in this period by an average 8.3 per cent a year.

Such growth rates in Asia showed that something unprecedented in human history was now

possible that it was possible to industrialise an economy, and achieve a first world level

of development, in a single generation.

- From the early 1990s onwards China achieved sustained rates of fixed investment of 35

per cent of GDP with, from the beginning of the 21st century, this rising to more than 40 per

cent of GDP a level never before witnessed in human history. The result was average 9.8

per cent a year economic growth over a sustained period also the most rapid sustained

economic growth ever seen in human history.

- To complete the chronological picture, the proportion of GDP devoted to fixed invest ment

for two countries recently undergoing rapid economic growth, India and Vietnam, is shown.

The proportion of Indian GDP devoted to fixed investment has not reached the Chinese level

but has become high reaching 33.7% of GDP in 2007 and 37.6% of GDP b y the second

quarter of 2008. On this basis, in the last five years, India has achieved an average growth

rate of 8.8 per cent a year.

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In Vietnam the proportion of GDP devoted to fixed investment rose from 13 per cent in

1990 to 25 per cent in 1995 and th en to 37 per cent in 2007. Economic growth has

accelerated rapidly, rising to an average of 7.9 per cent a year in the five years up to 2007.

Considering these trends, such a high level of investment is a necessary condition for rapid

economic growth. No substantial country without comparable high levels of fixed

investment has achieved such rapid rates of growth on a sustained basis. But while such a

high level of investment is a necessary condition for rapid economic growth it is not a

sufficient condition. Other elements which must accompany a very high rate of investment

in GDP to produce rapid economic growth are considered below.

Recent experience of countries with high rates of economic growth  

Turning to analysing post-World War II examples of sustained high economic growth, only

21 countries have achieved 8% growth a year sustained over a 20 year period since World

War II. Leaving aside two extremely small states, Botswana (population 1.6 million) and

Swaziland (population 1.1 million), which have economies dominated by individual projects,

these countries that have undergone at least an 8% growth rate over a twenty year period

fall into only two categories.

The first are eight Asian economies which have experienced prolonged periods of rapid

growth - China, Japan, Singapore, South Korea, North Korea, Taiwan, Thailand, and Hong

Kong. These form the primary focus of this study as their economies are not dominated by

direct and indirect effects of the single commodity oil.

The second group are oil producers, or states adjacent to oil producers, in which rapid

economic growth has been due to the direct and indirect effects of producing this

commodity.[3] Growth rates based on oil are evidently not available to countries that do not

have oil reserves and therefore do not form a generalisable model of development or arenot immediately adjacent to countries which are large oil producers for this reason the

growth pattern of economies dominated by oil production are not considered in detail here.

Investment levels in the high growth Asian economies 

To illustrate the decisive role played by high investment rates in sustaining high growth

rates the percentage of Gross Fixed Capital Formation (fixed investment) in GDP for six of 

the eight high growth Asian economies is shown in Figure 2 - comparable IMF data for North

Korea and Taiwan is not available. India has been added to this comparison due to the size

of its economy and its recent rapid growth.

The evident feature of these economies countries is that all have had, during their periods

of rapid growth, very high percentages of Gross Domestic Fixed Capital Formation in GDP.

Taking the peak years for each country, Gross Domestic Fixed Capital Format ion reached

35.6% of GDP in Hong Kong, 36.4% of GDP in Japan, 39.1% of GDP in South Korea, 41.6% of 

GDP in Thailand, 42.7% of GDP in China and 47.4% of GDP in Singapore.

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Figure 2 

It may be seen that no cases at all of rapid sustained economic growth without such a high

rate of investment are to be found in such high growth economies. It is therefore evident

that the economic evidence demonstrates that a high percentage of gross domestic fixed

capital formation is a precondition for rapid economic growth. It is a high proportion of 

investment in GDP, not a high proportion of consumption, that forms the precondition for

rapid economic growth.

Furthermore detailed examination makes clear that in those countries in which investment

declined as a proportion of GDP Japan, Hong Kong, South Korea and Singapore this led toa marked decline in economic growth. On the contrary in those economies in which

investment rose as a percentage of GDP, China and India, economic growth accelerated. The

correlation between a high rate of growth and a high rate of investment is therefore evident.

In the data below the annual rate of growth is stated as the average over a five year period -

in order to smooth out pu rely short term fluctuations in business cycles.

Japan 

Measured in PPP terms Japan is Asias second largest economy. Japans rate of Gross

Domestic Fixed Capital Formation peaked at 36.4% of GDP in 1973 but then fell to 23.3% of 

GDP by 2007.

Over the same period of time Japans annual rate of GDP declined from the 8.4% per cent

rate in 1973 to only 2.1% (see Figures 3 and 4).

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Figure 3 

Figure 4 

South Korea 

South Korea is the Asias 4th largest economy - after China, Japan and India. South Koreas

level of Gross Domestic Fixed Capital Formation in GDP peaked at 39.1% in 1991, although

the 1996 level of 37.5% was only marginally lower.

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Thereafter South Koreas level of Gross Fixed Capital Formation declined sharply to 28.8% of 

GDP in 2007. South K oreas annual rate of GDP growth fell in parallel from 9.4% in 1991, and

7.3% in 1996, to 4.4% in 2007 (see Figures 5 and 6).

Figure 5 

Figure 6

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Thailand 

Thailands percentage of Gross Domestic Fixed Capital Formation peaked at 41.6% of GDP in

1990 and 41.1% of GDP in 1995. It then fell to 26.8% of GDP in 2007.

Thailands annual rate of GDP growth over the same period fell from 10.9% in 1991, and 8.6%

in 1995, to 5.6% in 2007 (see Figures 7 and 8).

Figure 7

Figure 8 

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Singapore 

Singapore saw one of the most sustained high levels of investment in GDP in any country in

world history with more than 30% of GDP devoted to fixed investment for 30 years from

1970-2000. Singapores Gross Domestic Fixed Capital Formation peaked at 47.4% of GDP in

1984, remained at 38.7% of GDP in 1997 and fell to 24.9% of GDP in 2007.

Singapores annual rate of GDP growth over the same period fell from 8.5% a year in 1984,

and 9.7% a year in 1997, to 7.1% a year in 2007 (see Figures 9 and 10).

Figure 9 

Figure 10

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Hong Kong 

The percentage of Hong Kongs GDP devoted to Gross Domestic Fixed Capital Formation,

amid significant fluctuations, fell from 35.6% in 1964 to 35.6% and to 20.3% in 2007.

Hong Kongs annual average growth rate fell from 10.5% in 1964 to 6.4% in 2007 (see

Figures 11 and 12).

Figure 11 

Figure 12

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China and India 

India and China show a clear contrast to Japan, South Korea, Singapore and Hong Kong.

Whereas in Japan, South Korea, Singapore and Hong Kong there was a decline in the

proportion of the economy devoted to investment and a decline in the rate of economic

growth, both India and China India have systematically increased the share of investment in

their GDP and have seen an acceleration of their growth rates. Because this pattern in India

and China is so strikingly different to Japan, South Korea, Singapore and Hong Kong it is

worth looking at in some detail.

Indias Gross Domestic fixed Capital Formation increased from 17.9% of GDP in 1977 to 22.7%

of GDP in 2000 and to 33.9% of GDP in 2007. By the third quarter of 2008, before the onset

of the international financial crisis, Indias Gross Domestic Capital For mation reached 37.6%

of GDP. Over the same period Indias annual GDP growth rate accelerated from 4.5% in

1977 to 6.0% in 2000 and to 8.8% in 2007.

Unlike those who advocate a reduction in investment and savings rates, Manmohan Singh,who is not only Indi a Prime Minister but an excellently trained economist, has constantly

stressed the need to raise Indias savings and investment rates and has made this a

foundation of his economic policy with considerable success, as has been seen, in terms of 

sustaining high growth rates.

Manmohan Singh considered Chinas high savings and investment rates as the foundation of 

superior economic performance. For example in 2003 when asked, is it legitimate to

compare India and Chinese economies?, he replied: There is nothing wrong in the

comparison. It is good to try and achieve the growth rate of China. But we must remember

that the Chinese savings rate is 42 per cent of the Gross Domestic Produ ct, whereas savings

in India is hovering at 24 per cent.

Before he became Prime Minister in May 2004 Singh set out clearly the investment rate

without which Indias target growth rate could not be achieved: at a Delhi seminar, Dr

Manmohan Singh spoke out regarding the targeted eight per cent growth rate in the Tenth

Plan... he opined that an eight per cent growth rate would require a 30 per cent ratio of 

savings to income and a substantial rise in the tax-GDP ratio.

Therefore in 2006, after assuming office, Prime Minister Singh noted with satisfaction the

increase in Indias savings rate and set the goal of increasing it further together with a

concomitant rise in the the investment rate: Our statisticians now tell me that our savings

rate has shot up in the last couple of years to about 27 to 28 percent of our GDP we are acountry where the proportion of young people to total population is increasing. All

demographers tell me that if we can find productive jobs for this young labour force, that

itself should bring about a significant increase in India's savings rate in the next f ive to ten

years. If our savings rate goes up, let us say, in the next ten years, by 5 percent of GDP, we

would have generated the resources for investment in the management of this new urban

infrastructure that we need in order to make a success of our at tempt at modernization and

growth.

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By 2007 Prime Minister Singh therefore welcomed the further increase in Indias savings and

investment rates. According to Indias pr emier financial paper, the Economic Times: The

investment and saving rate is as high as 35 percent of national economic output, Singh said

at a meeting of his Congress party in this southern Indian city, the hub of a 50 -billion-dollar

IT industry at the vanguard of the country's economic resurgence.

Similarly, Indias finance minister, P Chidambaram , called in February 2007 for a further

increase in Indias savings and investment rates: Indias savings and investment rate as

percentage of GDP have gone up by 2 per cent each. But to sustain the revised growth rate

of 9 per cent in the 11th Plan, he [ P Chidambaram] said: Both savings and investment as

proportion of GDP must be raised further.

By February 2008 Prime Minister Singh noted the continued advance of the savings rate and

the new high reached in Indias investment rate: Highlighting the strong fundamentals of 

the economy, Dr. Singh said that the savings rate in the country has touched almost 35 per

cent of Gross Domestic Product (GDP) and the investment rate is at an all time peak of over

36 per cent of the GDP.

The orientation of India to very high savings and investment rates, and the relation of this to

rapid economic growth, is therefore clear (see Figures 13 and 14)

Considering China its fixed investment increased from 27.8% of GDP in 197 8 to 34.3% of 

GDP in 2000 and to 42.7 % of GDP in 2007 42.7%. In the same period Chinas rate of GDP

growth accelerated from 4.9% in 1978 to 8.6% in 2000 and to 10.8% in 2007.

Figure 13

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Figure 14 

Conclusion 

The conclusion from economic evidence is therefore clear.

A high percentage of fixed investment in GDP is an indispensible precondition for a rapid

rate of growth there are no examples of countries with rapid rates of GDP growth and low

proportions of t he GDP devoted to fixed investment. It is a high level of investment in GDP,

not a high rate of consumption, that is necessary for rapid GDP growth.

In those countries in which the rate of investment in GDP fell Japan, South Korea, Singpore

and Hong Kong the rate of economic growth also fell substantially. In those countries

India and China in which the percentage of GDP devoted to investment rose the rate of 

economic growth also increased.

In short all evidence establishes clearly that it is the high rate of investment which is decisive

for rapid GDP growth.

This overwhelming factual evidence, of course, supports what is evident from a theoretical

point of view. Consumption, by definition, does not add to productivity potential or

production capacity and therefore increasing the rate of consumption does not raise GDP

growth. If China lowers its proportion of the economy devoted to investment its economic

growth rate will also fall - as is confirmed by the international experience noted above.

* * *

This article was published in English on the blog Key Trends in Globalisation on 08 May 2009. 

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The paper draws on earlier material which appeared in ' Why Asia will continue to grow

more rapidly than the US and Europe - a historical perspective '.

[1] The figure for England for 1688 is that in Angus Maddison, The World Economy , OECD

Paris 2006 p395. UK figures after 1688 and up to 1947 are calculated from One Hundred 

Years of Economic Statistics, The Economist, London 1989 p74. Figures from 1948 are

calculated from International Monetary Fund, International Financial Statistics (August 2008)

Minor adjustments have been made to chain the earlier statistics to be consistent with the

IMF data in no case does this make any significant difference to the pattern shown. The

data for fixed investment for the earlier period used by The Econo mist One Hundred Years

of Economic Statistics are based on calculations in C H Feinstein and Pollard Studies in

Capital Formation in the United Kingdon 1750 -1820, Oxford University Press, Oxford 1988.

Other commentators have suggested that Feinstein and Pollard's figures are somewhat too

high - see for example. N F R Crafts British Economic Growth during the Industrial Revolution ,

Clarendon, Oxford 1986 p73. None of these revisions and differences however is of 

sufficient magnitude to alter the fundamental pattern shown here. US figures prior to 1948

are calculated from One Hundred Years of Economic Statistics , The Economist, London 1989

p74. Figures from 1948 are calculated from International Monetary Fund, International 

Financial Statistics (August 2008) Data for the earlier period give only private fixed capital

formation whereas that after 1948 is for total fixed capital formation i.e. including

government fixed capital formation. There are no reliable estimates of government fixed

capital formation in the earlier period and therefore data for the earlier period have been

adjusted upward by the difference between the two in 1948 which is slightly over two per

cent of GDP. This has the effect of revising upwards slightly the percentage of GDP allocated

to fixed investment in the earlier period but the difference is too small to affect the overall

pattern. Figures for Germany prior to 1960 are calculated from One Hundred Years of 

Economic Statistics, The Economist, London 1989 p202. Figures from 1960 are calculated

from International Monetary Fund, International Financial Statistics (August 2008). There is

however no significant statistical difference between the two. Figures for Japan, South

Korea, China, India and Vietnam calculated from International Monetary Fund, International 

Financial Statistics.

[2] Phyllis Deane and W A Cole in British Economic Growth 1688-1959, Cambridge University

Press, Cambridge 1980 p2 being closer to the lower figure while further studies have tended

to revise the figure upwards slightly. The higher estimates for the earlier period have been

taken here so as to avoid any suggestion of exaggerating the degree to which the proportion

of GDP devoted to Gross Domestic Fixed Capital Formation has risen. The precise figure

used here is that calculated by Maddison in Angus Maddison, The World Economy , OECD

Paris 2006 p395. The higher figure, as can be seen, makes no difference to the overall trend.

[3] These countries are Iran, Iraq, Equatorial Guinea, Kuwait, Israel, Jordan, Oman, Q atar,

Saudi Arabia, Libya, Gabon, Equatorial Guinea, and the United Arab Emirates.