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• The Mystical Element in Mikhli'il Nu'aym.ah'sLiterary Works and Its AfBnity to Islamic Mysticism

ByYeni Rataa YUDiDgsih

*****

A thesla submitted tothe Faculty of Graduate Studies and Research

iD partial fulfillment of the req1Ùrementsfor the degree of Master of Arts

Instittte of Isla mic StudiesMcGi11 University

Montreal

June 1999

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AuthorTitle

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ABSTRACT

: Yeni Ratna Yuningsih: The Mystical Element in M"Ikha'il Nu'ayrnah's LiteraryWorks and!ts Affmity to Islamic Mysticism

Department : Institute of Islamic StudiesDegree : Master of Arts

This thesis investigates the mystical elements in Mikha'il

Nu'aymah's literary works and their aff'mity to Islamic mysticism,

elaborating in particular on the notions of oneness of being and the

transmigration of sou!. These two thernes are the more prevalent ones in

Nu'aymah's mystical thought when compared to such other themes as

love and asceticism, which can also be found in his works.

However, the notion of oneness of being seems to he the basis of

his mystical concepts as well as the goal ta which other themes are

directed. The notion of the transmigration of soul is therefore developed

by Nu'aymah in the context of the idea of oneness of being. The mystical

thoughts of M"lkha'il Nu'aymah concerning the two notions above, are to

he found in a number of his works, such as Za-d al-Mata-d, al-Mara1)il, The

Book of Mirdcid, Liqa', his autobiography Sab'u-n and his collections of

poems Hams al-Jufiin.

ii

•Auteur

Titre

Département

Diplôme

RÉSUMÉ

:Yeni Ratna Yuningsih.

:L'élément mystique dans l'oeuvre littéraire de MikheiTI

Nu'aymah et ses affmités avec le mysticisme islamique.

:Institut d'Études Islamiques, Université McGill.

: Maîtrise ès Arts.

•

Ce mémoire explore les éléments mystiques de l'oeuvre littéraire de

M"l.ldui'il Nu'aymah ainsi que son aff"mité avec le mysticisme islamique,

en élaborant particulièrement les notions de l'unicité de l'être et de la

transmigration de l'âme. Ces deux thèmes semblent plus prévaloir dans

la pensée mystique de Nu'aymah que d'autres thèmes tels que l'amour et

l'ascétisme et que l'on retrouve aussi dans ses oeuvres.

Toutefois, la notion d'unicité de l'être semble être le fondement des

concepts mystiques de l'auteur, de même que l'objectif visé par les autres

thèmes. Le concept de la transmigration de l'âme est donc développée

par Nu'aymah dans un contexte d'unicité de l'être. La pensée mystique

de M"lkha'il Nu'aymah portant sur les deux notions ci-haut mentionnées,

se retrouvent dans plusieures de ses oeuvres telles que le Zad al-Ma'ad,

al-MaraI1-il, Le livre de Mirdad, son autobiographie Sab'ün et son recueil

de poèmes Haros al-Jufun.

iii

..--"

Transliteration

The Arabie transliteratlon in this thesis follows the system used by the

Instltute of Islarnic Studies at MeGill University. The table of

transliteration Is as follows:

b=,-:"" clh= ~ ~ =.1 L =J

t=~ r= J ~ =.t m=r

th=~ z= j .- n =~-t.

j=c 5= ...,.. gh=t h =JIi

4 =c. sh = ..;. f=J w =,j

kh =t ~= ,JI q =cJ y - l.!

cl =,) q= ~ k =~ =,.

Short : a= =- i= ~u=!"

Long: - l. 1= -a='..! u=."

Diphthongs : ay = t$.' i aw = ." 1

Tamarbü.tah will be transliterated as "h" for exarnple. Nu"aymah =~

and as '"t" when in a construct phrase. such as UJCl.1].dat aL-wujüd =

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Aclm.owledgments

There are a number of individuals and institutions deserving of my

deepest appreciation and sincerest gratitude for their support and help

during my studies and in research for this thesis. First, special thanks go

to my academic and thesis supervisor, Prof. Hermann Landolt, who not

only provided expert supervision and criticism of my thesis but also gave

me a deeper understanding of Islamic mysticism. 1 am also grateful to

Prof. Issa J. Boullata who guided me through my frrst year of study and

introduced me to the richness of mahjar literature, especially the works

of Mikhéi'il Nu'aymah. l have been fortunate ta benefit from the kindness

and expertise of two such respected scholars.

l would like also ta extend my appreciation ta Wendy Allen, the

present Director of the McGill-Indonesia IAIN Development Project, as

weIl as to all the officials of this project both in Jakarta and Montreal for

their assistance during my course of study, especially Joanna Gacek,

Lori Novak, Susy Ricciardelli, Phil Williams and Anni Yoesoef. Special

thanks are alsa due ta the Canadian International Development Agency

(CIDA) for providing me with a fellowship, without which my intention to

study at McGill might not have been realized. My deep gratitude is also

due ta Prof. A. Üner Turgay, the Director of the Institute of Islamic

Studies and all the staff for their concern and support throughout my

court;te of study. l also would like to thank Prof. Dr. H. Quraisy Shihab

and Dr. Azyumardi Azra, the former and present rectars, respectively, of

the State Institute of Islamic Studies (IAIN) Syarif Hidayatullah, Jakarta,

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for granting me permission to leave my duties as junior lecturer during

the two years that it took me to complete my degree.

My special thanks are also due to the staff of the Islamic Studies

Library especially Salwa Ferahian, Wayne St. Thomas, and Steve Millier

who not only assisted me in obtaining sources but also extended to me a

very warm friendship during my time at the Institute.

1 also owe a considerable debt to Steve Millier for patiently editing

my thesis and casting it in more fluent English. My special gratitude also

goes to Pak Thalib (Abdul Muthalib), for his help in translating sorne

references of my thesis.

Last but not least, r wish to express my deepest thanks and love

for my beloved husband, Mizan Sya'roni, who gave unstintingly of his

patience, tenderness, and understanding at aU times but especially

during the writing of this thesis. My deepest gratitude and love go also to

my parents, K.H Dadun Sanusi and H. Euis Nurlaela, my brothers and

sisters and my whole family for their inspiration, affection and support.

This thesis is dedicated to those people who have given me their

enduring love and support, including my beloved grandmother, Atikah

(may Allah forgive her) who passed away while l was enrolled in the Pre­

Departure Program in Jakarta, and my late uncle, Drs. Kingkin Berlian

Bachtiar, S.R (may Allah forgive him) who was very supportive and asked

me to share one day my cultural and academic experiences in McGili

with him. r wish r could have fulfùled his request.

vi

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Table of Contents

l\t>stJr~ct ii

~~suIllé iïi

Transliteration iv

Acknowledgment v

Table of Contents vii

Introduction 1

Chapter One: Mikhli'll Nu'aymah: An Exceptional Life 10

1. Early Life in Biskinta 10

2. An lniti~ Passageway to the East 15

3. In the Path of Christ 18

4. Po1tav~, the Gate to the New World 20

5. The DreaIll is ~ealized 26

6. Back to the Cradle of Biskinta 37

Chapt~~o: ~ ~Il~"ie~ of ~1lflUI1Il•••••••••••••••••••••••••..••••••.••••••••4()

1. MysticisIll and Sufism 40

2. Sorne of the Main $ÜjfThemes 49

2.1. WaJ:zdat al-Wujua (Oneness of Being) 5()

2.2. Taruisukh (The Transmigration of Soul) 70

Chapter Three: An Analysis of the Mystical Element in Mlkhli'n

Nll'a]rlllllll'-. ~iterlUr]r ~orlEJl 80

1. Oneness of Being 82

2. The Transmigration of Soul. 96

Conclusioll 106

Bibliography 112

vii

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Introduction

The significance of Mikha'il Nu'aymah (1889-1988) to the

development of modern Arabic literature lies in his contribution to

mahjar1 literature, the emergence of which can be traced back to the turn

of the nineteenth century, when a number of writers from the Arab

world, especially Lebanon and Syria, emigrated to other countries, such

as America, Australia, Mrica, Japan, China, Egypt, and France. Among

these countries, America seemed to be the favorite destination.2

Prominent Arab writers such as Juhran Khalli Jubnfu, Amin al-Rlhani,

Naslb 'Arlq.ah, Rashid Ayytib and MIkhâ'il Nu'aymah,3 were among the

mahjariyyu-n (immigrants) to the United States.

IThe word mahjar is derived from the root h-j-r, whose mCU?dar is hijrah,meaning emigration from one place to another; see 'Abd Allah al-'AléiyiIi, Liscinal-~Arab al-Mu1J.I! (Beiriït: Deir al-J'à, 1977), vol. 6, 17. The word al-mahjarindicates the Arab diaspora, Arabs living abroad, specifically in the New World.This meaning is taken from Hans Wehr, The Hans Wehr Dictionary of ModernWritten Arabie, 4 th ed., tr. (Ithaca, New York: Spoken Language Services, Inc,1994), 1194-1195. See also KamaI. Nash'at, Shïcr al-Mahjar (Cairo: al- Dar al­Mi~riyyah li al-Ta'Iif wa al-Tarjamah, 1966), 9-10. In this work, however,mahjar literature refers to the literature written by Arabs immigrants in thecountries of North and South America.

2Nash'at, Shi~r al-Mahjar, 9-10; Yeni Ratna Yuningsih, "Shu'ani' al­Mahjar wa Kha~a'i~ Ash'arihim » (Undergraduate thesis, IAIN SyarifHidayatullah, Jakarta, 1995), 5.

3For more elaboration on the mahjar writers) see Jtirj ~ayda..q., Adabunciwa Udabci'unci (Beirtit: Dar al-'Ilm Ii al-Mala~ 1957)~ 209-525. In this book thewriter presents short biographies of no less than 120 Arabic writers whoemigrated to both South and North America.

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The immigrants to America may be divided into two groups in

terms of destination. Those who emigrated to North America were called -

fi'at al-mahjar al-shama1i while those who went to South America were

called fi'at al-mahjar al-januol.4 The main reasons for their emigration

were generally either political or economic.5 They left their beloved

homelands in the hope that the New World would give them a better life

and freedom to live as weil as to express their ideas.

Mahjar literature itself, which began to emerge in the early

twentieth century, is considered by some to have been a new departure,

indeed a virtual renaissance, for modern Arabie literature.6 This new

stream of Arabie literature, which became more intluential with the

4'Isa Al-Na\ïri, Adab al- Mahjar (Carro: Dar al-Ma'cüif, 1977), L7. Althoughthe ones who made up the mahjar shama1f were fewer in number, theirinfluence was greater than that of the people of the mahjar januDt. They werealso different in that they were more dynamic because they were moreenthusiastic to free themselves and Arabic literature from tradition, while thelatter tended to want to preserve their ancestors' literary heritage. Ibid., 18.

5Ibid., 17. In addition to these two reasons, education was anothermotivation behind their emigration to those countries. Nasib 'Ariq.ah andMikha'il Nu'aymah were said to have emigrated to the United State for thisreason specifically. ~ayda4 however claims that the main reason for theiriInmigration was commonly economic problem facing in their native countries.~ayda4, cAdabunaWa'udaba'una, 23.

6The tirst renaissance of modern Arabic literature occurred at thebeginning of the 19th century. The Western impact on the Arab East at this timestirred the region from the d ull lethargy of the three previous centuries. Thishistorical background is discussed in Nadeem Naimy, Mikhail Naimy: AnIntroduction (Beirut: Ameriean University of Beirut, 1967), 1-67. See also Shafiqal-Biqa'ï, Adab 'A$r al-Nahq.ah (Beirüt: Dar al-'Ilm li al-Malay1n, 1990), 16-25.The importance of mahjar literature and its influence on the development ofmodern Arabie literature is discussed in Anwar al-Juncfi~ al-ShiCr al-cArabf al­MU'ci$ir: Tatawwuruh wa 'A'lcimuh 1875-1940 (Beirüt: Maktabat al-Ma'éirif,1960), 563-565.

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establishment of al-Râbitah al-Qa1amiyyah (Pen-Bond) in New York in

1920, offered a literalY freedom not only in form but also in content.7

The distinguishing trait of these writers may be traced to the

turbulent political, economic and social climate of the Arab countries

from which they emigrated.8 These circumstances shaped their thought

and fuelled their desire for freedom from the restrictions of politics,

religion, traditional thought, and linguistic expression.9 Additionally,

their attachment to the outside world, and especially the West,

broadened their horizons and gave them a new perspective.

Mikhâ'il Nu'aymah was one of the most important figures in this

new movement with which he shared his revolutionary thoughts

regarding the nature, function and structure of Arabic literature. He saw

literature as a vision of Iife in its underlying essence, in its cosmic

"oneness" and its indivisible unity. The poet, through his intuitive

faculty, grasps this phenomenon and articulates it in his poetic

7Al-Nâ'üri., Adab al-Mahjar, 21.

8MuQ.ammad Shafiq Shayya, Falsafat MikJuï'ù Nu~aymah (Beinit:Manshürat Ba.Q.sün al-Thaqâiiyyah, 1979), 16-17. Matti.yahu Peled shows howthe political conditions prevailing in Palestine influenced Palestinian literarythemes. Mattiyahu Peled, Aspects of Modern Arabie Literature (Paris: Peeters,1988), 143-183.

9An.ïs Maqdisi~ al-Ittijâhtït al-Adabiyyah fi al-~Alam al-~Arabi al-Ifadith(Beinit: Dar al-'Ilm li al-Malayïn, 1988), 280-287. See also J. Brugman, AnIntroduction to the History of Modem Arabie Literature in Egypt (Leiden: E.J.Bri1l, 1984), 106.

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expression. Therefore, his view is both individualistic and universal at

the same time. lO

Nu'aymah also intended to send literature in a new direction where

the emphasis would be on content, nat form, as was the case with

traditional literature. 11 This was because, in his perception, language is

not the goal of literature but rather the taol or medium allowing one to

convey essential meaning. Hence, the Arabie language, like all ather

languages, is neither sacred nor profane. For him, as a human creation,

it is like life itself, which undergoes the evolutionary process directed

towards self-perpetuation, seleeting what is best and destroying whatever

is unsuitable in the course of its constant transformation. 12 This is

probably the reason for his violent attack on the traditionalists' aver-

reliance on verbal skill alone and on the inflexible mIes established by

classical philologists, grammarians, lexicographers and prosodists which

were accepted by the neoclassieists of his time as absolute and sacred

law. 13

The message that Nu'aymah wanted ta eonvey, moreover, was

universal, nat limited to his own people but airned at the world at large.

Therefore, he did nat limit himself by writing only in his native tongue

lOMounah Khouri, Studies in Contemporary Arabie Poetry and Criticism(Piedmont, CA: Jahan Book Co, 1987), 44.

11Ibid., 45.

I:!Ibid.

13Ibid.

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(Arabie), but chose also ta compose in English or sometimes translated

his original Arabic works into that language. Nor did he restrict himself

to writing for only one kind of literary medium; indeed the vehicle for his

message could be anything from a poem ta a play, from an essay to a

speech, or from a short story ta a nove1. 14

Above ail, Nu'aymah was distinguished from his colleagues in the

"Pen-Bond," not only by his more advanced education but aIso because

of his wider life experience which was sa obviously influential on his

attitudes and thoughts. Shafiq Shayya divides the influences on

Nu'aymah's thought into Western and Eastern. These influences

evidently swayed him., though he admitted that he was more affected by

the Eastern mode of thought than the Western. He was aIso intrigued by

the philosophies of different faiths, including Christianity, Hinduism,

Buddhism, Taoism and Islam. 15 This unique and universal mode of life

and thought make it possible ta analyze his works from a number of

perspectives. Those who might be interested in looking at his works from

l4C. Nijland, MikJuï'ù Nu'aymah: Promotor of the Arabie Literary RemuaI(Belgi.um: Nederlands Historisch-Archaeologisch Instituut Te Istanbul, 1975),28. Nu'aymah's bibliography includes one volume of poems, four volumes ofshort stories, one biography, a three-volume autobiography, three plays, two ofwhich are simple dialogues between two persons, one volume of aphorism, fournovels, ten volumes of essays, one travelogue, one volume of press interviews,and what may be called a book of prayers, r0œ.pleted on 4 August 1972, a totalof thirty volumes of sorne six thousand pages.

lSShafiq Shayy~ Falsafat Mikhti'il Nu'aymah, 313. Although there issorne evidence of Western influence on him. however, on one occasionNu'aymah stated that his poems (shi'r) had never been influenced by American,

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the Hindu angle, for instance, would easily be able to find passages

showing his afîmity with Hindu teachings. 16 Furthermore, IsIamic

mystical concepts can also be observed in his works, not to mention

Christian doctrines, for he was after ail a Christian.

This study will endeavor to uncover the afirnity between

Nu'aymah's mystical themes and Islamic mysticism, particularly the

notions of "oneness of being" and "the transmigration of the souL" In my

opinion, these two themes are the prevailing ones in Nu'aymah's thought,

compared ta such other ones as love, or asceticisrn, which are also

pientiful in his works. In addition, although both themes have been

discussed by severa! authors, their examination has remained general,

brief and rather sketchy, inviting deeper analysis and further

elaboration. Muqammad Shafiq Shayya, for example, in his Falsafat

Mikhcï'il Nu'aymah,17 deals with the notion of sufism in Nu'aymah's

works, but makes ooly passing reference ta the tapie. Other works such

British or French models. Nadirah Jamil Sarnij, Shu'arci' al-Ram.tah al­Qalamiyyah- DïrlÏSatfi Shi'r al-Mahjar (Cairo: Dar al-Ma'arif, 1957),314.

16Nu'aymah's famous work The Book of Mirdad, for example, wasdescribed by an Indian author, who modified the work into a play, as bestexpressing t.he Vedantic, non dualistic thought of Indian philosophy. Of coursethe author admits that it does not necessarily mean that Nu'aymah wasindebted to Indian philosophical thought or scrlptures. P. Ram.anand, Mirdad:Mikhail NaimyJs Famous Work trThe Book of Mirdad" Made [nto a Play in ThreeActs (Bombay: Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, 1973), xi.

17See footnote no. 8 above.

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as Munir's Mikhcï'il Nu'aymah,lB Na'Url's Adab al-Mahjar,19 Nijland's

Miklui'il Nu 'aymah, Prorrwtor of the Arabie Literary Reviva[2° and S. H.

Nadeem's A Critical Appreciation of Arabie Mystical Poetry21 give only a

very brief analysis of the notion of mysticism in Nu'aymah's writings. A

reasonably comprehensive account of Nu'aymah's mystical thought may,

on the other hand, be found in Ma.ll!as' Mikfui'il Nu'aymah: al-Adi'b al-

$up,22 Dabbagh's Mikhail Naimy: Sorne Aspect ofHis Thought as Revealed

in His Writings23 and Nadeem Naimy's Mikhail Naimy: An Introduction. 24

Nonetheless, their analyses of the thernes under discussion here are not

very deep and none of them specifically link any of his concepts ta

Islamic mysticism.

Nu'aymah's attachment to Islamic mysticism, like that of other

mahjar writers, was not as close as it was to other forms of mysticism

such as Hindu or other eastern religions. This phenomenon does not

indicate that they were not interested in Islamic mysticism or that they

18Walid Munir, Milchtï~ Nu'aymah (Cairo: Al-Hay'ah al-Mi~riyyah al-'Ammah li al-Kuttab, 1992).

19See footnote no. 4 above.

20See footnote no. 14 above.

21S. H. Nadeem, A Critical Appreciation ofArabie Mystical Poe:try (Lahore:Islamic Book Service, 1979).

z:rrhurayyli Ma.l4as, Mikhti'ù Nu'aymah: al-Adi;'; al-$Ufi (Beirüt: DarBayriït li al-1;ibli'ah wa al-Nashr, 1964).

:!3Hussein Dabbagh, Mikhnil Naimy: Sorne Aspects of His Thought asReuealed in His Writings (Durham: University of Durham, Centre for MiddleEastern & Islamic Studies, 1983).

24 See footnote no. 6 above.

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intended to ignore it but, as Nu'aymah once told 'Abd al-Karim al-Ashtar,

this was because of their limited access to the primary sources.25

However, they were often exposed to Islamic teachings through their

Muslim friend, Nasib 'Arl4ah, who shared with them the history of the

Arabs and Muslims.26 Additionally, they were also familiar with the ideas

of sorne of the more famous medieval Islamic mystics such as Ibn 'Arabi,

al-Iialléij and Ibn al-Fariq., although largely from. secondary sources.

Nu'aymah for example, admits that he had never read any of al-fiallaj's

works but did read something about him in writings by

others.27Nonetheless, sorne scholars regard these very same figures as

cantroversial, accusing them of being free thinkers rather than dogmatic

MuslimS.28 This may have been part of the attraction to Nu'aymah, who

was himself a free-thinker.

This study will look at the afîmity of the mystical element in

Nu'aymah's literary works ta Islamic rnysticism in general. This means

that in presenting the two themes in chapter two below, they will nat be

treated in an exhaustive manner. In analyzing bath themes, however~

25 This conversation was held in Beirut, 5 December 1957. 'Abd al-Karimal-Ashtar, al-Nathr al-Mahjan.: Kuttav al-Ram.tah al-Qalamiyyah (Cairo: Matba'atLajnat al-Ta'Iifwa al-Tarjamah wa al-Nashr, 1961), vol. 1, 84-5.

26 Ibid., 85. This issue was aIso raised by Nu'aymah during al-Ashtar'svisit ta Beirut on 5 December 1958.

27Ibid., 84.

28Dabbagh, Mikhail Naimy: Sorne Aspects, 53; According ta al-Ashtar,there are certain Islamic mystics who are mentioned in the works of mahjar

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certain thinkers will be adduced only as being representative of

particular concepts. Thus, this study's significance lies in the fact that,

not only does it raise an awareness of Islarnic mystical themes in modern

Arabic literature, especially in the oeuvre of Nu'aymah, but aIso because

it brings mahjar literature, through a discussion of Nu'aymah's works,

into the wider literary discourse.

By employing both analytical and comparative approaches, in

Chapter One we will proceed by investigating Nu'aymah's life and times.

This will serve to define the background and characteristics of his works,

especially with regard to mystical themes. Chapter Two will be devoted to

a discussion of sufism, examining in particular the notions of "oneness of

being" and "transmigration of soul." The last chapter will restrict itself to

examining Nu'aymah's literary works and their affinity to the notions

inherent in the above two themes.

writers although only in passing figures such as al-fiallaj, al-Ghazali, Ibn Sinaand Ibn al-Fariq.; see al-Ashtar, al-Nathr al-Mahjaii, 84.

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Chapter 1

Mikhi'il Nu'aymah: An Exceptional Lire

1. Early Lire in Biskinta

~1kha'il Nu'aymah -- sornetimes written as M"Ikha'il Na'imah or

Mikhail Naimyl -- was born on 17 October 1889 in Biskinta2 , a small

village of almost two thousand inhabitants located on Sannin (~annIn),

one of the highest, most beautiful, and most famotis mountains in

Lebanon, sorne twenty kilometers north-east of Beirut.3 At the time of his

l:Mïkha'il was the name of his grandfather, which he was given inkeeping with the tradition of preserving ancestors' names. His name is writtenin the three forms mentioned above. Nu'aymah is what his teachers called him,while Na~ah is how sorne Egyptians and sorne other Arabie speakers referredto him, and how he refers to himself in bis autobiography. Naimy on the otherhand is how he is best known to English speakers. See Mïkha'il NaÜD.ah. al­Majmu'ah al-Kamilah (Beirüt: Dar al-'llm li al-Malayin, 1979), 34; Nadeem M.Naimy, Mikhail Naimy: An Introduction (Beirut: American University of Beirut,1967), 68. Aceording to a biographical sketch written by Roger Monroe for theLaw alumni of the University of Washington in 1971. he was known to bisfellow-students as Mikhail Joseph Nu'ayma (Naimy); see Farhat J. Ziadeh,"Mikhail Nu'ayma (Naimy)," Al-'Arabiyya, Journal ofthe American Association ofTeachers of Arabie, vol.15, no. 1 & 2, Spring and Autumn 1982, 5. Facsimilesofhis academie diplomas may be found in Mikha~Nu'aymah, Sab'un: Ifikt:ïyah'Umr (1889-1959) al-Mar1).alah al-Thaniyah (1919-1932) (Beirüt: Dar ~adir li al­1;iba'ah wa al-NashrjDar Baynït li al-Tiba'ah wa al-Nashr, 1960), betweenpages 64 and 65.

2 Al-Hawari. believes that Nu'aymah was barn on 22 November 1889. SeeAQm.ad Ibramm al-Hawari., (ed.), Shu'ara' Mu'a$inin (Cairo: Dar al-Ma'arif,1984), 53!.

3 Naimy, Mikhail Naimy: An Introduction, 68. See also Na'imah, al­Majmu'ah, 44, 46. The same point is found in Girdhari L. Tikku (ed.), Islam and!ts Cultural Divergence (Chicago: University Of lllinois Press, 1971), 54. A morecomprehensive treatment of the environment in the village and its influence onthe people living there is to be found in al-Hawm, Shu'arci' Mu'~nin, 518­529.

•

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Il

birth, the district of Mount Lebanon, in which Biskinta was located, was

an autonomous region (mutQ$arrïfiyyarq under the direct rule of a

Christian govemor-general (muta$arrijJ appointed by Istanbul and

approved by the foremost European powers -- France, Britain, Austria,

Prussia, and Russia. These countries were to supervise the 'règlement

organique' or the new organic statute for Lebanon, instituted on 9 June

1861.4 As a haven for the religious minorities that inhabited it, Mount

Lebanon was at that time like an island encircled by two seas: on the one

hand the Mediterranean giving it access to the West and on the other,

the Ottoman Muslim world surrounding it on its three other sides. 5 The

fact that the mountain was strewn with monasteries, temples and holy

shrines made it more a religious refuge than a homeland, more a place of

worship than an administrative unit.6 This unique condition may have

contributed to the high level of religiosity of most of its inhabitants.

Nu'aymah's family was a case in point.

Nu'aymah was born into a poor fantily. His father Yusuf was a

religious, hard working farmer who only owned a smali piece of land. His

mother Latifah, an illiterate housewife who nevertheless had a powerful

religious spirit and attitudes, was devoted ta the up-bringing of her

children and worked alongside her husband in struggling ta make a

4 Philip K. Hitti, Lebanon in History from the Earliest Times ta the Present,3 rd ed. (New York: St Martin's Press, 196ï), 44l.

5Ibid., chapter xxx.

•

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12

living from the less than fertile soil.7 Nu'aymah had two eIder brothers,

Adib and Haykal, one of whom later brought Nu'aymah to the United

States for economie and educational reasons.8

Among the many immigrants to the Americas who devoted

themselves to the development of Arabie literature, Nu'aymah the poet,

novelist, critie, essayist, and mystic, was unique. He was rich in culture

and values. This may have been the result of his travels,9 which impaeted

greatly on his thought, life, eharacter and works. lO Despite his family's

6 Ibid., 447.

7 The harshness of the sail was one reason for the emigration of sorneLebanese to other countries, such as the United States. Hitti, Lebanon, 473.Nu'aymah's father emigrated to San Francisco in 1890 when Nu'aymah was tenmonths oId, hoping that he could eaIn more for his family. He gave theresponsibility for his family during this absence to his parents, (then in theirseventies) and bis wife. Nu'aymah still clearly remembered how she would oftenask him to pray: "Son, say with me: '0 Lord, bless my father in America withsuccess. May the soil he touches turn in his hands to gold, 0 Lord, bring himback safe to us. Lord, keep my brothers.' Finally, after a couple of years, hedecided to return to Biskinta to take up farming again, but without making anyof the substantial changes to bis family's fortunes that he had originally set outta achieve, Nu'aymah was by then almost seven years old. See Naimy, MikhailNaimy: An Introduction, 71.

8 Nu'aymah, Sab(ün... al-Marf).alah al-ThQniyah (1919-1932), 35. He aIsohas two other younger brothers, N8JÏb and Nasib and a sister, GhaJiyah;Hussein Dabbagh, Mikhail Naimy: Sorne Aspects ofHis Thought As Revealed inHis Writing (Durham: University of Durham, Centre for Middle Eastern &Islamic Studies,1983), 2. See aIso Naimy, Mikhail Naimy: An Introduction, 119­122.

9For this reason, Mitri Salim Bl.ih., s called Nu'aymah al-Ra1)JJ.a1ah or thegreat traveler. Mitri Salim. Bülus, Fi Adab al-NaJu!.ah al-Thâniyah (Beirüt: al­Matba'at Biban wa Shirkah, 1985),93.

10 This kind of influence is mentioned in almost evety account of ms life.However, Shafiq Shayya elaborates this notion more systematically. He dividesthe influence on Nu'aymah's thought into two categories: Western and Eastern(the latter including Islam, Hinduism, Taoism, Buddhism). Shafiq Shayya,

•

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13

Orthodox Christian affiliation, Nu'aymah himself did not follow Orthodox

practices. He felt deep ties to different worlds, east and west, and allowed

these to influence his religious outlook.

Nu'aymah's life may be described as having four stages. Il The frrst

was his life in his native village, Biskinta, before he was sent to Nazareth,

Lebanon, in arder to pursue his studies on a scholarship. It was there

that he learned Russian. The second stage was marked by his life in

Russia and his attachment to Russian culture for almost six years. The

third was the period of his adventure away from home, a twenty-year

stay in the United States, before his return home in 1932, which marked

the fourth and rmal stage in his life. 12

As a young boy, Nu'aymah was quite different from other children

his own age. He possessed a serious, ambitious and inquiring type of

character. He also showed great attachment ta nature. Unlike his peers

he was aloof, quiet and contemplative, so much so that he was

Falsafat MikJui71 Nu'aymah (Beinit: Manshünit Ba.4sun al-Thaqafiyyah, 1979),82-122.

IlNu'aymah himself divided his life into three periods: tirst, his life inBiskinta and Russia; second, his connection with Western society representedby bis twenty-year stay in the United States; and f"mally the period following hisreturn to his home village. This division i::. reflected in the division of hisautobiography "Sab'tin" ioto three volumes. See also Tikku (ed.), Islam and /tsCultural Divergence, 53. Here, l divide Nu'aymah's life ioto four stages based onthe development of his study in order to emphasize the progress of his thought.

12 This break-down may be found in Dabbagh, Mikhail Naimy, 2-44;Naimy, Mikhail Naimy: An Introduction, 68-140.

•

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l~

nicknamed in the family"the silent lady."13 His sensitivity to the world

around him would always inspire his meditations. He said: "The sound of

the swaying corn moved me in such a way as even the greatest

orchestras could hardly hope ta do to the soul of a great lover of

music."l4

Indeed, Nu'aymah was proud of his village, Biskinta. For him

Biskinta was the place of his dreams, not only because it was where he

was born and raised, but mostly because of its peace and friendliness,

which gave him the freedom to communicate with nature. This kind of

feeling emerged early in his childhood, especially as his father had

emigrated ta the United States. As mentioned above, Nu'aymah's father

was defeated by the harshness of the latter country and fmally returned

to his home village to take up farming again. This experience led

Nu'aymah ta believe that his own village was much better than any

foreign country. Living abroad, in his opinion, was tao great a burden to

bear. Furthermore, his admiration for and awareness of his own land

13Ibid.,78 ; Al-Hawaii, Shu'arci' Mu'ci$rUn, 531; 'Abd al-Karim Al-Ashtar,al-Nathr al-Mahjarf: Kuttâb al-Ram.tah al-Qalamiyyah (Cairo: Matba'at Lajnat al­Ta'Iif wa al-Tarjamah wa al-Nashr, 1961), 80.

14Dabbagh, Mikhail Naimy, 3. Thurayya M~as describes this attitude asone of Nu'aymah's $lIft characteristics, which remained with him throughouthis life. According to the author, Nu'aymah's $lIft attitude can be identified inthe early period of his life, as reflected in his autobiography Sabtün. ThurayyaMal4as, Mikha'il Nu'aymah: al-Adlb al-$üff. (Beirüt: Dar Bayrut, 1964),14-34.He adroits the influence of nature on bis life in Mikhéi11 Nu'aymah, Sab'ün:Ifikayah 'Umr (1889-1959)J al-Mar1J.alah al-Tsa1ithah (1932-1959) (BeirUt: Dar~adir li al-Tibéi'ah wa al-Nashr/Dar Bayriit li al-Tjba'ah wa al-Nashr, 1960),135.

•

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L5

were strengthened after he carne to be familiar with ather countries and

cultures such as Russia, France, and the United States -- where he had

problems in dealing with cultural, social, political and economic

differences. 15

Living in a family faced with difficult economic conditions,

Nu'aymah preferred spending mast of his time at the sakhnib, a piece of

land about a square kilometer in area, perched at the foot of Mount

~annÙ1, aboutI,700 meters above sea level, and five kilometers to the

east of Biskinta. There he was accompanied only by the singing birds and

the blowing winds, and could withdraw into his own world rather than

play with ather children. Later, this place became his summer home,

where he found his own warld. 16

Growing up in a religiaus atmosphere and among religious people,

Nu'aymah was inclined towards a religious mode of thinking. This

inclination became more pronounced at the seminary schools in

Nazareth and Poltava, which he began attending at a young age.

2. An Initial Passageway to the East

15 Dabbagh, Mikhail Naimy, 2-3.

16Naimy, Mikhail Naimy: An Introduction, 71. See also Shafiq Shayya,Falsafat MikhcirzI Nu'àymah, 18.

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16

The establishment of a Russian school in Biskinta in 189917

provided Nu'aymah with his frrst step into another world. This school

had been founded by the Russians in order to patronize the Greek

Orthodox Christians of the Ottoman empire, just as France had claimed

patronage over the Maronites, Britain over the Protestants and Druzes,

and Turkey over the Muslims. 18 The education it offered was free for the

Greek Orthodox of Palestine, Syria and Lebanon. 19

For the villagers, especially the people of Biskinta at that time, the

school was considered modern compared to the traditional kuttâb. The

local version of this latter type of school, where Nu'aymah had studied as

a child, had only two classrooms and was managed by two teachers, one

of whom was a half-illiterate. In addition, the kuttao also applied a

traditional method of study, which discouraged active student

participation. In the presence of their teacher they had to remain silent

and to follow what the teachers said.20 Therefore, it was not surprising

17 The establishment of this school was part of the development of aschool system in BeiIut dominated by great numbers of ethnie and religiousschools, including Muslim, Maronite, Greek Catholic, Jewish, ltalian, andProtestant schools. The fust Russian school was founded in 1887 in Beirut,along with other Russian schools in various cities of Palestine, Syria andLebanon. Naim. N. Atiyeh, "Schools of Beirut," in Beirut-Crossroads of Cultures(Beirut: Librarie du Liban, 1970), 145.

l 8Na'ïmah, al-Majmürah, 76.

19Ibid., 73.

2oIbid.,72.

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L7

that the people of the village, especially the students, received the

establishment of the Russian school enthusiastically.21

They considered the school an ideal one not only because it was a

physical improvement on what they had had before, but also because it

applied modern methods of teaching. As a resuIt, the school was able, in

a relatively short time, to rise to a position of eminence arnong foreign

schools and fmally to influence education in Beirut and elsewhere in the

region.22 This new school was managed by a graduate of the Russian

Teacher's Institute of Nazareth. This graduate was competent in the fields

of pedagogy, science instruction and school administration, and operated

the schaol with the assistance of five male and three female teachers. 23

The teaching of Arabie, which involved reading selections from Arabie

literature past and present, was a priority at this school, and came

before arithmetic, history, geography, and intraduetory Russian.

Although Russian was the lowest priarity, it later became an important

taol for Nu'aymah enabling him ta acquire further knawledge about

21This great enthusiasm was expressed by the people of Biskinta throughreciting tahlil and takbtr, as Nu'aymah explains in his autobiography. SeeNa'imah, al-Majmucah, 76.

22Atiyeh, Beirut-Crossroads, 145. The success of this Russian school mayhave resulted from a number of factors: first, new teaching and administrativepolicies which had never existed before in traditional schools; second, aprogram. of student subsidies which made available, free of charge, books andstudy materials; and third, innovations in methods of teaching, as exemplifiedby the application of the Frobel method in pre-school education, which methodthe Russian school is credited with having introduced in Beirut.

23Na'imah, AI-Majmticah, 77.

•

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18

Russian culture and values through its poets and philosophers, who

ultimately influenced his thought.24

Besides his dream of becoming a scholar, which was also his

mother's wish, Nu'aymah's natural inclination to leazn in general and to

learn Arabie in particular motivated him to absorb all the knowledge

offered by his Russian school and led him to read further on his own.25

As a result, he was chosen from among his peers to pursue higher

studies at the Russian Teacher's Institute in Nazareth in 1902.26 Thus

one may say that Nu'aymah's life in his native village and early studies in

Russian schools laid a strong foundation for his intellectual and spiritual

jaurney.

3. In the Path of Christ

In December 1902, the twelve-year-old Nu'aymah left for Nazareth

ta begin his training as a teacher and administrator in Greek Orthodox

school. He did so under a four-year sponsorship from the Russian

Imperial Palestine Society (al-Jam'iyyah al-Imbiratliriyyah al-Ru-siyyah al­

Falastlniyyah). During his period of study in Nazareth, Nu'aymah devoted

himself ta the serious reading of a wide variety of works, especially those

24- In ms autobiography Nu'aymah admitted the influence of Russianslike Toistoy, Nikitin, Lermontov and others. The effect of nineteenth-centuryRussian literature is underlined in Najibullah, Islamic Literature: AnIntroductory History with Selections (New York: Washington Square Press, lnc,1963), 179.

25 Naimy, Mikhail Naimy: An Introduction, 75.

26 Dabbagh, Mikhail Naimy, 5.

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19

dealing with the history of Arabie literature from pre-Islamie times to the

age of decllne. He also read on mathematies, geography, the history of

Russia and the Russian language. Nu'aymah was introdueed to the

writings of a Muslim scholar for the frrst time through the Alfiyah of Ibn

Malik in the commentary of Ibn 'Aql1.27

In his fourth year of study at Nazareth, he became more familiar

with the Russian language and tried to read in Russian before he could

fully understand it. His attachment to the Great Russian novelist Toistoy,

whom Nu'aymah acknowledged as a major influence on his thought,

dates from this period. Nu'aymah also read and admired the works of

other Russian thinkers. He once said, "The more my knowledge of the

Russian language increased, the greater became my enthusiasm ta read

in it. While still in Nazareth, 1 read sorne of the novels of Jules Verne

translated into Russian. 1 also read sorne stories of Chekhov and Toistoy,

and read through Dostoyevsky's Crime and Punishment in spite of the

faet that 1 did not understand even half of what 1 read."28

Nazareth represented an important stage for Nu'aymah, shaping

his religiosity as a Christian in addition to serving as a bridge to Russian

literature.29 Living where Christ had been born and had lived, taught and

suffered, Nu'aymah confrrmed the Christian element in his personality;

~7 Naimy, Mikhail Naimy: An Introduction, 76-77.

28Ibid., 78.

29According to Bmus, Nu'aymah's üfe in Nazareth raises two points: frrstNu'aymah's stronger religiosity, and second, his persistent search forknowledge, despite the difficulties he faced. Bülus, FiAdab al-NaheJ,ah. 98.

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20

although he was later influenced by other philosophies and attitudes to

life, it remained the cornerstone of his character and philosophy.30 The

character of Christ and the ideals he stood for and preached took hold of

Nu'aymah more and more as he read the Bible and participated in the

excursions arranged by the Institute at Nazareth to the biblical sites of

Palestine. Wherever he found himself, the images of the Master were

transformed for young Nu'aymah into living images that seemed ta carry

him away.31 Nevertheless, his point of view towards his own religion may

be considered moderate because his devoutness did not seem to arouse

in him. the feeling that Christianity alone was right and that other beliefs

were wrong. 32 In this period, Nu'aymah's religiosity was that of an

Orthodox Christian. The religiosity he had brought from his home village

was sharpened not only through the teachings of Christ learned in the

classroom but also from his own readings.

4. Poltava, the Gate to the New World

30 Dabbagh, Mikhail Naimy, 7.

31 Naimy, Mikhail Naimy: An Introduction, 81. There are some mostimportant places that Nu'aymah had ever visited i.e., Mount Tür, LakeTabariyyah, and the Jordan river. See Btilus, jïAdab al-NaheJ.a~ 7.

32 Dabbagh, Mikhail Naimy, 9. This kind of attitude was demonstrated inms views on paradise and hello For Nu'aymah, paradise is not the monopoly ofChristians but a place where an goo~ people deserved to live. HeU is, by thesame token, the ultimate destination for evildoers, whatever their religion. As ayoung boy from a Greek Orthodox Christian family and trained in seminaryschool for a couple of years, this mode of thinking is a bit surprising. His deepreflection and contemplative attitude gave greater force to this view. However, itis probably premature to say that this was the first seed of bis "unity ofreligions" view, which was one of his modes of thought.

•

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21

When his four period of study in Nazareth ended in 1906,

Nu'aymah. was selected for a second time to continue his education, this

time at Poltava, through a scholarship offered once again by the Imperial

Russian Palestine Society.33 From "holy Lebanon" to "holy Palestine," he

now found himself in "holy Russia," where he faced a new life experience.

His acadernic achievements were obviously the main reason behind his

winning this opportunity. Nu'aymah thus began his studies at the

Theological Seminary in Poltava, Ukraine. The seminary was in reality no

more than a secondary school with a six-year program: the first four

years were devoted to secular studies and sorne theology, the last two

years entirely to priestly studies.34 In addition to his strong intention to

accomplish his mother's dream that he should bring honor to the family,

the spirit of competition and thirst for persona! distinction among his

feilow students, as weil as his natural inclination towards learning,

motivated him ta work harder.35

After Nazareth, which had shaped his Christian faith, Poltava was

a place where Nu'aymah discovered new dimensions as Christian. His

readings in certain Russian poets and novelists (such as Lermontov and

33Naimy, Mikhail Naimy: An Introduction, 84-5. The Imperial RussianPalestine Society provided scholarships to Palestinians in the hope ofestablishing for the Greek Orthodox in the fl.:·c':.L world an educational systemsimilar to that in Russia. This society also succeeded in founding sorne schoolswhich spread out aIl over Syria and Lebanon.

34Ibid.

35 Nu'aymah's addiction to reading tended to endanger his eyesight.Naimy, Mikhail Naimy: An Introduction, 88.

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22

Tolstoy), as weil as his meditation and reflection about the world in

which he lived, made him critical of everything. Nature, people's

attitudes, even religion became the objects of his thought. In terrns of

religion, for instance, he questioned his entire understanding of

Christian doctrine as weil as what he himself practiced as a Christian.

He said, "True Christianity is not fulïilled by standing in the church for

two or three hours on Sundays, Saturdays and Holidays, but by applying

the teachings of the Bible and its injunctions."36 Furthermore, he said,

"Mter my return from Russia, l began to feel that the garment which the

Church had wanted me to wear was too small, and that parts of it were

being tom ail the time."37 This anti-clerical mode of thinking betrays the

influence of the Russian novelist Tolstoy, who separated Christ from the

Church. For Toistoy, the Church, corrupt as it was, as every world-

infected institution is bound to become, cannot be the body of Christ.

Nor for that reason can Christ, the only way ta salvation, be

institutionalized. Salvation, without which life remains ernpty and

frightfuily meaningless, is fully independent, outside bath th.e church

and all worldly institutions. Consequently, to be really Christian is to be

36Dabbagh, Mikhail NaimYl 11. Nikitin inspired Nu'aymah to keep adiary, which at first was intended to give him the opportunity to express histhoughts and feelings and to exercise bis literary fluency. As a result t he wroteabout 750 pages in fourteen months, and this becam.e one of the most detail~d

and beautiful records of bis ideast passion, literary greatness t spiritual beauty,and human perfection. It documented the books he read t the things heachieved, and the impact on him of the environment in which he lived.

37Ibid., 19.

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23

institution-free, as simple, pure, and natural as Christ.38 Nu'aymah

found a new understanding of Christ, whom he conceived apart from the

Church and independent of it. According to Nu'aymah, Christ is the

Savior nat because he can bestow salvation on others but because his

life, character and teachings are a praof and guarantee that the only way

to human salvation is to follow in his footsteps.39 Not surprisingly,

Nu'aymah took a new tum in his Christianity in Russia, where his

religious journey found its fmishing touch.40 One might argue however

that he was not simply a young man who came to a new place without

any guiding principles. Indeed, he had brought with him. a number of

such principles, many of which he had drawn from his family, his people

and the lands he had lived in previously.

Besides contributing to Nu'aymah's religious mode of thinking,

Poltava offered him some new experiences which shaped his literary art.

Nu'ayrnah's frrst attendance at a theatre, a ballet and other art

performances inspired him to write poetry, short staries, and plays. In

his fourth year of study at Poltava, he even tried to compose a poem in

Russian, entitled "The Frozen River," inspired by the frozen face of the

small river Sola in the Ukrainan winter. This poem was published in his

38Nadeem Naimy, The Lebanese Prophets of New York (Beirut: AmericanUniversity of Beinlt, 1985), 63.

39 Ibid.

4ONaimy, Mikhail Naimy: An Introduction, 88.

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24

school's magazine and later became popular in Arabic under the tittle "al-

Nahr al-Mutajammid. n

Nu'aymah had been especially drawn to the works of Lermontov;

these had inspired him to write poetry. The latter influenced Nu'aymah's

views on love, h umanity and civilization.41 It was nevertheless in Toistoy

that he found the supreme confrrmation of his ideas. Nu'aymah even

considered him as his teacher, second only to Christ in terms of

influence. He wrote in his autobiography, "Pardon me, Lev Nikolayevich. l

am indebted to you for many ideas that lit what was obscure in my

spiritual world. In many of your later publications that 1 read last year

[1908], 1 feil upon a light that would guide me in every step 1 took. Yes,

for this respect, and without your knowing it, you have become MY guide

and teacher."42

For a man like Nu'aymah, coming from a poverty-stricken,

backward, even medieval, existence in a land suffering from the "sterility"

of five centuries of Ottoman isolation, Russia proved a whole world of

new experiences, exceedingly rich and manifold. This is nat ta say that

the Russia of that time was especially advanced, but only that it was a

huge melting pot in which various ideas, trends and activities, whether

41Dabbagh, Mikhail Naimy, 10; Naimy, .Mikhail Naimy: An Introduction,87. For the influence of the Russian poet Lermontov, see ibid., 90-3.

42Ibid., 93.WaIid Munir also stresses the influence of this Russian poetin his Mi1chtir.u Ntl~aymah (Cairo: al-Hay'ah al-Mi~riyyah alc.Ammah li al-Kutuib,1992), 199. His genuine conception of literature i.e., that it should selVe as a

•25

social, politieal, economie, literary or religious in nature eireulated

among the intelligentsia, who were determined to shape Russia's

future.43

Nu'aymah's interest in Arabie literature did not eease with his new-

found enjoyment of Russian literature. Instead, he beeame more aware of

Arabie literature's development, and he even suggested ways to reverse

the stagnaney of Arabie literature at a time when JUI]ï Zaydan and

ManfaltitI were the prominent writers in the Arab world.44 Nu'aymah

kept in toueh with the development of Arabie literature through Arabie

papers and magazines sueh as al-Rilal.45

Nu'aymah's rebellion against the literary conventions of the Arab

world had, in faet, grown in Russia through his deep attaehment ta

Russian literature and through his eomparisons between Russian and

Arabie literature. However, these eomparisons always eoneluded that

literature in its true sense was lacking in the Arab world. Nothing being

produeed there could he eonsidered in any sense independent. His great

coneern was elearly refleeted in his statement, "I eould not help

comparing our literature and the Russian. God! How great is the abyss

separating us from the West. How thiek is the darkness in whieh we live,

realistic picture of human life, deeply influenced Nu'aymah. This concept wasbasic to the emergence of "a realist school" of literature.

43 Naimy, Mikhail Naimy: An Introduction, 87.

44Dabbagh, Mikhai.l Naimy, 12.

45 Naimy, Mikhail Naimy: An Introduction, 100.

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26

and how strongly attaehed to the crust of life are we to the exclusion of

its very heartL ..How exeeedingly poor you are, my eountIy!"46 This

keenness to contribute to the development of literature in his eountry

stimulated him to write a play in Arabic based on daily Lebanese Iife, one

he would not îmish until 1916. It was entitled Fathers and Sons (al-Ava'

wa al-Bantin).47 At this point, Nu'aymah's dream ta revive Arabie

literature found its impetus. Therefore, one rnight say that Nu'aymah's

critical attitude towards his literary and spiritual heritage began ta take

shape in this period.

In 1911 Nu'aymah eoncluded his studies in Poltava and left that

summer ta retum to his home village, bringing with him a desire ta

foment revolution in his eountIy's literature and religiosity.

5. The Dream is Realized

In the year of his return from Russia, and after a short stay in his

home village of Biskinta, he went to the United States with his brother

AdIb following his rejection by the law faeulty of Sorbonne in PariS.48 He

wanted ta study law because he felt that of the three important aspects

of his life -- i.e., spiritual, literary and social -- the third had not yet been

realized. Nu'aymah perceived that his training at the seminaries in

Biskinta, Nazareth and Poltava had given him a foundation upon which

46Ibid., 101.

47Ibid.

•27

to build his spiritual project. His dream to reform Arabie literature had

originated while he studied in Russia; nevertheless, he realized that he

lacked the means to contribute to the building of a good society, one

where justice would be applied. By studying law he felt that he could

acquire the means to do SO.49

Nu'aymah lived with his brother and his sister-in-law in WaHa

Walla, Washington, a small town on the American west coast.50 Here he

started to learn English to prepare himself for university. His strong

desire to learn helped him to overcome any embarrassment he might

have feU at attending a primary school in order to perfect his English. 51

Mter eight months, his English was considered good enough to permit

him to studyat the University of Seattle, Washington. In the autumn of

1912, Nu'aymah entered the university and later majored in law and the

arts, both ofwhich he was most interested in.52

His studies in the United States introduced him to the treasures of

Anglo-Saxon literature. He had no difficulty in ïmding his way through

this new body of writing, having already mastered Russian literature.53

48Dabbagh, Mikhail Naimy~ 20.

49Naimy, Mikhail Naimy: An Introduction, 107.

50 Nutaymah, Sabfun....al-Mar1Jnlahal-Thaniyah (1919-1932), 12.

51Ibid., 19; Dabbagh, Mikhail Naimy, 21. His previous ambition ta studylaw in France was, thus finally, realized.

S2Nu'aymah, Sabfün. ..al-MarfJ.alah al-Thaniyah (1919-1932)~ 21;Dabbagh, Mikhail Naimy~ 21.

• 53Naimy, Mikhail Naimy: An Introduction, 108.

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Nu'aymah in fact easily made the shift from the Russian sehool of literary

critieism, headed by Belinsky, to its English eounterpart, represented by

Matthew Arnold, Hazlitt, Shelley and Coleridge; from Lermontov and the

Russian Romantie poets, to Keats and the rest of the British

Romantieists; from Pushkin, the Shakespeare of the Russian language,

to Shakespeare himself; from Dostoyevsky, Chekhov, Gogol and Gorky,

ta the perhaps lesser but equally attractive Hardy, Austen, Carlyle and

Dickens.54 This eagerness ta learn more about other literatures

encouraged him to read voraeiously.

Furthermore, the more he read and learned about other

literatures the more he became viviclly aware of the seandalous gap

which separated the Russian and English world of letters from his native

tradition. Nu'aymah believed that he was equipped to bridge this gap

through his learning. However, he realized there was no medium that he

could use to express himself.55 Fortunately, his eagerness and

enthusiasm for Arabie literature was evenrually fulfilled when in April

1913 he unexpeetedly received a copy of al-Fumin (The Arts), an Arabie

literary periodical published in New York by Naslb 'Anq.ah, Nu'aymah's

friend and former classmate at the Teacher's Institute of Nazareth.56

S4Ibid., Ill.

55 Ibid.

56 Nu~aymahJ Sab'"un... al-Mar1).alah al-Thtïniyah (1919-1932)~28.

•29

This periodical was part of a new trend in Arabic literature because

it revealed a new stream of literature different from its predecessor,

which relied too much on ornamental style and linguistic jugglery.S7 The

contributors to this periodical - among them Jubran Kharù Jubran,

AmIn al-R1qani and Naslb 'Ariq.ah58 -- expressed themselves as Arabs,

but in a manner that was more appropriate to the literary spirit of the

modern world in which they lived. Nu'aymah was impressed by this first

issue of al-Fum[n because he felt that the writers shared his conception

of Arabic literature. He was optimistic that by means of this periodical,

Arabie literature would enter a new era in which it would function as a

vision of life in its underlying essence, cosmic oneness and indivisible

unity.59 Nu"aymah tried to give expression to this dream in his frrst

article for al-Funun entitled "Fajr al-Amnl ba'd Layl al-Ya's" (The Da~ of

Hope after the Darkness of Despair),60 in which he expressed his

rebellion against traditional Arabic literature. In his view, the latter was

based only on ornamentation, traditionalism, hypocrisy and triviality - in

57Dabbagh, Mikhail Naimy, 2l.

58 In that edition, Jubran wrote a poem entit1ed '''Ayyuha al-Layl"; NasibcAriqah, whose nickname was "AIif' contributed one poem "Améini," and Aminal-R1.qani presented his work "Bulbul al-I1"l~"a.,. wa al-Mawt." NuCaynlah,Sabcün... al-Mar1Jn.lah al-Thciniyah (1919-1932), 29.

59Mounah A. Khouri, Studies in Contemporary Arabie Poetry and Critici.sm(Califomia: Jahan Book, 1987), 44.

• 60 NuCaymah, Sabcün... al-Mar1).alah al-Thciniyah (1919-1932),30.

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short, it was a "mummified literature."61 This sharp attaek on the

existing literary sterility in the Arab world and a careful outline of the

basic eharaeteristics of the new one -- the living literature expected of the

new generation -- was warmly received by Arab emigrants in the United

States, and it was predicted that it would influence the ruture

development of Arabic literature.62 As a result, he was asked by the

editor of this periodical ta contribute more ideas. As his hopes ta revive

Arabic literature were raised, Nu'aymah produced works which breathed

a new and revolutionary spirit into Arabie literature -- literary criticism,

short stories, poems, a play and a nove!. Mter its ninth issue in 1913,

fmancial problems foreed al-Funu-n ta cease publication.63 His works

continued however to be published in another semi-weekly periodical, al-

Sci'i1J, established in New York in 1912 by another old friend by the name

of 'Abd al-MaslQ. Iiaddad.64

After three years of absence, al-Funu-n reappeared in 1916 with

more revolutionary contributions from enthusiastic emigrants like

Rashld Ayyüb, lliya Abü Macfi, Am1n Mushriq, William KatsfIis and 'Abd

al-Masi4 tiaddad. Nu'aymah distinguished himself among the

contributors ta this revived periodical. His raIe in its success was more

ôIDabbagh, Mikhail Naimy, 22. See also Salma Khadra Jayyusi, Trendsand Movements in Modern Arabie Poetry, vol. 1 (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1977), 108.

6:!Nu'aymah, Sab'ün... al-Mar1)a.lah al-Thtiniyah (1919-1932), 32.63 Dabbagh, Mikhail Naimy, 22.

• 64 Naimy, Mikhail Naimy: An Introduction, 114.

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important than before, as he was not only a creative writer but also a

critic who examined and sifted through the CUITent literatures,

discarding, rejecting and even satirizing what he deemed traditional,

superficial and artificially deficient, and laying down the literary

principles which he believed the new movement ought to follow.65 His

contributions were numerous: the story "The Festival of Death"

(Mahraja-n al-MaUJt), the paems "the Frozen River"(aI-Nahr al-Mutajammid),

CCComrade" (Aklu), "Who are Vou, My Self7"(Man Anti Ycï Nafsr), the play

"Fathers and Sons" (AI-Ava' wa aI-Banu-n) , the novel "Memoirs of a

Vagrant SouI" (Mudhakkarat al-Arqash), and the two critical essays,

"Arabie Drama"{al-Riwayah al-Tamt1u1iyyah al-CArabiyya lij and "fhe

Firefly. " 66

In October 1916, NuCaymah moved to New York from Seattle after

graduating from university in arder to pursue more active involvement in

this periadical.67 After the appearance of producing the twelfth issue of

its second volume in May 1917, al-Funu-n suspended publication for two

months before launching its third year in August 1917. In November of

that same year, after bringing out the fourth issue, the periodical again

65Ibid., 11S.An account of Nu'aymah's literaIY career as a critic may befound in Jean Gibran and Kahlil Gibran, KahIil Gibran: His Life and World (NewYork: Interlink Books, 1991), 337.

66Naimy, Mikhail Naimy: An Introduction, 115-116.

67 The year 1916 marked his first meeting with Kahlil Gibran at the officeof al-Funün. Jean Gibran and Kahlil Gibran, Kahlil Gibran: His Life and World,338.

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had to close down, only to resume publication in April 1918 when

Nu'aymah was appointed as director and assistant editor.68

However, only two issues were produced before he was called up by

the United States Army for overseas military service in France in 25 May

1918, when the United States declared war on Germany.69 It may seem

strange that a person like Nu'aymah should have let himself becorne

involved in war. But he regarded himself as having been guided by The

Unseen Hand to do 50. This sense of being directed by a greater power

always arose whenever he met with unpredictable experiences. He

believed that our own will plays buta small raIe in shaping our lives.

There is a force other than our own that shapes our destiny.70 This

attitude should not of course be seen as being ïnconsistent with his

commitment ta harrnony with nature and with people. Nevertheless,

Nu'aymah's horrifying experience in violent battle left deep impressions

on him which lasted all his life and strengthened his already formulated

conviction concerning the futility of modern society and civilization.71

When the war ended, Nu'aymah was selected to joïn other

promising and educated soldiers to follow course at Rennes University.

68Naim.y, Mikhail Naimy: An Introduction, 117.

69Ibid., 117. There is no information on the reason behind Nu'aymah'sdecision. AI-Funün sUIVived for two months before disappearing in August1918.

70Dabbagh., Mikhail Naimy, 23.This kind of power is identified byNu 'aymah as the Essence, or God, Whose power comprehends everything. Morecomprehensive discussion will be presented in chapter three.

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He attended lectures in French on the history of French literature and

the history of France. Through these two subjects, along with other

courses in French art and the legal and eonstitutional history of France,

his literary horizons and mastery of foreign languages were further

expanded.72 When this short period of study in France ended, he

returned to Walla Walla, to live with his two brothers, Adib and Haykal.

Due to his studies in France, Nu'aymah found himself more than

ever concerned about the development of Arabie literature. ft is

noteworthy that with every study of a new foreign literature, he eompared

its development with his own and sought ways to improve it. After

reeeiving a letter from his colleague in New York, Jubnin Khalil Jubran,

in which the latter asked him to promote Arabie literature by

reestablishing al-Funu.-n in the autumn of 1919, Nu'aymah decided to

return to New York to do just that.73 However, for fmaneial reasons, this

effort failed, forcing Nu'aymah, Jubnin Khalil Jubran and Naslb 'ArlQ-ah

to turn to al-Sciff]., a periodical with a circulation limited to the Arab

community. This periodical became an alternative organ for expressing

their ideas coneerning Arabie literature.74

In New York, Nu'aymah earned money as a salesman for a

company ron by three wealthy Syrian emigrants. His inclination ta

ïl Naimy, Mikhail Naimy: An Introduction, 118.

72Dabbagh, Mikhail Naimy, 25.

73Ibid.,26. Also Naimy, Mikhail Naimy: An Introduction, 119.

•34

withdraw into his own world did not cease because of this. He still

isolated himself in a small dark room under the gigantic buildings of

Manhattan for meditation and self-examination.75

ACter realizing that it was impossible to reestablish al-Furnin,

Nu~aymah and his colleagues decided to unite its progressive, literary-

minded circle of authors and launch an avant-garde literary movement

dedicated to raising Arabic literature from its medieval state to modern

standards. Mter two consecutive meetings held on April 20 and 21 1920,

the group, the so-called "Pen-Bond" (al-Rabitah al-Qalarniyyah), was

founded, most of the members having come from al-Funun. Meanwhile,

the periodical al-Sa~i1J. was to take the place of al-Funun as the main

organ through which the voice of the Râb(tah was to be cornmunicated to

the world. Nu'aymah was appointed as the secretary of the Râbitah and

KhaIil Jubran as its president.76 Nu'aymah's raIe in this new group was

conspicuous. This was not only because of his remarkable literary

productivity but also due ta his efforts to set down the rules of the Bond.

He wrote its constitution, expounding therein the aims, ideals and main

literary principles to which the Raoitah should devote itself.77 Nu'aymah

74Dabbagh, Mikhail Naimy, 26.

75Ibid.

76Naimy, Mikhail Naimy: An Introduction, 119-120. According to the rulesagreed on by al.l members, the president was called "Chieftain" and thesecretary "Councellor." See Jean Gibran and Kahlil Gib:ran, Kahlil Gibran: HisLife and World, 338.

• 77Naimy, Mikhail Naimy: An Introduction, 121.

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was therefore instrumental in making the Râbitah the most influential

movement that modern Arabie literature has ever known. He was,

moreover, the only one of all his colleagues to deal with literary criticism.

To those Arabs were struck by the new movement in New York, he was

the outstanding figure. In his articles he would convey the litermy theory

and the different concepts behind the new movement, just as in his

creative writings they would see theory and concept put inta practice.78

Nu'aymah's popularity reached Egypt, Syria and Lebanon, which fmally

gave him access to a wider public for his works.79

In his quest to elaborate further upon the spiritual and

philosophical line of thought that he had been developing since his time

in Russia and which he continued to do during his studies in the United

States, he began to move not only within the sphere of Russian

spiritualists and thinkers like Toistoy, but aIso in much broader spheres

78Ibid., 123.

7gAs a result of this popularity, Nufaymah was asked by the Egyptianpublisher MU4yi al-Dïn Riq.a to submit a collection of his essays as a model forthose who wished to follow the new style in Arabic literature. This bookappeared in the summer 1923 in Carro under the title al-Ghirba1, "the Sieve."See Naimy, Mikhail Naimy: An Introduction, 124. Nufaymah's book is in manyways a manifesto of the mahjar movement in North America. The twofold aim ofthe Pen Bond, namely, the repudiation of traditional excessive verbiage andconventionalism, and the attempt to rise above provincialism by makingliterature primarily the expression of universal human thought and feeling, aregiven clear and vehement expression in this book. M. M. Badawi, A CriticalIntroduction to Modem Arabie Poetry (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,1975), 182.

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where Toistoy was only one of many stars.80 Moving on from Tolstoy, for

instance, the line of reading which Nu'aymah followed swung froOl

Buddhism, Taoism, Hinduism and other theosophies of the East, ta

Plato, St Augustine, Savoranola, Spinoza and innumerable similar

devotees of the universal and divinely established truth in the West. This

is not ta mention, of course, his debt to al-Iiallaj, Ibn 'Arabi and various

other similarly-minded figures in the Muslim Arab heritage whom.

Nu'aymah. himself admits he only knew as that time at second hand. 81

In his third year of studies at Washington University, Nu'aymah

was for the frrst time introduced ta the idea of the transmigration of the

soul or metempsychosis through a fellow student. He was attracted to the

concept and fmally came to believe it, even ta the point of making it the

center of his philosophical thought.82

Nu'aymah's life in the United States may be considered as the most

important stage in his career because it was the peak of his literary and

80Naimy, Mikhail Naimy: An Introduction, 109.

81Ibid., 109. A similar point was also adduced in Shafiq Shayya, Falsafa:tMikhti~NuCaymah, 318.

82Nucaymah, Sabcün... al-Mar1Jalah al-Thtïniyah (1919-1932), 45. Therewere sorne of his works influenced by his belief in the notion ofmetempsychosis such as aLiqci'," aMarafJ.il" especially in the episode CI:Ifabbatcïnmin al-Qam1'J."; his letter to his brother Nasib who lived in France at that timein his autobiography "Sabctin'" under subtitle "Mas'u1iyyah ~nant:u1uï'Intahae~

and in "zad al-Maccid" on subtitle "al-MauJt wa al-Ifayâh." See also Dabbagh,Mikhail Naimy, 51.

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spiritual journey. His dream. of leading an Arabie literary revival was

eventually achieved through his long effort and sacrifice.

6.Back to the Cradle oC Biskinta

After about twenty years of wandering throughout the West and

more than thirty years of experiencing different countries and different

values, Nu 'aymah fmally decided in 1932 to retum. to his home village

Biskinta to live in peace and serenity away from the harshness of

civilization he had experienced at ïrrst hand abroad. When he arrived in

Biskinta, he found that the village where he had been born and had

spent his childhood was different from what it had been before. There

had been sorne changes to the physical condition of the village and its

environment.83 Returning from the developed world, however, he came ta

feel closer to his origins and found himself condemning Western

civilization-- in his view a civilization of machines and crises.84 He spent

his time in meditation and seif-reconciliation in a hut made from tree

branches of trees to the South of Shakhruo, leading a life which was close

to his soul's inclination.85

83Nu'aymah, Sab'ün...al-Mar1].alah al-ThâTithflh (19321959-), 24-25.

84Dabbagh, Mikhail Naimy, 41.

85Nu'aymah, Sab'ün...al-Mar1].alah al-Tha1ithah (19321959-), 48. He tellsus that he spent most of his time in this hut. He returned ta ms home only foreating and drinking and for reception of bis guests; Also Dabbagh, MikhailNaimy, 41.

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After his return to Biskinta, one of the main themes of his talks,

writings and general outlook revolved round the bankruptcy of modern

Western civilization, and its inherently inhuman nature and harshness.86

In the last period of his life, at the age of forty-three, he took a vow of

chastity and devoted himself to asceticism and the examples of Buddha,

Lao-Tzu, Christ and al-Iiallaj.87 He demonstrated his asceticism by

refusing an offer from a politician in his country to serve as a member of

parliament. He explained that, were he to accept membership in

parliament, "1 would lose my self and all that l have built over the years.

What l have built for my self is tao dear for me to sacrifice for the sake of

a seat in parliament or in the cabinet."88 He also repudiated a large sum

of money ta take part in a propaganda campaign for a "certain

country."89 Nu'aymah therefore was not only acknowledged as a famous

Arab writer, but as one whose integrity inspired the highest respect and

admiration.

Nu'aymah's works began ta appear in translation in about this

period as weil. In 1956 Nu'aymah had the chance ta revisit Russia when

86Ibid.

87Gregory Orfalea and Sharif Elmusa (eds.), Grape Leaves, A Century ofArab American Poetry (Salt Lake City: University Of Utah Press, 1988), 56.Nu'aymah ha.d chosen asceticism as his lifestyle. His views on true love madehim decide not to devote his love to women. Therefore he preferred not to manyduring his lifetime. More elaboration on this notion can be found in his threevolumes autobiography "Sab'tin. Il

88 Dabbagh, Mikhail Naimy, 43.

89Ibid.

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he was invited by the Russian Writers Union to share his ideas.90 As a

result of this visit, he wrote a book entitled Ab'ad min MusJcri wa min

Wci$intun (Far from Moscow and Washington).91 He also made severa!

trips to Arab countries like Syria, Palestine, Iraq, Kuwait and Tunisia,

besides visiting India in 1965.92

In Biskinta, Nu'aymah constantly produced books and articles,

including a biography of Jubran KhaIil Jubran which aroused a great

deal of controversy in the Arab world owing to the novel way he chose to

write it. The Book of Mirdcid lconsidered the pinnacle of his thought and

originally 'written in English), Mudhakkarat al-Arqash (translated as

Memoirs of a Vagrant Souij, Liqa' (which he called "Till We Meet")-were

ail written in Biskinta.93 Nu'aymah's idealistic longing to contribute to

the welfare of other people as wel1 as to his country remained alive to the

end of his life. His mystical mode of thinking and life, which first

developed during childhood, reached its peak in his last years.

90Bülus, FiAdnb al-NaJu!.ah, 106.

9lIbid., 107.

92Nu'aymah, Sab'ün... al-MarfJ.alah al-Thtïniyah (1919-1932), 63; Bülus,FiAdab al-Nafu!.a.h, 108.

93Dabbagh, Mikhail Naimy, 44.

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Chapter 2A General View of Sufism

1. Mysticism and Sufism

In this section we will examine the nature of mysticism uis-à-uis

sufism in arder to understand why M"Ikha'il Nu'aymah is described by

sorne scholars as a "mystic" and by others as a "$U]f." l Our discussion of

this subject, moreover, will serve as a useful preliminary to analyzing

many of Nu'aymah's literary works which feature mystical as weil as sufi

elements.

As an abstract concept, the word mysticism has no comprehensive

deîrnition sufficient to account for its range of meaning. Accordingly,

there are many different explanations of what it denotes. However, there

is at least rudimentary agreement that mysticism is at the core or

occupies the very inner aspect of ail religions.2 Therefore, one might say

IHussein Dabbagh, Mikhail Naimy: Sorne Aspects of His Thought AsRevealed in His Writing (Durham: University of Durham, Centre for MiddleEastern & Islamic Studies, 1983), 50. According to the author, Nu'aymah'smode of thinking revealed in his works is mystical-humanitarian. See SalmaKhadra J ayyusi, Trends and Movements in Modern Arabie Poetry (Leiden: E.J.Brill, 1977), vol.1, 107. Thurayya Ma.ll1.as, Mikha-w. Nu'aymah: al-Adlv al-$uli(Beirüt: Dar Bayrut Li al-1'ibâ'ah wa al-Nashr, 1964). Nu'aymah is identified asa $lIfi not only because of the character of his works but also because of hisown behaviour, which was observed to he ofa $Üfinature.

2Louis Dupre, "Mysticism," The Encyclopedia of Religion (New York:Macmillan Publishing Company, 1987), vol. 10, 247. A.C. Bouquet elaborates insome detail on the common ground linking mysticism as found in ail religions.According to the author, there are three fundamental points of agreement.First, is that all division and separateness is unreal, and that the universe is asingle indivisible unity; second, that evil is illusory, and that the illusion arisesthrough regarding a part of the universe as self-subsistent; and third, that time

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that the term mysticism is universal in meaning but particular in

implementation. The urge ta compare different kinds of mysticism,

borrowing Zaehner's word, is similar to discerning between 'like and

like. '3 However, differences unquestionably exist due to the fact that the

various interpretations of mystical experience and the process of

attaining the ultimate goal of union with Gad or a like power are viewed

in the light of heterogeneous theological and philosophical justifications.4

The term mysticism has been in relatively current use from about

the year 1900 onwards.5 The tenn itself is originally borrowed from the

Greek word mustës, meaning a persan who has been admitted ta secret

knowledge of the realities of life and death.6 The emergence of the term

is unreaI, and that reality is etexnaI, not in the sense of being everlasting, butin the sense of being out of time. A. C. Bouquet, Comparative Religion: A ShortOutLine (London: Cassel, 1961),288. See aIso W. R. Inge, Mysticism in Religion(London: Hutchinson's University Library, n.d.), 25; A..J. Arbeny, Sufism: AnAccount ofthe Mystics ofIslam (London: n.p., 1950), Il.

3R.C. zaehner, Hindu and Muslim Mysticism (Oxford: Oneworld, 1994), 2.

4 Louis Dupre, "Mysticism," in The Encyclopedia ofReligion, vol. 10, 246.See aIso Arberry, Sufism, 11. According to Inge, the only point on which themystics speak with an uncertain or divergent voice refers to the value of thesensible objects, and of our knowledge of the world of time and space, assymbols of ultimate reality. Inge, Mysticism in Religion, 26. See also StevenT.Katz (ed.), Mysticism and Philosophical Analysis (New York: Oxford UniversityPress, 1978), 96.

5Bouquet, Comparative Religion, 288. This term.. aIso is seen as aphenomenological concept, developed by Western scholars. Katz (ed.),Mysticism and Philosophical Analysis, 75.

6 Bouquet, Comparative Religion, 288. Another explanation of the root ofthis word is offered by Frager in bis introduction to Essential Sufism. He saysthat the root of the word mysticism is the Greek ward myein mpaning, "to closethe eyes," which is also the root of the word mystery. James Fadiman and

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mysticism and its popularity can be traced back to the strong

assumption that there are sorne aspects of faith, including types of

experiences, spiritual goals, practices, etc.. , which can be found in al~ost

any religion and in the realms that border on religion, such as

philosophy, art, literature and science.7

Pringle Pattison viewed the meaning of the term from two

standpoints, i.e .. , philosophical and religious. The fust inclines to see

mysticism as the endeavor of the hurnan rnind to grasp the divine

essence or the ultimate reality of things, while the second perspective

tends to view it as an effort to enjoy the blessedness of actual

communion with the highest. Here, God is the fmal object and

experience.8 Another defmition is also adduced by zaehner, who says

that mysticism is the realization of a union or a unity with or in (or of)

something that is exceedingly, if not infmitely, greater than the empirical

self.9 In stating this, zaehner seems to imply that there is an inherent

hannony embracing all kinds of mysticism. This harmony is the ultimate

objective of ail mysticism, Le., the realization of being united with

Robert Frager (ed.), Essential Sufism (San Fransisco: Harper San Fransisco,1997), 1.

7Katz (ed.), Mysticism and Philosophical Analysis, 75; Fadiman andFrager (eds.), Essential Sufism, 2. The author draws an analogy between therelationship of religion to mysticism and that of a tree ta its branches: bothbring forth fruit, although in the first case this fruit is the Truth or God.

8 Inge, Mysticism in Religion, 25.

9R.C. Zaehner, At Sundry Times: An Essay in the Comparison ofReligions(London: Faber and Faber, 1958), 171.

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~something" greater than oneself, by which he means God. For these

reasons, it is obvious that the problem of defining mysticism is rooted in

the relativity of the meaning of the word itself.

Yet there is another aspect to mysticism that must he

acknowledged, and this is the fact that it often ensues from a feeling of

dissatisfaction with the external aspects of religion. This leads ta an

extension of religious practice to the domain of the inner aspect of one's

faith, which means to live totally the meaning of one's belief, not only in

outward aspects but also on the level of psychological and spiritual

experience. 1O

The mystical dimension of Islam is cammonly designated by the

technical term ta$awwuf (Arabie) or sufism. ll The term itself was first

used in a texts dating from the third century of Islam, roughly equivalent

10 Katz (ed.), Mysticism and Philosophical Analysis, 96.

11 As far as the mystical dimension of Islam is concexned, the termsufism is mostly cited by several authors to express this kind of meaning.Martin Lings clearly states that sufism is another name for Islamic mysticism.See Martin Lings, "The Koranic Origins of Sufism," Sufi: A Journal of Sufism,no.18 (summer 1993), 5. The word $U]ïitself means an adept of the mysticalpath of Islam. See Frederick Mathewson Denny, An Introduction to Islam, 2 nd ed.(New York: Macmillan Publishing Company, 1994), 220; Peter J. Awn,"Sufism," The Encyclopedia of Religion, vol. 14, 104; Sayyid 'Abd al-fiayy,Muslim Philosophy, voL1( Dacca: Nawroze Kitabistan, 1964), 109; John AldenWilliams (ed.), Islam (New York: George Brazil1er, 1962), 136. However, IkbalAli Shah felt that it was indispensable for him to attach the adjective "'Islamic"before the word "sufism" in order to make clear the connection of this fonn ofmysticism to Islam. Ikbal Ali Shah, Islamic Sufism (London: The MayflowerPress, 1933), 14.

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to the ninth century C.E.12 It is one of the manifestations of Islamic

religious life, specifically the inner aspect of this life, and represents the

highest stage of spiritual development. This is the case because on

becoming a $lIft, men desire ta have direct contact with the ultimate

reality, that is God. 13 In order to reach this ultimate goal, $U]fs place

particular stress on kashf (unveiled) as the source of knowledge. The

basis of sufism lies in man's aspiration for a direct, personal approach to

God so as to achieve union with Him through love. 14

12 Julian Baldick, Mystical Islam (New York: New York University Press,1989), 30; Fadiman and Frager (eds.), Essential Sufism, 2; Muhammad 1. M.Bahman, "Sufi Mysticism in Islam," The Muslim Warld, vol. 21, no.1 (January1931), 29. Al-Laytlü states that the term. did not emerge during the period ofthe prophet M~ammadJ but appeared only in the second centuIy A.H. SeeIiasan Mu.4ammad Al-Laytlü, Al-TCUiawwuffi al-Islam (Cairo: Dar al-Fikr al­Iiadith li al-1;ab' wa al-Nashr, 1965), 8. Al-Qushayrl also provides similarinformation; see 'Abd al-Karim ibn Hawazin Al-Qushayri, Al-Risa1ah al­Qushayri.yyah (Beirüt: Dar al-Kitéib al-'Arabï, n.d.), 7-8. Regarding theemergence of the term., Al-Sarnij claims that it has been known since pre­Islamic times, quoting in support of this one tradition of Mul1ammad Ibn Isq.aqIbn Yasar : "There was an occasion in the pre- Islamic period when there wasno one who perform. tawaj; until there was a ~fiwho came from a remote areaperformed it and then left." See Abü Na~r al-Sarnij al-TUsi, Al-Luma' Fi al­T~awwu.f(Cairo:Dar al-Kutub al-Ji:adithah bi Mi~r, 1960),42-3.

13 This stage is the highest stage that men cao reach in their religiouslife. According to Ali Shah. generally speaking there are three stages in this life.The first is the level of "faith" where the individual accepts all the religiouscommands unreservedly without applying any rational understanding of themeaning and purpose of that injunction. The second one is the stage of"thought" where the total submission to the religious commandments isfollowed by a rational attempt at understanding them. Here, religious life seeksa kind of metaphysical foundation, a lotricclly consistent view of the world withGod. The third is the highest stage where the religious life develops theambition to come into direct contact with God. This elaboration cao be round inIkbal Ali Shah, [slamic Sufism, 76. Junayd al-Baghdacfi aIso gives a similardefinition of sufism, i.e., as having contact with God without any mediator. Al­Qushayri, Al-Risa1ah, 127; Al-Sarrlij. Al-Luma', 45.

14'Abd al-Ji:ayy, Muslim Philosophy, 109.

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According ta Nasr, sufism encompasses three elements: the nature

of Gad, the nature of man and spiritual virtues. 15 Sufism provides the

means for men to realize union with Divine by seeking within themselves,

by breaking all their ties with the outer world by immersing themselves

in the Divine Nature, whieh resides at the centre of their heart. By doing

SO, men are elevated fram the lowly state of asfal sa]ilin and reinstated in

their primordial perfection of afJsan taqw{m where they find within

themselves all that they had sought outwardly in the quest to become

one with GOd. 16 Sufism is the path which leads from the particular to the

universal, from multiplieity to unity, from forro to the Supra-Formal

Essence. 17

The origin of the word tQ.$awwuf has been the subject of much

debate. Sorne say that the ward is derived from the Arabie word $UJ,

meaning waal, since the early $Ufis are said to have worn rough woolen

garments as the symbol of their rejection of the world. 18 Another tine af

15Seyyed Hossein r-iasr, Sufi Essays (Albany: State University of NewYork Press, 1973), 34.

16Ibid., 32-33. This explanation recalls Martin Ling's view that sufism isone way ta regain the lost state of primordial perfection in which men were in astate of intimacy with God, since they were created in the image of God. SeeMartin Lings, "The Koranic ûrigins of Sufism," 5.

17Nasr, Sufi Essays, 32.

18 Peter J. Awn, "Sufism," 104. See alsu M. Denny, An Introduction toIslam, 220. The explanation of the term.'s derivation from the word $tif is theone most widely accepted. Compare Titus Burckhardt, An Introduction toSufism, trans., D.M. Matheson (London: The Aquarian Press, 1990), 15. Thisterm could even stem from as far back as the beginnings of Judaism. TheProphet mentioned that Moses was dressed in wool when God spoke ta him onMount Sinaï. Lings,"The Koranic ürigins of Sufism,"6. Abu Na~r al-Sarnij was

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speculation has it that the word is derived from $aff, meaning "rank,"

implying that $lIfts weIW originally seen as an elite group among

Muslims. Sorne say that it derives from $Uffah, meaning bench, alluding

to the people of the bench, or the intimates of the prophet Mu~ammad

who gathered at the tITst masque in Medina, while others say that it

cornes from $afq.', purity, thus emphasizing the moral uprightness

essential to the $lIft way of life. 19 Lings has adduced another explanation

of the word's origin: that it is a passive fonn of the verb $ajQ. meaning "he

chose him for himself as a friend." If the subject of this verb is God, then

the passive $Üfi means "He was chosen as a friend by God."20 Another

possible origin of the ward sufism is the Greek word sophia, meaning

wisdom.21

Like the term designating it, the phenomenon of sufism is also a

matter of debate,22 with sorne scholars believing that it is a natural

growth in Islanl, in other words that it is derived from Islamic sources,23

also convinced that the term h=td its origin in the clothes worn by the $lIftsrather than in their knowledge or actions or states. Al-Sarrâj, AI-Luma c

, 40.

19 Peter J .Awn, "Sufism," 104-5.

20 Lings, "The Koranic Origin of Sufism," 6.

21 Bouquet, Comparative Religion, 291. However, this is etymologicallydoubtful because the Greek letter sigma normally becomes sin (s) in Arabic andnot ~ad. Titus Burckhardt, An Introduction ta Sufism, 15.

22RegarJ.ing the origin of sufism, Bahman adduces four theories, i.e., theesoteric Islam theory, the Aryan reaction theory, the theory of Neo-platonistorigin and the theory of independent origin. Further explanation can he foundin Bahman, "Sufi Mysticism in Islam," 29-30.

23M. Denny, An Introduction to Islam, 220; David Waines, An Introductionta Islam (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 138. Waines stated

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while others are certain that it had its origin in non-Islatnic sources such

as Neo-Platonism, Gnosticism, Hinduism, Buddhism, ZOroastrianism,

Christian and Jewish mysticism.24 The vast development: in the studyof

sufism, especially in the West, may be one reason for Ulis difference in

opinion.25

that while the shari'ah is the exoteric or outward dimension. of Islam.ic faith,sufism or tQ.$awwuf is the esoteric one. This proves, in the eyes of themystically-inclined, that sufism is undoubted1y part of Islamic religion. J. N. D.Anderson (ed.), The world's Religions (London: The Inter-Varsity Fellowship,1950), 75.

24M. Denny employs the terms "pre-Islamic" and "'extra.-Islamic" sourcesin order to distinguish between different types of non- Islamic sources.M.Denny, An Introduction to Islam, 220. Bouquet states that "there is a foreignelement which has worked its way into the growth of sufism which is quiteinconsistent with the original doctrine. See A. C. Bouquet, ComparativeReligion, 290, 292. However, Titus Burckhardt states that th.e idea of relatingthe origin of sufism to non-Islamic elements came from the orientalists whoapprehended the contradictions of the position of sufism itself in Islamictradition. On the one hand it is the spirit or heart of Islam (Rû1). al-Islam or Qalbal-Islam), while on the other it represents at the same time the outlook whichis, in the Islamic world, the most free in relation to the mental framework ofthat world. Titus Burckhardt, An Introduction to Sufism, 16. 'The same idea isoffered by (Abd al-liayy who states that western scholars who favor the idea doso because they found it difficult to harmonize the philosophy of love with thetranscendental overlordship of Allah. 'Abd al-liayy, Muslim .Philosophy, 125­132.

2S This analysis is given by Hossein Nasr who says that as a result of theincreased number of Muslim. and Western scholars who study sufism, threetypes of writings on sufism in the West can be identified. T:he tirst includesthose which range from the most damaging and prejudiced criticism to someauthors who offer sympathetic and often penetrating studies such as L.Massignon, H. Corbin, E. Dermenghem, L. Gardet, C. Rice, F. Meier and P.Filipanni-Ronconi, which border in sorne cases on actual participation in theworld of sufism. He would also include excellent translatio~...s by B. de Sacy, R.A. Nicholson and A. J. Arbeny. The second includes the works claiming to beassociated with different current !?Ufl movements in the West, works whichoften contain many genuine teachings of the founder but which have becomeintermixed with ail kind of extraneous matters, making the sifting of the wheatfrom the chaff difficult especially for the beginner. The th.ird is the trulyauthentic expositions of sufism emanating from genuine teachings, such as

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Sorne scholars who favor the first opinion insist that although

there was non-Islamic influence on sufism, the Qur'an and the traditions

of the prophet Mullammad (1J.adfth) are its prirnary sources.26As the two

main foundation stones of the Islamic faith, the Qur'an and the J].adfth

cao be seen as those of sufism as well because it is itself a branch of the

Islamic faith, especially concerned with contemplation.27 Like other non-

$Ufl believers and the fuqalui', the $lIfts view the Qur'an and the 1J.adith

as the source and the primary guidance for the implementation of their

religious life. Nevertheless, the siffis differ from them in that the latter

are sharicah-oriented, and depend on an exoteric mode of interpretation

(ta/sfr), whereas the süfis, who are admittedly only a minority among

believers, ernploy esoteric interpretation of the Qur'an and tenrl trwards

allegorical and symbolic kinds of interpretation (ta 'wil).28 Furthermore, as

those of R. Guenon, M. Lings, J. L. Michon, L. Schaya and especially F. Schuonand T. Burckhardt. Nasr, Sufi Essays, 15.

26M. Denny, An Introduction to Islam, 220; Titus Burckhardt, AnIntroduction to Sufism, 17. A similar account is offered by Al-Sarraj who baseshimself on Q. lUi 4Jmran: 18. He interprets the phrase -mü al-cnm Qa'im bi al­Ois! as three groups of Muslims i.e., ah1 al-1J.adith, .fuqafui' and 5l!-flS AIl of themare the heirs of the prophets who preserve the Qur'an and the fJ.adith. Al-Sarraj,Al-LumaC, 22.

27Seyyed Hossein Nasr (ed.), Islamic Spirituality: Foundations (New York:Crossroad, 1987), 239.

28M. Denny, An Introduction ta Islam, 221. According ta Frager, it isimpossible ta ignore the existence of the Qur'an and the f:!.a.dith as the origin orthe source of sufism. For him, in arder ta reach the stage of macrifah (gnosis) inwhich the~ arrives at the an angoing state of attunement with Gad and withTruth, !ariqah (the mystical path) which refers ta the inner practices of sufismand 1].aqlqah (truth) that pertains the inner meaning of the sufi practices andrefers ta the direct experience of the presence of Gad within, there is one stagethat preceded them i.e., the stage of shari'ah (religious law) in which the moral

• the prophet Mu~ammad is often held up as the prototype of the $U]i life,

one could say that the Qur'an is a major source for that tradition.

Indeed, one hadith records that when 'A'ishah was once asked about the

prophet's character, she said that his very nature was the Qur'an (Kana

Khuluquh al-Qur'an).

As indicated above, the two labels of "mystic" and "~ufi" are applied

to Nu'aymah by sorne scholars. Both mysticism and sufism serve as

paths allowing human beings to reach the ultimate reality or Truth that

is God. There is a universa1 concept or common ground that binds the

worlds of mysticism and sufism. Burckhardt rightly states, therefore,

that the difference between sufism and other kinds of mysticism can be

reduced to a question of doctrine.29

2. Some Major ~ufCThemes:

Two particular themes of Islamic mysticism will be discussed in the

course of this chapter. This of course does not mean to say that other

themes are less important, such as love or asceticism or self-eva1uation;

and ethical principles of Islam, which are rooted in the Qur'an and the f:!.adith,are founded. Fadiman and Frager, Essential Sufism, 12. In this contextBurckhardt gives an example of different interpretation of Q. 17: 14 and Q. 4:104. When the Qur'an says that he who accepts God's guidance will be guidedhimself (li nafsih) and that he who remains ignorant is so by himself ('alanafsih). The exoteric interpretation of this verse is limited to the idea of therecompense and punishment while the ~üfi understands the verse in the senseof the prophet's sayings: "He who knows himself (nafsah) knows his Lord."Burckhardt, An Introduction to Sufism, 42, 25.

• 29Burckhardt, An Introduction to Sufism, 24.

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it only means that two themes Le., oneness of being, and the

transmigration of soul, are the prevalent issues in Nu'aymah's literary

works, especially in reference to those works which l will discuss in the

next chapter. Moreover, it may also be noted that in the history of Islamic

mysticism, both of the themes are controversial in that each has proven

to be a source of perpetual contention, not only between theologians and

$UflS but also among $lIfts themselves.

2.1. Wa~datal-Wujüd (Oneness of Seing)

The doctrine of oneness of being, one of the most contentious

beliefs to come out of the speculative tradition in sufism, began to

emerge towards the end of the ninth and the beginning of the tenth

century C.E.3o This new trend in sufism was developed at a time when

translations of Greek and other philosophieal works into the Arabie and

Persian languages were being made. Muslim mystics began to interpret

various theological notions and philosophical theories resulting from this

process on the basis of their spiritual experiences.3 L

30 Margareth Smith, Readings from the Mystics ofIslam (London: Luzac &Company Ltd, 1950). 5; R. S. Bhatnagar, Dimensions of Classical Sufi Thought(Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1984), 51. Until the third century Hijrah, sufismwas more ascetic and devotional in character than speculative and doctrinal.Dhu al-NÜll al-Mi~rl is considered to have been the trrst exponent of this safidoctrine. (Abd al-Ifayy, Muslim Philosophy, 111; Louis Massignon, "Ta~wwuf,"The Encyclopedia of Islam, newedition (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1998), vol.10, 683.According to him the development of the doctrine of "existential monism,"began in the 7 th (8 th) century.

• 31 Bhatnagar, Dimensions ofClassical, 51.

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Those who believed in this doctrine maintained that God, the One

reality in His solitariness and concealment, desires to share His reality

with His creatures. In doing so, He manifests His beauty to those whom

He created. This led to the doctrine of divine universality and of an

absolute unity, which maintained that the glory of God is to be found in

all things, but in varying degrees.32

Additionally, the discussion of the concept of wa1)dat al-UJUju-d may

be viewed as an attempt to answer the cosmogonical hypothesis

concerning the origin of the world and the relationship between the world

and the Creator.33 The $lIfts who employ the concept of oneness of being

try to explain the reality of the world in relation to Gad, the Creator. They

consider it to be true that, in addition to this transcendence, which

implies His uniqueness and absoluteness in His Oneness, the reality of

the world and its contents as His creatures indicate that immanence is

another of His attributes.

Waf].dat al-wuju-d is variously translated as "Oneness of Seing,"

"Unity of Existence,"34 "Unity of Being,"35 or "Transcendent Unity of

32 Smith. Readings, 5.

33Mir Valiuddin, "Reconciliation Between Ibn cArabi's Wa.4dat al-Wujüdand the Mujaddid's Wa.4dat al-Shuhüd," Islamic Culture, 25 (1951), 43.

34 William C. Chittick, , Poetry and Mysticism in Islam" The Heritage ofRUmi , Amin Banani, Richard Hovannisian and Georges Sabagh (eds.), (NewYork: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 70. However, Chittick states in thefollowing pages that the problem of understanding wa1).dat al-wuftid is in theterm wujüd itself for there is no satisfactory translation for it.

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Seing."36Although the term. itself is usually ascribed to the influential

Spanish thinker Ibn 'ArabI (560-638/1165-1240), and though it is

considered as the defming characteristic of his rnystical views, it is,

surprisingly, nowhere to be found in Ibn 'Arabl's works. This is in spite of

the fact that he frequently discusses wu.jUd and describes it as

possessing the attribute of oneness or unity, employing such term as

waf).dah, waf).düniyyah and a1).adiyyah.37

Nonetheless, there were sorne siïJfs prior to Ibn 'ArabI who are said

to have rephrased the shahc:idah, "there is no god but God," which is the

basis of Islamic practices and concepts, to read, "there is nothing in

wuftid but God" and "there is nothing in the two worlds except rny Lord.

The existent things (mawftüùït) ail things except His wujua are non-

existent (ma'düm). »:38 These formulae express succinctly the concept with

which Ibn 'ArabI is usually credited. It rnay even be said that our

understanding of the term wa1).dat al-wujua owes more to the thought of

35S.S. Khusro Hussaini, "Shuhud Vs Wujüd: a Study of Gisudiraz,"Islamic Culture7 vol. 59,00.4 (October 1985),323.

36Seyyed Hossein Nasr, "Existence (wujüdJ and Quiddity (mcihiyyah) inIslamic Philosophy," International Philosophical Quarterly, vol. 29, no.4, issueno.116 (December 1989), 420.

37 Chittick, Poetry and Mysticism, 72; William. C. Chittick, "Ibn al-(Arabiand Mter in the Arabie and Persian Lands and Beyond," section in "Ta~awwuf,"

in The Encyclopaedia of Islam, new edïnon (Leiden: Brill, 1998), vol. 10, 317.Here, Chittick stresses the point that it is misleading to say withoutqualification that Ibn (Arabi believed in any specifie doctrine.

38Ibid., 71. The frrst quotation is attributed to Ibn 'Arabi's predecessorMa'nif Karklü (d. 200/815-816), and the second to Abü 'Abbas Qassab. Other~üfis are aIso mentioned such as Khwaja 'Abdallah An~ (d.481/1089) andal-Ghazali (d. 505/1111).

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his disciples than to Ibn 'ArabI himself. 39 This does not of course take

anything away from the importance of the concept in Islamic mysticism.

The $lifts of the third century Hijrah believed that the idea of

wa1Jdat al-wujüd was as old as Islam. itself, because the concept has been

indicated by God in the Qur'an: "And We are nearer to him than his

jugular vein (Q. 50: 16)."40 The later $lIfts also acknowledged the concept

as a fundamental spiritual truth traceable not only in the Qur'an but

also in the prophetie tradition. Thus even though he systematized the

concept,41 we will refer to wa1)dat al-wuftid not so much as Ibn 'Arabi's

achievement, but as a $Ulfconceptperse.

2.1.a. A1-~alhij (A.H. 244-309/857-922)

Al-Iiusayn Ibn Man~ur al-Iiallaj was one of the most controversial

figures in 1slamic mysticism. His litterance "aTUÏ al-l-faqq," "1 am the

Truth," and other expressions of "union with Gad" found in his writings

and preaching led him ta be brutally executed in 922.42 Although he has

been described as a her~tic, his position in Islamic mystical poetry is

important, since he symbolizes for many mystical union and suffering in

39 Chittick, Poetry and Mysticism, 73. Among these disciples were ~adr

al-Dïn Qunawï, Sa'id al-Din Fargham, Ibn Sawdikin, 'Afif al-Din Tilimsam,Awqad al-Dïn BalyéÏnÏ, Sacd al-Din I-Ja.m.müya and 'Azïz al-Dm Nasafi.

40 Nadeem, S.H, A Critical Appreciation of_'lrabic Mystical Poetry (Lahore:Islamic Book Service, 1979), xxili.

41 Ibid., 140.

42 A.J. Arbeny (translator), Muslim Saints and Mystics: Episodes From theTadkhirat al-CAwliyciJ "Memorial of the Saints" by Farid al-Dm cA~ (London:Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1966), 264; (Abd al-Itayy, Muslim Philosophy, 112.

•54

love.43 Later on, in the folk and high poetry of Persianate countries, he

was considered the highest representative of wa1).dat al-wuju-d, "oneness

of being," although this perception was countered by Massignon in his

outstanding work "The Passion of al-Iiallaj, Mystic and Martyr of Islam,"

where he indicates that al-Iiallaj's ideas are in fact closer to waf).dat al-

shuhua, "unity of witness."44

The presentation of his doctrine was based on terminology flXed by

his forerunners. Nearly aIl his vocabulary, his principal allegories and

even his rules of mystical life can be traced back to the earlier $lifts. His

originality consists in the superior cohesion of the defmitions and of the

frrmness of intention which led him to the public affirmation, at the cost

of his life, of a doctrine which his masters dared not render accessible to

al1.45

According to al-Fiallaj, three phases of asceticism must be

undergone by a su]f in order to achieve union with God ('ayn al-jam 'J. The

frrst is asceticism of the senses, which implies that the sufi has to put

aside all worldly desires. In this regard he employs such terrns as

tahdfuo, taqnô and tafrid. The second phase is the asceticism of the heart

43Annemarie Schimmel, "al-Iialléij," The Encyclopedia of Religion, vol. 6,173.

44SchimJ.llel, "al-Iialléij," 174; Historians have different perceptions ofthis man. Most early authors represent him as a wily conjurer whereas thelater S1jfi writers regarded him as a saint and martyr who defended al-Eiallajfrom suffering because he disclosed the great secret, i.e., the union between thesou! and Gad. See 'Abd al-liayy, Muslim Philosophy, 112.

• 45Nadeem, A Critical Appreciation, 57.

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which includes a passive purification. There are a number of states that

one should go through here as weIl, Le., it:J,tirar, bala', istihlâk al-

ruïmTtiyyah, khala', fana' Can aW$aJ al-bashariyyah. The last is the

asceticism of the spirit in which the $Ufl renounces his own self in the

union with GOd.46

Like the other $lJ.fls who maintained the transcendence of God

alongside His immanence, al-Iialhij also insisted that the Essence of God

cannot be perceived or known to human beings. In his important work

Kitâb al-Tawcïsin he devotes one chapter (Tasin al-Tanzih) ta the

transcendence of God. He states:

The first seeker opens the door of knowledge and does not see.The second opens the door of purity and does not see. The thirdopens the door of comprehension and does not see. The fourthopens the door of meaning and does not see. None saw Allah inHis essence nor in bis volition, nor in speech nor in His He-ness.47

The passage above seems to attest that God in His Essence is

hidden and certainly not manifest to human perception. The He-ness

that emphasizes the distance between God and human beings indicates

the transcendence of His Essence. Al-fiallaJ refers to this idea in a later

passage of his Tcisin al-TaTlZln where he says that, situated on the plane

of divinity (min f}.nQ-rah al-ulûhi-yyah). Gad remains transcendent aver all

46 Ibid., 57-8.

47Ibn Man:?ur al-I1alhij, "Kitab al-'J;awasïn,» in Turcith al-E-fallcij:Akhbciruh, Dfwcinuh, Tawcisïnuh, 'Abd al-La~lf al-RàWÏ and 'Abd al-llah al­Nabham (ed.) (Damascus: Dar al-Majd li al-'J;iba'ah wa al-Nashr wa al­Khadamat al-Tiba"iyyah, 1996), 186. The translation is taken from Aisha Abd

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dependent things. He is free from ail imperfections and causes, and what

is more, His Oneness does not refer to arithmetical oneness because by

connecting "one" with Him means limiting Him in number.48

However, in order to explain the existence of the universe

(including human beings), al-I1a1laj tries to adduce the idea of the "self-

manifestation of Gad," or tajalli, in arder ta relate human existence with

the existence of Gad. He employs the term ruisu-t in order to account for

the human aspects of God. In this state, God descends from His Essence

to His manifestation. Regarding this notion he states:

Glory to Him. Who created His humanity as the secret of the lightof His radiant Divinity.Then He appeared for His creation in the form. of one who eatsand drinks.Until His creatures saw Him with a glance which goes from oneeye-brow to another.49

In these passages, al-I1allaj implies that Gad manifests Himself in

the form of His creatures, as one divine tradition signifies, in arder to be

known. Furthermore, in his view, God's manifestation is not limited to

one kind of manifestation, whether a person or a place or any other part

of the universe. This is because God cannot be related to the notion of

place or time or any description whatsoever. In the words of ather $Üfis

Ar-Rahman at-Tutjumana, The Tawasin of Mansur al-Hallaj (Berkeley, London:Diwan Press, 1974), 60.

48 al-Eialhij, Tawâsin al-E-falllijJ 188.

-t9 al-liallaj, Dtwa-n al-lfallaj, 73. The translation is quoted from Nadeem,A Critical Appreciation, 66.

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such as Ibn c;Arabi, there is no mamyyah in the Essence of God.sO AI-

I-!allaj insinuates this idea in one of his verses:

l saw my Lord with the eye of my heartAnd l asked Him, "Who art Thou?," He replied," Thee.tt

It is true because "where" is lost in Thee and "where" does notexist in relation to Thee.Time can not imagine Thee so that it may be able to teachimagination where Thou art.It is Thou Who embraces all "wherett including "non-where". Sa,where can you be?Sl

His idea of the immanent God cornes across more clearly in these

passages. The last passage especially can be best understood by referring

SOrbn 'Arabi states that this Essence has no quiddity (mcihiyyah). Itcannat be defined in the way other beings can:

Since the being of the Real permeates the cosmos, no one deniesRim. Mistakes arise from seeking ta know His quiddity, and thisleads to the disagreements concerning Him which have becomemanifest in the cosmos.

See Ibn 'Arabi, al-Fu1:l.i1).tft al-Makki.yyah, 'Abd al-Qadir (ed.) (Cairo: Dar al­Kutub al-'Arabiyyah al-Kubra, 1938), vol. III, chap. 341, 352-3. The translationis taken from Chittick, Ibn ~rabi'sMetaphysics ofImagination, 81.

51Al-E1allaj, [)fwan al-EfalIQj, in Turath al-Efallcïj, al-Réiwi and al-Nabharu(eds.) . The translation is quoted from Nadeem, A Critical Appreciation, 67.

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to certain verses of the Qur'an such as Q. 2: 115;52 Q. 57: 4;53 and 58:

7.54

Al-I-Jallaj's controversial words "ana al-lfaqq71 may be understood

as the expression of a $U]f who believed in the "oneness of being" in the

sense that he perceived the relationship between Gad, mankind and the

universe as one perpetuaI chain. However, the correlation daes nat admit

the penetrability of the essence of God, since He in His very Essence

remains unique and transcendent. Hence, His utterance, which is

usually interpreted as a "f]:ulu1i" tendency or pantheism is still

questionable.55

52 "To Allah belong the East and the West: withersoever Ye tunl, there isAllah's countenance, for Allah is All-Embracing, All-Knowing." cAbdulhih YüsufcM The Meaning of The Holy QurJanJ new edition 1 (Maryland: AmanaCorporation, 1994), 49.

53 <CHe it is Who created the heavens and the earth in six days, and ismoreover firmly established on the Throne (of authority), He knows what enterswithin the earth and what cornes forth out of it, what comes down from heavenand what mounts up ta it. And He is with you wheresoever ye may be. AndAllah sees well aU what ye do." Yüsuf cAa The Meaning of The Holy QurJan,1420-1421.

54 "Seest thou not that Allah doth know (all) that is in the heavens andon the earth? There is not a secret consultation between three, but He makesthe fourth among them-nor between five but He makes the sixth-nor betweenfewer nor more, but He is with them, wheresoever they be: in the end will Hetell them the truth of their conduct, on the day of Judgment. For Allah Has fullknowledge of all things." Yüsuf 'AR The Meaning ofThe Holy QurJan, 1434.

ssIn defending this notion, Nadeem ofIers three points. First is that al­E-Jalhij did not sin against the truth, rather his execution is more caused bybeing offensive to law. He was accused for "betraying the secret of His Lord" byproclaiming ta all and sundty the supreme mystery which ought to be reservedto the elect. Second, he spoke under the intoxicating influence of ecstasy. Heimagined himself to be united with the divine essence, when in fact he was onlyunited with one of the divine attributes. Third is that he meant that there is noessential difIerence or separation between God and His creatures, inasmuch asthe divine unity includes aU being. A man who has passed away, leaving

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2.1.b. Ibn ~Arabl

Ibn cArabi, known as the greatest spokesman for wa1Jdat al-wuju~

has long had the reputation of being one of the companions of self­

disclosure (a$1].ao al-tajalli) as weIL56 His concept of waf)dat al-wuftid is

based on his view that the universe may be observed as an eternal chain

of divine manifestations, demonstrating n umerous divine properties and

perfections. This concept implies that God appears ta the observer in

bath transcendent and immanent guises.57 For Ibn 'Arabi, creation is

visualized as the emanation of Being upon the heavenly archetypes,

bringing them from their state of non-being or from that of a hidden

treasure into extemalized existence. It is a set of mirrors, which reflect

divine names and qualities.58

Ibn 'ArabI draws upon his concept of being in systematizing the

theory of waJ:Jàat al-wuftid. He does not begin his philosophy of being on

the concrete level of ordinary reality; rather he considers that all things

of the physical world are but dreams. The whole structure that is called

"reality" for him is not being (wuftJd) in the real sense. Being does exist in

reality, yet only a little of it is visible ta us, just as dreams are to a man

behind bis phenomenal self, now exists qua his real self, which is God.Nadeem, A CritïcalAppreciation, 68.

56William C. Chittick, The Self-Disclosure of God, Principles of Ibn al­'Arabis Cosmology(Albany: State University of New York Press, 1998),52.

57Alexander Knysh, "'Orthodoxy' and 'Heresy' in Medieval Islam: AnEssay in Reassessment," The Muslim Worlel, vol. 88, no. 1 (January 1993), 58.

58Seyyed Hossein Nasr, Three Mulim Sages: Auicenna, Su1Jrawardi, Ibn'Arabi(New York: Caravan Books, 1969), 111-112.

•60

who is asleep. He identifies this reality in the real sense as the absolute

being which is the frrst ontological category for Ibn ~Arabi.59

In Kitab InshLi' al-Dawci'ir, Ibn 'ArabI expresses the view that there

are three ontological categories: being that exists by itself (al-wuju-d li

dhatihJ, also called Absolute Being (al-wujua al-mutlaq); being that exists

by virtue of another (by Allan) (mawjua bi Allan ta Ca1aj, also called limited

being (al-wujua al-muqayyad); and being that is neither existing nor non-

existing ifarruï la yattW?if bi al-wujua wa lei bi al-cadam), or a combination

between the Ïrrst and the second categories.60

In dealing with the Ïrrst category of being, Ibn 'Arabi applies a very

strict technica1 tenninology. He states that the Absolute Being is

absolutely inconceivable and unapproachable. It is unknowable to

human beings because it transcends ail qualifications and relations that

are humanly conceivable. In this sense it is ankar al-nakireit "the most

indeterminate of all that is indeterminate"61 but at the same time it is the

59 Abu al-'Ahi' al-'Afifi (ed.), Shar1]. 'AlciF~ al-}fikam, (Cairo: Dar I1}ya'al-Kutub al-'Arabiyyah, 1946), 104. To point to being as unreal existence Ibn'Arabi employs the word khaya1. He says that the whole of being is "imaginationwithin imagination" khaya1 fi khaya1, which means that the world which weobserve is a result of our personal faculty of imagination. 'Afifi interprets theward khaya1 as something does not have real existence (wu..ftid /yJ.qù:jiJ; ibid.,110.

60Muqyï al-Din Ibn 'Arabi, Kitcib Insha' al-Dawci'ir wa al-JadaÜJiI in H. S.Nyberg (ed.), Kleinese Schriften des Ibn 'Arabi (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1919), 15;Hussaini, "Shuhud Vs Wujüd: a Study of Glsudiraz," 326-7.

• 61'Afifi (ed.), Fu~ al-lfikam, 188.

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most unknown of the entire unknown which Ibn 'Arabi called 'amt:i' or

the "abysmal darkness."62

Ibn 'Arabl's identification of the frrst being as Absolute Being is one

of the issues which invited the greatest controversy. Those who opposed

this frrst category felt that identifying Gad as Absolute Being means

limiting His absoluteness. If God is the Absolute Being, this implies that

others are non-being. Hence, other beings such as the universe and its

contents, are nothing other than the existence of Gad, the Absolute,

which means that the existence of God is limited to their existence.63

However, neither does the term "Absolute" indicate that it should

be taken in the sense of a limited and determined existent or existence; it

means Something beyond ail existents that exists in a limited way,

62Toshihiko Izutsu, A Comparative Study of the Key PhilosophicalConcepts in Sufism And Taoism: Ibn (Arabi And Lao-Tzu, Chuang-Tzu (Tokyo:The Keio Institute of Cultural and Linguistic Studies, 1966), 17. Ibn 'Arabiexplains the tenn (ama' as a supposed reality wherein it is supposed that godremained hidden before he created the universe. He states further:

The ocean of c:Amci' is a demarcation between God and theuniverse. In this ocean the possible is attributed with all thedivine names which are in our hands, such as knowing, the ableetc...

Mu.4yi al-Dm Ibn 'Arabi, al-Futr.iJJ.at al-Makki.yyah, 'Abd al-Qadir al­Jazayir, (ed.), vol. l, 51; 'Afifi (ed.), FU$U$ al-lfikam, Ill.

63'fhis kind of simplistic understanding of Ibn 'Arabi's concept is onereason why sorne ~jfs accused him of being a heretic. This point is also whatrnost of the ~jfs use to differentiate between the idea of wafJ.dat al-wujüd andwa1).da.t al-shuhücL See Yohanan Friedmann, Shaykh AfJ.mad Sirhindi: AnOutline of His Thought and a Study of His Image in the Eyes of Prosperity.(Montreal: Institute of Islamic Studies, 1971), 85. In dealing with this kind ofissue, Ibn 'Arabi elaborates on the possibility of being "mawjüc:r and "ma(dUm"at the sam.e time without reducing or eliminating the transcendence of theAbsolute. See Ibn 'Arao4 Kitao InshQ.', 6.

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Something that lies at the very source of all such existents and makes

them existe It is Existence as the ultimate ground of everything.64 It has

no equal and exists through itself; moreover, through it everything else

exists. The frrst category is identified by Ibn 'Arabi in his Kitâb Ins1u:ï' al-

Dawa'ir65 as God or Allah the Creator.66 In order to emphasize the

transcendence of this Absolute Seing, Ibn 'Arabi states in his Risa1at al-

A1).adiyyah (Treatise on Unity) as follows:

He is, and there is with Him no after nor before, nor above norbelow, nor far nor near, nor union nor division, nor how, norwhere nor when, nor time oor moment nor age, nor being norplace. And He is now as He was. He is the one withOLlt onenessand the Single without singleness. He is not composed of nameand named, for His name is He and His named is He...He is not ina thing nor a thing in Him., whether entering in or proceedingforth...67

In the above passage, Ibn 'Arabi tries to maintain the

transcendence of Divine Reality to an extreme degree. He tries in all his

arguments to prevent any kind of identification of Absolute Seing with Us

manifestations.

Unlike the frrst category of being, the second category can only

exist through the Absolute Being. It exists by the grace of Gad, not by

64 lzutsu, The Key Philosophical Concepts, 18.

65 This book was written between 1193 and 1198 C.E during whichperiod Ibn 'Arabi crossed and re-crossed the straits of Gibraltar ta visit thecities of North Africa, especially Tunis and Fez, in search of master. S.A.Q.Hussaini, The Panthei.stic Monism of Ibn 'Arabi (Lahore: S.H. Muham.madAshraf, 1970), 28.

66Ibn 'Arabi, Kitâb Insha', 15.

67Nasr, Three Muslim Sages, 107.

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itself or for itself. Its existence is limited by the existence of God Himself.

This being is also identified as possible being because its existence

depends on the desire of the Necessary Being to give preponderance

(tarft1J.) ta the existence of possible being as opposed to non-existence.68 In

this context, the term UJUftTd is not considered to designate God's Reality,

but to point out that in fact He does exist and can be found. Ibn 'Arabi

identifies the second category as the world and all it contains.69

The third category is the combination between the frrst and the

second categories or between God and the world, but at the same time it

is neither God nor the world. It is the link between God or the Absolute

and the limited being which can be said to take the fonu of tajalli or self-

manüestation. 70 In this regard Ibn 'Arabi offers an analogy of the relation

between the thing ta which is attributed neither being nor non-being,

neither temporality nor eternity, and the universe, to the relation

between silver and the vessels and instruments of which it is made, such

as the kohl-container, the earring and the ring. Only from this

manüestation is the reality (J),aqiqah) of the silver made known.71 This

third category is also the root of the universe. Ibn 'ArabI says:

This third thing is the root of the universe, the root of atom andthe sphere of life. To it are attached all created things and theworlds which comprise the absolute. It is from this third thing

68Ibn 'Arabi, al-FuftiJJ.Lit al-Makk:iyyah, 'Abd al-Qadir (ed.), III, 217, 670.

69Ibn 'Arabi, Kitao Insha', 15.

70 Hussaini, "Shuhud Vs Wujud: a Study of Gisudiraz, JJ 326-7.

71 Ibn 'Arabi, Kitâb Insha'J 19.

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that the universe came into being. It is the reality of realities, theuniversal world conceived by thought, a thing that appears as theeternal in the eternal and as the temporal in the temporal. If yousay that this thing is the universe, you are right. If you say that itis Gad who is eternal, you are right. If you say that it is neitherthe universe nor God but it is something conveying sorneadditional meaning, you are right. AIl these views are correct, forit is the whole comprising the eternal and the temporal. It doesnot multiply with the mu1tification of things and it is not dividedwith the division of things. It is divided by the division ofconceptions. It is neither existent nor non-existent. It is theuniverse, yet it is not the unïverse. It is the other and it is not theother, for otherness is between two things. Relation is connectingone thing with another by which a third factor cornes into being.72

The third categoty is also identified as "the breath of the

compassionate" (nafas al-raJpna-n), "reality of realities" (f)n.qfqat al-

f].aqci'iq), "permanent archetypes" ('a'yan al-thâbitah), "the perfect man"

(al-Insan al-kcimil), "the reality of being Muq.ammad" (al-1].aqiqah al-

Muf].ammadiyyah), etc.73 This category, Hermann LandaU points out, has

many aspects in common with logos, a mysterious entity in Greek

philosophy. Therefore, Ibn 'ArabI's concept is aIso called a logocentric

philosophy.74

In expounding the link between the frrst category and the third, Ibn

'ArabI develops the concept of the presences of being (1)nq.arat). The term

presence (1].aqrah) is used to refer to existing things other than Gad and

72Ibid. , 17. The translation is taken from Hussaini, The PantheisticMonism, 53-54.

73 Hussaini, "Shuhud vs Wujüd: A Study of Gisudiraz," 326-7.

74 Landolt, Hermann. "8ïmnani on WaJ:tdat al-Wujüd," in Collected Paperson Islamic Philosophy and Mysticism, M. Mohaghegh and H. Landolt (ed.)(Tehran: 1970), 101.

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somehow identical with the He (huwa).75 This hierarchical system or

series of degrees is proposed to show the absolute remoteness of the

Absolute Being. In this regard, al-Qasharii briefly explains that,

according to the $U]f world view (aJ:ù al-ta1J.qlq), there are five worlds

('awa1im), each ofthem representing a presence or an ontological mode of

the absolute reality in its self-manifestation.76

The first is the plane of the Essence (dJuït). It is the world of

Absolute, non-manifestation (al-ghayb al-rnutlaq) or the mystery of

mysteries (ghayb al-ghuyuo). The second is the plane of the attributes

and the names (1)n4rat al-$Ïflft wa al-asmci') which includes the presence

of divinity (1).aq.rah ulumyyah),the plane of actions (1)aq.rat al-ara1) or the

presence of lordship (fJ.aq.rah rubumyyah). The fourth is the plane of

images (f:zaq.rat al-amtha1) and imagination (f)n4rat al-khayâl) and the fIfth

is the plane of the senses (1).aq.rat al-1):iss) and sensible experience (1)aq.rat

al-mushanadaf"q.77

75William C. Chittick, Ibn ~rabi's Metaphysics of Imagination: The SufiPath ofKnowledge (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 5.

76The notion of five divine presences of God is not an original concept ofIn 'Arabi. It was developed by his disciples, among them al-Qunawi, al­Farghani, al-Qay~ and al-Qasham. William. C. Chittick, "The Five DivinePresences: From al-Qunawi to al-Qay~ari," The Muslim World, vol. 72, 1982:­122; In his commentaries, 'Afifi also elaborates that every mawju-d must occupYone of the five presences (1).aq.arcit) or more, i.e., fJ.acfrat al-dhtÏt, 1J.aq,rat al-~uqtiI"

1J.aqrat al-arwa1'), 1].aqrat al-mitha1, and fJ.a4rat al-f)iss. Ibn 'Arabi Fl.L$Ü$ al-Ffikam"'Afifi (ed.), vol. 2, 80.

77MuJ1.yi al-Din Ibn 'Arabi,~ al-lfikam, 'Abd al-Raziq al-Qashani (ed.)(Carro: Matba'ah al-Maymüniyyah, 1312 Hl, 110.

•66

At the Ïrrst haq.rah, ha4rat al-dluit, the Absolute remains in its

absoluteness without any manifestation. This is because it is the source

of all tajalliyât. Since there is no tajjalli at this stage, there is discernible

no multiplicity at ail, not even a shadow of it. The Absolute at this point

is said to be at the level of unity (a1]n.diyyah), which means the essential,

primordial and absolutely unconditional.78 In this respect, Ibn 'Arabi

sometimes calls it al-ghani; meaning absolutely self-sufficient.79

The second haq.rah is the plane where tajallibegins to occur. Here,

the Absolute manifests itself as God. In other words, the Absolute is

present at the level of "oneness" (waf)idiyyah). This level is also known as

the level of "being known," after having been a hidden treasure (kanz

makhfi) on the Ïrrst leveL This is the frrst plane of self-manifestation,

which is the plane of names and attributes. As it is impossible to defme

the Essence (dha!) of the Absolute Being, the only possible way to

recognize Him is through His attributes, such as His being existent

(mawjr.id), knowing ('alim), willing (murfd) and mighty (qâdir).80 In Ibn

'Arabi's words, the idea is elaborated as follows:

78 lzutsu, The Key Philosophical Concepts, 17, 20.

79 Ibn cArabi. F~ al-Efikam, cAfifi (ed.), 144. The name of al-ghani isattributed to the Essence because it is a name which is exclusively given toGod without being shared with His creatures. Ibn cArabi called it asma' al­tanzih.

80 Ibn cArabi, al-Fut:li1J.lÏt al-Makkiyyah, CAbd al-Qadir (ed.), vol. II/pt 2,14, 568-570. The prophet Moses aIso used this method of refering to the divineattributes when he was asked about God by Pharaoh. See Ibn cArabi. FU$Ü$ al-

• E-fikam, cAfifi (ed.), 208.

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If we examine the universe as to what it is and understand itsrealityJ its setting and sourceJ and if we examined in detail thedivine manifestation in itJ we find the divine essence to be toopure to have any likeness of or relation with the earthly world orthe creation because the reality forbids this. Then when weexamine as ta which force operates in this worldJ we Îmd that it isthe beautiful names whose manifestations and etIects are openlyand clearly realized-not by themselves but through theirsemblance, not through their realities but through their virtues.Thus, the holy essence is left holy and pure.81

The passage above indicates that God presents Himself through

the properties of His Essence. Everything that exists manifests

something of the Divine presence. However, every name of Gad has its

own presence, which means that God presents Himself to His creatures

in various modalities. In each case it is God who reveals Himself, who is

present in every created thing, but God as the Abaser (al-muq.ill) is not

the same as G'">d the Exalter (al-mue.œz). Nor is Gad the life giver (al-

mu1].yzJ the same as God the Slayer (al-mumit).82 Thus, on this plane there

occurs within the Absolute an opposition of various ideas, which,

exteriorized, become the concrete things of the world. When it descends

from the Irrst plane to this stage, the Absolute is no longer absolutely

self-sufficient, because just as the world is in need of Gad, God for His

part needs the world, or al-QashânI expresses it "The world is in need of

the Reality for its existence (wuftrd), while the Reality is in need of the

81Ibn 'Arabi, Kitao Inshti', 32.

82Chittick, The Sufi Path ofKnowledge, 6.

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world for its self-manifestation (?UhLÙ')."83 This is because the Absolute is

only known when it descends to the stage of "Gad."

Therefore, although the Divine Essence is absolutely transcendent

and above al! differentiation and distinction, on the plane of wa7Ji.diyyah

there are principles, modalities, or qualities from which all qualities of

Seing and al! modalities of knowledge derive. This kind of seemingly

paradoxical relation between the divine Essence and the qualities is what

lies between tanzth and tashbih.84

On the third plane, the plane of ara?, the Absolute manifests Itself

as Lord (rabb). This presence is the plane of names specifically concerned

with the Divine actions in administering, sustaining and controlling the

affairs of His creatures.85

The fourth haq.rah, the haqrat al-amthal or haqrat al-khayal, is

where the Absolute manifests Itself as half spiritual and half material. It

is a frontier between the pure spiritual world which includes the frrst

three planes, and the pure material world which consists of the fûth

plane.86 Khaya? or imagination plays an important part in Ibn 'ArabI's

concept. He designates this term as the opposite of taql, the former being

inclined to see connections and sameness and the latter tending ta see

83 Ibn cArabL~ al-lfikam, al-Qashcini (ed.), 24.

84Nasr, Three Muslim Sages, 109; Chittick, The Sufi Path of Knowledge,69; Chittiek, "Ibn cArabi and After in the Arabie and Persian Lands andBeyond," 318.

85Izutsu, The Key Philosophical Concepts, 108.

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difference and otherness. Hence, through the presence of imagination the

presence of God is perceivable because by this plane one cao witness His

immanence.87 The last is a haq.rah where the Absolute manifests itself as

the sensible world (mushâhadah).

There is an organic relation between each of the planes whereby

the lower ones function as symbols or images of the higher. Therefore, all

things that exist on the plane of ordinary reality, Le., of worldly and

material existence, are symbols of the things that exist on the plane of

images, just as everything that exists in the world of images is a form

representing a state of affairs on the plane of the divine names and

attributes. Moreover, every attribute is an aspect of the Divine Essence in

the act of self-manifestation. The idea of tajaItr, one of Ibn 'Arabrs key

terms beside wuftid and khaya1,88 is in fact nothing other than the

descent of the Absolute from its absoluteness in order to manifest itself

on levels that are to us more real and concrete.89

From the explanation above, it can be seen how Ibn 'ArabI

endeavors to demonstrate his understanding of the notion of "oneness of

being." He indicates that "oneness of being" does not mean that God is

only immanent in creation or that He is absolutely transcendent. The

86 'Alill (ed.), Fu~ al-J-fikam, 74.

87 Chittiek, "Ibn 'Arabi and After in the Arabie and Persian Lands andBeyond," 318.

88Ibid., 317.

• 89'Ibid., 81; lzutsu, The Key Philosophical Concepts, 15.

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right attitude for him is that God is both immanent and transcendent. He

says:

If you say He is transcendent you confine HimIfyou assert His immanence you limit HimBut ifyou say both the things you are rightly guided,and will be the leader and chief of Gnostics.One who asserts the duality of God and His creation is apolytheist,and one who upholds their essential unity is a true monotheist.If you believe in the separate entity of the creation, you shouldguard yourself against immanence.And ifyou believe only in God, and are aware of transcendenceWhen you see Him simultaneously transcendent and immanent inphenomena you will know that you are both He and not He.90

It should be understood then, that wa1Jdat al-wuflid means there is

no aetual division whatsoever because aIl multiplicity is caused by our

different point of view in relation to our knowledge of it. Ibn 'Arabi states

as follows:

50 Creator in the very ground of creation in this respect, ponder awhile!But in another respect He is not one with his creation, soremember Him.One who understands what l say will never be lacking insight.No body comprehends it except the man gifled with a visionIn union or in separation, the essence is always onePlurality is His veil and vanishes when He reveals His gloryJl

2.2. Tancisukh (The Transmigration of Soul)

The transmigration of soul, also called reincarnation or, in Arabie,

tanaSukh, is a doctrine aceording to H!hich the soul or self is reborn in a

series of physical or preternatural embodiments, whieh are customarily

90 'Afifi (ed.),~ al-Ifikam, 70.

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human or animal in nature but which may in some instances take the

form of divine, angelic, demonic, vegetal, or astrological objects, such as

sun, moon, stars and planets.92 In another sense taruisukh means the

diffusion and distribution of the divine spirit among the beings of our

world.93 This very notion of metempsychosis (or more correctly, according

ta some, ~metensomatosis") is found particularly in tribal or non-literate

cultures all over the world, such as in Australia, Western and Southern

Africa, and both North and South America. Nevertheless, the doctrine

has been most elaborately developed in Iodia where it is mixed up with

the teachings and practices of Hinduism, Buddhism, Jainism, Sikhism

and Sufism. Moreover, the elaboration of the doctrine can aIso he traced

through the philosophical tradition of ancient Greece, where the idea is

identified primarily with the philosophical lineage of Pythagoras,

Empedocles, Plata and Plotinus.94 Closer to us in time, the theme is

developed in Goethe, many English poets, Joyce, Jung and Gauguin. It

91Ibid., 79.

92 J. Bruce Long, "Reincarnation," The Encyclopedia of Religion, vo1.12,265.

93 B. Carra De Vaux, "Tanasukh," First Encyclopaedia of Islam (1913­1936), vol. 8 (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1987), 648. The transmigration of sou! is alsoput in the similar meaning with rebirth, reincarnation, and more accuratelymetenso-matcisis, "passage from one body to another," and palingenesis, "tobegin again." J. Bruce Long, "ReincarnatioI"" 265. The concept is alsodiscovered in certain Near Eastern religions, in the teachings of Manichaeism (athird- century CE Persian religion founded by the prophet Mani), in sornemodern schools of thought such as the Theosophy of H. P. Blavatsky and AnnieBesant, and the humanistic psychology of thinkers like C. G. Jung and FritzPerls and it also appears in perennial philosophy of Aldous Huxley. Ibid.

94 J. Bruce Long, "Reincarnation," 265.

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has traveled through the centuries and is always represented by a

philosophical, religious or, indeed, artistic current.95

In philosophy, the concept of metempsychosis has been discussed

in both its metaphysical and ontological contexts. It tries ta explain, for

example, how the soul is created and how the relation between spirit and

matter, soul and body, must he determined, as must the question of pre-

existence as weil as that of the imality of the soul. Empedocles (490-430

B.C.), under the influence of the writings of the mystic-mathematician

Pythagoras, for instance, asserted that nothing in the cosmos is either

created or destroyed. AIl living things undergo transmutation in

accordance with the relationships among the four basic elements (air,

rrre, water and earth). The souls of the impure are condemned to

transmigrate for thirty thousand years through numerous types of

incarnations. In the course of this transition, various lifetimes are

affected in diverse ways by each of the four elements. Escape from this

dark destiny is achieved through a lengthy purification process, the

primary requirement of which is the avoidance of eating the flesh of

animais whose souls may once have inhabited human bodies.96

95Ronald Bonan, "On Metempsychosis," in Diogenes, vol. 142 (Summer1988), 95.

96 J. Bnlce Long, "Reincarnation," 268.

•73

For monotheistic religions, particularly Judaism, Christianity and

Islam, the belief in the transmigration of souls is generally absent.97

However, as will be seen later, a number of sects even within these

religions were believed to hold to this doctrine. In Judaism, for instance,

the doctrine is to be found in Qabbalah, according to which

metempsychosis (gilguij was regarded mainly as an opportunity given to

a wicked man to make amends for his former sins and rarely as a

purgative periode Since the 13th century the notion of gilgul has been a

central qabbalistic tenet. There were differences of opinion as to the

number of possible reincarnations (a maximum of three or more) and

whether transmigration was into human bodies only or also into animais,

plants, or even inanimate objects.98 In the tradition of Christianity,

interest in the doctrine of reincarnation was also evident at certain

periods and in certain circles, despite the rejection of the notion by

orthodox Christianity.99

Like Judaism and Christianity, Sunni Islam has always considered

belief in the transmigration of souls a deviation from true doctrine and

Religion, vol. 15, 23.

98Moshe Idel, "Qabbalah," in The Encyclopedia ofR~-ligion, vol. 12 t 124.

99R. J. Zwi Werblowsky, "Transmigration," 24. The rejection of the notionby orthodox Christianity was because it is regarded incompatible withChristian anthropology, i.e. the interpretation of the nature of man, with beliefin heU and paradise, and above aU with the doctrine of redeeming grace as

• made available to man by Christ's sacrifice.

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those who hold the belief to he heretics. 1OO Sorne sources even classify

this belief as non-Islamic, and those who hold the belief as infidels. LOL Ibn

al-Jawz1, for example, accuses those who believe in the transmigration of

souls of being influenced by IbIis.

Another Muslim scholar who opposed the notion of tana-sukh in

Islam was al-Ash'ari. He condemned the concept as being taught by a

certain sect which sought to avoid the doctrine of the Day of Judgement,

that is, the doctrine holding that the dead will he raised for the second

time in another world where they will be responsible for their deeds

during their lifetïme. 102

The notion of reincarnation in Islam -- which is believed by sorne

Islamic figures such as al-Ma'arrl, al-Khawâriznù, 'Ali SarnI al-N8_shshar

and Ibn al-Jawzi to be a borrowing from Eastern religions, particularly

Hinduism and Buddhism, and from various different sources of Greek

philosophy, such as Pythagoras and Plato103 -- was also subject to

discussion by a number of Muslim scholars. Shahrastanl, for example, in

LOOSee JamaI al-Din Abü al-Faraj 'Abd al-Ral1-man Ibn al-Jawzi al­Baghdacfi, Naqd al-~Ilm wu al-'Ulama' Aw Talbis cIbIis (Damascus: Idarah al­1;iba"ah al-Munïriyyah, n.d.), 77.

101 Abi M~ammad 'Ali Ibn fJazm al·~arjrl, lH-Fi$al ff al-.l.7elfilal l,L'a al·Ahwa-' wa al-Ni1J.aI (Beirüt: Dar al-Ma'rifah,1986), 91.

L02Abü Al-Iiasan 'Ali Ibn Isma'il al-'Ash'arl, Maqa1cit al-'Islamiyyin waIkhtilaf al-MU$allin (Cairo: Maktabah al-Nahq.ah al-Mi~riyyah, 1950), 114; Abüal-Fa~ al-ShahrastanL Mawsü'at al-Milal wa al-NilJ.a.I (Beirüt: Mu'assasat Na~ir

al-Thaqéifah, 1981), 202-3.

L03'Abd Allah Salüm al-Samarrâ'I: al-Ghuluww wa al-Firaq al-Gha1}yah fial-l-facfrïrcit al-Islamiyyah (Baghdad: Dar Awsat li al-Nashr, 1972),129.

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his al-MUaI wa al-Ni1).al, divides tanasukh into four types: 1) naskh, the

migration of a soul from one human to another; 2) maskh, from a human

to an animal; 3) faskh, from a human ta an insect; and 4) raskh, from a

human ta a plant. 104 Furthermore, aI-Shahrastani explains the precept of

transmigration of soul as having been characteristic of, on the one hand,

a certain number of extremist Shi'i groups and on the other of sorne of

Mu'taziIis.

Within Shl'ism, the notion of taruisukh was adopted by the

Kaysaniyyah,105 the Hashimiyyah106 and the K8lniliyyah. 107 Sa'd ibn 'Abd

Allah aI-QummI also attributes it to the Mukhammisah as weil as to their

'Alya'iyyah rivais, disciples of Bashshar al-Sham. It permeates the "Book

of Shadows" (Kitâb al-~llah}, supposedly relating conversations between

Ja'far aI-~adiqand the gha1f al-Mufa4q.al ibn 'Umar al-Ju'fi. Finally, it is

still today part of the creed of the Druzes and of the Nu~ayriyyah.108

The notion of tana-sukh in Shi'ism is closely linked to that of fu.llu1

"immanence" or "inhabitation" of the divinity or of a divine element in a

particular creature. A characteristic of sorne extremist Shl'i groups is

actually the fact that they went sa far as to deify 'Ali and his successors

to the Imamate. Consequently, they used to say that "the spirit of Gad"

104 Al-Shahrastani, Mausü~cital-Milal wa al-Ni1).al, 37.

105 Ibid., 63.

106 Ibid., 65.

107 Ibid., 75.

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(TUf]. Alla1'4 TUf]. al-Raft) or "the spirit of sanctity" (ruf]. al-Quds) or a "divine

particle" (juz' ilâhzl had "inhabited" (1J.allat) 'Ali, then, from him, had

"transmigrated" (tantisakhat) into the person of al-I-Jasan, then of al-

Iiusayn, etc., until the end of the chain. Sorne, furthermore, placed the

beginning of the process earlier than this, with Mu~ammad,or even with

Adam. Such was the belief, among the Kaysaniyyah, of the above

mentioned supporters of 'Abd Allah ibn Mu'awiyah, as weil as of the

Bayaniyyah, disciples of Bayan ibn Sim'an. This was aIso the case of the

Khattabiyyah, disciples of Abü al-Khattab al-Asadi; the disciples of al-

Muqanna'; and certain followers of Ahü Muslim al-Khunisani. 109

The discussion on the notion of tanaSukh within Shi'ism can also

be found in Ash'arl's l1Jaqa1cit al-Islcimiy[n. He divides Shi'ism into three;

the Ghaliyah, the RéilleJ-ah and the Zaydiyyah, each of which was divided

into small sects. Then he îmds that among the GhaIiyah the notion of

tanasukh was developed by the Janahiyyah (the folIowers of 'Abd Allah

ibn Mu'aWiyah ibn 'Abd Allah ibn Ja'far Dhü al-Janaqayn), the

Khattabiyyah and the Saba'iyyah. llD The notion was also found among

the Rafiq,ah, most of whom held the belief that the dead will return ta the

world before the Day of Judgment. A few of them, however, rejected the

notion of an afterlife. They maintained that there is no such thing, and

108 D.Gimaret, "Tanasukh," in The Encyclopedia of Islam, vol. 10 (Leiden:Brill, 1998), 182.

l09 Ibid., 183.

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that a soul reincarnates into different forms. Consequently, a good

person, after his death, will be rewarded by reiocarnating ioto a body

which has no pain or defects, while a bad persan will he punished by

reincarnating into a body afflicted by just the opposite. lll Furthermore,

al-Ash'arl notes that among the Zaydiyyah were those who hold the

notion of taru:isukh. 112

Among the Isma'ills as weIl there were sorne who heId the notion of

tatiasukh They did nat admit the passage of the soul into the bodies of

animals, but they did admit successive lives in which the souls are active

in the world of birth and death until they have recognized the Imam; they

then tise ta the world of light. Another 8hi'i sect that believed in

tanasukh was the Nusayris, who believed that the sinner against his faith

will return ta the world as a Jew, Sunm Muslim or Christian; the infidels

who have not known 'Ali come back as carnels, mules, asses, dogs or

ather sirnilar animals. 113

As mentianed above, the notion of taruisukh is said to be

characteristic of sorne Mu'tazifis. Among them, according ta Shahrastani,

were the disciples of ~mad b. Iia'it who taught that God frrst created

beings in a kind of Paradise. Those who were guilty of sorne disobedience

were expelled thence by Him into our world in the fonn of men or

110 Al-Ash'ari. Maqa1lit al-Islamïyyfn, 65-86.

111 Ibid., 114.

112 Al-Ash'ari. Maqa1lit al-Islamiyyin, 137.

113 B. Carra De Vaux, "Tanasukh," 648.

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anima1s according to the gravity of their sins; they then migrated from

forro. to form until the effects of their sins ceased. 114

The Khabitiyyah (the followers of Al1mad b. Khabit) and the

Iiadathiyyah (the followers of a1-FaqJ al-I1adathl) were other Mu'tazilites,

who likewise developed the notion of tancisukh They held that those who

obeyed God in all things were allowed to remain in heaven where ne had

placed them from the beginning. Those who were disobedient in all

things God cast out of heaven and put in a place of punishment, namely,

hello Those who were partly obedient and partly disobedient Gad sent to

this world and clothed them in these gross bodies. In this world he also

subjected them to adversity, suffering, hardship and comfort, pain and

pleasure. He gave them different forms, sorne having the form of men and

sorne of anima1s according to the measure of their sins. Those who had

sinned less and obeyed more were given a body more beautifully formed

and their sufferings were less. Those whose sins were greater were given

a body less beautiful in form and suffered more. Such souls will never

cease being animals over and over again, one form succeeding another,

as long as their acts of disobedience remain. 115

114 B. Carra O. Vaux, "Tanasu1d.A.' t) 049. More comprehensive discussioncan be found in Rainer Freitag, Seelenwanderung in der islamichen Hàresie(Berlin: Klaus Schwarz Verlag, 1985), 113-127.

Ils A. K. Kazi and J. G. Flynn (translators), Muslim Sects and Diuisions,(London: Kegan Paul International, 1984), 54. It is translated from the sectionof Al-Shahrastéini, ai-Milai wa al-NÙJ.llI.

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Ibn liazm in his al-MUaI wa ai-Ahwci' wa al-Nif:i.al mentions that

among those who taught the notion of tancisukh were Al}mad ibn liabit,

At!mad ibn Nanüs and Abu Muslim al-Khurasani. They developed the

notion of taru:isukh in the context of reward and punishment_ They

maintained that souls, after their separation from bodies, migrate to

other bodies either human or animals in accordance with their behaviour

during their lifetime. Accordingly, the soul of the sinner (faSiq) will

migrate to a vicious animal. As to those whose deeds during their lifetime

were all bad, ~mad ibn Habit maintains that they will be sent ta hell

and will stay there forever. On the contrary, those whose deeds are ail

good will be sent to paradise and will stay there forever. 1l6

116Ibn Eiazm, al-Milal wa al-Ahwa~wa al-Nif).al, 90.

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•

Chapter 3

An Anal,.si. of the Mystical Element in K1khai'Il

Nu'aymah's Literary Works

Mikhal1 Nu'aymah's works are eonsidered a turning point in the

history of Arabic literature due not only to the eloquent language that he

uses to express his thoughts but also because of the message that he

tries to convey of his own genuine experience as a human being.

Furthermore, Nu'aymah was among the few Arabie poets to have spaken

sincerely and directly of his feelings. Indeed, Nu'aymah himself saw

language is the ideal medium for expressing the deepest human emotion

and thought, and not merely as an aesthetic vehicle. Hence it is nat

surprising to see that his works are mostly eoncerned with the basic

issues of human life and especially social, philosophical or spiritual

themes. 1

Nu'aymah tried to avoid employing poetic forms that he felt were a

betrayal of the principles of true literature, such as the ghazal (Love

poetry), fùja' (invective poetry), ritlui' (elegy) or madfJ- (panegyric poetry).2

1 The issues that he raises throughout rus entire literary oeuvre are thegenuine result of his inquiries into such issues as the notion of good and had,life and death, whether there will be another life after this life or whetherevildoers and good doers will. retain the results of their deeds. See 'Abd al­Karlm al-Ashtar, al-Nathr al-Mahjari: Kuttao al-Rao~tah al-Qalamiyyah (Cairo:Matba'at Lajnat al-Ta'fifwa al-TaIjamah wa al-Nashr), vo!.!, 49.

2 It is interesting to see how Nu'aymah was consistent in holding thisprinciple. At the time of the death of his close friend, KhaIil Jubnin, forexample, unlike ms ather fellows of al-Rabitah Qa1amiyyah, Nu'aymah was not

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He dermes a poet not as someone who plays with artificiallanguage, but

as a prophet who can see with his spiritual eyes what can not he seen by

others, much as a painter capable of molding his innermost thoughts

and feelings in beautiful verbal imagezy, as a musician endowed with a

special sensibility for delightful rhythms and harmonious sounds, and

lastly as a philosopher or as a priest whose humanistic functian is ta

serve the "God" of Truth, Justice, Gaodness and Beauty and ta satisfy

man's spiritual need for these ultimate values.3 Therefore the true poets,

attracted to write (C ritha-'" or poem.s of lamentation to show bis deep grief andsadness for his friend's death. Nâdirah Jamil Sarnij, Shu~ara' al-RQbi:[.ah al­Qalamiyyah: Dirasiitjï Shi~ral-Mahjar (Cairo: Dar al-Macarif, 1957), 318;

3 Mounah A. Khouri, Studies in Contemporary Arabie Poetry And Criticism(Piedmont. CA: Jahan Book Co. 1987), 44. This principle confirms KhaIilJuiJran's view. In bis work entitled "DamCah wa ~Ibtisamah» (Tears andLaughter) says of the poet that:

He is a link between this and the coming world.He is a pure spring from. which all thirsty souls may drink.He is a tree watered by the river of beauty, bearing Fntit whichthe hungry heart craves;He is a nightingale, soothing the depressed spirit with bisbeautiful melodies;He is a white cloud appearing over the horizon,Ascending and growing until it fills the face of the skyeThen it falls on the flowers in the field of life,Opening their petais ta admit the light.He is an angel, sent by the goddess ta preach the deity gospel;He is a brilliant lamp, unconquered by darkness andinextinguishable by the wind.It is filled with ail by Ishtar of love, and lighted by Apollon ofmusic.....Poet, you are the life of this life, and you have trium.phed over theages despite their severity.Poet, you will one day rule the heart, and therefore, your kingdomhas no ending.Poet, exaInine your crown of thorns; you will find concealed in it abudding wreath of laure!.

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according ta Nu'aymah, will be aware of how important it is to express

their ideas sincerely, honestly and realistically without being driven by

an external leitmotif. In fact, Nu'aymah's works constitute a genuine

expression of his own spiritual journey to seek the truth, which explains

why so many of the issues he addresses are mystical in nature. In this

chapter the discussion will be devoted to two of Nu'aymah's mystical

themes, i.e., the notions of "oneness of being" and "the transmigration of

soul."

1. Oneness of Being

The seeds of NU'aymah's inclination towards oneness of being, in

the sense that he saw a unity between nature, mankind and the Creator,

were planted during childhood in his home village of Biskinta, Lebanon.4

His personality differed from that of other children of his age, in that he

was a boy who always felt closer to nature and was curious about the

world around him. Ta discover the meaning behind natural phenomena

demanded that he lead a solitary life, to allow himself to became closer ta

nature. This potential, which was nurtured in the course of various

experiences in his life, especially after his experimentatian with different

kinds of beliefs and philosophies, enabled him ta find answers ta the

See Kahlil Gibran, Tears and Laughter, translated from the Arabie version"DamÇah wa (Ibtisamah" by Anthony Rizcallah Ferris (New York: Bantam Book,1974),44-6.

• 4 Al-Ashtar, al-Nathr al-Mahjari, vol. 1, 50.

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questions he had, particularly after his return home from America.

Therefore, most of the works that he produced in the fmal phase of his

life feature more philosophical and spiritual motifs. These include such

works as Mudhakkarcït al-Arqashs and The Book ofMirda-d. 6

The notion of "oneness of being," which is a common theme in his

works, is considered the center point of his mystica1 thought.7 While it is

not easy ta systematize his thinking on this tapie, there are a number of

technical tenns he repeatedly employs, such as kMyàl (imagination), al-

Ca1am al-$aghir (microcosm) and al- ca1am al-kabfr (macrocosm), f}aq[qah

(the essence), al-~mal-kawnI (the cosmic arder), which might help us

ta grasp what he is saying.

NuCaymah's view of the relationship between nature, mankind and

God is based on the notion of khayal (imagination). His understanding of

the concepts of oneness of being and the transmigration of soul cannat

be separated from his understanding of this idea. By believing in the

5 It was first published in book form in Beirut in 1949. The book waslater translated into English and published in New York in 1952. According tothe author's own statement in Sabcun III, 219, it was translated as Memoirs ofa Vagrant Soul.

6 Published originally in English (Beirut, 19480. NuCaymah (SabCun III,219) mentions an English edition published in New York in 1950. The Englishedition of 1962 (London) lists the Beirut edition of 1948 and a Bombay editionof 1954. An Arabic translation by the author appeared in 1952 in Beirut. TheBook of Mirdad consists of guidance to an assembly of monks who, in theirturn, as the biblical disciples, go out into the world to preach the gospel theyhave received. Here Nucaymah strikes us as Gad-man preaching to other menthe way to salvation.

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power of imagination, he rejects the dualist conception of the

phenomenon of the world. For him, the differences, distinctions and

contrarieties that human beings perceive result from the perception of

the human reasoning faculty whose power is limited by what the senses

tell it; this falls short of what the imagination is capable of doing, since

the latter is able ta go beyond the senses.8 He states further that through

imagination (khaya7} it is possible for men ta make blind men see,

paralyzed men walk, and bring the dead ta life, not by giving them sight,

hearing or animation, but by the power ta awaken the power of the

imagination, which can replace all these faculties: sight, hearing and the

breath of life.9

Nu'aymah treats the meaning of khayâl (imagination) in a more

philosophical and mystical context, rather than restricting it ta the

literary plane. According ta him, imagination is the faculty which enables

human beings ta see with their eyes closed, ta hear while their ears are

sealed, to smell while their nostrils are plugged, to taste while their lips

are closed, or to touch while their hands are paralyzed. lO ft is the power

that provides the means for human beings to understand metaphysical

7 'Isa al-NâCUrl, Adab al-Mahjar (Cairo: Dar al-Macarif, 1977), 380; MunirWalid, Miklla'il NuCaymah (Cairo: al-Hay'ah. al-Mi~riyyah al-'Ammah li al­Kutaib, 1992), 105.

8Nu'aymah, al-Bayadir{1940-1944) (Beirüt: Maktabat ~âdir, 1959), 7l.

9Mïkhâ'il NuCaymah, Zad al-Ma'"ad (Beirût: Maktabat ~âdir, n.d), 17.

10 Ibid., 9.

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truths which are beyond the power of the external senses. 1 1 It is in fact

the only means to comprehend Reality (J:Jaqiqah).12 Through the

imagination men are able ta penetrate beyond the physical world and

free themselves from the limited faculty of the senses. 13 Therefore, the

existence of the Creator and His creations and other contradictory

phenomena e.g., life and death, good and bad, happiness and suffering,

etc., are one in Reality (1].aqlqah), because they come from it and will

return to it.

Furthermore, he clearly equates imagination (khaya1) with faith

(Iman).14 He states that imagination (khaya1j and faith (Iman) are like

twins: both are at the highest limit of our understanding, and beyond

what reason can attain due to its unreliability. This argument indicates

that he places imagination (khaya1) higher than reason. He says that

reason can become imagination if one is open to enlightenment.

Likewise, imagination will deteriorate into reason if it becomes closed ta

inspiration. 15

By his philosophical and mystical explanation of imagination

(khaya1) Nu'aymah tries to show that we are able ta comprehend

11 Ibid.

11Ibid; Nu'aymah, al-Bayadir, 71. Besides Nu'aymah, Jubnin KhaIilJubran was another who believed in the potential power of imagination tareach the Reality (f).aqlqah). See al-Ashtar, al-Nathr al-Mahjari, vol. 1, 78.

13 Nu'aymah, zad al-Macad, 14; Nu'aymah, al-Bayadir,7l.

14 Nucaymah, zad al-Macad, 78.

• 15 Ibid.

•86

metaphysical worlds, such as the one in which we fmd ourselves now,

one that does not exist yet, one which hasn't any power to exist, or one

that we will experience in the future. This is because imagination

(khayâl) will penetrate them in order to witness Reality in a real sense. l6

Nu'aymah seems to perceive Reality (f:uuliqah) as having much in

common with the Essence (dhcit). He states that there is only one f)aq[qah

which is eternall7 and it is not subject to change or fluctuation. 1ts

existence cannot be identified with time, place or any other attribute. But

its existence is in every place and in every thing. 18

Unlike other existing things, both Reality (f)aq[qah) and the

Essence (dhat) are independent, meaning that their existence does not

depend on other existences even though they share a common origin and

will return to the same point as weil. l9 In the language of sorne $Ufls,

such as Ibn 'Arabi, the Essence does not have quiddity (mâhiyyah). That

is why the Essence cannat have ascribed to it any attributes, because It

is indescribable.20 Nu'aymah identifies this Essence as the power that

comprehends all things as "Allah," that is Gad, The Creator.21

16 Ibid., 7.

17 Nu'aymah, al-Marâ1J.il (Beinit: Dar ~adir, n.d), 12.

18 Nu'aymah, Zâd al-Ma'cid, 12; see also Nu'aymah, al-Maraf:dl, 12.

19 Ibid.; He also employs the term "al-ma~dar al-wa" to indicate thesame thing. Nu'aymah, al-MarciJ).il, 50; Mikha''il Nu'aymah, al-Baya-dir, 70.

20 Nu'aymah, Zad al-Ma'cid, 22.

• 21 Ibid.

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87

Although he stresses that the Essence or Gad cannot be described

byanyattributes, the name "Allah" is attributed ta the Essence in arder

ta allaw us to discuss or talk. about Him. It is only one of the many other

names applied to the Essence. Sorne people may call Him QuWUJah

(Power), or Iraaah (Willingness) or Namu-s (Law of Nature). They refer ta

Him in accordance with their own understanding of the Essence.22

However, the name "Allah," God, according to him, is the more perfect

and more appropriate in meaning, because it is beautiful, respectable

and well-known among people.23

Although Nu'aymah does not seem to subject his concept of Reality

(1)aqiqah) to systematic review, he nevertheless consistently emphasizes

that there is a true Reality beyond this reality which cannat be reached

by the human senses, yet its existence is sensible and discernable to a

certain degree. He acknowledges the existence of this Reality by stating

that behind the arder of this Universe, which makes the stone fail when

one drops it, or the sun rise from the East, etc., there is the Creator who

creates this order of the Cosmos (al-ni?cim al-kawru).24

22 M"ùdui'il Nu'aymah, Sabfün: Efikt:iyah 'Umr (1889-1959), al-Mar1J.alah al­Thtiniyah (1911-1932) (Beinit: Dar ~adir/Dar Baynît, 1960), 324.

23 Ibid.; Naimy, The Book of Mirdaa, 41; See also the Arabie version ofthe same, entitled Mircüid, 73.

24 Nu'aymah, al-Mara7J.il, 114-15.

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This order is only one and it is unchangeably established by the

Creator.25 Through the order of the Cosmos, created bemgs will try to

perfect themselves continuously. For example, it is by virtue of the

cosmic order (al-n4cim al-kawruJ, which detennines that life cornes from

death or vice versa, that creation becomes perfect.26 Through the

dialogue between Arqash (the central figure in his work Mudhakkarat al­

Arqash) and death, for example, Nu'aymah elaborates that the task of

"death" is to bring everything into perfection. Nu'aymah believes that

"death" causes the world to become more dynamic because without

death everything would grow endlessly and life become static.

Furthermore, death makes the world constantly wider and larger,

because in the circle between life and death, the world and its

inhabitants become balanced.27 Hence, for him death is not the end of a

thing, but a pause in life and a bridge between one life and another,

through which the world approaches perfection. 28

As was discussed eartier, Nu'aymah's basic idea of the real Reality

(fJ.aq[qah) or the Essence (dheit) , implies that the realities other than the

Essence are only forms (9U-rah or amtha1) of ft. In his view when God

creates His creation, He creates His Essence in them. Hence the whole of

creation that emanates from Him is Himself, meaning that human beings

::s Ibid., 115.

:!6 Ibid., 114.

27 NuCaymah, MudJw.kkarat al-Arqash (Beirüt: Dar ~é:id.ir, 1959),52-4.

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who originate in Hint are the image of Allah, the source from which they

come.29

He stated just such an idea, for example, on the occasion in the

annual gathering of the school al-Jami'ah al-Wataniyyah, Lebanon in

1932.30 He explained that the ultimate goal of human life is to know

oneself. That was because in his view human beings represent the world

in which other worlds, such as the Universe, are united together.

Therefore by knowing themselves, they actually know the whole of the

world, whether seen or unseen.31

From his point of view, furthennore, there is no difference between

human beings and the Universe; the partition between them is in fact

engendered by human beings themselves. He consequently argues that

at the very beginning of creation, there was the "'1" (Anal and "'Universe"

(al-CAZam) without any separation: Anci is al-t.Alamjust as al-'Alam is Anci.

However, when the ïrrst period of time began, the universe delivered a

child, called a "'human being," who was beautiful and perfect such that

28 This point will be elaborated upon in the next part of this chapter.

29Nu'aymah, al-Bayadir, 71.

30Nu'aymah, Zâd al-Ma'ad, 45; Nu'aymah, al-Marâl]il, 64.

31Nu'aymah, za-d al-Ma'ad, 45; The same idea of \.illity between humanbeings and the universe is also expressed in a letter he sent to his brotherNasib. He says that when you ask your self "Who am. l," this means that youhave asked about the main goal of life. Because "r" is closely related to evetything in the universe whether seen or unseen. Therefore your knowledge of leI"is the highest degree of knowledge, i.e., the knowledge of the Universe.Nu'aymah, Sab'tin...al-Mar1J.alah al-Thtïniyah, 322.

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he was in full unity with the universe. Nonetheless, the separation

resumed when the universe asked the human being:

al- falam : man anta?The Universe: Who are you?

- inscïn : ana- anaHuman Being: "1" is "1"

•

al- 'alam : wa man ana? inscin: anta al-"alamThe Universe: And who am I? Human Being: Vou are the Universe.

Here, human beings create a division between themselves and the

universe.32 Nu'aymah also insinuates the same notion in his poem

addressing a worm, entitled "RciDüdah":

Wama 'antafi fayn al-f].ayah damimahWa W?ghar qadran min nusrIr wa cuqbanIn the eyes of life, thou art not ugly,Nor thy the value is less than that ofvultures and eagles...

Lifumrika yaukhtdhu mafi 1).aycïtirniMarcitib qadr auJ tafUwut ath.m.UnBy thY trOth' sister, in our IifeThere are no grades of worth of differences of value33

M~a1ùruJuïfi al-fawn tabd:ü li nCÏ?irKathirat ashkal "adIdat alwanLife's manifestations appear to the onlookerOf numerous shapes and many colors

wa aqnumu.h.a bciqin min al-bad'i wanj.dTajallat bishihabin am tajallat bilÜdanBut its constitutive element is ever one

Whether it is rnanifested in stars or in worms.34

32 NuCaymah, al-MarCÙJil, 128.

33Mïkhéi'ïl Nu'aymah, Hams al-Jufiin (Beirüt: Dar Baynitl Dar ~adir,

1959), 85-6. The translation is quoted from S. H. Nadeem, A CriticalAppreciation of Arabie Mystical Poetry (Lahore: Islamic Book Service, 1979),240-1; An almost similar treatment is also applied to his story about a crow.See Nu'aymah, al-Mara7').il, 134-5.

34Nu'aymah, Hams al-Jufün, 86. The translation is taken from Issa J.Boul1ata, "Mikhail Naimy: A Poet of Meditative Vision~" Journal of ArabieLiterature, vol. 24, part 2 (July 1993), 178. Sorne part of the translation can be

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When human beings try to explore the division between them and

the world ta7am), Nu'aymah says it is similar to those who look for the

division between shadow and the thing that causes it.35 Of course the

effort would be useless for there is no difference between them, since the

shadow is the thing and the thing is the shadow; hence, man is the

Universe and the Universe is man, sa that f"mally he says that the man is

Ran. "God. "36

Although he does not use any specifie term in expressing this idea,

it is obvious that he is relying on the idea of maerocosm and microcosm

in elucidating the image of the Essence. From his elaboration it seems

that he perceives the Universe as a large world or macrocosm and

human beings as a smaller world or microcosm in which ail the other

worlds become composed together in them. Again, using this kind of

explanation, he attempts to explain the close relationship between the

Universe, men and Gad; he says that they are in their Reality one. He

expresses the notion, for example, in his poem "al-Ta'ili' (The Wanderer):

A kha1iql rafJ.mâkciIn Lam akun !?adLiktio My Creator have mercy

bima barat yadaK:âfa !?awtu man ana?Upon the creation of Thine hands

found in Salma Khadra Jayyusi (ed.) Modem Arabie Poetry: An Anthology (NewYork: Columbia University Press, 1987),94.

3S NuCaymah, al-MaraTJi.l, 128-9.

• 36 Ibid., 137.

• If l am. not Thine echo Whose voice may l be then?37

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•

Nu'aymah's main philosophical or mystical notion, Le., oneness of being,

is obvious here.

He expresses this concept in a number of literary media not only

poetry, novels, stories, and sermons but a1so in his letters, such as those

written to his younger brother Nasib.38 Moreover, he sometimes draws

analogies with any subject to prove his idea of "oneness of being."

Nu'aymah, for example, compares gnosis (al-ma~rifahJ and Allah (God) 39

in the following passage where he says:

al-macrifah ka Alltïh, fi k:ulli ma/canKnowledge is similar to the existence of Allah, because He is inevery place

Wa al-ladhIna yaplubünalui fi makcin düna kuili amkinah ka al­ladhina yatlubUna Alltïhfial macaDid IcighayrAnd those who seek knowledge only in a certain place are similarto those who only seek Alléih in the temples

Fa laAllanfi al-ma7Yid waJ:u1iJui, wa la al-macrifahfi al maclihid al­Cilmiyyah faqaf

37Nu'aymah, Hams al-Jufün, 54. The translation is taken from C. Nijland,Mikha-u Nulaymah: Promotor ofthe Arabie Literary Remual (Belgium: Historisch­Archaeologisch Instituut te Istanbul, 1975), 39; See also Nadeem, A CriticalAppreciation, 240.

38Nasïb was one of Nu'aymah's brothers who had studied agriculture atthe University of Montpellier in France. This information is taken from HusseinDabbagh, Mikhail Naimy: Sorne Aspects of His Thought As Revealed in HisWritings (Durham: University of Durham, Centre For Middle Eastern andIslamic Studies, 1983),36. Nu'aymah's letter to him of2 March 1931, in whichhe responds to his brother's news that he had fallen in love with a youngFrench girl, can be considered an accurate statement of Nu'aymah's beliefs andthought, as he admits himself in ms autobiography. See Nu'aymah, Sabttin:....al-Mar1).alah al-Thtiniyah, 322.

39"fhe lecture was delivered in al-Jamicah al-Wataniyya~ Lebanon at theend of June 1932. See Nufaymah, zad al-Macc:id, 45.

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Indeed, Allah is not only in the temples, just as knowledge is notooly available in the academic institutions.40

In the above passage Nu 'aymah acknowledges that there is only

one reality, that is, the Reality of the Essence, or God. As a result he

insists that God comprehends every single thing in His creations; in

other words he believes that the image of God can be found in every

place in the Universe and in an its contents, including men.41 The whole

of creation, whether observable or not, is the living body of Gad, its

Creator; therefore when He sees the existence (al-wuju-dJ in its totality, He

says (&Hcïdlui Ana" (This is Me).42 Indeed, this notion will be better

understood from his poem entitled Ibtiha1c:ït (Supplications):

Ka1JlJili Alldhumma Caynayyabishuccic min qiyWcakay tara1caAnoint, 0 Lord my eyesWith the rays of Thy lightThat l may see Thee

fijamiCal-khalq: fi düd al-qubUrfi nusrIr al-jaww, fi mawj al-bi1J.arfi ~a1uïrijal-barari, fi al-?UfuiTfi al-kalcï: fi al-tibr, fi ramI al-qafcïrIn the whole creation: in the worm. of the grave,in the eagles of the sky, in the waves of the sea,in the cistern.s of the land, in the flowers,in the grass, in the gold dust, in the sand of the deserts,

-10 Ibid., 46.

4IIbid." 136; Nu'aymah, Sab cün....al-Mar1J.alah al-Thaniyah, 324.

42 Nu'aymah, al-Baycidir, 57. A similar account is presented by Nu'aymahin Mikhéi'il Nu'aymah, "al-Nür wa al-Dayjür," in al-MajmüCah al-Kamilah (Beirüt:Dar al-'Ilm li al-Malayln, 1971), vol. 5, 593. He states that nature CtabiCah) isthe visible body of the unseen God (anna al-tabiCah hiya al-jasad al-ma11?Ür li al-

• ilâh alladhi laJ'U71?ar).

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fi qurriJ}. al-bur$;I fi wjh al-salimfi yad al-qatil, fi na~sh al-qatz1fi sarir al-~irs,fi naj~al-:fa:pm43fi yad al-mu1).sin, fi kaffal-bakluLIn the wounds of the lepers, in the face of the healthy man,in the hand of the killer, in the bier of the killed,in the nuptial bed, in the gruel of the weaned,in the hand of the benefactor, in the palm of the miser

fifu. 'ad al-shaykh, fi TÜ1J- al-$aghirfi 'ddi~cial-~alim,fi jahl al-juhu1fighina al-muthrf, wafifaqr al-faqirfi qad.Juï al-~ahir,fi f:uhr al-batülIn the heart of the eIder, in the spirit of the younger,in the pretense of the learned, in the unawareness of the ignorant,in the richness of the wealthy, in the poverty of the poor,in the filth of the adulterer, in the purity of the maiden

Wa idhti masawarat 1uïsaktat al-nawm al-~amiqfa 'ghmi4 Allarwmma jafnayluïilaan tastafiqAnd when the silence of the deep sleep converses with themClose down, a Lord, their lids until they awake.44

Nu'aymah's conception of God may be seen as having two aspects,

the one inseparable from the other. From the arguments that he offers in

his works, one can say that these two aspects are transcendence and

immanence. On the one hand he always insists that God is the Essence

to Whom no attribute or description of any kind can be applied. He is the

One beyond human perception, the One Whose names are many but

whose Essence is one and only one. On the other hand the Universe,

which encompasses both nature and humanity, is evident praof of His

43 In the original text, the verse reads: fi naj~ al-QatiL. However) Nijland,prefers the ward "na~sh" instead of "naj"'. Additionally, for the hemistich: fiNa~sh al-Fa!lm in he chooses the word " naj~:a instead of «na~sh." In this contextl will use this alternative. See C. Nijland, Mikhci'll Nu~aymah, 35-6.

44Nucaymah, Harns al-JujUn, 35-6. The translation is taken from C.Nijland, Mïkhtï'il NuCaymah, 35-6.

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many-sideness. However, these attributes do nat cantradict His

uniqueness. In arder ta praye his argument, Nu'aymah draws an analogy

with "thought" (fikr). He explains that many sentences, movements and

actions employed when one communicates or expresses an idea do nat

necessarily portray the "thought." They are only exterior aspects which

may change. The "thought" (fikrj itself that stimulates them remains

separate, or in Nu'aymah's wordfahuwa huwa.45

In making this camparison he desires to say that the manifestation

of the Essence cannat be perceived as the Essence Itself, any more than

external appearance of thought fundamentally shows the thought itself

(tilka TTJ.a?G.1tir fikrika wa laysat fikraka). 46 Hence, the transcendence of

God is not reduced by His manifestations because His Essence retains !ts

absoluteness. God's manifestation of Himself in His creation is in order

to reveal Himself ta His creation. Otherwise, according to Nu'aymah, He

would be an Absolute Silence ($umt Mutlaq). In his opinion, God's self-

disclosure is by His "1":

...By it is the Creator self-created. By it is the Formless One madeto take on a multiplicity of forms through which the creaturesshall pass again to formlessness...When Gad says l, nothing is leftunsaid. Worlds seen and worlds unseen; things barn, and thingsawaiting birth; time rolling by and time as yet ta roll-aIl, all,excepting not a grain of sand, are uttered forth and pressed intothat Ward, By it were all things made. Through it are aIlsustained...47

45 Nu'aymah, Sab'ün. ...al-MarfJ.alah al-Tluïniyah, 324.

46 Ibid.

47 Mikhail Naimy, The Book of Mirdtid: the Strange Story of a MonasteryWhich Was Once Called The Ark (London: Clear Press in Association with

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2. The Transmigration of Soul

Nu'aymah's first encounter with the idea of the transmigration of

the soul (or as other cali it, metamorphosis (taqammU$) 48 or

metempsychosis) may be traced to the period when he was a student at

the University of Washington. Through his roommate -- a young

Scotsman who was a member of a theosophical society,49 and with whom

he shared a room in his third year at the university -- he became

acquainted with theosophical beliefs, particularly the notion of

metempsychosis. It was because of this belief, which left its mark on

almost everything he wrote afterwards, that he acknowledged his meeting

as a turning point in his life.so Indeed, the notion constitutes the

eventual fundamental basis of his philosophical doctrine, i.e., that our

Element Books, 1962), 41. The Arabie version can be found in Mïkha'ilNu'aymah, KitaD Mirdtïd: Mincirah wa Mina~ (BeirUt: Dar Baynit li al-Tiba'ah waal-Nashr' /Dar ~adir li al-Tiba'ah wa al-Nashr, 1959), 7l.

4BThis term. is used byal-Ashtar, al-Nathr al-Mahjari, 49.

4s-rhis society was founded by Madame Blavatsky and Mrs Annie Besantin New York in the late nineteenth century. It sought to bring enlightenment tothe western world through Eastern religions and metaphysics. The belief of theTheosophical Society were mixture of religion, philosophy and occultism. Itsreligious teachings consisted of four fundamental points: (1) the unity of God,(2) the threefold emanation of God, (3) the hierarchy of beings consisting ofspiritual in~elligence, and (4) universal brotherhood, subject to the recognitionof varying degrees of man's development. See Tara Chand, History of FreedomMovement in India, vol. 2 (Delhi: Govenunent of India, MinistIy of Informationand Broadcasting, 1967), 426-27. See also Ted Roderich (ed.), The OxfordCompanion to Prulosophy (New York: Oxford University Press, 1995), 871; al­Ashtar, al-Nathr al-Mahjan, 49.

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life is governed by a "Cosmic Order," and that death is no more than a

"pause" in a continuous movement which will ultimately lead man to

become one with the Absolute.51 In this respect, the notion of

reincarnation is determined in the context of oneness of being, the

concept which allowed him ta disclose his dualist perception.52 With this

new understanding, he came to perceive life and death, humankind and

nature, and even Gad and the universe as a single perpetuai chain.

If growth be the child of decay, and decay he the cbild of growth;if life he the mother of death, and death be the motb.er of life, thenverily were they but one at every point of Time and Space...Thewheel of Tinle revolves in the voids of Space. Upon its rim. are ailthe things perceivable by the senses which are unaole to perceivea thing except in Time and Space. Sa things continue to appearand disappear. What disappears for one at a certain point of Timeand Space appears to another at another point.... 53

Nu'aymah's discussion of metempsychosis is, as is the case with his

notion of oneness of being, scattered throughout a number of his works,

particularly thase written ailer his return home from the United States.

These include his autobiography, "Sabun," letters and short staries,

50Nu'aymah, Sab'ün... al-Marf).alah al-Tha1ithah{l932-1959), 45.

SlDabbagh, Mikhail Naimy: Some Aspects, 23. The notion of thetransmigration of sou! had, in fact, given the mahjar literary writers includingKhaIil Jubran and Nu'aymah, the answer to the eschatological question whichthey had failed to resolve, such as the question of the notion of the otherimaginary world where human beings live forever after their death. Thetransmigration theory allowed them to believe that L LUnan beings will beresponsible for their deeds forever, since according to i~, death is only aninteIVening period for another life, which implies the enduring reckoning ofhuman's deeds.

52 al-Ashtar, al-Nathr al-Mahjari, 49-50.

53 Mïkhâ'il Nu'aymah, The Book ofMirdLid, 92.

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such as Liqa',54 and al-Yawm al-Akhir.ssThe most comprehensive account

of Nu'"aymah's thought is nevertheless to he round in his The Book of

54 Liqci' (Encounter) first appeared in Beirut, 1946. An Englishtranslation of Liqa' and twelve ather staries was published in Bangalore, 1957,with the title Till We Meet. Liqa-' tells us a story of Leonardo, a violinist, and awoman he loves. Leonardo in Liqa' flees human society ta cleanse himself of thelast remnants of sexuallonging in order to efIect a spiritual union with the girlhe loves. They both die in the process, but here it is spontaneous death whichforms the climax and proof of the new symbiosis. Remarkable is the completepassivity of the girl, who is unconscious from the moment Leonardo makes hisfirst attempt ta play the soul-uniting melody on his violin until he succeed inbis effort, after a period of self-imposed withdrawal. See C. Nijland, Mikha~

Nu~aymah:Promotor ofthe Arabie Literary Reviuai, 51.

55 Parts of this novel were published in four issues of al-Funtin: volumeIII, issue 3 (October 1917), p.177-186; 4 (November 1917), 255-274; 5 (May1918), 320-333; 6 (June 1918), 427-440. Nijland notes that al-Yawm al-Akhïrwas Nu'aymah's last nove!. It is the account of one day in the life of Dr. Musaal-'Ashkari, the main character, who has been told by a mysterious voice atmidnight that the coming day would be bis last. In the course of th~ day themain character cames to perceive the utter futility of his earthly concerns andoccupations, and turns into another man. The change, however, is efIected onlyafter a stream of events which aIl tax his feelings to the utmost. His mute sonaddresses him. and miraculously overcomes a paralysis of the legs; the only sonof the mayor of the village dies at the age of three; the othen.:vorldly messenger,who had announced the beginning of the last day, presents himself disguisedas a beggar at the door of the main character; bis gardener discovers a potfilled with golden coins in the orchard in the mountains, but Musa al-'Ashkarinot wanting the treasure donate it to the gardener, who again does not acceptit; on the way back from the garden Musa al-'Ashkari is witness to an accidentwith a shot-gun injuring a bird hunter. He returns to the garden and asks thegardener to help him bring the wounded man to a hospital. They notify thepolice, and both are taken into custody on suspicion of man-slaughter. Theyare released only after the wounded man has regained his consciousness andhas afÎ1rmed their innocence. Back home he hears that bis son has left with aman who ca11s himself "The Unnamed." He has a dream in which he sees theUnnamed together with bis son rowing upstream on the river time. He goes tothe airport to meet ms wife who had previously eloped to Switzerland, but hadcabled that day that she would retuIn the same evening. The plane crasheswhile landing and burns. At home he îmds a second cable informing him thathis wife had missed the plane. but in the course of the day he has reached astate of serenity, making him imperturbable. His old life has ended and a newlife lies ahead ofhim. See Ibid., 51-52.

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Mirdaa, which he himself considered to be the final expression of his

philosophy.

Nu'aymah's notion of the transmigration of souls can probably be

best explained through his concept of death, which he mentions

elsewhere in his works. In his Mudhakkarat al-Arqash, for example,

Nu'aymah views death not as the end of life, but as something that exists

in order to bring human life to perfection. This can be seen from the

dialogues between Arqash (a central figure in this novel) and death, in

which Nu'aymah implies the impossibility of the universe achieving

perfection without the existence of death.56 He argues that the span of

life is too short a period to achieve that aime

Furthermore, he says that death is merely designed to put an end

ta the physical desires of man, not to his unfulîùled yearnings for justice,

mercy, peace, love and ather langings which aim at a kind of Iife free

56 Nu'aymah, Mudhakkarlit al-Arqash, 51-57; Similar idea is alsopresented in his novel "Till We Meet" which is the English version of his Arabicnovel "Liqa'." He says that human life is like the whole length of Time which isnot limited by the death. Nu'aymah states:

...How stupid of me and aIl men to measure life by such a link asthe span between the cradIe and the grave, and not to know thatour lives extended the whole length of time...

See Mikhail Naimy, Till We Meet and Twelue Other Stories (Bangalore: TheIndian Institute of World Culture, 1957), 85; see also M""Ikhâ'il Nu'aymah, al­Maraf)i.l, 122-124. In this story Nu'aymah, as he does in expressing his idea ofoneness of being, employs an analogy of the lives of two seeds of wheat. Theylive side by side feeling that they have met and known each other before. Thenthey realize that they are the reincarnation of two seeds that feU in love in aprevious life. This analogy may aIso be applied to the life of Leonardo and Babain his novel "Till We Meet" who lived as a couple in love with each other who

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from sadness, pain or even death. The yearning for something, according

ta him, presupposes the existence of that thing. As man's life is

insufficient for this task, he argues, so there must be a continuation of

life after death. "For how can you, or anybody else, he sure that the earth

is the only place where you fulfill your earnings, or that your life is the

only share you have of time, when in fact compared with it the age we

live is no more than a fleeting moment?"57

As indicated above, Nu'aymah's notion of the transmigration of

souls is developed in relation to the notion of oneness of being, according

represent the reincarnation of a couple who lived long time before them anddied with their love unfulfilled.

57Nu~aym.ah, Sab'un... al-Mar1J.alah al-Tha1ithah (1932-1959), 235. Thesame inclination is also expressed by Nu'aymah's by believing in theII:transportation of the spirit" of human beings ta the other world. In his novel"Till We Meet" he illustrates the idea by saying that the spirit of two humanbeing, Leonardo and Baha, a couple who died with their physical loveunfulfilled, are transported. The notion may be seen in the following quotation:

"Secrecy is necessaxy for the good name and reputation of the two. Forhow shall people ever believe and understand that Leonardo and Baha havebeen transported?"

" Transported!"

"Yes, transported to the world prepared for them eons ago."

" 1 cannot understand you."

"If you cannot understand, who shall? Know, my friend that Bahaand Leonardo have been transported from earth ta heaven, inspirit. 1 saw them 50 transported with my own sinful eyes. Lastnight as 1 sat alone in the quiet of my house after having put mychildren to sleep, l saw Baha and Leonardo locked in a tightembrace and wrapped in a mantle of light. Then 1 saw them riseslowly as rises a column of incense-smoke in the temple. A veil ofpearly haze was drawn across the skies. Suddenly the veil wasrent in the centre and wrapped in light, slip through that openingwhich was immediately closed behind them leaving the skies ascompletely veiled as before." Mikhail Naimy, Till We Meet, 39-40.

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to which "there is not God and Man, but there is God-Man or Man-God.

There is the One. However multiplied, however divided, it is forever

One."58 Nonetheless, since "man is a god in swaddling-bands,"59 he

should pierce the veils and break the seals in order to achieve the joy of

Perfect Balance (al-tawcïzun al-kcïmiij.60 This is the task of man in his

repeated lives, that is ta say, to seek the key to self-unveiling and self-

unsealing. For this purpose, man has ta be conscious of Being through

his understanding of his own existence; he should understand his l

(ana), which Nu'aymah calls al-kalimah al-mubdi'ah. For "lis the center of

your life whence radiate the things that make the total of your world, and

whereunto they converge. If it he steady, your world is steady: then no

power above, and no powers below can sway your right or left. If it be

shifting, your world is shifting; and then are you a helpless leaf caught in

a angry whirl of wind."61 Hence, it is by his Consciousness and then his

Understanding that man attains the joy of Perfect Balance, that is Gad,

The Primal Consciousness (al-q.amir al-awwali) and the Spirit of

Understanding (ru!). al-fahm).

A theme essential ta the notion of the transmigration of souls as

explained by Nu 'aymah is that of punishment and reward. It was

Nu'aymah's belief that every day is Judgment Day. Man is rewarded or

58 Nu'aymah, TheBookofMirdcï~58.

59 Ibid., 43.

60 Ibid., 41.

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punished daily according to his attitude towards God's Law (NciTnÜS) ,

which, as we shall see below, is love. In this respect, Nu'aymah explains

three kinds of Judgment Day, expressed in the dialogue between Mirdad

and Bennoon in The Book of Mirdcid. In answering Bennoon's question

concerning Judgment Day, Mirdad says:

Your days are not alike, Bennoon. Sorne are serene. They are thehaIVestings of hours rightly lived. Some are beset with clouds.They are the gifts of hours half-asleep in Death and half-awake inLife. While others dash on you astride a storm, with lightning intheir eyes, and thunder in their nostrils. They smite you fromabove; they whip you from below; they toss you right and Ieft;they t1atten you onto the earth and make you bite the dust andwish you were never bOIn. Such days are the fruit of hours spentin willful opposition to The LaW.62

The doctrines of oneness of being and the transmigration of souls,

combined with a belief in reward and punishment helped Nu 'aymah to

develop the notion of love for everything. For him, the oneness of being

reflects the equality inherent in the Universe, by which no one is nobler

or more essential than the other. Consequently, there is no enemy, only

friends, for "what you dislike and cast away as evil is surely liked and

picked up by someone, or something else as good."63 He goes on to say:

Remember that the Word is one. And you, as syliables in TheWord, are in reality but one. No syllable is nobler than the other,nor more essential than the other. The many syllables are but asingle syllable - even The Word [God]. Such monosyllable must

61 Ibid., 39.

62Ibid., 60.

63Ibid., 45.

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you become if you would know the passing ecstasy of thatunutterable Self-Love which is a love for all- for everything.64

Nu'aymah maintains that to arrive at Self-Love man should be a

Tree of Life (shajarat al-1].ayâh) and pour his whole heart into every single

part of the "tree." Men should beware of dividing against each other. Like

a tree, they should not set fruit against fruit, leaf against leaf, bough

against bough, nor set the stem against the roots, nor set the tree

against the mother SOil;65 rather, men should not hate each other, since,

according to Nu'aymah, hatred is the pus of death, while love is the sap

of life.66 Accordingly, Man should always learn to love, for "no lesson is

required of Man other than love."

Nu'aymah's concept of love is detennined in such a way that Man

is able ta find his real self. This can be attained so long as man should

rid himself of hatred in his heart. The true love needs no rewards; it is

the one of which man is not proud. Man should fIU his every gesture,

step, wish or thought with it. Since there is no separation between man

and the Universe, so man's love for others means his love ta himself.

Indeed, Nu'aymah is of the opinion that no love is possible except the

love of self.67

64 Ibid., 48.

65Ibid., 62

66 Ibid., 63 .

67 Ibid., 63.

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A true love is the one by which man is not pained; it is not the one

on which man prides himself. Hence, the love of a man for a women is

not love. Furthermore, being not-hating does not necessarily mean equal

love, for "love is an active force."

Love is not a virtue. Love is a necessity; more so than bread andwater; more so than light and air. Let no one pride himself onloving. But rather breathe in love and breathe it out just asunconsciously and freely as you breath in the air and breathe itout. For Love needs no one to exa1t it. Love will exalt the heartthat it finds worthy of itself. Seek no rewards for Love. Love isreward sufficient onto Love, as Hate is punishment sufficient untoHate. Nor keep any account with Love. For, Love accounts to noone but itself.

Love neither lends nor borrows; Love neither buys nor sells; butwhen it gives, it gives its aIl; and when it takes, it takes its alla Itsvery taking is giving. !ts very giving is taking. Therefore is it thesame today, tomorrowand foreverm.ore.68

The concept of love is essential to r-..û.'aymah's notion of the

transmigration of souls, since the former is the core of the moral

message that should guide a man through his respective lifetimes.

Nu'aymah states that it is only with Love that one can be freed from the

wheel of Time, that is, the chain of reincarnation. In his eyes, mankind

would be weaned away forever from the Earth by loving the Earth and its

contents. "When Love is the only residue of ail your account with the

Earth, then will the Earth acquit you of her debt."69

68 Ibid., 64.

69 Ibid., 98.

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Finally, a clear explanation of Nu'aymah's concept of love in

relation to his notion of oneness of being may best be understood from

his poem below:

God is your captain, sail, my Ark!Though HeU unleash her furies redUpon the living and the dead,And sweep the skies of every mark,God is your captain, sail, my Ark!

Love is your compass, ply, my Ark!Go north and south, go east and westAnd share with all your treasure chest.The storm shall hear you on its crestA light for sailors in the dark.Love is your compass, ply, my Ark!

Faith is your anchor, ride, my ArkIShould thunder roar, and lightning dart,And mountains shake and fail apart,And men become so faint of heartAs ta forget the holy spark,Faith is yaur anchor, ride, my ArkFo

70 Ibid., 66.

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Conclusion

The Christian Lebanese poet Mildui'il Nu'aymah was considered

both a mystic and a $U]f. Of all the mystical concepts that he expressed

interest in, oneness of being and metempsychosis were the most

prominent. These two notions were central to his works, particularly in

the period after his return home from the United States.

It is not however, an easy task to discuss Nu'aymah's thought in

any organized fashion since, rather than systematizing his thoughts in

separate work, Nu'aymah touched on them on many separate occasions,

whether in novels such as Mudhakkarat al-Arqash (Memoirs of the

Vagrant Soul) , Liqci~ (Till We Meet) and The Book of Mirdcid, in staries

such as zad al-Ma'aa (Provisions for the Hereafter), al-Mara1)i1 (Stages)

and al-Bayaair (The Threshing Floors), in collections of poems such as

Hams al-Jufiin (Eyelid's Whisper), or in his three volumes of

autobiographyentitled Sab'u-n (Seventy).

After analyzing the mystical element in Nu'aymah's works, and

especially the two central concepts mentioned above, one cannot deny

that they indicate a certain aff"mity to the concepts with which Muslim

mystics had dealt for centuries. Thus, as regards the notion of oneness of

being, on the one hand, we fmd figures such as Ibn 'Arabi, al-Iial1<ij, Dhü

al-Nün al-Mi~rland Ibn al-Farïq all contributing ta its development, while

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107

in the case of the transmigration of soul on the other hand, there is

evidence that it was adopted by severa! Islamic sects.

The extent ta which Nu~aymah's understanding of these concepts

was influenced by Islamic mysticism and sects must however remain a

matter of debate. However, historically speaking, it is possible that he is

to sorne extent influenced by the Beknishi order,l a $Ufl arder fram

Turkey Ottoman because he lives in the Lebanon, a country which used

to be under the Ottoman Empire. It is true of course that in his works

dealing with these twa notions Nu'aymah employed a number of

technica! terms similar to those found in the works of Muslim ~fis. The

term 'alam al-khaya1, for example, by which he means the world lying

between the 't..vorld of sensation and the world of spirit, is similar in its

usage ta that found in Ibn ~Arabi's doctrine of wa1].dat al-wujua. This and

other examples provide ample evidence of the affinity of Nu'aymah's

mystical thought to Islamic mysticism. Further evidence of his debt can

be seen in his express admiration for mystical thinkers in the Islamic

tradition, such as Ibn 'Arabi and others. 2

Nevertheless, despite Nu'aymah's clear debt ta the notion of

oneness of being, he does not use the term wahdat al-wujua explicitly in

expressing his pantheistic thought. In the absence of any explicit

lSee, for instance, J ahn Kingsley Birge, The Bektashi Order of Deruishes(London: Luzac & Co., 1937), 22-86.

•108

acknowledgment, we must look to the evidence of such tenns as dJuit

(Essence), al-1)aqfqah (Reality), al-~mal-kawni (The Cosmic Order) and

khaya1 (imagination), which are terms invariably used in connection with

to the notion of wa1).dat al-wujua. In addition, he employs his own terms

such as al-tawazun al-kamil (the Perleet Balance), which resembles the

notion of Essence (dhcit) , and the Absolute Silence (al-$Umt al-mutlaq),

which is similar in nature ta the concept of the hidden treasure (al-kanz

al-makhfi) whieh refers to the He-ness of God in Islamic mysticism.

Nu'aymah's adoption of the notion of oneness of being reflects his

belief in the essential unity of the different and eontradictory phenomena

that the human senses perceive: good and had, life and death, riehness

and poverty, animals and men, men and vegetation, men and the

Universe, and the Universe and God. He insists that in their Reality they

are one, because they are the form ($U-ra1ij of their Creator, Gad.

Therefore, all of God's creatures have equal value. For him, men are no

more praiseworthy than animals; nor are animals less deserving than

men.3 Likewise, the wealthy are no more honorable than the poor, nor

are the poor less respectable than the rich. Even the intelligent and the

~'Abd al-Karim. al-Ashtar, al-Nathr al-Mahjan: Kuttâb al-Râb(tah al­Qalamiyyah (Cairo: Matba'ah Lajnah al-Ta'lif wa al-Tarjamah wa al-Nashr,1961), vol. 1, 84-5.

3Nu'aymah's story about a man and a crow or his poern addressing aworm which he acknowledges as his sister are the proof of this attitude. SeeM"t.khei'il Nu'aymah, al-Maral)il (Beirüt: Maktabah ~eidir, n.d ), 125-137;Mïkhei'il Nu'aymah, Hams al-Jufiin (BeirUt: Dar Bayrut li al-1;ibei'ah wa al-

• Nashr/Dar ~adir li al-1;iba'ah wa al-Nashr, 1959),83-6.

•

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109

foolish are equally deserving of respect, for they, like aIl creation, are

inasmuch as they are, images of God.4

In his view, there is no "Gad and men" or "God and the Universe"

but simply God-men and God-the Universe, because God's manifestation

of Himself mayes from being the Absolutely Silent to His "1"'. His "1" brings

the Universe into existence as His image.5

Even the idea of the transmigration of soul-- the belief that our life

is governed by the Cosmic Order and that death is merely a pause

between one life and another before the rmal return to the Creator-- is for

Nu~aymah rooted in oneness of being. This is because this notion

contains no dualism (thurui'iyyah). ft also leads him to the notion of love,

which seems ta be the most important aspect of his notion of the

transmigration of sou!. According to Nu~aymah, love is the only freedom

from the wheel of Time, from the seemingly endless chain of

.. Mïkhéi'il Nu'aymah, al-Bayadir, 1940-1944 (Beirüt: Maktabat ~adir,

1950), 76.

5 Mikhéi'il Nu'aymah, The Book of Mirdcid:The Strange Story of AMonastery Which Was Once Called The Ark (Clear Press in Association WithElement Books, 1962),41. This notion is similar to that of Jaléil al-Din Rüm~ a~fipoet of Persia and the founder of Mawlawiyyah order. Regarding the idea oflove he says :

When a man and a woman become one, You are this One; whenthe identities are effaced, You are this Unity.

You have fabricated this l and this Us so that you could play thegame of adoration with Yourself .

So that all the Is and the Yous become a single soul and aresubmerged in the Beloved.

See Eva de Vitray-Meyerovitch, Rümi and Sufism (California: The Post-ApolloPress, 1987), 102. See also ibid., 106.

•

•

no

reincarnation. In his view, Man can be weaned away forever from the

Earth by loving the Earth and all it contains. "When love is the only

residue of all your account with the Earth, then will the Earth acquit you

of her debt."6

These points conÏrrm our hypothesis that NuCaymah's mystical

thought is centered in his notion of oneness of being. Almost all his ideas

-- whether mystical, ethical, or social-- stem from that notion; Nu'aymah

directs his thoughts to proving this notion. Thus, the idea becomes bath

the basis and the goal; it is the starting point as weil as the ultimate

objective. One could almost say that he employs "a circular method of

reasoning," at the core of which lies his conception of oneness of being. It

is aIso interesting to note that Nucaymah views the idea of oneness of

being and the transmigration of soul as an inseparable concept which is,

in fact, similar ta that of Bektashi arder.? However, it does not

necessarily imply that he is influenced by this arder.

6 Ibid., 98.

7From the poet of Qaygusuz Abdal, it seems that the idea of thetransmigration of soul is derived from the stand point of oneness of being. Inthe Delil Budala, the author expresses the whole circulation of the entireexistence passes through the various level of experiences: as vegetation,animals and human beings. At the level of human experience, God sometimesmakes Qaygusuz Abdal as a king, but sometime as a slave; sometimes as afather and sometimes as a son. f\ ~ Lhe level of animal experience, Godsometimes makes him as a dog, a lion, a jaguar which lived around themountain or a fish which lives in water. At the level of vegetativ experience,sometimes God makes him as plants, sometimes as flowers. In short, there isno permanent situation in him. According to Freitag, this is not the best idea oftransmigration of sou! (taniisuJeh), but rather it is tancïsukh in the sense ofoneness of being (wal].dat al-wujua). Freitag, Seelewanderung, 220-21.

•

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III

The mystical-humanitarian mode of thinking that Hussein

Dabbagh attributes to Nu'aymah can be seen in the faet that the latter

endeavored to apply his mystica1 thought in support of his view of love,

justice, and equality.8 This is what makes Nu'aymah's role sa important

in the development of modern Arabie literature. His appreeiation of

unadorned language and his deep mystical and philosophical insights

placed him. in the foremost rank.

8 Hussein Dabbagh, Mikhail Naimy: Some Aspects of His Thought AsRevealed in His Writings (Durham.: University of Durham, Centre For MiddleEastern and Islamic Studies, 1983), 50.

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