indu rayadurgam patnet paper draft · higher state intervention in the urban planning. ... the...
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The Challenges of implementing Urban Decentralisation Reforms in India: Developing a
conceptual framework to understand the functioning of multiple urban agencies
This is work in progress. Please do not quote or cite without the author’s permission
Indu Rayadurgam
4/30/2012
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Abstract
In this paper, I develop a conceptual framework to understand the impact of the federal government policies on the changes
in the meaning of decentralisation and the relationships between the urban local agencies. This study on an incentivized
approach to urban reform process in India is based on a qualitative case study approach to understand the changes in the
interactions between agencies and the evolution of objectives of urban governance. This study focuses on content analysis of
documents and records to understand the complexity in the urban policy implementation. We develop the framework using
institutional theory and public administration concepts, in order to understand how the top down policies help in establishing
the objectives and agency interactions.
Keywords: Decentralization; Organizational Field, Institutional Logics, Indian Urban Governance
This paper is based on the introduction of an incentivized approach to urban governance reforms and its impact
on the functioning of the local government agencies. This urban policy reform, titled as the Jawaharlal Nehru
National urban Renewal Mission (JNNURM) was designed by the Central Government of India (GoI) in 2005,
with specific emphasis on decentralisation reforms and infrastructure development. This is a direct intervention
by the GoI, bypassing the state governments, which are in-charge of Urban Development in the cities.
Additionally, many of the reform objectives have been made prerequisites for further access to finances by the
state and the local governments. At the city level, it is common to have more than one agency functioning to
meet the needs of urban services and development. The agencies created by the State Governments include the
“para statal” agencies, specialised agencies in charge of specific sectors like water etc and the Urban Local
Body (ULB). Constitutionally, the latter has been assigned the pivotal role in the management of an urban area.
The central analytical focus of this paper is to understand the interactions between the local government
agencies within the context of the incentivized policy reform process. Empirically, this study conceptualises as
to how the long term objectives of decentralised policy reform and governance gets reflected and impacts the
interactions between the urban local agencies. Subsequently, the challenges of implementing decentralisation
reforms, as an approach will be understood and explained in the context of interaction between the urban local
governments. This study is focused on understanding the research questions “How has the concept of “Urban
Decentralisation” as an institutional order evolving in context of an Indian urban area? What are the
mechanisms to understand the institutionalization of rules and norms of decentralization within the context of
the Urban Reform Process?
This paper argues that in order to understand the problems of multiple objectives and their impact on the urban
agencies, we need to engage simultaneously with the theoretical approaches of institutional theory and public
administration literatures. Using the concepts of organizational field and institutional logics, this paper provides
a novel theoretical framework about how a group of urban agencies interact, and manage the implementation of
multiple objectives that are mandated by the policy prescriptions. This paper is grounded in a qualitative
empirical study of the urban decentralization reforms in the India. It provides an alternative mechanism to
understand the dynamics of conflict, power and cooperation between the multiple agencies that are engaged in
the management of an urban area.
Indian Urban Governance Context: Reforming the Decentralisation Perspectives
In order to examine the changes in the policies and governance pertaining to urban areas, it is important to
understand the relationship between the various agencies that are in the urban governance domain. Power
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conflicts and resource sharing are two important factors that have dominated the urban governance scenario. In
this case, the absence of financial and functional autonomy for the Urban Local Organisations leads to
increasing confusion in the administrative domain. The dominance of the state governments (Shaw, 1996; K C
Sivaramakrishnan, 2009), in the urban domain in India has been a consistent factor in the field of urban policy.
This is not surprising due to the constitutional mandate and powers accorded to the state governments. Rather it
is the role of the Centre and its policies that have thrown interesting possibilities for analysis. In order to
understand the role of the central government, literature has used the texts of the Government of India (GoI)five
year plans to examine the changes in Urban policies. (Shaw, 1996)
Before the 74th CAA
The early stages of urban policies in India leaned towards town planning and land use planning that were in tune
with the “notions of hygiene, order and a sense of aesthetics” (Shaw, 1996, p 226). “The ideal of a good city
even today is one that is unproductive but yet one that provides a pleasing environment for the ruling class- and
that includes us planners, academics, administrators and politicians.”(Planning and Urban Development Report,
1983, p146) These policies led to the control of the Urban Land Market by the government and the creation of
stronger laws towards town and country planning. The conflict here arises from the perception of what is the
objective of urbanisation: either to create beautiful cities or to accumulate capital”. The subsequent years led to
higher state intervention in the urban planning. The creation of supporting institutions like the Housing and
Urban Development Corporation(HUDCO), the state housing boards and the parastatals agencies, in order to
continue with an “optimum” use of urban land, state control of land prices and expanding land ownership. But
these policies failed to increase the financial viability of urban areas and led to an increasing divide between the
bigger and smaller urban areas. The former was due to weak financial instruments and the lack of fiscal
incentives. The absence of fiscal incentives and disincentives (Oommen, 2010) is still considered to be one of
the major factors in the effective implementation of urban policies. During the fourth and the fifth plan period,
the state governments concentrated in the development of bigger urban areas. 1 Another argument that has been
used is that urban decentralisation as rhetoric, with the policies leaning more towards the development of major
urban areas.
The next phase of decentralisation began with the schemes to Decentralise Urban Growth (Shaw, 1996). The
Integrated Development of Small and Meduim Towns(IDSMT) in 1979 was a step towards this, with a funding
of Rs 96 crores, and continued till the 9th five year plan. The next decade became crucial for the role of the state
government in urban areas. Due to fiscal pressures and the focus on rural areas, the seventh plan document
called for a greater devolution of finances and powers to urban entities, and also called for more private
participation. These set of ideas led to the conceptualization of the 74th CAA in the 1990s
The 74th CAA
The 74th CAA was initiated with the objective of recognizing the urban local bodies as “vibrant units of
democratic governance”. Another underlying reason for the devolution of powers and functions was to
1 An integrated development programme in metropolitan cities and areas of national importance was funded to the extent of Rs 250 crores in the fourth and the fifth five year plans and continued through the sixth plan period.
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recognize the diversity of urban areas, as opposed to homogenized policy approaches, thus encouraging bottom
up decision making and development and participatory form of urban governance. These power struggles were
an integral part of urban governance and still continues to be. The implementation of the 74th CAA reforms was
a gradual process. It has even been termed as a slow process.(NIUA, 2004) One of the main indications of this
has been the changes that have been made in the state legislations. The enormity of recording the states activities
has also impeded the process of understanding the implementation. This coupled with the fact that even now, the
reform implementation is said to be in progress indicate the slowness of the implementation.
With the introduction of the 74th CAA in early 1990s, the urban local governments were recognized as
legitimate third tier of the federal system. This was an important attempt to “strengthen the municipal
governance” (Mathur, 2007; Bardhan, 2004, NIUA(1998, 2004), K.C.Sivaramakrishnan(2008)) This accorded
“legal status” to the local governments, rendering some powers and responsibilities that were earlier solely with
the control of the respective state governments. This amendment “recognizes the principles of local self-
government”.( MoUD,2005)2, and enables them to with such powers and authority as may be necessary to
enable them to function as institutions of self-governance”.3 This emerged as a dominant idea or a logic that
guided the Central Government initiatives on Urban Governance from 1990s till now.
Some of the important constitutional provisions include delineation of the types of municipalities, devolving
more functional and financial responsibilities to the municipal bodies, rules and regulations on municipal
elections, coordination of the multiple agency functions through the metropolitan planning committee (MPC)
and the District Planning Committees (DPCs), delineating the power of the parastatals vis-à-vis the Urban Local
Bodies (ULBs), and the conflicts between the mayors and the commissioners due to ambiguity in role
definitions. A Twelfth Schedule to the Constitution provides recommended list of local functions. The
amendment also provides a basis for the respective state governments to change their municipal acts, in order to
accommodate the constitutional provisions. What is more interesting in this canvass of governance is the fact
that there is an original long term policy emphasis in the form of the Seventy Fourth Constitutional Amendment
(74th CAA) on decentralization, the effects of which seem to be quite ambivalent (Mathur M P, 2007). This is
also referred to as the “first generation urban reform” by the policy makers.4
Apart from the legitimacy seeking mechanisms for the lower tier governments, this period also witnessed the
emergence of a conflict between the state agencies(henceforth referred to as para statals), which were
dominating the city management scenario in the 1990s. These agencies were created by special legislations by
the state governments. The 74th CAA explicitly called for curbing the powers of these agencies and according
more responsibilities to the Urban Local Bodies (ULBs). This conflict manifested itself in the presence of
multiple agencies for the management of cities, thus leading to problems of fragmentation of powers and
responsibilities between these public organisations. Though the constitutional amendment necessitated the state
2http://urbanindia.nic.in/urbanscene/urbanreforms/urbanreform.htm, accessed on August 1, 2011 3 Implementation of the 74th Constitutional Amendment(2005), State Level Reforms, The JNNURM Toolkit, MoUD 4http://urbanindia.nic.in/urbanscene/urbanreforms/urbanreform.htm, accessed on August 1, 2011
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governments to abdicate their hold on the cities, the power and the finances involved in the city management
made this transition to be quite gradual.
JNNURM: 2005-present
On the basis of a much more coercive approach to an autonomous urban governance system, the Central
Government embarked on one of its more ambitious projects towards city development and growth through the
Jawaharlal Nehru National Urban Renewal Mission (JNNURM) in 2005. What is more important about this
reform agenda is its incentivized approach to the notion of decentralization. This reform process can be
perceived as “a deliberate action by a government to establish new transaction patterns or institutions or to
change established patterns within old institutions” (Smith, 1973), a “catalyst”. 5 .
Considered as an offshoot to continue the 74th constitutional amendment, the JNNURM introduced the idea that
improvement in urban infrastructure can happen only with the strengthening of the local government agencies.
While the emphasis on decentralization has been one of the objectives of all centrally driven policy guidelines
on urban governance, the (JNNURM), went a step ahead and made decentralization (measures) a ‘prerequisite’
for the State and City Governments to access resources from the Central Government. While the earlier schemes
of the Central Government concentrated only on select cities, this reform included 63 cities from all over the
country, based on their population and the criteria of Urban Investment Requirement of the cities. In order to
access the central funds, the cities and their respective state governments were required to prepare City
Development Plans (CDPs) and Detailed Project Reports (DPRs), with specific focus on the development
reform measures. A salient addition to this ongoing decentralisation reform process was the division of the
reform measures into mandatory and optional governance reforms to be incorporated in the governance
mechanism by both the states and the cities.
JNNURM has designed the implementation of an integrated approach of all the forms of decentralization by
attempting to devolve fiscal, political and administrative powers to the state and the local governments. The
comprehensive nature of the reform process makes it a significant context to study the nature of decentralization
in the level of the sub national governments. The policies have come out with a framework of decentralization
that can be considered an ideal type. The following definition summarizes the complexity of a decentralization
process. JNNURM has specified certain reforms that are mandatory to the state governments and the city
governments. Classifying this based on the definitions(Falletti,2005) in the subsequent table helps in
understanding that the state governments have a higher share of the political decentralization initiatives(through
legislations and reforms), while the city governments are entrusted with the Urban Management and
Administrative Issues.(Refer to Table 1 below)
5 Catalyst to the implementation of the 74th constitutional amendments
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Table 1: Types of Decentralization and its classification in the Federal Policies
Administrative
Decentralization
Fiscal Decentralization Political
Decentralization
Types of
Decentralization
Transfer the
administration and
delivery of social services
such
as education, health,
social
welfare and housing to
sub
national governments
“Refers to the set of
policies
designed to increase the
revenues or fiscal
Fiscal autonomy of sub
national
Governments like an
increase of
Transfers from the central
Government, creation of
new
Sub national taxes, or the
Delegation of tax
authority that
Was Previously national”.
“Constitutional
amendments and
Electoral reforms
designed to
open
New or activate existing
but
Dormant or ineffective
spaces
for
Representation of sub
national
Politics.”
-
Model Municipal Law Classification of
functions into
• Core municipal
functions including water
supply, drainage and
sewerage, solid waste
management, roads, etc.;
• Functions assigned by
Government; and
• Other functions.
• The “functions assigned
by Government” may
be undertaken subject to
the underwriting of
the costs by the
concerned levels of
government
Municipal fund with
separate accounts for
various
Services.
State Level Municipal
Establishment Audit
Commission to review
the staff status.
Provision to implement
recommendations of the
State Finance
Commission.
State Municipal
Accounting Manual with
improved system of
accounting.
State Government can
appoint a professional
• A unified law for three
levels of ULBs.
Indirect election of
Mayor or Chairperson
with
five years term.
• Constitution of Wards
and Ward Committees
• Provides for the
representation of ULBs in
District
and Metropolitan
Planning Committees.
• Provision for the
implementation of
development
plans by ULBs
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In the above table delineating the model municipal law and the JNNURM and aligning these policies to the
various forms of decentralization reveals the expected patterns of divisions between the state and the city
governments. Whereas the mandatory reforms at the state level are more evenly distributed across all the forms
of decentralization, the mandatory reforms at the level of the city governments is more tuned towards
administrative decentralization measures and e-governance and transparency policies. Another interesting aspect
is to question whether the polarisation of political decentralization with the state and that of the administrative
decentralization measures with the city governments has led to a certain counter-decentralization measures.
Falleti(2005) has argued that all the different perspectives have agreed that decentralization has indeed increased
the powers of the local governments. Viewing decentralization as a multi-dimensional process indicates that
certain forms of decentralization reduce the power of the local governments. Though this it is important to
understand which framework increases the power of the local governments, as opposed to others. For this it is
essential to understand the interactions between the various forms of decentralization and their effect on the
local governments. In the Indian context there is a crucial assumption that urban reforms will be more effective
under an efficient decentralization process. As a first step to analyse this, it is essential to understand the
interactions between the various forms of decentralization and their effect on the local governments.
Research Approach
My research focus was mainly to conceptualise a theoretical framework to understand the impact of the long
term centrally driven decentralisation policies on the functioning of the city agencies. The long term purpose of
this research is to understand the nature and perception of decentralisation policies at the level of the city
agencies. Although research on urban local agencies have concentrated on the aspects of conflict and
coordination between the various agencies, clarity is yet to emerge in terms of the various factors that drive the
coordination aspects, especially when the policies that have to be implemented are derived from the higher tiers
of the governments. Results that are established in terms of municipal spending and infrastructural projects are
useful in identifying the nature of agencies involved at the city level. The decentralization index(74th
CAA)(NIUA, 2004) that has been developed by some researchers in this field has focused on the time taken to
“achieve” a particular reform process or rather help in understanding the impact of a particular reform process
on the functioning of these agencies. Based on a qualitative content analysis of archival data, newspaper articles,
judicial cases and minutes of the meetings between agencies, this paper attempts to problematize the various
factors that are involved in the institutionalisation of decentralisation policies in the city level. Institutions also
operate at multiple levels of jurisdictions. In this scenario, the policies are created at the national level; the
repercussions (both positive and negative) can be studied only from the perspective of the city governments.
The national policies are mostly used to mobilize the resources and help in the functioning of the city
governments, along with certain guidelines for the rules and norms. Transcending two levels of analysis(Yin,
Ray and Hinings), the first task of this research will be to establish the patterns of decentralization as
promulgated by the national level policies, and conceptualize them based on the public administration(forms of
decentralistion) and institutional theoretical framework.
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Theoretical Framework
Decentralization, as an extension of the New Public Management reforms called for a collective notion of
public management, with the latter calling for a holistic perspective and developing a sense of collective notion
that “ they are in the same boat”, and following some kind of ethical standards.(Christensen and Langeried,
2007)Institutions, it has been argued, are essential tools to better urban governance and these are the aspects that
interacts more with the societal actors at the state level. Nalalthiga(2009) has stated that any study of the local
governments should incorporate the normative values, along with the empirical aspects.. Institutional
interactions get strengthened with the presence of social norms and values that are common to certain
organizations and are created when the organizations interact with its immediate environment. (NIUA,1998,
p11)
Elsewhere, Faletti(2005) has analysed the interaction patterns between these three forms of decentralization can
decrease or increase the power of the sub-national governments. Falleti(2005) in her research have explained the
effects of decentralisation policies on intergovernmental relations. She used a quantitative longitudinal approach
to measure the impact of the earlier reforms of decentralisation on the later ones. That is, sub-national
executives prefer political autonomy, money, and responsibilities, in that order.” She viewed decentralisation as
a process, and studied the preferences of the sub-national “executives”. Falleti (2005) argued that the executives
prefer political autonomy, followed by money and then responsibilities. A report by the National Institute of
Urban Affairs (NIUA), 2004 regarding decentralisation has used a simple framework of decentralisation index
by measuring the timelines and financial allocation by the state governments in India. The status report of the
74th CAA reforms were based on amount of finances devolved to the local governments or the changes made to
the legislative documents by these governments. These were indicative of the political decentralisation measures
or fiscal decentralisation initiatives. But the impact of these decentralisation measures on the city agencies or
their process of implementation are not getting reflected in such research proceedings.6 Though the policies
have called for enhanced coordination between the local level agencies, all the recommendations towards the
policies are more on the time of a district wise coordination or metropolitan area of coordination, involving
contiguous urban areas/rural urban coordination. The studies on city wise interactions during the JNNURM
period are quite limited. These analyses were not reflective of urban governance as a multiple stakeholder
process (Baud et al , 2008) which requires the collaboration of the weaker and the stronger actors to resolve
problems and issues in a city level governance structure. The nature of changing relationships between the
various actors who are involved in city management is an upcoming area of study.(Baud(2008);
Bardhan(2002);)
Many of the existing policy prescriptions of decentralisation are based on the Principle of Subsidiarity7 which
calls for decision making by the authorities who are in direct contact with the citizens. Tiebout(1956) in his
theory of local public expenditures had argued that “every municipal entity will be under pressure to satisfy the
6 http://jnnurm.nic.in/wp-content/uploads/2012/03/Reform_Progress_01-3-12_After_Discussion.pdf 7 This principle is present in several constitutions, the Tenth Amendment to the United States Constitution. More recently, it is a key
organising principle behind the European Union (EU) and is articulated in Article 5 of the Treaty establishing the European Community.
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needs and desires of its citizens, because it will be subject to the competition of nearby cities. In order to remain
prosperous and to keep or attract residents, it will have to be more efficient in the provision of services and less
greedy when setting taxation levels.” But in the Indian context, the movement of people occurs due to economic
specialization of cities, as opposed to the level of municipal services. The competition between cities is mostly
on the basis of its economic strength as opposed to that of service delivery. The responsibility of providing the
goods and services and their overall maintenance is the responsibility of the local governments, the benefits
reaped by the society is the overall objective. Not the benefits that have been accrued by a smaller group of
people.(West, 1977, Kelman(2007) The governments function on the basis of procedural fairness, no exclusivity
of goods and adherence to certain rules and regulations. But, the provision of public services will render a
certain kind of legitimacy to the organisation. Kelman(2007) has addressed this issue by bringing out the
differences between Goals and Constraints. Goals are the objectives that an organization seeks to achieve,
whereas the constraints are defined as the limits of acceptable behavior that an organization has to follow even
to achieve its goals.8
Organizations that respect only constraints might not be effective. What is more important is to balance the
goals and the constraints by the government agencies. It is the integration of all these factors into a governance
structure that has led to differences in the perspectives of local governments, also referred to as the balance
between efficiency and equity. The public or rational choice theory has argued that the primary role of the local
government is efficient service delivery, as opposed to distributional equity. The government should be
remodelled based on the market concepts of competition and efficiency (Barton, 2001). Although many of these
approaches have provided meaningful theoretical approaches to this study, the theoretical framework that will
be used in this research will be a combined framework of public administration and institutional theory in order
to understand how the rules and norms of “deliberate and consistently”(Bardhan, 2002) targeted decentralisation
policy gets absorbed at the local level. The efficiency in the implementation of urban services and city
management will also be dependent upon the nature of conflicts and coordination mechanisms between the local
agencies. Multiple agencies have to simultaneously deal with the objectives of decentralization reforms and that
of city management. These agencies at the city level deal with multiple policy reforms created by the state and
the central governments.
Institutional Theory
Institutions refer to patterns of interaction sequences between organisations that are legitimised by the social
systems in which the organisations exist. Institutionalisation refers to the process of attainment of such patterns.
Alford & Friedland( 1985) have argued that policies are meant to create a certain type of institutional order in
the contexts in which they are usually applicable. Capitalism, state bureaucracy and democracy are usually the
three institutional orders typical of any modern western society ( Thornton, P, 2008) Each of these orders has
different “practices and beliefs” and these determine how the organizations and individuals engage in their
8 Kelman, S. (2007) Chapter 5: Public Administration and Organization Studies. The Academy of Management Annals, 1(1): 225-267,p 6
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interactions with the society. The governance structures gradually evolve based on these beliefs and patterns.
They can also be formed to achieve the objectives and could be moderated by strict mechanisms of control. In
India, the institutionalization of decentralization began with the introduction of the CAA as a legislative
mechanism, information sharing and incentive based funding (MoUD, 2011).One of the important issues to be
determined is the extent and nature of institutionalization governance reforms at the level of the local
government.
Institutional Theory has been in the past used to understand the transitions in the public administration scenarios
(DiMaggio Powell;1983, Selznik,1949, Reay (2005); Miscione, 2007)). It helps understand how the norms and
routines are created and diffused over time and might deteriorate with the emergence of alternate environments.
It inquires into how these elements are created, diffused, adopted, and adapted over space and time; and how
they fall into decline and disuse. (Scott, 2004)9Though institutions are meant to create stability in social life, it is
also important to comprehend how the process of institutionalisation or deinstitutionalisation leads to power
conflicts and changes. In a situation where there are conflicts between agencies are evident and, resources are
shared, the structural nature of interactions between these agencies have been captured with the help of an
organisational field. (Reay, 2005; DiMaggio and Powell, 1983) Organisational fields comprise a group of
organizations which are engaged in similar activities that will shape the meaning and the objective of the field
(Dimaggio and Powell, 1983) Fields are influenced by the logics under which the organizations of the field
function. Friedland and Alford(1991; Thornton(1999)) defined logics as organizing principles or objectives that
guide the field participants. Actors in a field can be influenced by more than either a single logic or multiple
logics at a given point of time. There are common understandings that are explicit in nature and will be difficult
to capture, as opposed to the explicit regulative elements that are used to monitor the functioning of the field
participants. Though this difference is important in understanding the nature of the field, the challenging aspect
is to capture the nuances of implicit arrangements between the participants and its subsequent impact on the
introduction of new policies and logics, specifically among the public sector agencies. Philip Selznick(1949) in
this study of the Tenesse Valley Authority(TVA) viewed organisational structure as an adaptive machine which
gets shaped based on the behaviour of the participants, as well as the influences and the structural constraints
posed by the external environment. Institutionalization, according to Selznick is the adaptive process that
happens to an organisation over a period of time. He studied this process within the context of the TVA in which
rich farmers were brought in to the organization’s leadership structure. DiMaggio and Powell(1983) used the
example of the civil service reforms in the United States to understand the institutionalisation of reforms over a
period of time. Even though the early adoption of reforms were related to the internal governmental needs and
city characteristics, later the adoption was based on institutional definitions of legitimate
The objectives of many policy changes are to impact the socially constructed ideas and introduce possibilities of
change in the interactions between the members of the field. Drawing from the discussions on organisational
field in the literature based on examples drawn from the industry, many organisations respond to these changes
and carry out innovations and changes in order to adapt to the changes. The concept of city level agencies as an
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organisational field will be used in this research. This will help in studying the complex nature of interactions
between the agencies through the factors of structuration involving power conflicts, information flow, the
presence of a common objective between the agencies. Simultaneously, the reform process brings out the targets
of development in infrastructure and urban renewal. The former serves as a prerequisite for the latter. Therefore,
within the domain of multiple agencies, there exists another level of constraint. It is imperative to design a
mechanism to understand the process by which these challenges get absorbed and implemented in the systems.
Methodological Approach
Rationale
Transcending two levels of analysis(Yin, Ray and Hinings), the first task of this research will be to establish the
patterns of decentralization as promulgated by the national level policies, and conceptualize them based on the
public administration(forms of decentralistion) and institutional theoretical framework.. Reay and
Hinings(2005) also referred to this as stakeholder analysis. Due to the research context and the policy
formulation, the availability of data will help us in doing in-depth analysis between the agencies, thus ensuring
that the two significant criteria of Informational Adequacy10 and Efficiency
11 are adhered with. Stakeholder
Analysis within an organisational field will highlight the role of the key actors involved and the implementation
and changes in the decentralization process at the city level. We propose to follow the methodology followed by
Reay and Hinings(2005) by identifying the key actors and going through their correspondence, to identify their
perceptions towards decentralization within the specified time period. This will lead to the development of a
conceptual framework that can be used to study specific city administrations.
Sources of Data ,Data Collection and Analysis
Data collection is proposed at two levels:central government policies, state legislations and government orders
and city level agencies. It is proposed to identify the various interactions related to decentralization and its
efforts during the period of JNNURM process. Development of Coding Categories from the hypothesized model
will provide us with a sense of identifying the data and the behavior in the field( Marshall and Rossman(p51)
The publicly available policy documents on Urban Governance spanning over the past 2 decades, newspaper
articles obtained using the lexis nexis database, judicial vases specific to Urban Governance in India and all the
other available reports and minutes of the meetings of the government agencies were collected.
This research has been undertaken within the structure of a stakeholder analysis(Reay,2005) to determine the
relationships between different key actors. The overall research approach was to qualitatively analyse
10 This is based on the thorough, precise and accurate nature of the research plan and its possibilities
11 Efficiency is claimed to be determined by the following question: “ Does the plan allow adequate data to be collected at the least cost in terms of time, access and cost to participants”?
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documents related to the policies ( Reay(2005), Greenwood et al, (2006) and Miscione(2007)) at the central
level , analyse the policy responses of each key actor and combine them to get an insight into the
decentralisation at the local level. The documents were manually coded (Miles and Huberman 1994,) into
various categories based on the theoretical lenses and were analysed to understand multiple perspectives of the
scenarios. The newspaper articles were sorted chronologically to understand the changes and also to triangulate
aspects of analysis. The documents were initially perused completely, followed by selection of certain important
sections of the documents and coding the sentences into categories. These codes were then linked to the policies
and the theoretical perspectives to conceptualise the dynamics over a period of time. The data analysis led to an
understanding of the overall structure of the organisational field and the framework that will be used to study the
dynamics between the city level agencies.
Analysis and Discussion
The first level of analysis using the archival data and documents was used to investigate structuration of the
organisational field (DiMaggio and Powell, 1983). A longitudinal analysis of the centrally driven policies on
urban governance and decentralisation indicate that the period from 1992 to 2005 as a whole was that of
legitimacy seeking measures for the ULBs, beginning with the introduction of the 74th CAA. Prior to this period,
the state governments and their agencies were more responsible for the urban governance in the states. The
Central Government retained the role of disbursing funds to the respective states based on the recommendations
of the Central Finance Commissions. Prior to 74th CAA, the central government, with an objective to create a
National Urban Policy, set up the first National Commission on Urbanisation in 1988. In this period, with the
absence of elected city governments and a legitimate third tier of government indicates that the powers and
responsibilities of urban governance and management vested with the state governments. I analysed the
responses and interactions of the stakeholders for every central government intervention over a period of time.
This reveals that the legitimacy and recognition of the city governments, as accorded by the constitution was
more symbolic in nature. In order to understand as to how the changes have evolved over time, the latest reports
of the states vis-à-vis their adherence to the constitutional reforms were studied. It is worthy to note that, apart
from the occasional reports on state legislations and some publications, the periodic documentary evidence on
implementation of the 74th CAA was very limited. 80% of the states amended their municipal legislations in
order to be consistent with that of the constitution.(NIUA, 2004) Using these available documents, I analysed
the timeline of the implementation of election reforms in ULBs, a crucial aspect of political decentralisation in
the states. From the period of 1995-2002, twelve states in India conducted elections for the Urban Local Bodies
(ULBs)(NIUA, 2004, p111-112). Irrespective of an actual transfer of authority, the proposed system of urban
governance structure got modified in this period to include the newly elected Urban Local Bodies (ULBs). The
policy reforms indicate an “ideal” type of decentralisation scenario. A temporal analysis of the structural
changes in the states over a period of time reveals minor alterations in the field structure at the level of city
governance. During this stage, the inter-organisational interactions were restricted to the Centre- State domain,
with correspondences regarding the changes in the municipal amendments and other related aspects. With the
presence of elected Urban Local Bodies (ULBs) in many states, the city governments gradually began to
disagree with the states on the various issues relating to their powers and responsibilities. It is in this context that
Page 13
the judicial cases become quite useful. These archival texts provide rich source of information on the
perspectives of the judiciary and that of the states and ULBs vis-à-vis their power struggles. Fig 2 reveals the
increasing cases in the judiciary on various issues of Urban Governance. Out of these 60% of the issues were
related to elections in the Urban Local Bodies (ULBs) and their contention with the states, followed by issues of
user charges and municipal taxes. The ULBs saw themselves being excluded from many areas of city
governance and sought legal remedies to make the states comply to different provisions. In addition to these
conflicts, the inter-agency conflicts and power struggles between various city agencies were also revealed.
Another important aspect is the presence of multiple legislations that govern the urban domain of a city. For
example, the multiple agencies in a city can comprise of a development authority which will have its own
legislative document. The provisions that govern every agency in the city are governed by multiple legislative
acts. Regarding the city f Bangalore, a judgment stated that “Bangalore Development Authority (BDA) is a local
authority but not a local Self-Government. "BDA" is constituted for the specific purpose of 'the development of
Bangalore according to plan'. - BDA is not a municipality as defined under Part-IXA of the Constitution nor
does Part 1 X-A of the Constitution have any application to the BDA Act. None of the provisions of the BDA
Act is inconsistent with any of the provisions contended in Part IX-A of the Constitution and none of the
provisions of the BDA Act cease”. 12The nature of these judgments and rulings indicate the presence of conflicts
in the domains, which also get reflected in the functioning of the organisational field. There is also a tussle for
power and resources between the state level organisations and city agencies. The various judicial cases reveal
the dissatisfaction of the members within the field at the city level. This stage is indicative of a very conflict
ridden association between members.
Stage 1 a Continuity and persistence of the decentralization measures: 2003-2005
While there was a very gradual adoption of the 74th CAA by the states, the central government continued its
policy of decentralisation with the promulgation of the model municipal law (MML) in October 2003.
Introduced with an intention to provide a legislative framework for the ministry’s urban sector reforms agenda
with a two pronged objective: enhancing the capacity of the ULBs to leverage public funds and create an
environment in which the ULBs play their role effectively and also improve service delivery, it also ensured that
there was some kind of continuity by the centre in its objective of a decentralized governance. The provisions
of this law are similar to that of the 74th constitutional amendment, but this was more on the terms of providing a
review for the state governments to amend their municipal acts in line with the constitutional provisions.
However it has to be noted that the ministry had requested the Indo-US financial institutions reforms and
expansion (FIRE) for drafting the MML, which allotted funds to the Times Research Foundation to prepare a
policy options paper. The MoUD then obtained the feedback on the draft from all state urban development
secretaries, leading to the finalization of the MML. It could be argued that a private player was involved in this
phase in order to obtain more legitimacy to the entire spectrum of urban governance. Even before the effects of
12 The Commissioner, Bangalore Development Authority and Anr. Vs. State of Karnataka and Anr.; MANU/KA/0502/2005; : ILR2006KAR318
Page 14
such a measure could be analysed, the central government again plunged itself into a subsequent policy reform
process. This period still witnessed only an advisory role, with limited influence on the city governments, and a
renewed focus on the state initiatives towards the creation of a democratic urban governance structure. All the
documents indicate that the interactions and information dissemination was higher between the state government
and the MoUD agencies, with very limited scope for the city level agencies to contribute to the policy making.
Stage 3: Incentivized approach to decentralisation- December 2005 to present
During this stage, it is significant to notice the many changes in the field level interactions and redefining the
roles of the various agencies. Firstly, as noted by K C Sivaramakrishnan (2010), the advent of JNNURM has led
to MoUD gaining some legitimacy and a standing among the other Central Government ministries. As a GoI
driven mission, JNNURM has encompassed both the State level and their city counterparts in the overall policy.
Firstly, as an incentivized approach to the implementation of urban governance reforms, JNNURM has
reiterated the role and importance of decentralisation. Due to the continued presence of decentralisation rhetoric
in the urban policy domain over the past twenty years, using the incentivized approach is more of an indication
of garnering more support to reforms at the city level. The pace of the reform process has also been an important
factor in this period. The mission statement read as “The aim is to encourage reforms and fast track planned
development of identified cities. Focus is to be on efficiency in urban infrastructure and service delivery
mechanisms, “community participation, and accountability of ULBs/ Parastatal agencies towards
citizens.”(MoUD, GoI, 2005) This statement indicates the acceptance of multiple agencies and can be viewed as
an attempt to broaden the definition of an Urban Government, and is in contradiction with the provisions of the
74th CAA and also reiterated the role of the Central Government in urban governance. As indicated in the Table
2, proponents of decentralisation and greater powers to the local governments continue to oppose the
modifications under JNNURM. As a comprehensive policy framework and by virtue of the continuity of reform
process, documents have incorporated an inherent feedback mechanism on the previous policies. As indicated in
the table, the policy has argued that it is the lack of finances that has prevented the state governments from
implementing the ratified provisions of the 74th CAA. Even if the policy reform process indicates the change of
urban local government, it has also played a balancing role in realigning the responsibilities of the reforms. By
dividing the responsibilities of the state and the city governments through the mandatory reforms at the state and
the city level, it indicates an equal distribution of power and responsibilities between the two governments. And
with both the lower tiers of the governments being dependent on partial finances from the centre, clarity in the
relationships between agencies looks to be emerging. With both the reform environment and a separate space for
parastatals and other agencies, the earlier vision of using the latter as technical wing of the city government has
been gaining ground. Along with the challenges of multiple agencies, this period of reform process has also
delineated the evolution of multiple objectives(Fig 2) in the domain of urban governance. 13
13 As delineated by the policy statement, “The aim is to encourage reforms and fast track planned development of identified cities. Focus is to be
on efficiency in urban infrastructure and service delivery mechanisms, “community participation, and accountability of ULBs/ Parastatal agencies
towards citizens.” These statements reveal that the city agencies are expected to comply with atleast two agendas, as derived solely from the policy statements and the government responses.
Page 15
Figure 2: the evolution of multiple objectives for the city Agencies
Source: Derived by the author based on the analysis of policy documents
With respect to the structuration of the environment, there is evidence of information dissemination through
conferences, seminars etc, both at the national and the state level. In addition to this, the frequent exchange of
documents between the various agencies is also an indication of the inter-organisational interactions. The
MoUD has also facilitated the exchanges of best practices by ULBs through the development of Peer
Experience and Reflective Learning (PEARL) initiative. In addition to this, the MoUD’s Centre for Sanctioning
and Monitoring Committee (CSMC), which is the nodal agency to monitor the progress of the states and city
agencies, sanctions the funds for urban infrastructure and governance based on reform progress. The power
tussles and the changing roles of urban local agencies have also been monitored through the analysis of the
Minutes of the Meetings(MoMs) of the CSMC meetings. As an indicative of decentralisation measures, the
CSMC MoM’s list of representatives for every meeting reveals a significant pattern of analysis. “ The CSMC
asked the Indore Development Authority (IDA) representatives who were present at the meeting to revert back
Bureaucratic Logic(Long term) Development Logic(Short term)
Legitimacy By procedure By Results
Central
values
Legality, continuity, constitutional and policy
measures, Functional Clarification between
government tiers, Rationalizing aspects of municipal
administration(Model Municipal Law),
Fast tracked growth, international standards,
performance efficiency, Goals and Results
Evaluation
Criteria
Rules and responsibilities, adherence to constitutional
provisions, Managerial and organizational
infrastructure
Resource usage based on plans, goals and results,
Improvement in Physical Infrastructure
Governance
Model
Increased accountability and participation, State
driven models of implementation, Redefinition of the
roles of the functional agencies and development
authorities, Redefining state-municipal relations in
order to grant greater autonomy to the municipal
bodies
Increased accountability and participation,
Professionalization of policy implementation, More
central control on urban reform processes, shifting
power positions among agencies at the city level,
Legitimizing existing policy measures, Constraint
oriented, Increased Information disclosure
Interaction
between
actors
Community Participation, Aiming for decreased
fragmentation of powers and responsibilities
(Reduction in conflicts), Involvement of local and
context based actors
Community Participation, Knowledge production and
dissemination by professionals and academics
Page 16
with the city officials and the Principal Secretary (Urban
Development), Government of Madhya Pradesh so that appropriate measures could be initiated to overcome
poor state of implementation. The CSMC also expressed concern that Indore city was not represented either by
the City or SLNA and State level representatives.” In similar instances, the CSMC had insisted on the presence
of city government or state government representatives, in addition to the members of the parastatals. Similarly
in the case of Chennai, the water board is much more powerful than the city corporation. A review of the
attendees of the MoMs will reveal that rarely do City Corporation and nodal agency representatives attend
CSMC meetings. Thus, it is indicative that the power distribution varies across cities and that there is a constant
tussle between the members of the various agencies in the city administrative structure. Given the distribution of
power and conflicts between the agencies, it is indicative that the period of this reform has led to a higher
presence of information sharing between the agencies, and also in the public domain. This kind of information
sharing can also be an indicator of higher organisational interactions between members in the field. But in this
information overload scenario, there is also a challenge of information asymmetry as reflected by an excerpt by
CSMC "The MoA signed by the Kolkata Municipal Corporation clearly captures the
timeline for reform on Byelaws for reuse of recycled water. While the City stated that the reform was yet to be
implemented, discussion with the State level authorities indicated that this reform had been implemented. It was
desired that accomplishment of the reform may be clearly indicated." These kind of instances capture the
presence of conflicts between various agencies. The battles of power and conflict are also getting more
pronounced and ongoing. So far, the analysis has concentrated at one level through the national policies and
documentary evidence.
Conclusions
The main objective of this study has been to provide an overall picture of the policy processes pertaining to
urban governance reforms and study the changes that have occurred over the two time periods. Considered as an
offshoot to continue the 74th constitutional amendment, the JNNURM introduced the idea that improvement in
urban infrastructure can happen only with the strengthening of the local government agencies. While the
emphasis on decentralization has been one of the objectives of all centrally driven policy guidelines on urban
governance, the Jawaharlal Nehru National Urban Renewal Mission (JNNURM) introduced in 2005, went a step
ahead and made decentralization (measures) a ‘prerequisite’ for the State and City Governments to access
resources from the Central Government The focus on the reform measures to some extent have led to the
increase in the role of municipal finances and the role of finances in the management of urban local bodies.
Though this is a very relevant issue, it can be argued that focus should also be on the improvement of systems
without funding. This demarcation and debate in the policy and academic circles has been very limited. This is
also the only scheme in which the ULBs have been appointed as nodal agencies by many state governments.
(NIUA, 2004, KC Sivaramakrishnan(2008) . Sectoral Report, Karnataka(2007)).
The concepts of organisational field and institutional logics were used to understand the relationship between
the members in the urban governance environment. Due to the continued presence of the central government
policy reform on decentralisation, the process of institutionalisation of the rules and norms of decentralisation
was captured with the various aspects of field level interactions. The increasing presence of power/ conflict
Page 17
relationships, inter-agency interactions and information sharing indicate the presence of a mature but unstable
field. The relationship between the city level organisations might change with the policy prescriptions from
above. But one of the significant indicators from this study has been the expanded scope of urban government.
(Table 2), with the legitimation of the parastatals and other city organisations. This paper has outlined as to how
the city agencies were faced with more than one objective during a specific policy implementation process. But
the implementation will not be able to happen without the help of para statals and other specialised agencies. In
the process of these changes, the different types of decentralisation, as reflected in the mandatory and optional
reforms of the JNNURM, will also play a significant role in the city level analysis of agency interactions.
Table 2: Variables derived from the analysis
Description Indicators City Level Analysis
1 Expanding the scope
of Urban
Government
• Legitimation of the
Parastatals
• Increasing disconnects
between ULBs and
JNNURM projects
Focus on the interactions between the
agencies in the Institutional and the
specialised environment
2 Multiple
Logics(Objectives)
• Infrastructure
Development and Reform
• Multiple Agencies
Measure and analyse the conflicts between
the goals and constraints(prerequisites). And
the involvement of agencies other than the
ULB in the reform progress
3 Types of
Decentralisation
• Decentralisation as a
multi-dimensional
process(Falleti)
With an incentive based approach to political
and administrative decentralisation measures,
how are these implementation mechanisms
getting reflected in the interactions between
the city agencies
4 Incremental changes
to decentralisation
• Representation
• Sharing of information
How is decentralisation as a concept being
perceived in the relationship between
agencies at the city level? Are they in
congruence with the documentary evidence?
Source: A summary of the analysis and the discussion session
The content analysis that has been carried out on the documentary evidence, newspaper articles, judicial cases
and the minutes of the meetings of the CSMC has helped identify certain variables and changes have been
identified towards constructing a conceptual framework. (Fig 3 ) Based on these, certain propositions have been
developed for studying the nature of decentralisation with a group of city agencies as a unit of analysis.
Fig 3: A proposed overview of the variables and their interplay in the urban environment
JNNURM documents state that the municipalities own “political accountability
CAA and JNNURM, and share the “technical, financial and administrative” accountability”, with the other
organizations at the city level. The financial transfers to the local governments till the JNNURM initiative were
based on the Central and the state
have led to a notion of complacency at the level of the city governments.(Falleti, 2005) From the point of view
of the city corporation, if both the political and the administrative de
the city and the state governments, it might have increased the power and autonomy of the city corporation. But
with the finances and fiscal measures being dependent on predominantly political decentralization ini
mostly though the passing of legislations) , and the finances being devolved to mostly infrastructural projects
that are carried out by the specialized agencies, the autonomy of the city corporation has further been reduced
and increasing the power of the state government.
reflect the deepening conflicts among urban local agencies. It has to be noted that the focus of the urban
decentralization initiatives has been the city government or t
chosen by the JNNURM process in many cases has been that of the State level agencies.
P1: An incentivized approach to urban governance reduces the development of mutual
common objectives about decentralization
overview of the variables and their interplay in the urban environment
that the municipalities own “political accountability” for provisions under the 74
CAA and JNNURM, and share the “technical, financial and administrative” accountability”, with the other
organizations at the city level. The financial transfers to the local governments till the JNNURM initiative were
based on the Central and the state planning commission formulae leading to automatic transfers which could
have led to a notion of complacency at the level of the city governments.(Falleti, 2005) From the point of view
of the city corporation, if both the political and the administrative decentralization efforts were shared between
the city and the state governments, it might have increased the power and autonomy of the city corporation. But
with the finances and fiscal measures being dependent on predominantly political decentralization ini
mostly though the passing of legislations) , and the finances being devolved to mostly infrastructural projects
that are carried out by the specialized agencies, the autonomy of the city corporation has further been reduced
er of the state government. The allocation of projects and the progress of the JNNURM
reflect the deepening conflicts among urban local agencies. It has to be noted that the focus of the urban
decentralization initiatives has been the city government or the municipal corporation. But the nodal agency
chosen by the JNNURM process in many cases has been that of the State level agencies.
An incentivized approach to urban governance reduces the development of mutual
decentralization in the field
Page 18
overview of the variables and their interplay in the urban environment
provisions under the 74th
CAA and JNNURM, and share the “technical, financial and administrative” accountability”, with the other
organizations at the city level. The financial transfers to the local governments till the JNNURM initiative were
planning commission formulae leading to automatic transfers which could
have led to a notion of complacency at the level of the city governments.(Falleti, 2005) From the point of view
centralization efforts were shared between
the city and the state governments, it might have increased the power and autonomy of the city corporation. But
with the finances and fiscal measures being dependent on predominantly political decentralization initiatives(
mostly though the passing of legislations) , and the finances being devolved to mostly infrastructural projects
that are carried out by the specialized agencies, the autonomy of the city corporation has further been reduced
The allocation of projects and the progress of the JNNURM
reflect the deepening conflicts among urban local agencies. It has to be noted that the focus of the urban
he municipal corporation. But the nodal agency
An incentivized approach to urban governance reduces the development of mutual awareness about
Page 19
Decentralization is a process of institutionalization of the values and norms within the urban governance
scenario. In the process of the Renewal mission, decentralization is a prerequisite for access to funds. In this
case, the political decentralization initiatives by the states will become mere formality, like passing a law,
without any deeper understanding of its implementation mechanisms or the consequences. Symbolic
decentralization initiatives will increase the information availability between the organizations, but might not be
leading to any constructive mechanism. For example, the passing of a disclosure law or a community
participation law by a state legistature will necessarily not mean that mechanisms are being implemented. But
the passing of the law by the state legislative assembly will be termed as a “success”” and will lead to
devolution of funds for the state and its agencies. The urgent need for finances and also the pressure from the
central government will ensure that more of the political decentralization initiatives will be expedited, in order
to maintain procedural fairness. In this case, it will be viewed more as a constraint than an objective of urban
governance.
P2: PoliticalDecentralization as a prerequisite for funds results in the perception of decentralization as a
constraint, leading to increase in symbolic initiatives, and reducing the significance of the constitutional
reforms in the field
One of the important questions that need to be addressed here is the role of funding and its impact on the aspects
of decentralization. It has been argued that with the linking of decentralization and reforms, the role of finances
should not be too significant to make local governments highly dependent on higher level of governments, or
too limited to restrict the activities of the local governments. (Rao and Bird, 2010) It is also likely that the ULBs
will be opting for many activities that are not necessarily dependent on finances, in terms of urban management.
P 3: Decentralization as a prerequisite for finances contributes to the trend of associating the inadequacies to
funding, thus reducing the scope of city other innovative practice, and increasing the focus on fiscal
decentralization.
P3(a): The isolation of fiscal decentralization from political and administrative decentralization results in
diluting the objectives of the decentralization process, and making finances as a predominant objective in the
field.
The 74th CAA and the subsequent processes reflected the need for transparency and greater accountability
between agencies and also insisted on participatory governance, amongst others. As a major step towards that,
JNNURM introduced some initiatives to make more information available about the urban reforms and
decentralization. One of the positive consequences of JNNURM has been the contribution to an increase in
awareness and concerns about urban management. (Sivaramakrishnan, 2010) This is expected to increase the
longevity of the decentralization process beyond the reform period and install a platform for sharing knowledge
and experiences on city governance. (Vaidya, 2010, PEARL,JNNURM)
Page 20
P4: The isolation of political and administrative decentralization results in increased sharing of information
among agencies, and a reduction to the power conflicts between the specialized agencies and the city
corporation.
Through this data, we are trying to get in a conceptual framework to help understand the nature of city level
interactions. It can be argued that the extent of decentralisation and its meaning can be understood only at the
city level. There will be inherent limitations of theorising based on a single case study, the changes in the
organisational field can be analysed at the level of the cities, where these policy implementation procedures will
be implemented.
Page 21
Table 2: Excerpts of Coding from the data
Statements from the data Indicative factors
A case study of select ULBs in Tamil Nadu has revealed that one of the main impediments for efficient accountability is the “lack of coordination”
between the chairpersons, political leaders, councillors, and the officials of the ULBs in “day to day” affairs. Political influences were found to
prevent the upward movement of taxes. The case study by the NIUA team recommended that there should be awareness building amongst the officials as well as the elected representatives. ( p 39, Urban Governance Decentralisation in India: An Overview, NIUA(2004)
Need for coordination
“The 74th CAA 1993 mandates that there shall be an independent third tier of local government for urban areas but does not specify the institutional
character of this level of government. Hence, State Governments have some liberty in choosing an appropriate institutional form depending on local conditions.” (Kasturirangan_kuidfc report)
“Municipalities have to be empowered in a manner that holds them responsible for civic governance. That can happen only when they are avested with the powers to raise and retain resources through the taxes they levy. Unfortunately, that is not the case so far because those powers are vested in the State governments. Absence of fiscal authority undermines accountability in administration and spending so that profligacy and lack of
amenities go hand in hand” (Business Line, 6th dec 2005)
Conflicting roles of the state governments
“In any city in India big or small, if the question is asked “who is in charge of the city? the answer is painfully simple – “no one”. (K C Sivaramakrishnan, 2008)“With NURM, the Union Government has unequivocally answered the one tricky question that has kept it out of city issues, despite the fact that urban breakdown was visible to all: why should the Centre get involved, given that urban issues are a state subject, especially with limited resources and large rural demands? The
answer lies in the acknowledgement that the challenges facing urbanisation in our country cannot be solved exclusively by city governments alone, or even just with the leadership of the concerned state governments.” ( Financial Express, Dec 5, 2005)
Domain of urban governance
The practice of bypassing the Municipalities and City Corporations which has steadily grown since independence in many states of the country hathus persisted.”(K.C.Sivaramakrishnan, 2010) There may, for instance, be problems of coordination when a number of specialised agencies
providing different services are involved. In addition, these agencies may have no local political accountability unless their decisions are subject to the approval by the municipal executive.(Rao and Bird,2010)”
It requires a radically different set-up in the governance process such that the prime responsibility and the powers for the execution of its tasks are assigned to a single and competent authority. What better way than placing that responsibility on the lowest level of administration -
municipality? Given the history of urban development failure under a top-down governance model, isn't it time to consider a more decentralised set-up for JNNURM?(Business Line, 6 dec 2005)”
The Karnataka government order dated 14.12.2009 clearly states that the Local Planning functions will be firmly with the Urban Development Authorities and planning authorities. Based on this order, the Karnataka Town and Country Planning Act, 1961 is given preeminence over the74th
constitutional provision. But looking at this from a different perspective, the ULBs, according to this order are given time to read through the plans and give their feedback. This again indicates that decentralization as a study needs to be looked at from a more incremental perspective. Small
minor changes over time “Decentralization and improved central evaluation and assessment of local activities are not substitutes; they are complements.”(rao and bird, 2010)
“Decentralizing a function to local governments thus does not imply that the central and state governments no longer have any responsibility. Rather, it means that the nature of central responsibility has changed to regulating and monitoring the efficiency and equity of services delivered by
local governments (Rao and Bird, 2010) “The Government of India, the State Governments and the city administrations have to, therefore, work together to provide the enabling supp
systems, including infrastructure and services, which will help the cities and towns realize their full potential.” ( Speech by the minister of urban development)
Incremental changes in decentralisation
Page 22
Figure 2: A timeline of the total number of judicial cases on urban reforms
Source: Manupatra.com
Page 23
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