IndigenousMcGill

The names of Indigenous McGill students, staff, and faculty are bolded in the text. Although I alone am responsible for the errors, shortcom-ings and ultimate choices made. The text benefitted immensely from the generous criticism of colleagues and I wish to acknowledge in particular Shannon Fitzpatrick, Laura Madokoro, and David Meren and the institu-tional knowledge of Martha Crago, Fred Genesee, Hudson Meadwell, and Toby Morantz. I am indebted to Molly Titus as the model intelligent read-er, to Marieke de Roos for design assistance and the Student Society of McGill, the McGill Daily, the Manitoba Archives, McCord Museum, McGill and McGill University for their permission to reproduce images. Finally, I wish to recognize the history undergraduates who sparked this project with their undergraduate course research. I look forward to learning from them in their future work.

Suzanne Morton 2019

Front: Thomas Daniel Green in Graduation Robes. “ J. D. Green, Mon-treal, QC, 1882,” Notman & SandhamMay 6, 1882, II-65038.1 McCord Museum© McCord Museum

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Indigenous McGill

The principle that it is impossible to move forward on Indigenous issues without being informed by the past, is central to current discussion on campus and in the wider community. In this vein, the Provost’s Task Force on Indigenous Studies and Indigenous Education (2017) has challenged us to conduct a critical self-study of “the historical relationship of McGill University with Indigenous communities and peoples.” This booklet is meant to represent a preliminary contribution, a placeholder while the larger university project awaits action. It starts with the premise: McGill’s history is Indigenous history, and the university’s campus has always been Indigenous space. Importantly, this premise is intended as provocation rather than celebration. It challenges us to trace disparate threads of his-torical inquiry without resolving them. The two main threads traced here are one, the centrality of Indigenous land, resources, and peoples to the origins and evolution of McGill as an institution and two, the university’s contribution to the structures of colonialism, injustice, and silencing. The latter includes the obscuring of the complex historical relations be-tween McGill, local Indigenous communities, and Indigenous peoples in general. Some attention will be paid to the moments and places where these threads converge to produce platforms for voices, opportunities for dialogue, and even new understandings. What follows, however, will not attempt to reconcile them into a single, coherent story. Indeed, whether the idea of “Indigenous McGill” will be able to offer today and in the fu-ture a ‘usable past’ that is accurate and ethical remains to be determined. To address this question, further research is needed. Moreover, this re-search must build on the premise that any claims to belonging implied in the phrase “Indigenous McGill,” rest solely with Indigenous nations and peoples. McGill history cannot act as another form of colonialism where

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Indigenous peoples’ identities are co-opted to construct uncritical histor-ies of progress and inclusivity. The past is far more complex.

McGill’s campus has always been Indigenous space, although Indigenous connections to this space have been contested and often made invisible by dispossession.

At the most fundamental level, the university – like all public and pri-vate property on the Island of Montreal - is located on unceded Indigen-ous lands. Successive settler societies that have occupied this space have participated in a widespread process of Indigenous dispossession. At various times, the Island of Montreal was Wendat, Anishnaabeg and Haudenosaunee territory. The Kanien’kehá:ka (Mohawk) are the present-day caretakers of the air, land and waters. The current McGill territorial acknowledgement avoids the history and present-day dispossession by highlighting land, not as the loss of a resource but as a place of “meet-ing and exchange amongst Indigenous peoples, including the Haudeno-saunee and Anishinabeg nations.”

In the late 1700s, Montreal, a city built on fur trade activity, had a sig-nificant Indigenous and Métis presence. The fur trade was both a source of intercultural connection and exchange and a system of exploitation. Built upon Indigenous knowledge and enmeshed in the commodification of Indigenous labour and skills, the fur trade was not possible without Indigenous people and their knowledge.

As an ambitious entrepreneur, James McGill made most of his money in the fur trade, but he also benefitted from speculation on land taken from Indigenous peoples. Records suggest that at one point he may have per-sonally owned an enslaved Indigenous man and woman.1 James McGill’s example underscores how the university founded in his name owed its very existence to wealth generated by, on the one hand, a fur trade that relied on Indigenous peoples, and on the other the ongoing dispossession of these peoples’ lands.

In the late 19th century, Montreal’s position as Canada’s most important metropolis was secured with the completion of the Canadian Pacific Rail-way – an ambitious project built upon the removal of Indigenous people from their land on the Prairies. The university was a direct beneficiary of

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this removal. Its most generous donor, Donald Smith, Lord Strathcona, (1820-1914), began his career in the fur trade with the Hudson Bay Com-pany. He solidified his wealth and used his positions as a director of the Canadian Pacific Railway, and the Bank of Montreal among other institu-tions to amass his immense wealth and power. Strathcona’s fortune cre-ated Royal Victoria College, much of the Royal Victoria Hospital, Strath-cona Hall (the first male residence and designated social space originally run through the McGill YMCA), and the Strathcona Medical Building. In addition to these important gifts, which occupy pride of place on the McGill University landscape, Strathcona made large endowments to the medical faculty upon which so much of McGill’s international reputation was built.

Lord Strathcona’s link to Indigenous people was not only economic. It was profoundly personal. In the 1850s, he married Isabella Sophia Har-disty, a woman often racialized as Indigenous by her contemporaries owing to her maternal Cree grandmother. Historian Alexander Reford in his Dictionary of Canadian Biography entry on Donald Smith notes that Hardisty was privately dismissed as “a dour old hoddy doddy squaw” and “our lady of the snows” by the English aristocrats who readily accepted her hospitality. Smith and their daughter used threats of legal action to remove references to her background from biographies.2 This did not stop the New York Times in announcing her death in 1913 with a by-line “Wife of Baron Strathcona was Half Indian by Birth.”3

McGill University not only benefited indirectly from the profits of In-digenous land dispossession. Its launch as a comprehensive world-class university was directly dependent on Indigenous resources, specifically as a result of a financial crisis in 1860. William Dawson, appointed as Principal in 1855, brought ambitious plans for expanding the university and repairing existing infrastructure. McGill College was almost literally falling apart. In June 1860, the Executive Council of the Province of Lord

Lady Strathcona, no date. Manitoba Archives N32577.

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Strathcona’s link to Indigenous people was not only economic. It was profoundly personal. In the 1850s, he married Isabella Sophia Hardisty, a woman often racialized as Indigenous by her contemporaries owing to her maternal Cree grandmother. Historian Alexander Reford in his Dic-tionary of Canadian Biography entry on Donald Smith notes that Hardisty was privately dismissed as “a dour old hoddy doddy squaw” and “our lady of the snows” by the English aristocrats who readily accepted her hos-pitality. Smith and their daughter used threats of legal action to remove references to her background from biographies.2 This did not stop the New York Times in announcing her death in 1913 with a by-line “Wife of Baron Strathcona was Half Indian by Birth.”3

McGill University not only benefited indirectly from the profits of In-digenous land dispossession. Its launch as a comprehensive world-class university was directly dependent on Indigenous resources, specifically as a result of a financial crisis in 1860. William Dawson’s appointment as Principal in 1855, had brought ambitious plans for expanding the uni-versity and repairing existing infrastructure. McGill College was almost literally falling apart. In June 1860, the Executive Council of the Province of Canada (what we know today as Cabinet) agreed to a mortgaged loan of $40,000, of which $32,000 was withdrawn from the General Indian Trust Fund and $8,000 from the Six Nations of Grand River Fund. Although Mc-Gill repaid the original loan to Ottawa by 1873, the monies do not seem to have been returned to their original accounts.4

In various celebrations of the importance of generous donors in McGill’s survival, and its success as a privately funded institution until after the Second World War, the university has said nothing about the crucial im-portance of the 1860 loan from the General Indian Trust and Six Nations Fund. Without access to this source of capital, the university may not have survived. It certainly would not have been transformed from a small colonial college to an international research institution. The colonial di-version of Indigenous resources to McGill is largely ignored or eliminated from historical accounts and celebrations of the university’s origins.

This erasure was abetted and compounded by the legal exclusion of In-digenous students from McGill’s campus as a result of Canada’s Indian policy. The 1876 Indian Act defined who was an “Indian” in Canada. Its

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central strategy of assimilation imposed the involuntary “enfranchise-ment” (full citizenship with the loss of Indian status) on a variety of situ-ations such as those graduating from university. Involuntary enfranchise-ment upon graduation ended in 1880 but was reintroduced in 1920 over the objection of Indigenous people who campaigned successfully to get the measure temporarily repealed. In 1933, the superintendent-general of Indian Affairs once again obtained this power and retained it until 1951, when a reform of the Indian Act restricted involuntary enfranchisement to women who married non-status men.5

Between the 1870s and the end of the First World War, at least four excep-tional Indigenous students graduated from McGill. The first was George Edward Bomberry (1849-?) Kanyen’kehàka, Six Nations. Bomberry graduated with a MD in 1875. Little is known about his career but he was listed as deceased by 1882.6 In 1874, while still a student, he attended the meeting at the Sarnia Reserve Grand Council – the first Indigenous polit-ical organization created after Confederation - as part of the Six Nations Delegation.7 A second student from Six Nations almost overlapped at Mc-Gill with Bomberry. Thomas Daniel Green (1857-1935) Kanyen’kehàka, Six Nations, (pictured on cover) graduated with what we would recognize as an engineering degree in 1882. He was the son of Daniel Green and Mary Crawford of Alford, Ontario and a graduate of the Mohawk Institute in Brantford. His McGill tuition was paid for by the Church of England’s missionary society and the Six Nations Council financially supported him.8 An excellent student, Green is given credit as the first Indigenous person to be a professional land surveyor in Canada. He was also the first president of the Amateur Hockey Association of Canada. Although he spent most of his entire career in the Northwest, he remained a proud Mohawk, providing this as “ethnicity or tribal origin” in the 1921 census.9 The McGill Daily marked his death in 1935, where he was described as a “a full-blooded Mohawk Indian.”10

We can look to find Indigenous students who attended McGill in the re-cords of the federal Department of Indian Affairs. No Indigenous stu-dent appears until Joseph. H ‘Teronianente’ Jacobs (1889-1954), Kan-ien’kehá:ka, Kahnawake. In 1908 he graduated at the top of his class at the Institut Feller, a Francophone Protestant residential school. He then became the first Indigenous person to petition the Department of Indi-

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an Affairs for financial assistance to access university. The Department agreed to pay for his tuition and books, but stipulated that McGill provide Ottawa with progress reports on Jacobs. In 1911 Jacobs graduated with a BA (he excelled in History!) and enrolled in the medical faculty where he received a MD in 1915.11 In both 1913 and 1914 Jacobs was the only individual to be listed by name as receiving educational funds from the Department of Indian Affairs. After graduation, Jacobs established a med-ical practice in his home community of Kahnawake. The exceptionalism of Jacobs and the immense pride in his academic success is proclaimed on his grave marker in the Kahnawake Catholic cemetery. Engraved with the McGill crest and the caduceus (the symbol of medicine) the stone reads,

“J.H. Jacobs MD Teronianente, Born 1889 Died 1958, McGill Graduate of Medicine, Completed 5 years in 4, Rhodes Scholarship Candidate, Fluent Mohawk Speak-er, A Devout Catholic” Kahnawake Cemetery https://acanadianfamily.wordpress.com/2011/02/15/kahnawake-genealogy-jacobs-j-h-1958-caughnawaga-native-catho-lic-cemetery/

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“McGill Graduate of Medicine, Completed 5 years in 4, Rhodes Scholar Candidate, Fluent Mohawk Speaker, A Devout Catholic.”12 The gravesite shows that Jacob’s relatives rejected the idea that his academic success and his political and cultural identity as Mohawk were mutually exclusive.

A second man from Kahnawake, Angus Splicer (1892-1916) enrolled in law in 1914 and was funded on the same basis as Jacobs had been. Splicer struggled with his academic program and enlisted in the Canadian Ex-peditionary Force in March 1915. He was declared missing and presumed dead a little more than a year later at Ypres, Belgium.13

In 1917, the Council of Six Nations requested that financial assistance be provided to Festus Johnson (1891- ?), Kanyen’kehàka, Six Nations and a graduate of Caledonia High School. A McGill student since 1912, unlike Jacobs and Splicer, he received no support from the Department of Indian Affairs until his final year.14

Both Jacobs and Johnson – extraordinary by virtue of their obtaining medical degrees - became useful symbols of success for the Department of Indian Affairs. In the 1920s, a period during which it is difficult to iden-tify ANY Indigenous person attending a Canadian university, Duncan Campbell Scott, the Deputy Superintendent General implausibly used the exceptional examples of Jacobs and Johnson to exaggerate the range of experiences open to Indigenous people. With patronizing pride, he pointed out the extreme contrast “between a medical graduate of McGill University, practising his profession with all the authority of the faculty, or a solitary hunter, making the round of his traps in the remote north country.”15

Notwithstanding such exceptional individuals, Indigenous people at McGill, like elsewhere were most often portrayed in the past tense. In the late 19th and early 20th century, McGill came into possession of two significant ethnological collections. McGill’s Redpath Museum, although primarily dedicated to the study of natural history, had a large gallery focused on archaeological and ethnological artefacts. Even before the opening of this museum in 1882, “Indian relics” and human remains were on display in the Arts Building. The McGill principal’s son, George Mercer Dawson, who worked for the Geological Survey of Canada lent and later donated his extensive collection of objects from Haida Gwaii to McGill’s museum.16 The same George Mercer Dawson, author of Sketches of the

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past and present condition of the Indians of Canada (1879), believed in the “inevitable extinction of ‘socially inferior’ people and called for educa-tion and assimilation.”17

During the same period, Montreal lawyer David Ross McCord collected material more broadly connected to the history of Canada. Some 1,500 Indigenous artefacts were acquired by McCord through what historian Brian Young called “correspondence, purchase and occasional harass-ment.” Among his collection was the early 19th-century headdress said to be worn by Shawnee chief Tech-kum-thai (Tecumseh) and the Book of Common Prayer translated into Mohawk by Joseph Brant. In 1919, the collection was given to McGill with an endowment, and in 1921 the Mc-Cord National Museum, located in a mansion at the corner of Sherbrooke and McTavish streets (the present site of the Library), was opened to the public.18 In 1925, the Advisory Board for Historic Site Preservation (later called the Historic Sites and Monuments Board of Canada) marked the Hochelaga National Historic Site with a large rock and plaque in front of the McCord museum. The monument commemorates the great village of Hochelaga, visited by Jacques Cartier in 1535 but gone by the time Samuel Champlain arrived in 1603. Indigenous people were the past, ancient and disappeared, and their objects regarded as historic and safeguarded in a

Detail Cartoon on McGill “Redmen” Band Drum Old McGill 1952.

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museum. Such practices implied that, like Hochelaga, Indigenous people themselves had vanished, presumably through death and assimilation. (In 1986, McGill contracted the now private McCord Museum to manage its Canadian History Collection including the Canadian material origin-ally from the Redpath Museum for the next 99 years.19)

The “Vanishing Indian” theme, which shaped post-Confederation official Indian policy until the mid-20th century, came to McGill in the interwar period. In situating Indigenous peoples in the past and vanished from modern society, it was relatively easy to caricaturize them for the uni-versity’s own ends and pleasure. The nickname the “Redmen” for male varsity sports had appeared in the late 1920s as Indigenous names and motifs were adopted throughout North America in connection with or-ganized sports. Drawn from the university colours of red and white, “Red-men” resonated with sport culture as the word used by English Montre-alers for Indigenous peoples. After the Second World War, in an effort to emulate American college sports through spectacle and branding, racist iconography was added to McGill’s marching band’s drum. McGill’s junior and intermediate male teams became the “Braves” and the “Indians” and in the early 1960s, McGill female varsity athletes became known as the “Squaws” or “Super Squaws.”20 The use of these racist terms and imagery tells us something about the ways in which mainstream campus culture accepted the presumed absence of, or disregard for Indigenous students. In the postwar period, Canadian politicians, media and social scientists directed increased attention toward Indigenous people, focusing on poverty and social ills in a modern nation. Indigenous people and com-munities reacted by organizing a response to these negative representa-tions. Among both settlers and Indigenous nations, increased attention was paid to the subject of education. Historically federal Indigenous educational policy had been a central tool of assimilation and, especially through residential schools, had inflicted great social and personal harm. In the early 1960s, a major federal government report undertaken by UBC anthropologist Harry Hawthorne and Laval anthropologist Marc-Adélard Tremblay, described education as “dismal” and concluded that virtually no Indigenous students were graduating high school. The report calling for recognition of Indigenous peoples as “Citizens Plus,” recommended they be granted wider access to vocational training and admission to uni-

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versities.21

The Department of Indian Affairs, in 1957, began awarding very modest scholarships to Indigenous students but six years later, only 22 had been awarded across Canada.22 In its 1960-61 annual report, the Department of Indian Affairs reported there were only 44 Indigenous students enrolled in Canadian universities. The same department recorded that by 1977 there were only 19 Indigenous graduates from McGill.23 Significantly, this number does not come close to capturing all the students who enrolled at McGill and left for various reasons. A 1972 report, for example, estimated that 90 percent of Indigenous students who enrolled in higher education in Montreal dropped out or failed.24 This statistic is evidence of the way local Collèges d’enseignement général et professionnel (CÉGEPs) and universities failed most of their Indigenous students.

Among the first of this new postwar cohort to graduate from McGill were Sydney Snow of Kahnawake who graduated MD 1963 and Malcolm King, New Credit First Nation. King, who received his PhD in Chemistry 1973, would subsequently hold various academic appointments including MRC Scholar at McGill as well as Director of CIHR’s Institute of Aboriginal Peoples’ Health 2009 to 2016.25

During the 1960s, both the structural factors that excluded Indigenous students from universities, and the racism that Indigenous students faced when they did attend led to activism on behalf of Indigenous rights and freedoms. All of a sudden in November 1964, activism was front and cen-tre. A week after Montreal’s then most prominent Indigenous activist, Kahentinetha Horn, spoke at the Bachelor of Education banquet at Mac-donald Campus, the McGill chapter of the Canadian Union of Students collaborating with the Sociology and Anthropology Society announced an “Indian and Eskimo Project.”26 A year later, Horn’s brother, in a letter to the McGill Daily condemned these students as “trespassing,” making a “vulgar, uninvited and illegal intrusion” as “even well meaning interfer-ence is most unwelcome.”27 Kahentinetha Horn was a visible presence on the McGill campus in the 1960s, laying bare attitudes at the university regarding Indigenous peoples. In March 1966, the “Indian Princess” ad-dressed the Debating Union when, according to the Daily, the “beauti-ful and iconoclastic” Horn “proceeded to scalp verbally almost everyone in sight.”28 Two years later in February 1968, when three McGill groups

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-World University Service Committee, B’nai B’rith, and Hillel - hosted a public seminar on “Indians of Canada” as part of an ongoing series on Canadian minorities, Horn interrupted the event demanding the spon-sors keep “their noses out of Indian affairs.”29

The next major Indigenous event on campus would be led by the hand-ful of Indigenous students who had organized into the McGill Intertribal Council of Native Students. Intertribal student organizations were a phe-nomenon on campuses across North America from the early 1960s, com-bining youth politics with “Red Power.” In the Fall of 1969, with the finan-cial backing of the McGill Debating Union, the McGill Intertribal Coun-cil of Native Students began organizing a “Teach-In” on the topic of the White Paper. This was Trudeau government’s attempt to re-fashion In-dian policy by abolishing the Indian Act, terminating treaty responsibil-ities, and fully integrating “Indians” into Canadian society like other cultural communities. Consistent with the Indigenous activism that the White Paper provoked elsewhere, a small cadre of Indigenous students on campus took up the challenge in a spectacular manner. In February 1970 this group, led by George Miller (BA’71), Kanyen’kehàka, Six Nations, Philip Awashish, Eeyou Istchee, Mistissini, and Ann-Marie Raymond organized a four-day event to respond. The 1970 event hosted Indigenous activists and leaders such as Vine Deloria (author of Custer Died for Your Sins: An Indian Manifesto [1969]); Harold Cardinal (author of Unjust Soci-ety [1969]); Chief Louis Hall of Six Nations; Max Gros-Louis, Grand Chief of the Huron-Wendat Nation, Wendake; Kahentinetha Horn; Andrew De-lisle, Kahnawake, President of the Quebec Association of Indians, and Edna Neeposh, Eeyou of Mistissini, a social worker who had attended McGill for a year and returned home.30 Organizer Philip Awashish, would become one of the principal negotiators for the Cree Nation of Eeyou Ist-chee leading up to the James Bay and Northern Quebec Agreement (1975) and serve as a chief of the Cree Nation of Mistissini and executive chief of the Grand Council of the Crees (of Québec).

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McGill Daily, 30 January 1970; 2 February 1970.

The Teach-In represents an important moment in campus culture, as it was built around Indigenous knowledge holders and intellectuals who took over political and intellectual academic space and who redefined ex-pertise and authority. In its aftermath, the McGill University Intertribal Council of Native Students proposed the establishment of an Institute that would

enable native North American students and other native people in Eastern Canada and the Eastern Arctic to study their own lan-guages, their history, and, cultures while obtaining knowledge and modern technical skills needed to gain control of their eco-nomic, social, and political destiny. The Institute will have a real and very positive effect on native communities by providing for better conditions under which their youth can achieve university education, by providing a vital resource for individuals, bands, and native associations and finally by providing programmes which will promote Cultural continuity and growth.31

This Institute was established and operated for a few years, but almost

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fifty years later, its ambitious mission statement remains unfulfilled.

Parallel to the call for the creation of an institutional space for Indigen-ous peoples was the pressure to add Indigenous content to courses across a variety of disciplines. In March 1970, McGill’s Dean of Arts, perhaps to limit the expectations of Black students pushing for a Black Studies program, noted that that “Some people at McGill believe that a Canadian Affairs Program studying Indian, Eskimo and Métis affairs would be more relevant to McGill than a Black Studies Program.”32 Neither happened at that time. The university did provide short-term space in the attic of Morrice Hall once the McGill University Intertribal Council of Native Stu-dents helped established the Native North American Studies Institute in March 1971.33 When it moved off campus, the Institute continued to offer its North American Native Art and Beadwork courses at the Educa-tion Building in the evening.34 The most important outcome of the Na-tive North American Studies Institute was the 1973-1977 Indigenous-run Anglophone and Francophone Manitou Collège d’enseignement général et professionnel, established in La Macaza, Quebec.35 George Miller, an organizer of the 1970 Teach-In, now with a MA in anthropology from Stanford, replaced the original director in 1973.36 Meanwhile, in Septem-ber 1970 at Loyola (still an independent College until 1974), Gail Guthrie Valaskakis, (1939-2007) Dutch-American/Chippewa, offered a course on Indigenous issues. Valaskakis earned a McGill doctorate in Communica-tions (PhD’79) and was especially important for her support of the estab-lishment of Indigenous studies at Concordia.37

Indigenous activism on and off McGill campus transformed the lives of students. When Roberta Jamieson, Kanyen’kehàka, Six Nations arrived at McGill in 1970 to begin a pre-med course, Indigenous activism, in full swing, caused her to shift her academic interests. The legal struggle for Indigenous rights around land in the James Bay watershed led Jamieson to enrol at Western University in London, Ontario to become the first In-digenous woman in Canada to graduate from a law school.38 The opening up of new areas for participation was mirrored by a slow expansion of the number of Indigenous students attending McGill. From the start, most had been Mohawk with Cree students appearing in the late 1960s. In the 1970s future historian Blair Stonechild, Cree-Saulteaux, Muscowpetung First Nation BA’74 (political science) and artist Robert Houle, Salteaux,

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Bachelor of Education ’75, both of whom had attended residential schools, expanded the diversity of both the background and the experience of First Nation students. Stonechild served as a president of the Intertribal Coun-cil, which seems to have disappeared about the time of his graduation.

In the political shifting sands of 1970s Quebec, McGill was withdrawing from some research and teaching areas touching on Indigenous issues and becoming more embedded in others. In 1976, McGill lost a link to the Indigenous north when the Arctic Institute of North America, a major research organization originally funded by foundation money and locat-ed at McGill in 1945 moved, along with its library to Calgary. Neverthe-less, northern research continued to be an important area of research and graduate training. In 1973, the McGill Committee for Northern Research, established in 1964, became the McGill Centre for Northern Studies and Research.39 Among its explicit objectives was to “respond to the research needs of native groups and native populations throughout the arctic and subarctic regions.”40 In 1967, the Geography Department began a research project with the Inuit, focusing on themes of modernization, environ-mental health and traditional land use. In particular, William B. Kemp used oral histories to identify the serious issues of food sovereignty and nutrition. McGill’s Department of Otolaryngology also worked with the Inuit, beginning clinical and research work in 1972. In 1973, the Depart-ment of Linguistics, who already housed C. Douglas Ellis, a member of the team that developed the first Cree syllabic typewriter hired Glyne Piggott, a specialist in Ojibwemowin.41 Historical scholarship in the 1970s led by New France specialist Louise Dechêne and anthropologist Bruce Trigger (whose scholarship transformed the ethnohistory of northeastern Indigenous peoples) added to the work being done by ethnographers in Anthropology.42

Program initiatives at McGill led to the Faculty of Education’s creation in autumn 1971 of a two-year teaching certificate for First Nations people.43 As early as the summer and fall of 1975 the Faculty of Education of-fered its first workshops for non-qualified Inuit teachers in Nunavik. The Faculty became even more involved once the Kativik School Board was given jurisdiction for training its own teachers. In 1978, the first teachers certified to teach Inuktitut in Quebec graduated with McGill diplomas.

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After the “McGill Certificate in Native and Northern Education” was es-tablished in 1981, the Eastern Arctic Teacher Education Program became affiliated with McGill. In the early 1990s the McGill Office of First Nations and Inuit Education expanded to offerings in Eeyou and a decade later to the Mi’kmaw community.44 A large number of Inuit, Mohawk, Cree, Al-gonquin and Mi’kmaq women allowed McGill into their communities to offer courses, degrees and programs in the various Indigenous languages – making the university an early participant in language vitalization and revitalization. Similar community-based programs were offered by Mc-Gill’s Indigenous Social Work program.

The evolving teaching and research context at McGill intersected and was shaped by rising Indigenous activism in significant ways. During the 1960s, the about to be autonomous Anthropology Department had developed an expertise in the anthropology of development. Members conducted federally-funded research in the lower James Bay watershed, specifically developing relationship with the Eeyou (Cree) of Mistassini-Waswanipi both in the north and when they were in Montreal. This is accounts for the connection at McGill for those organizing the Native North Amer-ican Studies Institute in 1971. That same year saw the Quebec govern-ment announce it would flood about one-third of the traditional hunting area of Eeyou Istchee to generate hydroelectricity. The announcement was made without any prior consultation of Indigenous peoples, nor was there a treaty in place. At this point, as the Eeyou had no centralized pol-itical organization, only local entities, the Anthropology department, and specifically its Centre of Developing Areas, provided useful and practical Montreal facilities and connections, such as a meeting place, telephones and knowledge of federal funding opportunities and grants.45 Moreover, the McGill anthropologists argued that the decision to flood was being made without any research on local social and ecological consequences. Thereupon they were asked by the James Bay Development Corporation to produce what became Development and James Bay (Salisbury et al 1972) - a report based on existing published and unpublished research.46 Later, some of the same people would conduct research for the Cree and advise them in their negotiations. With connections acquired during this trau-matic and high-stakes process, the Eeyou established of Grand Council of Cree in 1974. In the subsequent settlement agreement, the Eeyou Istchee

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developed all kinds of capacity along with their own networks rendering the McGill Anthropology Department, if not individual researchers, re-dundant.

✤✤✤Notwithstanding important pockets of respectful and constructive com-munity engagement, too often the image of Indigenous peoples on cam-pus remained shaped by colonialism. In the early 1980s McGill athletics adopted a racist stylized logo of an Indigenous man in headdress for the football helmets, perhaps a reference to the “Indian head” club estab-lished in 1964 when interceptions were rewarded with a “war bonnet” on helmets.47 In July 1989, when the University registered the “Redmen” icon trademark, there was already a new wave of student political activity on campus. The 1990 Oka Crisis consolidated this action.

McGill students in the Native Affairs Committee had organized the Uni-versity’s first Native Awareness week in March 1988.48 Their second an-nual week in 1989 almost coincided with the first approach to McGill by the Six Nations Council regarding the repaying of the $8,000 that the Government of the Province of Canada had drawn from the Six Nations of Grand River fund for its 1860 loan. The Council acknowledged the uni-versity could not possibly repay the amount with compounded interest and inflation but suggested that McGill might recognize debt through directed scholarships or bursaries. The Council received the curt reply that while McGill was happy to discuss recruitment, it would not “enter-tain any discussion” on the matter of the loan.49

The Oka Crisis and its aftermath generated Indigenous activism on cam-pus. The McGill Ad Hoc Committee for Solidarity with the Mohawk Na-tion or the McGill Mohawk Solidarity Group went about preparing a book-let “about Mohawk issues.”50 In November 1991, the Native Awareness Coalition, organized by History undergraduate Ned Blackhawk, Shosho-ne, with Brian Rice, Kanien’kehá:ka, Kahnawake, playing a prominent role, began a campaign to get rid of the “Redmen” name for men’s var-sity teams through a forum, petition, and teach in.51 The matter went to Senate in the spring of 1992 and the Athletics Board was requested to “revisit” the issue. The Board denied any connection between the name and Indigenous peoples and defended the stylized logo as “relatively re-

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cent” but removed it to “avoid any misunderstanding.” A new logo would emphasize “the essentially Celtic origin of the `Redmen’ name in McGill usage.” This never happened, and while the “Indian Head” related to fifty years of iconography disappeared, the name continued.52

Indigenous students did not drop the matter and continued to lobby for change. This culminated in 2018-19, when a new generation of Indigen-ous students, led by Tomas Jirousek, Kainai First Nation, campaigned to “Change the Name.” This campaign drew international media atten-tion and was supported by almost 80 % of those students who voted in a student referendum. In April 2019, Principal Suzanne Fortier announced that the name would no longer be used.

In the late 1980s and early 1990s, intense Indigenous student activism was not matched by related research and teaching acrossed the entire university. Important Indigenous-related research continued to thrive in some specific areas. At the Macdonald Campus, a new research centre fo-cused on Indigenous nutrition. In the downtown Geography Department, George Wentzel’s research on Inuit hunting practices from the 1970s was useful to the Inuit as they defended their seal hunting practices before the international community. McGill’s research expertise in bilingualism and language teaching was useful for both learners and teachers in Inuit, Cree, Mohawk and Algonquin homes and schools throughout Quebec. In the early 1980s, people at Kahnawake interested in language revital-ization contacted members of the psychology department working on bilingualism and immersion. McGill researchers Wallace Lambert, Fred Genesee and Naomi Holobow assisted with long term evaluation of the community’s new Mohawk-language immersion program. Links between language acquisition and hearing led to McGill researchers founding a program for hearing impaired Inuit in the School of Communication Dis-orders. Much more needs to be learned about the role of the Faculty of Medicine and later the McGill University Health Centre (MUHC) in sup-porting health care delivery in much of Northern Quebec, placing McGill doctors and medical students in vital contact with the Inuit and James Bay Cree.

After the 1995 referendum, social scientists and humanists based at Mc-

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Gill may have been preoccupied with the question of Quebec’s political future at the expense of Indigenous issues. The Oka crisis coincided with (and was reinforced by) the national constitutional crisis of the late 1980s and early 1990s and so while other Canadian universities pushed ahead with Indigenous Studies, McGill was absorbed in competing issues of na-tional unity and a focus on the real concerns about McGill’s relationship with Quebec society. The McGill Institute for the Study of Canada (estab-lished 1994) held one of its first annual conferences in 1997 on “Forging a New Relationship” following the release of the report of the Royal Com-mission on Aboriginal Peoples but Canadian Studies generally focused on other issues. Until around 2000, course offerings that focused on Indigen-ous content were restricted to the Anthropology department.

Slowly, concrete things were happening elsewhere on campus. In 1997 First Peoples House, opened under the leadership of Linda Arkwright, and then Tracy Diabo, Kanien’kehá:ka, Kahnawake. This project had been proposed to the joint Senate/Board equity committee (which about this time established a subcommittee on First Peoples) by Professor Mar-tha Crago and Eddie Cross (MA’71) Kanien’kehá:ka, Kahnawake, then director of education at Kahnawake. It was picked up by law professor Rosalie Jukier when she became Dean of Students. At the time, McGill estimated that there were 150 Indigenous students on campus, although only 53 had self-identified as such. In 1996, Six Nations alone had three students enrolled but there was an increasing diversity of Indigenous stu-dents’ origins.53 Jason Annahatak (BA’06) an Inuk of Nunavik, may have been the first Northern Quebec Inuk to get an undergraduate degree at McGill

McGill held its first Pow Wow in 2001 and a coalition of groups hosted a revived Aboriginal Awareness Week in 2011. In the early 2000s, Ellen Gabriel, Kanien’kehá:ka, Kanehsatà:ke, who had risen to international prominence as official spokesperson during the 1990 Oka Crisis, was co-ordinator of First People’s House and ushered a renewed advocacy for an Indigenous Studies program. This effort was pushed forward again in the winter of 2009 when First People’s House and the Aboriginal Affairs Work Group (composed of faculty and staff) made a presentation to the Prin-cipal’s Task Force on Diversity, Excellence and Community Engagement

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2010 in support of the idea of a specialized academic program. By this point, many other universities across Canada had long established In-digenous Studies programs on their campuses. A key player was Paige Isaac (BSc ’08), Mi’qmaq, Listuguj, who upon graduation, was hired as the McGill Aboriginal Community Outreach Coordinator and led First Peoples House between 2010-2017. Before Isaac left McGill to work in her home community, she was the co-chair of the Provost’s Task Force on Indigenous Studies and Indigenous Education.

Importantly, in May 2012, the Student Society of McGill University (SSMU) got behind the idea of an Indigenous Studies program and hired a student researcher who reported to the SSMU VP, and to Allan Vicaire, Mi’gmaq, Listuguj, the Aboriginal Liaison Education Advisor at McGill’s Social Equity and Diversity Education Office. As a result, in October 2012 the McGill Institute for the Study of Canada was given a mandate to develop the minor specialization. An SSMU-organized forum under the leader-ship of various campus Indigenous and non-Indigenous student groups such as the Aboriginal Law Students Association and the Indigenous Stu-dent Alliance drew over 100 people.54 The Indigenous Studies minor was launched in January 2015, the result of the work students – both Indigen-ous and non-Indigenous, - and allied staff members and housed in the McGill Institute for the Study of Canada under the leadership, until 2018, of Professor Allan Downey, Dakelh, Nak’azdli Whut’en.55

It was a year after the creation of this Indigenous Studies Minor that Mc-Gill University hosted a ceremony to relocate Hochelaga Rock, now hid-den and invisible, to a more central location. Situated on the main boule-vard directly across from a statue of James McGill, it currently has a vis-ible and prominent place on campus. It was here that Provost Christopher Manfredi launched his Task Force on Indigenous Studies and Indigenous Education and where on National Aboriginal Day 2017, he received the final report with its 52-item call to action.

That winter, 382 McGill students had self-identified as Indigenous. The Task Force report doubted this number as an additional 55 students had received Band funding but chose not to declare themselves.56 Determin-ing a real number is probably impossible under the present reporting system. Anyone can check off the “Indigenous box” in the application/

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registration process. This term may have a different meaning for non-In-digenous students, both non-North American students and students who may claim an ancestor but who have no ongoing relationship with any Indigenous community.

Very slowly McGill has been able to recruit more Indigenous students. This is connected to the development of programs, services, and financial aid, as well as the crucial contribution that existing Indigenous students have made to claiming space and community for the future. One import-ant initiative is the Indigenous Health Professions Program in the Fac-ulty of Medicine under the leadership of Dr. Kent Saylor, Kanien’kehá:ka, Kahnawake. In Social Work, Cindy Blackstock, Gitksan First Nation, con-tinues her work as one of Canada’s most important advocates for First Nations children and youth.

Also McGill has become an important location of academic research. In-digenous Studies specialists historian Ned Blackhawk, Yale Professor, BA’92, political scientist Dale Turner, Anishinaabe, Temagami, Dart-mouth Professor, PhD’98 and anthropologist Audra Simpson, Kan-ien’kehá:ka, Kahnawake, Columbia Professor, PhD’03 are among the most important Indigenous North American scholars today. They all earned degrees from McGill.57

The initiative to support Indigenous students, hire Indigenous faculty, expand the Indigenous Studies minor, facilitate Indigenous-centred re-search, render McGill’s Indigenous reality more visible, and pursue mean-ingful community engagement moves at a frustrating pace for those look-ing for real change. The issues are not new, and some have a very long history at the institution. Indigenous Studies Professor and historian Blair Stonechild, one of the presidents of McGill’s first Indigenous stu-dent society in the 1970s, describes university education as a “tool of as-similation” and “an instrument of empowerment.” McGill has been both.

McGill is deeply entwined in the most brutal aspects of colonialism in Canada. Non-Indigenous McGill graduates were direct employees of col-onialism as teachers in residential and Indian Day schools and as med-ical officers.58 It is likely that at least some of the generations of clergy

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trained at McGill’s Protestant affiliated theological colleges also served in these institutions. McGill alumni were also architects of this system, the most prominent being McGill law graduate Sir Wilfrid Laurier (BCL 1864), whose government (1896-1911) oversaw a period of expansion and consolidation of residential schools. McGill also perpetuated colonialism in more subtle forms by reinforcing the idea of a vanished people, pro-moting offensive stereotypes, and erasing its own Indigenous past. The university has fundamentally benefitted from Indigenous land, resour-ces, talent and field research. On the other side, McGill has also provided useful research and training programs for an important, though relatively small, number of Indigenous students and communities. Real reconcilia-tion demands much more. The ledger shows a great imbalance and that a great deal remains owing.

The relocation of Hochelaga Rock to a visible location on McGill’s central avenue marked the launch of the 2016 Provost’s Task Force on Indigenous Studies and Indigenous Edu-cation. McGill Univeristy, Photo Credit: Joni Dufour.

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Endnotes1 Stanley Frost, James McGill of Montreal (Montreal and Kingston: McGill Queen’s University Press (MQUP), 1995), 63-4. defends McGill as “conforming to the mores of his time.” Marcel Trudel, Canada’s Forgotten Slaves: Two Hundred Years of Bondage, translated George Tombs (Montreal: Véhicule Press, 2013), 237-8. John I. Copper James McGill of Montreal: Citizen of the Atlantic World (Ottawa: Borealis Press, 2003), 122 notes that the young daughter of trader John Askin and his Indian “slave” Monette or Manette was also part of the McGill household.2 Alexander Reford, “SMITH, DONALD ALEXANDER, 1st Baron STRATHCONA and MOUNT ROYAL,” in Dictionary of Canadian Biography, vol. 14, University of Toronto/Université Laval, 2003–, accessed March 1, 2019, http://www.biographi.ca/en/bio/smith_donald_alexander_14E.html.3 New York Times, 13 November 1913.4 Journals of the Legislative Assembly of the Province of Canada, 16 March to 18 May 1861, p A2-[28]; Sessional Papers of the Dominion of Canada, Vol 1, 1874 Statement of the Consolidated Fund of Canada 30 June 1873, p 1-xx ’ Journals of the House of Commons of the Dominion of Canada, 9 Feb 1882 to 17 May 1882, p A1-63. McGill University Archives (MUA), RG2 Accession 927 file 129 18 Feb 1860 C.D. Day to J.W. Dawson; Library and Archives Canada (LAC) Reel C-13410 RG10 Vol 711 p 210; LAC RG 10 Vol 257 no601- pp 155050-155062. Anthropologist Audra Simpson draws our attention to a second McGill loan from the same source, repaid in 1881, but not returned to the original account. https://www.mcgilldaily.com/2014/09/century-old-federal-debt-not-yet-repaid-to-indigenous-community/5 Tansi Nîtôtemtik, “Restrictions on Rights: Compulsory Enfranchisement,” 3 Oct 2018. https://ualbertalaw.typepad.com/faculty/2018/10/restrictions-on-rights-compulsory-enfranchisement.html#_ftn76 He does not appear in the 1881 Census and the McGill College, Semi-Centennial Celebration of the Medical Faculty (Montreal: Burland Lithograph Co., 1882) lists him as deceased. As a note on name usage, Kanyen’kehàka is the preferred use in Six Nations, while Kahnawake uses Kanien’kehá:ka.7 Allan Sherwin, Bridging Two Peoples: Chief Peter E Jones, 1843-1909 (Waterloo: Wilfrid Laurier Press, 2012), 77.8 Department of Indian Affairs, Annual Report 1879, p 195, 288; 1881 p 50; 1882, p 54.9 Department of Indian Affairs, Annual Report 1879, p 288; Canada 1921 Census, Lochearn, Red Deer, Alberta, District 10, No47, 401, p 16; Ruth Lefler, “A Man of Firsts” Brantford Expositor, 27 Jan 2013, https://www.brantfordexpositor.ca/2013/01/27/a-man-of-firsts/wcm/f10a7674-fe98-4f9f-abb3-215ec0e9dfbc; Doug Fischer, “How Official Ottawa Held Back a `Great Unsung Native Hero’” Ottawa Citizen, 1 March 2008; “Thomas Daniel Green,” Annual Report 1936, Association of Ontario Land Surveyors, 124-25.10 “Surveyor,” McGill Daily, 5 December 1935.

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11 Blair A. Stonechild, The New Buffalo: The Struggle for Aboriginal Post-Secondary Education in Canada (Winnipeg: University of Manitoba Press, 2006), 26; MUA, Jacobs, McGill Student Record.12 https://acanadianfamily.wordpress.com/2011/02/15/kahnawake-genealogy-jacobs-j-h-1958-caughnawaga-native-catholic-cemetery/13 Stonechild, New Buffalo, 27; “Private Angus Splicer,” http://38thbattalion.blogspot.com/2012/06/private-angus-splicer.html14 Stonechild, New Buffalo, 27.15 Department of Indian Affairs, Report of the Deputy Superintendent General Sessional Paper No 27 1921, p 7.16 Barbara Lawson, “Exhibiting Agendas: Anthropology at the Redpath Museum (1882-99),” Anthropologica 41, no. 1 (January 1999), 58, 55.17 Suzanne Zeller and Gale Avrith-Wakeam, “DAWSON, GEORGE MERCER,” in Dictionary of Canadian Biography, vol. 13, University of Toronto/Université Laval, 2003–, accessed September 16, 2019, http://www.biographi.ca/en/bio/dawson_george_mercer_13E.html.18 Pamela Miller, “McCORD, DAVID ROSS,” in Dictionary of Canadian Biography, vol. 15, University of Toronto/Université Laval, 2003–, accessed March 4, 2019. http://www.biographi.ca/en/bio/mccord_david_ross_15E.html.; C. Lintern Sibley, “An Archipelago of Memories,” Maclean’s Magazine 27 (March 1914); Moira T. McCaffrey, “Rononshonni-the Builder: McCord’s Collection of Ethnographic Objects,” in Pamela Miller et al. La Famille McCord: une vision passionnée (Montreal: Musée McCord d’histoire Canadienne, 1992), 117, 107; Brian Young, The Making and Unmaking of a University Museum: The McCord, 1921-1996 (Montreal: MQUP, 2000), 55; Brian Young, Patrician Families and the Making of Quebec: the Taschereaus and McCords (Montreal: MQUP, 2014). Financial pressure caused the university to close the museum to the public in 1936 and the artefacts went into storage in 1954 until the early 1970s when the museum reopened.19 Young, Making and Unmaking, 73, 77, 117. 20 “Braves” disappeared around 1964, the “Indians” remained in 1969 and the “Squaw”s until 1976.21 Stonechild, New Buffalo, 34.22 Stonechild, New Buffalo, 41.23 Stonechild, New Buffalo, 42. This number is questionable number as at least one of the names listed, Roberta Jamieson, began her studies at McGill but did left to pursue law at Western and does not include Malcolm King who received his PhD in 1973. Indian and Eskimo Affairs Program, The Indian and Inuit Graduate Register 1977 (Ottawa: Supper and Services, 1978) http://publications.gc.ca/collections/collection_2017/aanc-inac/R41-25-1977.pdf24 Stonechild, New Buffalo, 56.25 Indian News, November 1973; . https://www.researchgate.net/profile/Malcolm_King226 McGill Daily, 11 November 1964; McGill Daily, 16 November 1964.

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27 McGill Daily, 5 October 1965.28 McGill Daily, 11 March 1966.29 “Happenings at Hillel,” McGill Daily, 19 February 1968; “Indians racial victims but whites need help,” McGill Daily, 21 February 1968. There is another significant public incident between Horn and student activist Alan Feingold (McGill Birth Control Handbook) in September 1969 over a proposed article in the McGill Free Press which is worthy of note.30 McGill Reporter, 30 January 1970; McGill Daily, 2-6 February 1970; Indian News, 4 November 1968.31 McGill University Intertribal Council of Native Students 1970, 28 quoted in Conni Kilfoil “Education and Identity Change: The Manitou Case,” MA thesis, McGill University, 1979, 22.32 “Black Studies priority is low” McGill Daily, 5 March 1970.33 McGill provided its original office space in the attic of Morrice Hall before external funding was secured by the McConnell Foundation. Kilfoil, “Education and Identity,” 23. See Stonechild, New Buffalo, 156.34 McGill Daily, 6 March 1972.35 Kilfoil, “Education and Identity,” 23. Emanuelle Dufour, “Du Collège Manitou de La Macaza à I’Institution Kiuna d’Odanak: la genèse des établissements postsecondaires par et pour les Premières Nations au Québec,” Revue d’histoire de l”Amérique française, 70, no.4 (Spring 2017), 5-33.36 Kilfoil, “Education and Identity,” 24-28, Stonechild, New Buffalo, 54-6.37 Kilfoil “Education and Identity,” 21.38 Andrea Bellamy, ”Creating change by building bridges: How an Indigenous perspective drives Roberta Jamieson’s life’s work” BCIT NEWS 11 October 2018 https://commons.bcit.ca/news/2018/10/creating-change-by-building-bridges-how-an-indigenous-perspective-drives-roberta-jamiesons-lifes-work/39 Carmen Lambert, “Northern Research at McGill University: The McGill Centre for Northern Studies and Research,” Études/Inuit/Studies 1, no 2 (1977): 127-32.40 Lambert, “Northern Research,” 129.41 “These People helped Olivetti develop new Cree typewriter,” Indian News, March 1973, 10.42 Matthew L. Wallace, “Reimagining the Arctic Atmosphere: McGill University and Cold War Politics, 1945–1970,” Polar Journal 6, no. 2 (2016): 358–78, https://doi.org/10.1080/2154896X.2016.124148543 Kilfoil, “Education and Identity,” 23.44 Final Report Evaluation of the Nunavet Teacher Education Program 2005, 4. https://assembly.nu.ca/library/GNedocs/2005/000550-e.pdf ; Jack Cram, “Northern Teachers for Northern Schools: An Inuit teacher-training program,” McGill Journal of Education 20, no.2 (1985), 118-9; In Focus Education Summer https://www.mcgill.ca/education/files/

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education/summer2002educ.pdf2002 p 5.45 R.F. Salisbury, “Training Applied Anthropologists: The McGill Programme in the Anthropology of Development, 1964-1976,” in J. Freedman, ed., Applied Anthropology in Canada (Canadian Ethnology Society, 1977), 74-6.46 Marilyn Silverman, “The Anthropology of Richard F Salisbury, 1926-1989,” 2; Richard Salisbury, “The Anthropologist as Societal Ombudsman (1976), 270 in Marilyn Silverman Ethnography and Development: The Work of Richard F. Salisbury (Montreal: MQUP, 2004); Edward J. Hedican, Applied Anthropology in Canada: understanding Aboriginal Issues (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2008) 23; Ignatius La Rusic, “Remembering 1971,” The Nation, 1 July 2011, http://www.nationnews.ca/remembering-1971/47 McGill Daily, 13 October 1964.48 “Natives Problem is Ours,” McGill Daily, 9 March 1988.49 MUA RG 2 C807 file 1968, Bernard Shapiro to Steve Williams, 14 June 1995.50 McGill Daily, 12 November 1990.51 McGill Daily, 11 November 1991; 25 Nov 1991.52 MUA, RG 8 c 97 Senate Minutes 9 December 1992 to 17 Feb 1993, p 32 Appendix F letter Richard Pound to David L. Johnston, 12 November 1992.53 MUA RG 2, file 19668 Steve Williams to Bernard Shapiro, 8 June 1995; Daniel McCabe, “First Peoples House Open for Business,” McGill Reporter, 29 January 1998 http://reporter-archive.mcgill.ca/Rep/r3009/native.html54 Annie Shiel, “Plans for North American Indigenous Studies move forward”, McGill Daily, 18 October 2012; editorial “McGill Should create Aborignal Studies,” McGIll Daily, 15 September 2011; Quid Novi, 20 November 2012; Brett Lamoureux, SSMU Student Researcher, McGill Community Vision for an Indigenous Studies Program: Forum Report https://ssmu.ca/wp-content/uploads/2013/04/Indigenous-Studies-Program-Forum-Report.pdf?x2651655 Joel Barde, “McGill University launches its Indigenous Studies program,” 19 January 2015 THE NATION http://www.nationnews.ca/mcgill-university-launches-its-indigenous-studies-program/56 Provost’s Task Force on Indigenous Studies and Indigenous Education, 33.57 McGill-Queen’s University Press has also been an important publisher with its Native and Northern Series issuing over 90 books.58 For example, see “Reports of Indian Agents,” Department of Indian Affairs Annual Reports, 1911 p 392; 1910 p 284; 1900 p 334.