CHAPTER I

INDIA AT THE TURN OF THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY

For m y of theEuropeans who were searching for the

sources of spices, the Orient was shrouded i n mystery. Some

of the powers, l i ke the Portuguese tharght that India and the

Indian Oman regim constituted a no-man's land, which could

be "discovered" and "conquered". They lrnagingi an absolute

polit ical vacwm i n the East. Their assumptions were

shattered when they started having contacts with India. They

f w d strong political, social and economic organisations

existing In the Indian subcontinent. When the Europeans came

to India they partly t r ied to adjust themselves by giving

presents and cajoling the local rulers on the one hand and on

the other, they used force to secure their cooperation. The

latter cn helped them i n materialising their covert desires.

Am- the Europeans the Portuguese wem the pioneers who

mached India towards the closing yean of the fifteenth

cantury after the discovery of new sea-route. They had set

up thlr factorie8 and fort- I n va r i a~c parts of India and

mapad hugo profit8 through sacrtem trade. Further, the

Perm h8d trLd to nranopollm the entire splce trade on

the Indian Ocean during the sixtemth century. Subsequently, the

Dutch a n t e d into the Asiatic waters as a competitor to the

Portu@~~& Thls resulted I n a struggle bet- the two European

powers In the Orlmt for pre-mlnvlfs. The Dutch were quite

successful i n challsnging the claim of the Portugsse and fcught a

number of naval bottles. Meanwhile, the Engllsh after establishing

their Company entered into this subccntinent wlth a zeal to get a

share i n the eastern trade by the turn of the seventeenth

century. A glance at the existing milieu i n connection with the

political, social and economic aspects w i l l help a researcher

i n evaluating the impacts of the English trade with India. An

attempt has been made i n the following pages to analyse the

above mentioned points.

India, at the turn of the seventeenth century was

dlvided into three major pol i t ical groups: (a) The Mughal

Empire, whlch was founded by Babur i n the Hindustan and the

Rajput principalities In the mountannws terrain of Rajasthan. (b)

The off-shoots of the Bahmani Kingdom, nnmaly, the Sultanates of

Golconda, Bljapur, Ahmednagsr, Berar and Bidar wlth

under the enurglng Maratha chieftains i n the bccan. (c) The

runnants of the Vijayanagar empire and i t s subordinate Hindu

rdycrkr am) the local Hindu chl- of Malabar coast. Apart

from them t h r w ..Ctian, a Eumpem power had entered i n to

the polltlcal scum of India, whlch established m a l l rnlonies

on the coastal reglu-a. Thase unslsted of the Portuguese

who had controlled several etrategically and commercially

Important ports thrcugh their naval surveillance. They had

command over the ports of Diu, Daman, Goo, Cochin, San

T h m and Hughly. With the turn of the century the Dutch

appssred m the cmstal regions to check the monopoly of the

Portuguese In the Eastern seas.

The Mughal Empire which was established in 1526

consolidated I ts hold over the whole of the Hindusten and

established a line of strong and powerful emperors on the

throne of Delhi. The Emperor stood at the top of the

polltical system. Akbar the Great (1556-1605) was succeeded

by Jahanglr (1606-1627); Shah Jahan (1627-1658) and Aursngzeb

(1658-1707). The Mughal emperors were svccessful In glving

political unlty to the northern Indla. Akbar through his

liberal policles succeeded In utllising the vallant Rajputs for

the expsnslon of the emplro. Ha occupied the throne for the

long perlod of f l f ty yaam and not only dld he establish

tranquility in the cantry, but also added new dimensions to

th. state.' The same policy was followed by the

of Akbar. So tho Internal set-up of the state was - what w t u l I n tha f i rst half of the seventaenth nntury

.xccy,t .trey intwcrr.

I n the Mughal rule, thore was no specified code of

eutxesslon, l i ke the law of primagsniture under the Muslim

inheritance law. At the time of the demise of the amperor,

the -try witnessed polit ical confusion end chaos through

wars of succession because the thron, was accessible to any

prince who was strong and powerful enough to overthrow the

rivals. These wars and series of court intrigues had

weakened the administrative set- up of the emplre which i n

turn adversely affected the econunlc m d i t i o n especially

agriculture, trade and commerce.

The Mughal emperors followed the policy of

conquest and territorial expamlon. The zeal for the

acquisition of new territories led the Mughal rulers to invade

the neighbarring kingdoms. Akbar had anquered and annexed

the Sultanate of Gujarat to his Empire. This foresightedness

of Akbar brought the Mughals to have direct access with the

sea through i t s port of Surat and brought dimct ly to fa- the

Portuguue who were wprema at saa and other European

commercial nations. The provinm of Gujarat being

strategically important place, the Mughal emperor appointed

PrInwe of royal blood w other trusted officers to the

6ubedarrhie. Akbar's -ta i n the Decoan were but

pale l , cmi.tiq ot the Wastm part of Berar, Khandesh,

Toll- md Ahamdmgar. 1

T h m w m wnatant d l i c t e b e t w m the Mughals

and the Persian emperors over Kandahar. Jahanglr and Shah

Jahen had spent awrcnatcl mscurcrs but did not aucceed i n

retaining i t for a long time. As a result, the struggle

betwear these two empires had affected not only the trade

re la t lmh ip of both the ragions but also the commercial

activities In the Gulf of ~ s m b a y . ~ This problem cmtinued

even I n the later ti-.

With the gradual expsneim of the Mughal authority

over the tbcm the authority of the Bhamani Sultans started

declining. Thus, the feudatory chiefs under the Bhamani's

especially the Hindu chieftains of Maharastra, had grown i n

power and strength. 4

The Outb Shah1 kingdom of Golconda which came

into exist- in the early sixteenth century had emerged In

the w r l y part of the seventeenth century a8 the strongest

power In Peninsular India. With i t s capital i n the fortress of

Golconda later shifted to the newly bui l t city of Hyderabad,

i n 1589, expanded into central and eastern Deccan and

m n t r o l l d the enatern smbcnrd of the Andhra delta. To the

north of I ts boundary w m the Oriaaan foothills. Further,

mouthword, expualcn br~ught them upto the Palar r iver and

gavo than cmtrol wrr fert l le vi l lsg.. In the Poonnmallee,

Ch.nglepet end Kmchipumn dbtricts. I

The Adhil Shahis established their power i n the

kingdom of Bijapur and looked to the east for expansion after

i t had achieved stabil i ty I n i t s affairs. I n the year 1572 A l l

Adhil Shah of Bijapur and Ibrahim Outb Shah of Golconda made

an agreement by keeping Palar r iver as their territorial limit.

Bijapur commenced i t s expansion to the southern parts and

took the lands south of the Palar r iver upto the frontiers of

Thandavur. This gave Bljapur control over -ports l i ke

Sadraspatnarn, Puduchery , Cuddalore, Porto Novo and

Devanampatnam which are situated on the southern Coromandel

coast.

The early decades of the seventeenth century saw

the height of the power and prosperity of these two

kingdoms. Although they were Muslim kingdans they had

personal r ivalries, as a result of which they occasionally met

each other i n the battle field. However, wlth the expansion

of Mughal sway i n the south, the Sultanates of Bljapur and

Golconda were reduced to the status of vassals of the Mughal

Empire.

In the south, the kingdom of Vijayanagar whlch

wae r t a b l l s h d to %ahguard Hindu Interast i n 1336

-1ldat.d Its haid ova- the whole of southern part of the 7

Indian wbarntlmt, 1.e.. to the 6outh of Turgabhadra. The

Emperor or K& stood at the top of the polit ical hierarchy;

he i n turn slowly but necessarily gave way to the autonomars

local govmment Imtitutions and introduced the ndyakship

which was essentially a quasi-military institution as i t s very

name indicates.

The genesis of the niyankara or n& system

could be traced to the last years of the reign of Krlshna

Devaraya (1504-1529). As the Poligirs who were his

servants I n the local administration refused to accept his

supremacy and to pay tribute, he sent a powerful army under

the command of three generals, Vaiyappa Nayaka,

Vijayaraghava Nayaka and Venkatappa Nayaka to the extreme

south I n 1520-1521. The Polighrs submitted and agreed to

pay tribute. To maintain his authority and to safeguard the

ever-expanding pollt ical boundary of the empire, the emperor

needed chiefs to serve him i n times of peace as well as war.

Moreover, he wanted to accomadate members of princely

f am i l l r , influentla1 chieftnlms and devoted servants. These

c o n s i d a r a t l ~ led Krishm Devaraya to reorganise the

adminlstratlm m the basis of ndysk system. He divided the

mNNcn territory into Madural, Thanjavur, bnji and Ikker i

Wyaka kingdoms. 8

The sovereign divided the entire territory into

what were called dyaWtinarns and entrusted them to the

yaks aa the feudatories of Vijayamgar Empire. The

i n their turn formed palCyams or palCmus and assigned them to

the subordinate chieftains known as the pal6yakkarans or

!,oli&rr.

The term palhyam indicated the territorial

possession of a chieftain. Hls obligatiom were the payment

of tribute to the sovereign, administration of justice and

rendering milltary service. The poi iMr, irrespective of the

extent and resources of h is palbyam, ~ i n t a i n e d a government

of his own with a number of subordinates. lo For sometime

the power of Vi jaya~gar wa5 at i t s paak.

When the Vijayamgar empire was expanding and

consolidating itsolf , simultaneously the Islamic power emerged

In the Decfan and later divlded Into f ive kingdoms as

mentimad earlier. There was continuous r iva l ry between these

five Sultanates and the Hindu Dynasty of Vijayamgar. As a

r w l t , excluding the Sultan of Berar, the other four Sultans

formed a 'grand alllance' under the Sultan of Bijapur against

Vijayarugar. The W l r n army and the Hindu forces fought

tho ba t tb of Tallkota In 1565 (battle of Banihatti, 23

Jaruary). Tha Vljayansgar t- wove completely rooted

and the Muslim forces captured the capital city, Hampi and

plundered and destroyed i t . l1 That line of emperors were

reduced i n status to mere kings of Penukonda, Chandragiri and

i n 1592 of Veliore, successively.

Wlth the turn of the seventeenth century Venkata I

ruled the country from Chandragiri. He was succeeded by

Ramadeva (1614-1630) and Timrnaraja ( 1630-1635). The last

important personality of the Empire was Sri Ranga 111 (1642-

1672). The empire severely beaten by the Muslim forces

lost i t s vital i ty and v igwr at the beginning of the seventeenth

century and there was a rapid disintegration of the kingdom,

both at i t s heart and in i t s periphery. The centre was torn

by a series of disputes over succession. By the 1640's the

imperial family lost i t s control over i t s feudatories. So the

nayaks of the kingdom became independent rulers f i rs t i n

Madura and Thanjavur, then i n Mysore and Ikker i and finally

in Senji, in close proximity to the last Vijayanagar capital of

chandragiri.12 The heart-lands of the empire were conquered

and annexed by the Sultana of Golconda and Bijapur.

The Maiabnr region was divided among a number of

rulers and local chieftains. The incessant wars and shifting

loyaltlas among them was the outcome of a deteriorated

poIitlca1 *-up. l3 The Zamorin of Callcut asserted some

sort of supremacy over Malabar, especially over the ruler of

Tmur and Cochln. But the arr ival of the Portuguese i n the

sixtemth century wriously affected the b a l m of power in

Malabar and the traditional relationship among the Zamorin, 14

the king of Cochin, Camnore and so m. The Raja of

Cochin was raised to the status of a crowned king and he

acted as the vassal of the king of Portugal and began to

receive a nominal ( a m i t y ) from the Portuguese.

Followlng this, a number of local rulers and chieftains agreed

15 the suzerainty of the Portuguese Crown and received annuities.

There was a traditional emnlty between the Zamorin

and the Raja of Cochin. The former was deadly agaimt the

overlordship of the Portuguese over the Mt ive rulers. So the

Zamorin was awaiting an opportunity to teach them a lesson.

However, he had to maintain silence because of the Portuguese

supremacy at 8ea. Therefore, as a counter measure he

secretly patronised Kunjali Marakkar, who was described as

'the pirate king' by the Portuguese. The Portuguese efforts

to attack and capture Kunjali d id not m e t with success

in i th i l y . I t provoked hlm to proclaim himself as 'the

d e f r d r r of Islam and the expeller of the Portuguese'.

Subsoquontly, I n 1599, the Zamorin joined hands with the

POP- to ub-te KmJall, when he became as a threat to

his wthortty.16 In the -tar Kunjali was captured and

the Portuguese i n violation of treaty obligation without handing

him over to the kmorin, put him to death i n 1608 at Goa.

The defianco of the Portuguass alienated the Zamorin from

their side and prompted him to seek alliance with any power

that nw ld overthrow the Portuguese supremacy over the

Eastern waters.

The ar r iva l of the Dutch gave a new hope to

Indian rulers to check the superior naval power of the

Portuguese. Zamorln, the f i r s t Indian king entered into treaty

relations with the Dutch. On October 11, 1604, Van der

Hagen concluded an offensive and defensive treaty with Zamorin

and permission was accorded for the construction of a fortress

i n his kingdom and to dr ive away the Portuguese from his

territory .I7 However, when Zamorin actually needed their

help, the Dutch betrayed him."

Although the Dutch failed to fu l f i l the treaty, the

kmor in continued h is hosti l i ty with the Portuguese. I n 1614,

he snatched Crenganon, from the Portuguese which was under

thair protection. This resulted In a skirmish between the

two and only after considerable loss to both sides peace was

ratond. Evfm the rule^ of Cochin was not i n cordial

rolationB wlth ttm Portuguma always. As a vassal of the

ha l nd lnc t l y instigated the native powers against

tho fo rmu In the wcar bat- them Md tho Zamorin.

The polit ical net- up of the early seventeenth

m t u r y premnt6d a disintegrated condition with a number of

petty kingdoms. Sin- there was m imperlal authority i n the

Peninsular India l i ke that of the Mughals, it became

advantageowe for the Europesn traders to establish their

trading settlements here rather than i n the Mughal territory.

Unlike the Western coast (viz., the seventeenth century

cosstal Gujarat, where the English faced many problems to get

a place for their settlrwnant), the rulers i n the Eastern coast

invited the English traders to establish their factories and

also gave them permission with sites to construct their own

factories and fortresses. From this we can assume that lack

of any strong polit ical power offered a situation congenial for

the English to acquire easily their trading settlements i n the

south. Thus, the Indian subccntinent was divided into a

number of polit ical m i t s and each one was trying to corner

the other.

In the social set-up of India the village i s called

grcima. A bigger village containing market place was celled

~gara. The village as a rule took the collective form of

habitation. Outside the v i l lsg. site there were agricultural

lands all& (black

Cultivable land (vilai-nilam i n Tamil) was divided

into: (1) ordinary owned land, i.e., or or

m, ( I i ) gifted or exempted land (inam zsmin), (111) State

land variously called dem- of the government or khalisa

and ( i v ) land of extinct families. 21

On the basis of mode of production the primary

producers constituted a group of peasant hawreholders. The

small scale peasants used the productive forces of their own

famlly members i n the promss of production. 22 1t was a

type of the unit of production i n agriculture, which was

widely prevalent i n India. They attained self-sufficiency i n

labour force because of their personal involvement. This

group of peasants had complete proprietorship over lands. 23

The second category of peasants constituted average or middle

class people. They were partly dependent on their personal

labour and partly on the work of hired labourers. The

hlred labourers were taken In for seasonal work on land

during seasons of transplantation and harvest and were paid

daily wages either i n klnd or lo cash. But sometimes the

middle class peasants followed the practlce of joint cultlvatlon

to avold the problem of labour force. According to th is

sys tm tho n l d grwp p#rlad thelr rosourcea i n the prooers

of cultivation. At the time of harvest they had their share

of 1- in pr-ion to the size of land. The th l rd

group of peasants wwe the owners of huge estates or zamfns

or e. 26 They were totally dependent on the regular

Inflow of additiooal labour i n cultivation, under the control of

small hcuse holders, who were directing the labour force

dependent on them and attached to the land under their

supervision. Cultivation of this type was called i n the

indigmoue term as pannaiyars or landlords. 27 They

employed labourers as thelr servants and put them to the

tasks of agriculture; and making them plough, sow, reap and

draw water cut of the well, and pald flxed wages either i n

28 cash or grain. Mwt of them i n this group considered

physical labour degrading and any agricultural operation

forbldden and tr ied to avoid personal participation I n the

production processes. The chlef systems of control over

agricultural production I n South India can be gleaned from the

various types of land t a r e s which are discussed here below.

U n d ~ this System the landlord had enjoyed only

rlght over land (Melvaram) but agricultural operations were

dam by the or t-t. The Income from the land was

s h a d kt- the landlord and the tenant, as per the

a g r s c ~ n m t . The share of the p& (tenant) was known as

Another kind of tenure under whlch land was

cultivated was the kuttakaf or lease system, according to

which land was leased out for a fixed annual rent. The

kuttakai payable to the landlord was In kind or cash or both,

as the case might be. The lease or kuttakai was called

ulavukaniyakshi. 30

I n the next system of cultivation, the landlord

cultivated the land with the farm servants. I t was called

pamat system. The labour force was called kadamal

uzhiyar. The farm servants were paid generally i n kind m

a monthly basis. Besides, they were allowed a piece of

land to l i ve on, and were given small presents of cloth,

paddy and cash m Important religious and ceremonial occasims

amually. 31

There were a number of peasants who could be

llkened to tenants-at-will I n every village who had come and

settled in i t after leaving their natlve vlllsge due to famine

and &vastation caused by wars. They constituted the

minority of pso.snts. They wwld make an agreement wlth

tho village heed- or nuquddam to cultivate state land and

pay a certain amant of rent. Many of them were tenants on 32

InSm land owned by village officers and temples. - This

was the sot-up i n the primary sector of production in India

before the arr ival of the English.

Al l towns and most of the villages produced the

bulk of the cloth usad i n the locality. They were partly

meant for local consumption and partly destirmd for foreign

markets.33

Weaving, a non-agrlcultural occupation was not

separated from agriculture and was an additional calling of a l l

egricultural famlllss. Women and children of a l l castes

excluding the Brahmim usually dld the spinning of cotton, for

family consumption. Home spimlng and weaving could be for

local m m p t i o n or partial ly connected with the market. I t

could be a 'home industry' when the women folk of

ag?IcultUF81 familler 5- mainly tor sale. I t was consldered

an additional Income of the family. 34 A wide variety of

cotton fabrlcs nearly 150 categories are mentioned i n the f i rs t

ten years c o v m d by the English factory records. 35 They

w8t-e $wock& a6 pkce-good. or mady-made clothing, whlch

nrdd l i t t l e tailoring was termed as e.

ia th. r n k t y thm existed Wlatlomhip between

agrlcultuu end th pmfos8Ional Inter-ammunlty maft.. This

constituted the basically 'mutual' service and later on took

the form of 'jajmani system'. I t meant that the requirements

of the rural population i n certain services were met by a

staff of professicnals who were remunerated not with payments

in cash for the work done but summarily with a fraction of

agricultural produce (Lysm, e, arth2iyam) and/or with a

parcel of land (m2inya, *) f r w from taxes. 36 1t forms

the f i rst category.

The seand categDry of the craftsmen comprised

weavers, who produced malnly cotton textiles of low-quality to

meet the demand of the locsl market and a l w the external

one. Indian artlsnns echleved high artistic sk i l l and

excellence especially i n textile production. There were many

categories within the weaving community according to the type

37 of clvth which they produced. I n the case of Sooth India

there were different groups within the weavers community who

sp~ciallsed i n the productla, of particular variety.

1. Kaikolas wove coarse long cloth from twelve to

mvmty two cubits in different names, such as

nlemmnmdumulam (literally long hand) of seventy

two cubit.. KsiA of th i r ty s ix cubits, paehoram

ot eIght.w, cubits and motakhadis a cmcw cloth

tlt tor tmts.

2. Mwnivurr wove turbam. Thelr manutecturr excells

i n f i m u whim wen, supplied for the royal

fsmilk..

3. Jodan wove turbans, B, percallam, hand-

kerchiefs, * w d muslins of a l l kinds.

4. Saliars wove the same cloth as jodars.

5. Cheniwars wove turbans and the same cloth as

kaikolas. They sometimes did the work of

fisherman. Kurubans made karnbalis and janapars

(gumy cloth). Koliyars wove percellaes or Iorg

cloth.

6. Patturirl Varulu (Pattdlkaran i n Tamil) wove

kuttanis or mashrus of cotton and si lk variously

strlped for drawers and petticoats. The weavers

have got the associated process l i ke carding,

combing, twisting and winding of cotton done by

their household people.=

The organisations of the weavers had their own

code of conduct and any violation was severely puoished.

Their guilds arbitrated i n temple disputes i n the capacity of

' ~ i a t o r s ' . I n the society, the weavers and the smiths were

the most pro6perous group followed by the merchants.

Tho ~ a x u n i c prosperity of the weavers was

evidmt from thelr ownership of land and, numerous donations

msd. to UI. t m p b , which Id the state to confer m e

ammmlc end .oeLi privilegss on them, as a recognition of

their enhanced importanca i n the society. Among the weavers

the kalkolas enjoyed special social status due to their

richness. J9 Many of the communItles of South Indla were

divided into two main groups as the valangai (r ight hand) and

the idangal ( lef t hand) groups. 50 Each group consisted of

many sub-sections. There i s no historical evidence regarding

the origin of these grcups.

Often these groups disputed among themselves.

Perhaps the sole cause of the conflict was the right to wear

sllppers or to r ide through the streets I n a palanquin or on

horseback during marriage festivals. Sometimes I t was the

privilege of being escorted on certain occasicns by armed

retainers or the use of paraphernalia or native musicians at

public ceremonies that provided the ground for any fight. At

times the particular k h d of instruments suitable for such

occasions could be object of dispute; or i t could be the r ight

of carrying flags of certain c o i w n or of certain devices

during these ceremonies. 41

The commodities required by the Imperial Mughals

wen pmducad i n the royal k?lrkhZnas or- work shops. They

ware cotton-ym, gold thread, raw sllk, metal works, woollen

41 product., gun pow* etc.

The overseas trade of India before the turn of the

seventeenth century was largely i n the hands of foreigners

l i k e the Portuguese and immigrant Muslim merchants. But

there were a good number of native merchants involved i n

overseas trade. Among them were Gujarati Muslims or Moors,

Banias (Hindu traders) of Gujarat and Chettis of the

Coromandel coast, who were a l l enterprising businessmen. The

Banias of Gujarat were sk i l led traders, shrewd and accurate - i n accwnts and f a d along the entire Western coast from

Dwaraka to Gos, and also i n the Coromandel and Bengala

regions. They had commercial relations with Persia, Ormuz,

Gombroon and Mocha and upto South East Asian countries. 43

The articles which they dealt were textiles, indigo, pepper

and other s~ ices .

The term covered people involved i n a

variety of mercantile f ~ n c t i o n s . ~ They worked as brokers

for r i ch Indlan merchants, Musllms, Armenians, Turks, Arabs

and European traders. Many were shop-keepers transacted i n

reta i l trade. Some of them were shroffs w money change s

and acted as bankers, wholesalers, agents for insurance and

heads of busimass hoqe-3 whose agents operated a l l over India

45 ru well as W e s t and Sanh East Asia. The Muslim community

of .Surat a l w hsd i t s own lending marchants who Indulged i n 46

o~mnmclal a c t l v l t k r and reaped considerable profits.

The Chettis of South India d i d buslmss i n the

West cmst also. Mart of them were great merchants and

they dealt I n precious stones, seed pearls, coral and other

valuable goods, such as gold and si lver. This was thei r

p r im lpa l avocation and they followed i t because they could

raisa or lower the prices of such things at any time. They

l ived i n spacious houses located on the sides of streets set

47 apart for them.

The Chettls also settled down i n the South East

Asian countries for purposes of trade. Barbosa mentions that

there were i n Malacca chettige merchants from the Coromandel,

"who were very corpulant with b ig bellies, they go bare

above waist and wear cotton cloths below". 48

Among the Brahmins of the country there were also

many who were eogaged i n trade and settled down as

merchants. Muslim business ccinmunitles l i k e Marakkars also

engaOad i n commercial act ivi t ies. 49 Besides these indigenous

merchants, there were other foreign merchants l i k e the

Armenians, Portuguese and the Dutch. 50

Agricultoral cultivation was done by the greater

portion at tho population. An important faature of Indian

sgrlcultun was the large number of food and non-food crops

raised by the Indlan peasants. There are two main seasons

of agricultural operations, of kharif and rabi i n the case of

North India, karpasanam and kadaippu i n South India, which

were named after the type of cultivation during summer and

51 winter months. According to the Ain-1-Akbari seventeen

52 rab i crops and twenty-six kharif crops were raised i n India. -

Wheat, cotton, indigo, sugarcane, opium and a wide variety

of pulses were the important agricultural p r o d v t s i n the

Mughal India. 53

I n the South, r i ce being the staple food of the

people, paddy cultivation was done i n large scale. I t was

cultivated on the wet lands. The intensive and productlve

method of paddy cultivation was based on the transplantation

of seedlings. 54 There were two main seasons of r i ce

cultivatlon kuddapaa-kar and samba-pashnam, named after the

varieties of paddy, cultivated during the summer and winter

m o o t h ~ . ~ ~ Two type9 of land prevalent i n the south are dry

f ields puncai and wet m. Among the types of r i ce

cultivated qIrasa1, *, ausvagas, paccar and kuruvai

were important. On the Commandel coast the area around

Pullcat, Kaveri , Krishna and Godavari deltas specialised I n

abundant r i c e cultivatlon because of the f e r t i l i t y of the soi l

and l r r igat lon fsc l l l t ias a ~ a i l a b l e . ~

The cereals such as wheat, barley, vsragu and

t ina i occupied the place of Importance i n agriculture as fa r as - cereals were concerned. Mi l le t or jowar, which was called

as 'Indian corn' was a l w produced i n India. Next to these,

pulses such as green-gram, black-gram , horse-gram , red-gram

and beans were produced. 57 Sugarcane was grown wherever

the soi l was suitable and water was available. Among the

o i l seeds that were grow? gingelly, sesamum and castor were

the chief ones. The important f ibres that were produced

were hemp and cotton. The la t ter appears to have been

largely cultivated. I t was mostly found i n the b l ~ c k and red

soi l regions of the cmst l i k e the areas around Masulipatnam, 58

Guntur , Madras and Chenglepet . The avai lab i l i ty of good

cotton texti les i n th i s region attracted the European Companies

i n the early part of the seventeenth century.

Spices were produced both for local consumption

and for export to foreign countries. They were pepper,

clmamon, cloves, mace, cardamom, mustard and ginger. The

last aw, was both green and dried. 59

Many klnds of garden crops l i k e vegetables and

f ru l ts wwe grown. Among the f ru l ts available were plantain,

flg, c l t r m , prapea, mango, orange, l lme and jackfruit.

-Ides t h e m mure two mom products namely c o m t and

batel. The farmer, gneral ly called the Indlan nut by the

foreign travellers, was grown throughcut the coast of Indla.

I t s t lbre was used i n the local industries for making coir and

mat. 60 The other garden crops were the arsca-nut, gallnut,

garllc, onions and turmerlc.

The next agricultural manufacture was sugar. I n

some placas palm svgar or Jaggery was also produced. I t

was yellow i n colour and coarse made from the palm sap!'

Oil was produced from raw agricultural products l i ke

groundnut, coconut, gingelly, sesamum and castor seeds. An

Important agricultural produce amMg dyes was indigo which

was commonly found In India. I t was produced at various

places i n the Gangetic plain, i n Sind, i n Gujarat, i n the

Deccsn, and along the East coast. 62 The good quality of i t

was produced nsar Biam situated about f i f ty mlles swth west

of Ag-a; and at Sarkhej nesr Mm,dabad.63 I t was mostly

uesd i n textl le industry, and was extracted from & or

indigo plants. 64 Toddy was extracted from the coconut as

wall as the palm tmaa. 65 Thm the consumable products

ware made I n eat abundance.

I n senoral momoaa played a great role i n the

Indlan a g r W t w r and I f it fal ls c a w a lot of havoc and

dietwos to th. p.crplr. To IM.~ the f ~ ~ d tmks oc

reservoirs played an Important role as sources of irrigation i n

Central India, the Deccan and South Indla. But i n the

northern plains of upper Gangetic and Indus basin numerous

66 canals were cut from rivers to provide irrigation.

The important nm-agricultural industry that was

connected with land, was mining. Diamond was mined from the

mines of Central India, Kurnool, Anantapur and Golconda

regions. 67 Next to diamond, gold was mined, especial1 y i n

the kingdom of Golconda.

Another metal that was mined was iron, which was 68

found in southern and northern parts of Golconda and Bijapur.

Among the other minerals that were extracted from the earth

were sulphur and copper. The latter was widely used for

making harsehold articles. Salt being an article i n great

demand, was produced on a large scale I n the sea coast and

i n the inland territory.

Thero were many craftsmen, who speclalised i n

metal work. Different types of jewels were produced for

people and temples in variars forms. They were diadams,

nmcklaoll, ch..t onrsmonts, rings, bangles and worshlpping

paraphernalh. 69 The wmpans of warfare were many and

mong than urn swords, tmwa and arrows, dsggers, battle-

ax- snd s-.

Many handicraft works flourished i n India.

Vehicles of transport such as carriages, palanquins, toys etc.,

were made of wood. Even ships were constructed for

navigation purposes and catamarans were used for fishing. 71

The potters' industry was mostly rural and quite

common one. They produced coarse and polished varieties,

which were used by the people as their household articles.72

Textile mawfacture was a major production unit i n

the secondary sector of production. Since cotton (parutti - raw cotton) was cultivated widely i n India, different types

and varieties of textiles were manufactured by the weaving

community. Besides, raw si lk was used in loom, dyed in

different colours and woven into fine cloth wlth flower

patterns. For example, Pulicat was a famous centre for

textile rmwdacture for large quantities of painted cotton

Cloths.

F lowMd and patterned textiles called chfntz had

8 gnat d w n d among the forelgurm. The local name was

*ch1chchili4. '' There wen many varieties of white and

printod clcthu euch w baftas, tapechlndes, sarassas,

b a t h i l l u w h W w 8 m expor td to the Malay Archipelago. 75

Tho - v u r anmwnlty W a c t u r e d varletiea of textiles with

good d o u p snd pmclrlon. I t attracted tho attantion of

European Companies and so with the turn of the seventeenth

century 01% by one started to settle down i n India to carry

out their business activities.

I n India pr ior to the arr iva l of the Europeans, the

Indian merchants Like Banias, Chettis and Muslims carried out

their trading activi t ies within the subcontinent as well as

overseas. The principal sea ports of India were Surat,

Bassein, Gw, N a g a p t ~ m , b n Thome, Puiicat and

Masulipatnam.

The people i n India had achieved a fa i r degree of

self-sufficiency. The Indians showed insatiable desire for

the precious metals and Interested i n accepting them for their

merchandise. As a result, gold and s i lver were flowing into

the country which were used to meet the needs of colnage and

dlsplay. But, some amount of gold was mined i n the kingdom

of Golconda. However, bullion was mostly imported from

Aden, h l i n d e and China by the royalty. Copper, tin, lead

and quick s i lver were some of the other metals that were

brought In. 7s

There was a great demand for elephants and horses

on tha part of the government. The former were imported

from Caylm and Pegu, and the latter were secured from

Arabla ond Poreis. Ti11 the end of the fifteenth century

horn trod0 m8 h q p l y a monopoly of the Musllm merchants n

Am- the different products that were imported

were spices l i k e %loves, cardamom and cinnamon whtch came

from Swnatra, Moluccas and Ceylon. The Moorish shIps

brarght many kinds of spices and drugs such as ollve-wood,

camphor, frankincense, etc. The perfumes that were

78 imported into the region were saffron, rosewater and musk.

The art icles of luxury that were imported were

precious stones from Pegu, Ceylon and Ormuz. Pearls and

seed pearls, curious art icles l i k e toys, glassware, clock,

machines etc., were also brought to 1nd1a .~~

There existed considerable overseas trade between

India and the West Asian and South East Asian countries. The

cwntr ies to which they were sent were Persia, Arabia I n the

west and China i n the east. Besldes, there were

considerable trade relations with Ceylon.

Rice was the major food product that was exported

mostly to Aden, Ormuz and other places i n the west and

Ceylon i n the south. * Tho next ar t ic le that was exported

was sugar. Wheat, mil let and c o c w t were also exported to

Aden and Onmo. a1

The other commodities that were

~ x p o r t d w m clmabar, indigo, myrobalan, snndal wood and

toak wood. Brides, spices such as ginger and clnnsmcm were

~ m o n g metals iron was shipped to twig, cantrles.

exported to Ormu. 83 The important finished products

exported from India to other places were chiefly c o t t g

textiles, which were sent to Achin, Priman, Bantam and

Malacca. The printed cloths of Pulicat (chintz) enjoyed a

good demand i n the above places. The patolas from

MaS~lipiYtMm had a great popularity i n Pegu. 84 I n the

cantr ies of the Malay Archlplago the patterned cloths of San

Thome fetched a good market. 85

The cotton fabrics of the coast were exported also

to Ormuz, Aden, Arabia and Afrlca. Coromandel cloth and

Malabar spices were exchanged for Persian horses, seed Bb

pearls, sulphur and dried fruits.

The rura l market was an important feature of the

intra-local trade of India. Even I n the smallest villages

rice, f l w r , butter, milk, beam and other vegetables were

sold i n abundance. There was a wide range of commodities

l i k e food grains, frults, salt, pepper, cotton threads, metal

ware etc., offered for sale I n the weekly markets, called 87 .

d a i I n Tamil. - MQt of the major towns had several markets or

w, au of which was the 'maln' or 'big' e. The

prod- I l k . tha taxt l le weaver# often marketed their

products on their own.

A variety of miscellaneous items entered Into the

Inter-regional trade of the period. Merchants from

Coromandel procured pepper, coconut, areca-nuts and other 89

splces at Cochin and Camanore i n return for textiles.

The above account shows that the pre-modern

market i n India brarght together commodities for the

consumption of the local buyers, had the hierarchy of scales

ranging from the ru ra l weekly fa i r to the ernporia of

international trade centres l i k e Masulipatnnm, Chandragiri,

Vellore, Cochin, Bhatkai, Goa and Surat.

Land revenue was the pr inc ipal source of income

and the proportion of produce claimed as land revenue varied

from one s ix th to as much as half of the gross produce. I t

was paid both i n k ind and cash. Besides the land tax,

the ryots had to pay other kinds of taxes l i ke , grazing tax,

marriage tax and h m e tax.

Almost a l l the foreigners trading with India had to

pay customs duties on Imports and exports. The merchants

wen taxed while they exported local products and a l w tolls

w a r e imposed on the roads.91 Manufacturers and craftsmen

I l k e potters, weavers, blacksmith, and goldsmith paid

p r o f m s l o n ~ ~ tax .-

Other than the above mentioned taxes, the state

received revenue f r m grdenlng and plantations, crownlands;

plunder durlng war times; anwal tr lbutesfrom feudatories and

provincial governors.

Durlng the larger part of Akbar's rule the

principal coin i n use was the copper tsnka (a double dam)

and then the dam. The f i r s t appearance of s i lver rupee or

as the basic coin i n the sale documents was i n 1592-

1593 with great uniformity and purity. 93 It weighed 175

94 grains of si lver. While the rupee became the principal

coln for commercial transactions and tax payments, the Mughals

95 issuad a gold coin, @ or ashrafi of 169 grains of gold.

This seems to have been used for hoarding (stock) purposes.

For petty payments the Mughals had a copper coinage based on 96

the dam of 324 grains issued by Akbar, which was

exchanged at the rate of 40 to the rupee; and i t was called

as pice i n North Indla. 97

The Mughals issued thei r coins from a large

number of mlnts i n the empire and worked on the basis of

free c o i w , i.e., i t was o p a to anyone to take bullion to

the mint and g ~ t it mlnted into colne upon a payment made to

cow mintlng msk and selgnlorage (Sovereign authority).

Th. mint- c h a m am- to f ive to s i x perantoga of the

value of the w i n minted. Mshmudi was the chief cdin of

the Gujarat Sultanate when i t was an independent kingdom and

i t continued i n circulation side by side with the rupee when

i t was annexed with Mughal territory. 99 The normal rate of 100

excharge was f ive mahmudis for two rupees.

Pagodas were the gold coins issued by the

Vijayanagar rulers and the Muslim kingdom of Golconda. But

in the Vijayanagar areas pawdss were called '& or

varahan'. Besides pagodas, the Deccan Sultanates coined

bil l ion w. lol I n addition to the Wgoda and half

there were faMms of different values, nominally of gold coins,

but the proportion of alloy was very high. There were

copper coins, known as =.lm Tavernier says that a 'si lver

rupee' was issued by the king of ~ o 1 c o n d a . l ~

According to Fryer 32 fanams were equal to one

gold wgoda and six to one fanam. Besides these,

chacra was a coin widely circulated In Thanjavur area. I n

Masulipatnam a type of copper coin was i n circulation under

the nome 'dabu' . lo4

lW availability of the exotic spices such as

pepper, c i w u , rrrhMg and mace bruqht the European traders

to A 8 h by tha ad td tho f l f t m t h century. With the arr ival

of the Portuguese the commercial history of Indla entered on a

new phaw at the begirning of the sixteenth century. They

established their settlements at places l i ke Diu, Daman, G w ,

Cannanore, Cochin and Quilon on the Western coast and

Nagapstnam, San Thome and Hugli on the Eastern coast. lo5 1n

the early part, the Portuguese traded chiefly i n pepper,

ginger, cloves, and cinnamon. lo6 But when they expanded

their settlements to the Coromandel coast they concentrated on

textiles to procure good quality of spices from the South East

Asian region. Vlrtuslly the Portuguese entirely monopollsed

the whole splce trade i n the Eastern waters because of their

supremacy at sea.

The success of the Portuguese i n establishing a

lucrative commerce with the East naturally excited interest

among the Hollanders to get the share i n spice trade. The

Dutch undertook several voyages from 15% and eventwlly the

Dutch East Indla Company was established in 1602 by a

charter granted by the States-Gmral. 107

The Asian merchants used the Indian textiles

(ospocially) from the Coromandel coast as a mans to procure

the Indoraslan spi-. Following them the Dutch decided to

l n v r t the procian metals brought from Holland i n Coromamjel

textiles ad thm to .all th.se textiles against the Swth East

Asian pepper and other spices. Therefore, the Company

108 establ ished i t s factories on the Coromandel coast.

The f i r s t faitory was establ ished at lvlasulipatnam

i n 1605 fol lowed by another i n Petapol i i n the same year.

In the year 1608 factories were establ ished at San Thome and

Nagapatnam and at Pulicat i n 1610. A f o r t was constructed

at Pulicat i n 1613 known as 'Geldr ia ' , which was t h e chief

agency. 109

The Dutch Company entered in to contract w i th the

local merchants t o procure the tex t i l es from the weavers

through the system of advances. 'I0 Besides tex t i l es , t h e

Company procured sugar, sa l tpetre and diamonds. With t h e

establishment of Dutch Eastern Empire i n t h e South East Asian

region, the Dutch began t o expor t slaves regular ly from the

Coromandel coast.

From the above discussion i t could be observed

that t h e northern par t o f Ind ia lknorun as Hindustan was a

unif ied t e r r i t o r y under the Mughals, whereas i t s southern p a r t

was parcel led out in to various p o l i t i c a l units, which were

f ight ing among themselves. The Mughal economy was more

cgrarian - oriented rather than a mercanti le economy. There

was no much encouragement f o r t rade and commerce from t h e

State. During t h i s per iod mercanti le ac t i v i t i es were combined

w i th pilgrimage. Therefore, the Europeans who were looking

for t rading contacts had t o acquire r o y a l permission (firmhns)

from the Emperor. I n the in i t ia l stages i t was very

diff icult to obtain commercial privileges from the Mughal

ruler, because of the Portuguese influenw at the Court.

They did a l l they could to null i fy the forthcoming of any

royal orders. But i n the South, the kings encouraged the

European commercial relations, granted permission and place to

establish their trading settlements. This Support was not

because of the income through customs and tolls. But they

thought that the foreign trade could boost production in the

agrarian and ncm-agrarian sectors, which in turn could bring

prosperity to the country. So they obvlwsly supported

European Companies trading operations. Therefore, we fwnd

that the European Companies acquired their own factory sites

i n the south.

The indigmom merchants were practicing their own

traditional commercial enterprises in the Indian Ocean and

reaped good profits. The arr ival of the Portuguese and later

the Dutch expanded the European contacts with India. The

r ivalry between the two In the East and the lucrative trade

of the Orient had dlrectly encouraged the English entry into

Asia. The past experiences of the Portuguese and the Dutch

with tho Indlen slit@# Md mercantile g w p s had helped the

English Company to tormulate i t s pollcios acwptable to the

Indlan envlrmment. Thus, the situation at the beginning of

the seventeenth century offered an atmosphere in which the

English Company could establish themselves in various

important centres of trade, get c m c e s s i ~ s from the rulers and

establish good relations with the local merchants.

NOTES AND REFERENCES

1. John Bruce, Annals of the East Ind ia Company, Vol.1 (1600-1661), London, 1810, p.47.

2. m., p.48.

3. W.H. Moreland, From Akbar t o Aurangzeb (henceforth Akbar to Aurangzeb) , Delhi, 1972, (Indian Reprint), p.2.

4. S. Gopalan (trans. 6 ed.), Bhonsle Vamsa Chari t ra, Thanjavur, 1980, pp.14-15.

5. H.K. Sherwanl, History of Qutb Shahi Dynasty, Delhi, 1974, Chapters VI 6 VII.

6. The expansion of Bi japur i s dealt i n O.C. Varma, History of Bi japur, Chapters, VI, V I I 6 VIII .

7. N. Subramanian, History of Tamil Nadu (1565-19651, Madurai, 1982, pp .l-2.

8. K. Rajayyan, History of Tamil Nadu (1565-1965), Madural, 1978, p .22.

9. K. Krishnaswami, The Tamil Country Under Vijayanagar , Annamalal Nagar , 1964, pp. 177-179.

10. Rajayyan, m., pp.50-60.

11. H.K. Sherwsni (ed.), 6 P.M. Joshl, History of Medieval Deccan: 1295-1724, Hyderabad, 1973, pp.433-437.

12. For the confused his tory of the las t years of the Vljsyaneger Empira, See. Robert Sewell, A Forgotten

Chapters, XVI 6 XVII and also V.M. %%&rthl, A History of b u t h India: Po l i t i ca l and Cultural, Vol.1, Neyyoor, 1980, pp.320-331.

13. K.S. Msthm, Portuguese Trede w i t h Iml ia in the Sixtarnth C.ntvy, N w Dolhl, 1983, p.10.

14. u., pp.51, 234.

15. The Portuguese gave some monetary incentives (-1 to the local kings t o ensure the supplies of spices i n time. See, Mathew, op.clt., pp. 51, 224.

16. O.K. Namblar, The Kunjall Admirals of Callcut, Delhl, 1963, pp.116-119.

17. A. Gal lett i (trans. and ed.), The Dutch i n Malabar, Madras, 1911, pp.6-8; O.C. Kail, The Dutch I n India, New Delhi, 1981, p.31.

18. Kail, op.cit., p.38.

19. F.C. Danvers, The Portuguese i n India - Being a History of the Rise and Decline of the i r Eastern Empire, (London, 1%6), 2nd impression, Vol.11, pp. 168, 183-104; K.M. Panik kar , Asla and the Western Dominance, 1498- 1945, L o n d n , 1953, pp.149-151.

20. T.V. Mahallngsm, Administration and Social l i f e wlder ..-.

21. Mahallngsm, op.cit., pp.97-98; C.E.H.I., Vol.1, pp. 176- 177, 250.

22. C.E.H.I., Vol.1, pp.221, 247.

23. Subramanlan, _op.cit., pp. 280-295.

24. Mahallngam, op.cit., pp.94-95.

25. e., pp. 95-96.

26. m., pp. 97-98; C.E.H.I., Vol.1, pp.177.

27. Mahalingam, op.cit., pp.93-94; C.E.H.I., Vol.1, p.221.

28. ' C.E.H.I., Vol.1, pp. 221-222.

29. Duarte Barbosa, The Book Duarte Barbosa, Vol.11, London, 1928, p.60.

30, Mahalingam, a., p p .96-97.

32. A.R. Kulkarni. "Villaqe L i f e i n the Deccan 17th Century", i n the ~ w r n a i of Indian Economic and Social History Review (henceforth I.E.S.H.R.) , IV ( i ) , 1967, pp.39-71; C.E .H. I., Vol .I, pp. 247-248.

33. J.N. Ssrkar. "Some Asoects of the Qutb-Shahi ~ d m i n i s t r a t i k of Golconda", J O U ~ M ~ of t he B ihar and Orissa Research Society, Vol.XXX, 1949, p.144; C.E.H.I., Vol.1, p.269.

34. F. Buchanan, A Journey from Madras through to the Countries of Mysore, Canara and Malabar, London, 1807, Vol.1. 218, 11.263; 111.317.

35. C.E.H.I., Vol.1, p.269.

36. C.E.H.I., V01.1, p.316.

37. For Details See, Vi jaya Ramaswamy, Text i les and Weavers i n Medieval South India, Delhi , 1985, pp.94-11G.

40. Buchafmn, Passim. He v i s l t ed Madras f w n d the following castes among tho- that considered l e f t and r i g h t hand classa,.

L a f t hand Right hand

Balaj lgaru of many tPaderS.

2. Ber idra t ty merchants Wodlgari-cultivators of Sudra caste.

3. Oevanga-a class of Totlphana-oil makers who weevem C r a n Andhra uw one b u l l I n m:?l.

4. Heganigaru-those who use Rangaru-calico printers G two oxes i n the mi l l . tailors.

5. Paliwarlu-two tr ibes Ladaru. of cultivators.

6. Msdigaru-tanners or shoe makers.

The pancalas commanded the whole section and the Msdigaru were the most active combatants i n a l l disputes among the two divisions.

Ariun Aooadurai. "Riuht and Left hand castes i n South

C.E.H.I., Vol.1, pp. 268, 272, 275.

B.G. Gokhale, %at i n the Seventzenth Century, London, 1979, p. 117; 3.K. Mukerjee, Ec,.lomlc History cf Ind,.:, lti00-1800, Allahabad, 1967, p .83.

I n Surat, the were, "most numerous . . . and are either merchant^,, bankers, brokel's or pen-men, as accountants. c~. ! lect )~rs and survevors" refer C. J . hamilton, ' Trade Relations between -~ngland and India, 1600-1858 (Reprint), Delhi, 1975, p.90; Gokhale, op.cit., p.117.

C.E.H .I., Vol .I, pp.407-430; Gokhale, op.cit., pp. 116- 117.

Gokhale, op.clt., p.125.

Barbosa, op.clt., Voi.11, pp.71-73.

E., p.177.

C.S. Srinivasachsri, A History of the Clty of Madras, Msdrss, 1939, pp .3O-37.

50. Slo the detailed trade of the Portuguese and the Dutch I n tho EronomIc condition, P 33.

51. Mahalingam, u., pp.78-79; C.E.H.I., Vol.1, pp. 217, 228.

52. Cited In C.E.H.I., Vol.1, p.217.

53. C.E.H.I., Vol . I, pp.. 222, 229.

54. C.E.H.I., Vol.1, p.227.

55. C.E.H.I., Vol.1, p.228.

56. Robert Sewell, India Before the Engllsh, London, 1900, P.37.

57- E.. p.237.

58. Vljaya Ramaswamy , op.cit., pp.98-99.

59. Mahalingam, op.clt., pp.80-81.

60. Sewell, op.clt., p.375.

61. x., p.242.

62. Moreland, Akbar to Aurangazeb, p. 109.

63. z., pp.40, 108-109.

64. Mahallngam, op.clt., p.115.

65. W.H. Moreland, India at the Death of Akbar, London, 1920, pp. 155-156.

66. C.E.H.I., Vol.1, pp.215-216.

67. Sewell, op.clt., pp.338-339.

66. Momland, Akbar to Aurangzeb, pp. 36-38.

69. 5.well, w.. p.273.

'70% M.h.lingm, w., pp.178-119.

7%. &&., pp.110-12t.

C.E.H.I., Vol.1, pp.318-320.

V i jaya Ramaswamy , op.cit., p p .64-65.

For further details see under social condition of different sections and thei r manufactures within the weaving community, Factory Records Miscellaneous, Vo1.25, p.99.

Vljaya Ramaswamy , pp.clt., p.65.

Barbosa, op.clt., p.127.

Sewell, Op.clt., p.127.

Mahalingam, op.cit., pp.128-139.

Barbosa, m., pp.202-203.

Sewell, op.clt., p.38.

Mahalingam, m. , p. 120.

George Dunbar, A History of India from the earliest timas to the 1939, Vol.1, London, 1949, pp.212-213.

Mahalingam, op.cit., p.131.

Vi jaya Ramaswamy , op.cit., p p .70-71.

E., pp.71-72.

w., pp. 73-74.

C.E.H.I., Vol.1, p.326.

Mahallngam, op.cft., pp. 136-137.

Vi jaya Ramaswamy, op.cit., pp.86-91.

C.E.H.I., Vol.1, p. 362.

Moreland, Akbar t o Aurangzeb , p .329.

C.E.H.I., Vol.1, p.360.

I t was the commonest copper coin circulated i n the Mughal Empire.

Moreland, Akbar t o Aurangzeb, p.331.

C.E.H.I., Vol.1, p. 361.

C.E .H .I., Vol .I, p.362; Moreland, Akbar t o Aurangzeb, pp. 330-331.

Moreland, Akbar t o Aurangzeb, p.331.

C.E.H.I., p. 360.

WIlliam Foster, English Factories i n Ind ia (henceforth E.F.I.), Vol.IX, 1651-1654, Oxford, 1915, pp.33-34.

E.H. Nolan, The I l l y j t r a t e d History o f t he B r i t i s h Emplre i n Ind ia and the East, London, 1921, pp. 377-378.

E l l io t , Colns of Southern India. London, 1929, p.147.

Mathew, op.cit., pp. 1-26.

M., pp. 79-113.

Kal l , e., pp. 18-22.

Omprakarh, Dutch Factories i n Indla: 1617-1623, New Delhi, 1984, Introduction.

Ksll, w., pp.80-95.

E., p. 105.