1

Incarnationalgeographies?Thefaith­inspiredpraxis

of‘LivingAmongst’

SubmittedbySamuelChristopherThomastotheUniversityofExeterasathesisforthedegreeof

DoctorofPhilosophyinHumanGeographyInSeptember2012

ThisthesisisavailableforLibraryuseontheunderstandingthatitiscopyrightmaterialandthatnoquotationfromthethesismaybepublishedwithoutproper

acknowledgement.

Icertifythatallmaterialinthisthesiswhichisnotmyownworkhasbeenidentifiedandthatnomaterialhaspreviouslybeensubmittedandapprovedfortheawardofa

degreebythisoranyotherUniversity.

Signature:…………………………………………………………..(SamuelChristopherThomas)

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AcknowledgementsFirstthanksgotoeveryoneinvolvedintheresearchprocess.Iammuchindebtedto

all involved in both Eden Fitton Hill and Aston SA614UK. Thank you for your

hospitality and openness. Special thanks to theNeilson boys, Barney and Caleb, for

being the other two members of ‘the band’ ‐ you kept me sane through hours of

transcribing.InExeter,manythanksgotoPaulCloke.Ithasbeenajoygettingtoknow

youasa friendandsupervisor,andyouracademicsupport throughout the last four

yearshavebeenmuchappreciated.AndrewWilliamsmanythanksforyourcompany

andfriendshipthroughtheFACITproject;Harriet thankyoufor thosestudydaysat

Devon and Exeter Institute, they provided a welcome break fromwriting at home.

Bates family, you guysmoving toExeter hasbeen a real blessingduring these final

stagesofwritingup;sharing theallotment,beersand feasting togetherhaskeptme

going, thanks. Mum your time spent reading many chapters has been extremely

helpfulsothanks, I’mchuffedtobits tohaveyouandDadback inthecountry.Most

importantlyofallhoweverIthankmywifeCazyforputtingupwiththewholething.

Yourloveandcarehassustainedme.Thankyou.

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Abstract

Despitearesurgenceofreligionintheprovisionofpublicwelfareandcare,geography

hasonly recentlybegun tomake senseof thispublicphenomenon (Kong, 2011). In

keepingwithrecentcallstoallowreligionto ‘speakback’ togeography(Yorgason&

DellaDora,2009),thisthesispresentsare‐readingofoneparticulararenaofChristian

faith‐praxiinsocio‐economicallydeprivedneighbourhoodsacrosstheUK.Muchofthe

literature on faith‐based organisations has so far focused on service‐provision and

politicaladvocacyrolesadoptedbyfaith‐motivatedgroups,andtherehasbeenlittle,

to no, acknowledgment of re‐emeregent forms of ‘incarnational’ mission.

Incarnationalapproachesdifferfrommainstreamservice‐provisioninthesensethat

faith‐inspired individuals and organisations come to permanently ‘live amongst’

marginalised people and places, rather than physically serve from a distance. This

thesis seeks to address this lacuna in the literatureby critically assessing the faith‐

inspired praxis of ‘living amongst’, and developing a socio‐temporal and ethical

accountof‘incarnationalgeographies’.

DrawinguponethnographicresearchwithoneChristianincarnationalFBO,thisthesis

investigatesthehistoricaldevelopmentoftheFBOandtheexperienceandpracticesof

staff and volunteers who relocate to live in one particular socio‐economically

deprivedneighbourhoodofGreaterManchester.

Incontrasttoessentialistacademicaccountsoffaith‐praxisthatmightpresent‘living

amongst’aseithera formofself‐betterment(seeAllahyari,2000)orproselytisation

(seeWoods,2011), this thesisarguesthat ‘incarnationalgeographies’needtobere‐

read as complex, emergent and performative landscapes that often involve a

reconfigurationofpurposeandpraxisthroughproximateparticipation.

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Contents

Titlepage1 Acknowledgements2 Abstract3 Contents4 Figure5

1. Introduction6Theresurgenceofreligioninthepublicrealm8Geography’sorthodoxengagementswithreligion12Thesignificanceoffaith‐praxisinpublicwelfare15

2. Incarnationalgeographies?24Reengagingwiththemargins24Workingtowardsare‐readingof‘incarnationalgeographies’37

3. Researchingincarnationalgeographies51Beginnings51Embracingethnography59Fromamulti‐sitetoasite‐specificethnography69Eden/SA614UK,FittonHill,Oldham72Makinguseofmixedmethods77Positionalityandcriticality84Writingandrepresentingincarnationalgeographies95

4. Socio­temporallandscapesofincarnation98ThehistoryoftheEden‐networkandtheMessageTrust99Biographicinsightsintojoining,doingandleavingtheproject:109talesof‘livingamongst’.

5. Incarnationalgeographiesasethicallandscapes?156Pluggingthegapandcreatingaspaceofhospitality157Publicprovision,neoliberalismandpostsecularstirrings165Beyondwelfareprovision187

6. Conclusion221Keyresearchfindings221Criticalreflectionsonresearching‘incarnationalgeographies’227Futuredirections229

Appendix:231 References232

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Figures:1.1Tableofparticipants1111.2Shineyourlightcampaign 199

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Chapter1:Introduction

This first introductory chapter placesmy thesiswithin two contexts, one academic

andtheothersocietal.Beginningwithadiscussionoftheresurgenceofpublicreligion

inBritishsocietythischapterchartshowreligionhasonceagaincometotheforein

the public arena. This discussion takes two directions. Firstly it charts how the

multiculturalnatureof contemporaryBritainhas in certainwaysseenreligion take

centrestage,andsecondly, itcommentsonhowthehushedupvoiceofreligionhas

alsomadeitselfheardthroughbecomingembeddedinpublicwelfareandcare(Cloke

andBeaumont,2012).Itiswithinthissecondsocietalcontextthatmyoverallthesisis

situated.Thischapterthenturnsitsattentiontogeography’sresearchonreligionand

faithandthissecondsectionquestionsthedegreetowhichthedisciplinehasmade

adequatesenseofcontemporarypublicexpressionsofreligiousfaith.InthissectionI

arguethatgeographyhasoftenlimiteditsstudyofreligiontoanumberoforthodox

concerns,andthatasaconsequence,thestudyoffaith‐praxisinpublicwelfareisstill

underdeveloped. In the finalsectionof this introductorychapter I setout threekey

reasonswhygeographyneeds toattend ingreaterdetail to theplace,purpose, and

practice of faith‐praxis in public welfare. Broader afield I finish this section by

signposting towards a number of key voices in human geography and the social

sciencesthathaveratherimplicitlyinfluencedandshapedmythesis.Iconcludethis

introductorychapterwithabriefsummaryofthestructureof therestof thethesis.

BeforeallthisthoughitisnecessarytogiveabriefexplanationoftheFACITproject

and my role within it. Although this is further elaborated upon in the third most

methodological chapter I feel it is important that Iarticulatemyownstartingpoint

andthespecificcontextoutofwhichthisthesisemergedrightatthebeginning.

TheFACITproject

ThisPh.DprojectwouldnothavebeenembarkeduponwhereitnotforFACIT,apan‐

Europeanresearchproject thatprovidedthe funding frameworkthatenabledmeto

undertakemyownPh.Dresearch.

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The central aimof theFACITprojectwas to investigate thepresent role of FBOs in

tackling different forms of exclusion in urban contexts. The project was broadly

interested indiscerning the significanceofFBOs in thepolicyandpracticeofurban

social policy ‐ particularly in combating social exclusion and promoting social

cohesion ‐ and the institutional and political conditions under which FBOs have

become increasingpresent in urban social policy. It sought to analyse the extent to

whichFBOshavebeeninformedandareoperatinginthecontextofashadowstateas

partofawider retrenchmentof thewelfare states ‐whiledetermining thenetwork

andnatureofrelationsthathavedevelopedbothformallyandinformallywithother

NGOsandnationalandlocalpublicauthorities.

Toofferacross‐comparativeperspectiveonthesethemes,theFACITprojectbrought

togetherresearchteamsfromsevenEuropeancountries(Germany,Sweden,Belgium,

Spain,UK,TurkeyandtheNetherlands)toworkonaunifiedresearchagendaAspart

oftheUKteamIworkedincollaborationwithmyPh.DsupervisorPaulClokeandmy

postgraduatecolleagueAndrewWilliams.Ourworkinthisprojectwasbuiltaround

three stages. Focusing initially on a scoping exercise, we undertook desk research

withtheaimofmappingouttheinvolvementofnational‐levelFBOsintacklingsocial

exclusion(seeClokeetal,2009).Inthispieceofworkweoutlinedthebroadrangeof

FBO involvement in providing services, building capacity and politically advocating

on behalf of those socially excluded. This research detailed the activities of many

FBOs founded in different faiths. For the purpose of this research we framed our

investigationaroundsevendomains:AsylumSeekersandImmigration,Housingand

Homelessness, Poverty and Debt, Children and Youth, Elderly, Disability and

Community Regeneration. In the second and third stages of the project our work

focusedonnational and regional case studies.As a researchassistant in thesenext

two stages I was responsible for undertaking interviews, writing up reports and

producingwrittenoverviewsof thedifferentcasestudies. Inpractical terms formy

ownPh.Dresearch thesesecond twostagesprovidedmewithappleopportunity to

becomeembedded inmyownresearch topic‐moreon this in chapter three.Now I

want to turntothetwocontexts inwhichmythesis isnested:onesocietalandone

academic.

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Section1:Theresurgenceofreligioninthepublicrealm

“Thepublicresurgenceofreligionisclearlyoneofthedefiningfeaturesofthis

century, which has not continued the modernist and secularist trajectory

assumedduringthelaterhalfofthe20thCentury”

(Beaumont2010,7)

Religion hasmoved from themargins of society, bound away in privateworlds, to

once again show its face in the public realm. As Beaumont (2010) claims this re‐

emergence has been one of the defining features of contemporarywestern society,

disruptingthemodernistsecularimaginationthatenvisagedthecontinualdeclineof

religionretreating further into thebackwatersofprivate life.Theshiftingdynamics

thathaveseenreligionand faithbecomepublicmattersdonotpoint towardsade‐

secularisation of society, but towards a certain hybridity in the public arena

(BeaumontandBaker,2011)inwhichthehushedupvoiceofreligionhasresurfaced

indifferentways(ClokeandBeaumont,2012).

InBritain,religionandfaithhaveresurfacedinthepublicarenaintwomajorways.

Thefirst isboundupinthemulticulturalcharacterofcontemporaryBritishsociety,

whilethesecondisencapsulatedinthewaytheservice‐basedarmofreligionhasre‐

positionedreligioninwaysthatseeitasholdingacentralpositioninpublicwelfare

landscapes.

In the first instance, increased global mobility has resulted in large changes to

Britain’s demographic composition; this has led in turn to an increase in different

cultures and religious faiths in Britain (Kong 2010). Significantly these successive

wavesofglobal immigrationhavemeantnewreligiousdynamicsandenergieshave

beenbought topublic andpolitical life (Beaumont andBaker, 2011.)As a result of

thesedynamicstheapparentprevioushegemonyofChristianityhasbeenreplacedby

apluralityof religious faiths (Clokeet al, 2008).Under this guise religionhasbeen

propelled into the public spotlight by particular geopolitical events and media‐

orientated discourses, while state led responses to these events and changing

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dynamicshavealso seen religionbecomea focusof local andnational government,

usheredintothepublicarenathroughcertaingovernmentinitiatives.

The rupture and resonance of various acts of ‘religious extremism’ have forced

religionintothemainstreamofpublicdiscussion.Thishassculptedmediaportrayals

of ‘other’ religions into particular cast types, and yet at the same time, these faith‐

motivatedeventshaveunderlinedtheactualandpotentialramificationsofextremist

religious participation in politics of protest and resistance (Cloke et al, 2008). The

‘9/11’ event across the Atlantic and the domestic ‘7/7’ event have somewhat

furrowedthepresenceofreligion inthepublicsphere intothediscourseof ‘threat’,

emphasizing religion’s hand in perceived geo‐political conflict. Added to this is the

political debate that has centered on different understandings of multiculturalism,

religiousfreedomandcivicbehavior(seeModood,2005;2007;Abbas,2005).

Inanattempt to respond to theseshiftingdynamicsandemergentevents, state led

initiatives have further enrolled religion into the public arena. Contributing factors

have been the stream of counterterrorism measures and the repeated attempt to

incorporate different ethic and religious minority groups around the public table

(Dinham, 2009:Dinham et al, 2009). Home Office initiatives such as Prevent (see

Thomas, 2009), launched in 2007 to gather intelligence and address the causes of

‘radicalisation’, make it clear that the state is actively seeking to bring religious

communities to the public table to increase public security (Dinham et al, 2009).

While‘newpoliticalideasareseekingtobringaboutanovert/metaphysicalreligious

pluralisminpubliclivesoastoforgea‘positiveengagement’outofthemulticultural

pluralityofcontemporarylife’(Connolly1999:185).Inthisveintheincorporationof

different faith groups around the political table has also been part of a strategic

positioning in response to the race riotsof2001,whichunder thebannerof ‘social

cohesion’,aimstoincludemarginalreligiouscommunities(seeClokeetal,2008).

Inthesecondinstance,thatoftheservice‐basedarmofreligion,itisclearthatfaith‐

basedorganisationsandfaith‐motivatedindividualsappeartohaveonceagaintaken

upakeypositionasprovidersinpublicwelfare.

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The strippingdownof thewelfare state and the shapeof contemporaryneoliberal

governancehasprovidedopportunitiesforsomethingofaresurgenceoffaith‐based

activity in the public sphere (Cloke and Beaumont, 2012). While neoliberalism

appears to be everywhere it is clearly distinctive in different nation states, best

viewed as embedded and contextual, shaping national, regional and local contexts

differently (Brenner and Theodore, 2002). This said, however the linchpin of

neoliberal ideologyhasclearlyalwaysbeenthatopen,competitive,andunregulated

markets, liberated from state intervention, represent themechanism for economic

development.Overviewingthepastfortyyearshoweverthehistoryofneoliberalism

hashadseveraldistinctstages.Themostrecentofthesehasledtothereappearance

ofreligioninthepublicarenaasaproviderofwelfareservices.

Protoneoliberalism of the 1970s was given a robust and definite shape under

ThatcherandRegan in the1980s. Itwas inhere that free trade, flexible labourand

active individualism became common place in politics (Peck and Tickell, 2002).

Thatcherism and Reganism represented particularly aggressive programs of

economic restructuring that have since been labelled ‘roll back’ forms of

neoliberalism (Peck andTickell, 2002).The implementationof thesepolicies led to

therollingbackofthewelfaresafetynetandthehollowingoutofthewelfarestatein

both Britain and the USA (Jessop, 2002). Comparatively, more moderate forms of

neoliberalism were being mobilised during the same period in traditionally social

democraticandsocialChristiandemocraticstatessuchasCanada,NewZealandand

the Netherlands (see Brenner and Theodore, 2002). With New Labour taking to

governmentinthe1990sneoliberalismtookonamorecomplexshapethatledtothe

contemporary circumstances in which Faith‐based organizations (hereafter FBOs)

findthemselvesinvitedtodeliverpublicservices.Newdiscoursesofwelfarereform

andnewinstitutionalarrangementshaveemergedthathaveledtotherollingoutof

publicwelfareresponsibilitieswithprivateandvoluntarysectorpartners.Thisshift

towardsamoresocially interventionistagendahas ledtoadecentralisedstatewith

manydifferentactorsanddeliversofwelfare.Itiswithinthislandscapeofdevolved

responsibilitythatmanyFBOsnowfindtheopportunitytodeliverpublicwelfare.

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The significance of FBOs in contributing towards contemporarywelfare landscapes

hasbeenpickedupinvariouswaysbyacademics.thisisreflectedinspecialissuesof

TijdschriftvoorEconomischeenSocialeGeografie(seeBeaumont,2008a)andUrban

studies (seeBeaumont, 2008b), and in a seriesof essays editedbyBackstromet al

(2010,2011),Molendijketal(2010),BakerandBeaumont(2011)andWoodheadand

Catto(2012).AccordingtoClokeandBeaumont(2012)academicrecognitionofthis

resurgenceofpublic faithhasbroadly taken fourmajor avenues. Firstly, academics

have emphasized the place of religious faith in the endurance of community

mobilizationinboththenorthernandsouthernhemisphere.Onesuchexampleofthis

in the context of the Global south is thework of Davis (2007) that has ‘spurred a

newlyemergentfocuswithinurbanstudiesonreligiousorganizationsinslumareas’

(Beaumont, 2008, 378). Secondly, social policy debates have traced the role and

impact of FBOs in secular political and welfare issues over the last two decades,

elaborating how social, religious, and spiritual capital, are made available to local

communities,boughttothetablebyfaithinvolvement(seeBakerandSkinner2006;

Dinhametal2009).

Within this second context however, social policy literatures have also shown that

religious welfare provision goes beyond the mixed economy and the utilization of

faith based capital to challengemainstream social policy thinking by givingmore

relativeimportancetoethicalissuessuchasself‐knowledgeandmorality(seeJawad,

2012).And researchbyBaker (2012)hashighlighted that shifts ingovernanceand

the recent introductionofBigSocietydiscourseby the coalitiongovernmenthas in

fact continued a postsecular relationship between faith groups and government. In

the recentwritings of a number of social policy academics it is such a postsecular

relationshipbetweenpeopleof faithandgovernment thatpartof thealternative to

theharshrealitiesofneoliberalismmightbeconfigured.Dinham(2012)forexample

has most recently articulated this alternative by arguing that faith based people

should be seen as community solidaritists over and above viewing them as social

capitalists.His argument is underpinnedby thebelief that faithbased social action

arises out of relationships in communities. In comparison to the concept of social

capital,whichDinhambelievesonly leads toanarrowunderstandingof faith‐based

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involvementinpublicwelfare,thisrelationallyconcievedalternativeleavesroomfor

a much richer understanding of faith based involment in public welfare, a

conceptualisationthatchimesheavilywiththeethnographicarguementdevelopedin

thesubsequentchaptersofmythesis.

Thirdly,ClokeandBeaumont(2012)statethatacademicshavealsohighlightedhow

FBOsarefrequentpartnersinprogressiveandneo‐Alinskystylemulti‐organisational

coalitionsworking to combatpoverty andalleviate inequality indifferent countries

(seeBeaumontandNicholls,2007)and,fourthly,therehasbeenarecentinterestinto

therangeoftheologicalperspectivesthatisreflectedinfaithbasedaction(seeCloke,

2010). Inadditionto these fourstandsofsignificance, itshouldbeemphasisedthat

FBOs are significant at different scales andwith different functions. This point has

beenexemplifiedinthefindingsoftheEU7thframeworkFACITproject,whichinthe

context of the UK research, has shown how faith involvement extends through

capacitybuilding,politicaladvocacyandwelfareprovisionfunctions(SeeBeaumont

andCloke,2012;Clokeetal,2008).However,eventhoughtherehasbeenadramatic

increaseinresearchonreligionoverthelastdecade,thedisciplineofGeographyhas

onlyrecentlybeguntocometotermswiththepublicplaceofreligioninactsofcare

andwelfare(Beaumont,2008).Muchofthisisduetotheorthodoxmannerinwhich

religionhasbeenresearchedinthediscipline.

Section2:Geography’sorthodoxengagementswithreligion

Geography’s orthodox engagement with religion has focused on the politics and

poetics of religious place, community and identities (see Kong, 2001). In the first

instancethisorthodoxapproachhasledtolotsofresearchonreligioussites,‘sacred’

spacesandpilgrimages(seeKong,2001).Inthesecond,ithasalsomeantthatawhole

remitofworkhasdevelopedthatcriticallyexaminesthemultifaithandmulticultural

natureofWesternsociety(seeAitchisonetal,2008)

Studying religious sites, sacred spaces and pilgrimages, much of this research has

focusedonthepoliticalcontestationof‘sacred’or‘religious’spaces,andthroughthis

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work geographers have analysed the spatial conflict and power struggles between

religious‐religiousandsecular‐religiousrelations(seeKong2001).Insomecasesthis

researchhasexaminedhowmulticulturalandreligiousunderstandingsofsacredsites

clashwithcapitalistand‘rational’urbanplanninglogics(seeKong,1993a;1993b)and

muchofthisworkhasfocusedonthereligiousbuiltenvironment(SeeZelinsky2001;

Dunn, 2005). Additionally others have examined the institutionalization and

nationalizationof religion and its effects on classically ‘sacred spaces’ likeBuddhist

temples(seePhilipandMercer,1999),andsemi‐religiousspaceslikereligiousschools

(see Dwyer and Myer, 1995; 1996). Examining pilgrimage routes, geography of

religion scholars have investigated the contested nature of official and unofficial

pilgrimageroutes(seeforexampleMurrayandGraham,1997).

StudyingthemulticulturalandmultifaithnatureofWesternsociety,alargeswatheof

this research has been undertaken into ethnic minorities and associated religions,

while other geographers have turned to consider the increasing emergence of

alternative spiritualities (Holloway, 2003; 2006). A large proportion of research

focusing in on ethnic minorities has emanated from social geography and this

researchreflectsmanyofgeographyofreligion’sorthodoxconcernsasithasfocused

onpoliticsandpoeticsofparticularspaces(seeNaylorandRyan,1998),religiousand

ethnicidentitiesandthecontestednatureofthesereligiouscommunities(seeDwyer,

1998;HopkinsandGale,2009).Inmanycasesthisworkhasbeenunderthebannerof

geographies of Islam (see for example Falah and Nagel 2005) and an expansive

currentofthisworkhasbeenentirelyfocusedontheidentityconstructionofMuslim

youth (Kong 2010), both female (see Dwyer 1999a, 1999b, 1999c, 2000) andmale

(seeHopkins,2004;2006;2007).

Geographyofreligion’sorthodoxfocusonsacredspacesandsacredpracticesandits

morerecentextendedattempttotakeaccountoftheincreasingmulticulturalnature

ofBritishsocietyhasfurtheredGeographyinseveralways.Importantlythisresearch

has spatially grounded the contestations between religions and between religious‐

seculardifferences,andithasalsoillustratedhowthepoliticsoftheseinterrelations

are played out across, and in, particular ‘sacred’ spaces. Secondly, the extensive

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researchintominorityreligionsandminorityidentitieshasboughttotheforeawhole

collection of ‘other’ voices. This orthodox approach has meant however that the

examination of religion in geography has tended to be constructed as something

spatiallyconfinedtocertainspacesandpracticesandthisconfinementhaspotentially

sidelined the development of how religion is also re‐emerging in the public arena

throughserviceactsembeddedinsocietalwelfareandcare.Thisisillustrativeinthe

advancesgeographyofreligionhasmadeoverthelastdecade.

‘New’geographiesofreligion

ReviewingtheprogressoverthelastdecadeLilyKong(2010)reportsthattherehas

beenadramatic increase intheabundanceofgeography’sresearchonreligion.This

increasehaspickeduponmanyof thegapsshehighlighted in thesubdiscipline ten

years earlier (see Kong 2001). In her recent review it is clear that research now

extends to many different sites of religious practice and that theses include the

unofficiallysacred,including:museums(seeKong,2005)mediaspaces(Kong,2006),

street scapes (see Ismail, 2006; Jones, 2006; Kong 2008) and financial praxis (see

Pollard and Samers, 2007). Research by geographers has also attended to different

sensuous geographies (see Holloway; 2003; 2006), the different constituents of

populations(seeDwyer,2008;Hopkins,2008),differentreligions(seeAitchisonetal,

2008) and different geographic scales (see Kong, 2010). Notable however is that

research into the place and significance of religion in public welfare and care still

remainsremarkablysparse.

Examininghowgeographyisbeginningtomakesenseofanumberofglobalshifts,one

ofwhichbeingthe increase inurbanizationandsocial inequality,LilyKong’sreview

makesnoteof the recent contributiongeographershavemade to researchon faith‐

basedorganisations(FBOs)andexclusion inEuropeancities(seeClokeetal,2012).

However, similar to thecommentsmadebyBeaumont (2008) it is clear thatbefore

the recent work of Cloke et al (2012), geographical research into the public

involvement of faith motivated people and organizations was particularly slim,

appearingonlyas ‘standaloneexamples’ (Beaumont,2008,377).Takingaccountof

15

boththese‘standaloneexamples’andthecollectiveworkofClokeetal(2012)thereis

still a remarkable disparity between the significance of this phenomenon and the

quantityanddepthofgeographicalresearch.EventhoughrecentresearchbyClokeet

al (2012) has highlighted the involvement of FBOs and faith‐motivated individuals

across different welfare sectors and at different scales, there are still many

unexploredavenues.AsLilyKong(2010,12)argues:

“muchdetailedworkremainstobedoneregardingfaithbasedorganizations

in specific contexts, suchas: theways inwhich sociopolitical environments

shape the development of FBOs; the specific nature of and impetuses for

FBOs indifferentsettings; therelativesuccess inbringingaboutchanges in

urbansocial justice;andthefactorsthatlimitoraidtheirsuccess, including

theinternalandexternaldynamicrelationshipsofFBOs.”

Section3:Thesignificanceoffaith­praxisinpublicwelfare

In this final section of the chapter I argue why geography’s understanding of the

place, purpose and practice of religion and faith in public acts ofwelfare and care

needstobebothdeepenedandextended. Iarguethattherearethreemainreasons

why thismustoccur: firstly,because faith‐praxis isoftenmotivatedandshapedby

particular theo‐ethics, secondly, because faith‐praxis is a very real and embedded

phenomena in contemporary welfare landscapes, and thirdly, because the

engagement of faith‐motivated people in contemporary acts of welfare and care

provides an important insight into the place of faith‐praxis in relation to emerging

postsecularstirrings.

i)Faith­praxisandtheo­ethicsFaith‐inspired public expressions of welfare and care need to be given greater

academic attention because the involvement of faith‐motivated individuals and

organizationsinpublicwelfareisoftenunderpinnedbycertaintheologicalethicsthat

prompt and form public faith‐praxis in particular ways. The importance of paying

16

attention to these particularities is that itwill bring greater clarity as towhy faith‐

motivated people and organizations are involved in public care andwelfare. Itwill

also enable a more discerned understanding of how people of faith are publicly

involved. Understanding both these facets will enable the particularities of faith‐

inspired and structured praxis to speak back to the discipline of geography

(Yorgason, 2009). There are two important strands of theo‐ethics that need to be

givenmoreroomtospeakbacktogeography.

Thefirststrandisdiscursive.Theo‐ethicsareoftenderivedfromparticulartheological

narrativesandthesetheologicalnarrativeselicitcertaintheologicalvaluesandinform

ethicaldecision‐makinginparticularways.Understandinghowdifferentreligionsand

faiths draw upon theological narrative as they are enrolled into publicwelfare and

carewillallowgeographytoengagemoredeeplywiththetheologicalunderpinnings

ofbelief(Kong,2010).

InthecaseofChristianityaloneforexample,theo‐ethicsdrawonparticularscriptural

narratives. Whether this is to ‘love your neighbour’ (Mark 12:31), to forgive and

‘embrace’differentandperhapsdespisedothers(seeVolf,1996),orinthecontextof

post‐Christendom,toembodyan‘exiled’lifestylethatrejectsindividualismandgreed

(seeFrost,2006),theologicalnarrativesareusedtoencourageandpromptpeopleof

faithtoundertakecertainactsandtodevelopparticularcharactertraits.Increasingly

peopleoffaithhaveleantonamixoftraditionandimmanenceintheformofvirtue

ethics,andvirtuousactionshavebeenvalorisedasbothagoal toaspire toandasa

habit to be acquired (Cloke, 2010). Therefore as well as it being important to

understandhowdiscursivetheo‐ethicsencourageandpromptparticularaction, it is

also important to understand howdiscursive theo‐ethics shape particular agents in

publicactsofwelfareandcare.

Thesecondstrandrelatesdirectly to thenatureof faithandreligion inandof itself.

Religion and faith draw not only on the ‘real’, they draw on the ineffable. Faith‐

practice is not only prompted and structuredby the discursive but also by the less

discursive. Faith, spirituality and religion offerswhat Caputo terms the ‘hyper‐real’

17

(2001:91) a ‘reality beyond the visible, making available that which eluded the

narrow‐minded idea of what was possible within modernity’ (Cloke, 2010, 231).

Reaching for this ‘realitybeyondthevisible’drawsuponexperienceandemotionas

wellasreason,anditdrawsuponspiritualdispositionstoevokeaconsciousnessthat

is alternative to the consciousness and perception of dominant culture (see Cloke

2010).Thiswayofperceivingandengagingwiththe‘hyper‐real’canleadtoparticular

theo‐ethicalsensibilities.

ii)Faith­praxisasarealandembeddedpublicphenomenon

Thescopeoffaith‐inspiredinvolvementinpublicactsofcareandwelfareisbothvast

andcomplexandacrosstheUKbothlocallyandnationallyfaith‐praxisisoftenatthe

forefrontofcertainwelfaresectors(seeClokeetal,2008).

Research by Cloke et al (2010) for example gives an insightful indication of how

embeddedpeopleoffaithandtheirnetworksareintheprovisionofcareandsupport

for the homeless population of Bristol. This research found that churches remain

fertile recruitingground forvolunteers,and that faith‐networkscontinue to initiate,

encourage, valorize, and even organise, individual and group involvement in the

provision of homeless people. Furthermore this researchmade note of the place of

homelessservicesasdevicesforthefulfillmentofactiveChristianservice(Ibid,2010).

Similarly,theresearchofBarnettetal(2010)hashighlightedhowpeopleoffaithand

faith‐networksaresignificantlyenrolled into localspacesofethicalconsumption.As

supporters rather than as consumers these people of faith are enrolled through

interpersonalties,embeddedinspacesofsocialinteractionsuchaschurches,schools

or work places. On a wider scale across Britain, faith‐networks, organizations and

individuals appear to hold key roles in other sectors of provision and protest. The

Christian FBO theTrussel Trust has facilitated the franchise of over 150 foodbanks

across the UK (see Lambie, 2011) and the Salvation Army is in its second year of

delivering the public contract to care and support for victims of human trafficking.

While the history of the international ‘drop the debt’ campaign, Jubilee, provides

evidence that faith‐networks provide a key role in the actual birth of many

18

contemporaryinitiativescampaigningagainstdebtandglobalpoverty(seeDentetal,

1999).

iii)Faith­praxisasaco­constituentofthepostsecularFaith‐praxis in the arena of public welfare and care is one part‐constituent of the

postsecular.Whereaspreviouslyrigidlinesweredrawnuptodemarcatethesecular

and the religious now instead new relations of possibility are emerging (Beaumont

andBaker,2011).Therefore,whilefaith‐praxisisarguablyimportantinitsownright:

asbothpraxis that ismotivatedbyparticular theo‐ethics,andasphenomena that is

publicallyresurgentinsociety,thebroadersignificanceoffaith‐praxisisthatitoften

performedandnegotiatedamongstamixofdifferentpositionalities.Theinvolvement

ofpeopleoffaithinactsofwelfareandcareistakingplacealongsideactorswhohold

different identities, motivations and ideological standpoints. Returning to the

examplesoffairtrade,debtcampaigningandprovisionforthehomelessforexample,

itisevidentthatthisisthecasewithinallthreeofthesesectors.

TheresearchofClokeetal(2010)intohomelessprovisionacrossBristolfoundthatin

almostallcasestherewasamixingofdifferentfaith,religious,politicalandideological

motivationsamongorganizer’sstaffandvolunteers.AtnightsheltersacrosstheCitya

mixofstudents,churchgroupsandarangeofothervolunteersworkedtogethertodo

something practical for homeless people (see Cloke, 2011.)While similarly in local

fair‐trade initiatives a similar combination of theological, ethical and political

differencescoalesced(seeBarnettelal,2010).Insomeinstancesaswelltherebeing

evidence of a mutual point of engagement between differently motivated people,

sometimes people of faith are responsible for initiating particular campaigns and

servicesthatthengoontoreceivewidertakeupbybroadersociety.Thiswasthecase

withtheJubileecampaign.

The Jubilee campaign drew on Old Testament narrative to foreground an idea of

presentdaydebtremissionincontemporaryglobalaffairs.Primarilysupportedbythe

Christian faith network across the UK this campaign soon incorporated a host of

organizations and affiliated activists drawn from secular and non‐Christian faith

19

networks, growingat itspeak to incorporate60different countries. Reframednow

under Jubilee‐plus, the Jubilee campaign continues and has developed a multifaith

projecttolinklocal,nationalandinternationaleffortstoencouragepeopleoffaithto

engagewithcombatingandcampaigningagainstpoverty(seeDentetal,1999).

Steppingbackfromthesethreeexamplesandreflectingmorebroadlyonpostsecular

possibilities, faithpraxisneedsfurtherinvestigationbecauseas it isaco‐constituent

ofthepostsecular,furtherresearchintotheplace,purposeandpracticeoffaith‐praxis

willhighlightandextendnotonlythepositionandplaceoffaith‐praxisbutwhatand

howsuchpraxisplaysapartinpostsecularsociety.Understandingfaith‐praxisaspart

of these broader postsecular stirrings will therefore further geography’s

understandingofhowthepostsecular isspacedandplacedaswellas theparticular

contributionfaith‐praxismakestothisrapprochement(seeCloke,2010).

TakingnoteofthesethreeprovocationsandthecallofLilyKong(2010)toattendin

much more detail to FBOs in different contexts this thesis critically explores one

particular avenue of Christian faith‐praxis in socio‐economically deprived

neighbourhoods.Haunting this critical exploration however is a number of broader

geographic sub‐fields, particularly Marxism, Feminism and Post‐Colonialism. While

thesethreesetsofliteraturesarenotmadecategoricallyexplicitinthethesistheyare

implicit in its formulation.The implicitnatureof their influence rises to the surface

fromtimetotimethroughoutthethesis,howeverbecauseat theheartof this thesis

liesanethnography,thethesisisintentionallywrittenasa‘theorylight’thesis.There

is however a number of Marxist, Feminist and Post colonial themes/voices that

resonatewiththequestionsraised,thecontentandthematicstructureofthisthesis.

From a post colonial/ feminist perspective much that is implicit within this thesis

centersonnotionsofselfandother.Conceptsofrepresentation,powerandpractice,

as broad and as fluid as they arewithin post colonial and feminist debates, all are

formativetothedirectionthisthesistakes,particularlyintheproductionofresearch

questions inchapter two,and in thepiecemealconceptual framework that isdrawn

upon inchapter four toanalyse therelationsandencountersbetweenChristian‐self

andmarginalother.Likesomanygeographersinterestedintheintersectionbetween

20

ethicsandsocialandeconomicinequalitymyintellectualstartingpointhasbeenthose

voicesthat locateandanalysepowerintheimmediacyandprimacyofanencounter

withdifference. Insuchlightmyworkhasbeenimplicitly influencedbytheworkof

SarahAhmed(2000),EdwardSaid(1978)andMirosalfVolf(1994).

WhileasanundergraduatestudenttheworkofEdwardSaid(1978)introducedmeto

thestarkrealitythatnotionsofselfandotherareinseparableandbestunderstoodas

mutually constitutive of one another. I am indepted to Sarah Ahmed (2000) for

introducingmetothecomplexwayinwhich ‘strangers’and‘others’areconstructed

through fetishism with difference. Lastly the work of the theologian Mirosalf Volf

(1994) tookmebysurpriseandhas influencedmedeeplyeversince I firstreadhis

work. His examination of the forces that bring us together and hold us apart have

enabledmetobegintomakesenseofhow,theologicallyspeakingatleast,thehuman

selfmightreconcileitselftoanotherincontextsofpersistingenmity.

Secondly, two particular Marxist geographers haunt the questions and the critique

that has been developed throughout this thesis. DoreenMassey and David Harvey,

twointellectualgiantsinHumanGeographyimplicitlyhauntthisethnographicwork.

While deeply implicit in the actualwritten piece there is the occasional glimmer of

suggestionthatthisthesisowesthemadebt,nonemoresothanmyuseofthephrases

marginalandmarginal‐other.BothHarveyandMasseyhavesoeloquentlyarguedthat

thedynamicnatureofcapitalismreworksspaceandproducesnewconfigurationsof

uneven spatial development. Both have been influential in training me to turn my

attention to how the built environment is continually re‐shaped and reworked by

socialrelationsthatstructuretheshiftingandmutatingbeastwecallcapitalism.Both

have been influential in helping me to understand how the shifting processes of

capitalaccumulationleavesomeplaces,territoriesandscalesprivilegedoverothers.

TheworkofHarvey(see2010)hasledmetounderstandthatspace,place,cultureand

socialrelationsaredramaticallyshapedbythevolatilityofcapitalaccumulationand

theseflowacrossandconnecttheglobal,nationalandlocal.WhiletheworkofMassey

has shownme that most importantly places are places of social relations and that

space/placeisaproductofandisimbuedwithsocialpower.Whilemuchofherwork

21

on late capitalism and the built environment articulates the negative effect of

capitalist social processes (seeMassey, 2000), the broader philosophical points she

makesIfindextremelyhopeful,andthesepointsimplicitlyunderpinmyworkintothe

natureanddynamicsof‘incarnationalgeographies’inthisthesis.LikeDoreenMassey

(2005) I am convicted that space is the product of interrelations; that it has the

potentialtobeunderstoodasacapableofmultiplerealitiesandthatitisalwaysunder

construction. There‐readingthisthesismakesisimplicitlydependentuponsuchan

alternative spatial outlook and this is implicit in the rest of the thesis which is

structuredasfollows:

Chapter 2 outlines and critically interrogates the Christian faith‐praxis under in

investigationinthisthesis.Itexploresthetheologicalandculturalcontextthathasled

to the contemporary uptake of ‘incarnational living’ in socio‐economic areas and

outlines how such faith‐inspired praxis of ‘living amongst’ is being embraced by:

individuals, groups of faith‐inspired individuals, and Christian faith based

organizations. Critically examining two normative interpretations I argue that

‘incarnational geographies’ need to be carefully re‐read with attention to certain

nuancesandcomplexities.Likeallfouroftheconceptsthatemergefromthisthesisan

understanding of the concept ‘incarnational geographies is develop as the thesis

progresses. It is introduced in this secondchapterand then fleshedout through the

fourthandfifthethnographicchapters.

Chapter 3 charts the development of the research and critically explores both the

practicalitiesandissuesthatemergedwhilstplanningandundertakingtheresearch.

It critically examineswhy I adopted an ethnographic approach, introduces the case

studyattheheartoftheethnographicenquiryandengageswithanumberofcritical

issues concerning both positionality and writing and representing ‘incarnational

geographies’.

Chapter4isthefirstoftwosubstantiveempiricalchaptersanditcriticallyexamines

‘incarnational geographies’ through a socio‐temporal lens.This chapter furthers the

re‐readingsetoutinchaptertwobyexploringthedynamicnatureof‘livingamongst’.

22

Tracing the historical development of the Message Trust and the Eden‐network it

critically analyses the changing structure, vision and theologies embedded in the

organisation’spractice.Drawingontheexperienceofvolunteersandstaffwithinthe

Eden/614UK case study this chapter examineswhypeople joined theproject,what

their experiences of doing the project were, and why in some cases people left.

Examiningpractitionersactualexperiencesof‘livingamongst’helpstobuildacritical

examination of the motivations that trigger involvement, the practicalities,

imaginariesandfeelingscaughtupinactuallydoingtheproject,aswellasexamining

the changing expectations and understandings of rational for self‐involvement.

Critically examining these biographic narratives of joining, doing and leaving also

opensupanappreciationofhowthesepracticed landscapesareoftencharacterized

byother‐orientatedpracticesandnotionsofcare.Inthisfourthchaptertheconceptof

‘socio‐temporal landscapes’ isusedtoarticulatehow ‘incarnationalgeographies’are

contingentupontheformationofnewsocialrelationsbetweenselfandotherandhow

suchrelationsareenrichedandreformulatedinandthroughpraxisovertime,while

theconceptof‘re‐enchantment’isusedtoarticulatetheimpactsuchencountershave

on motivating ethical behavior, to and for the sake of marginal others. Like other

thesis specific concepts these two concepts are given shape as the argument

progressesthroughthechapter.

Chapter 5 is the second substantive empirical chapter and it critically examines

‘incarnational geographies’ through an ethical lens. This chapter furthers the re‐

readingsetoutinchaptertwobyexaminingtheinvolvementofvolunteersandstaffof

Eden/SA614UK in the local community. Itquestionshowthis involvementmightbe

consideredasco‐constitutiveofanethicallandscapebyattendingtotheinvolvement

ofstaffandvolunteersofEden/SA614UKinandbeyondvoluntaryandpublicwelfare

provision. In this final ethnographic chapter I give substance to the concept of

‘progressive post secular partnerships’ by focusing on the everyday mutual

partnershipbetweensecularandreligiouspeopleinlocalpublicsectorspaces.Imark

them out as progressive due to their ability to synergize effort for the sake of

marginalizedothers.

23

Chapter 6 concludes the thesis by laying out the significant contribution of the

researchfindingstotheoverallargumentofthisthesisbeforecriticallyreflectingon

methodology and suggesting how this research could be expanded upon and taken

furtherinthefuture.

24

Chapter2:Incarnationalgeographies

In the previous introductory chapter I explored how religion and faith have

resurfaced in thepublicarena in theUK:rising inprominencedueto the increasing

multiculturalcontextofthenationandstandingoutbecauseoftheresurgenceofthe

service‐basedarmofreligion.Iexplainedthattheresurgenceoftheservice‐basedarm

ofreligionisthebroadsocietalcontextwithinwhichmythesisisnestedandIargued

that geographyhasyet to fully come to termswith thispublicphenomenon. In this

secondchapterIbuilduponthisargumentbyexaminingindepthoneparticulararena

of Christian faith‐inspired action taking place in socio‐economically deprived areas.

ThispubliccontemporaryexpressionofChristianityistheempiricalandinvestigative

focus of this thesis. This review makes up the first section of this chapter and it

critically engageswith thedual impetusdriving this formof faith‐inspiredpraxis: a

discontentmentwithcontemporarychurchpraxisand theological inspirationdrawn

fromthe incarnationof JesusChrist. In thesecondsectionof thischapter Icritically

reviewtwonormativecriticalinterpretationsofthistypeoffaith‐inspiredactionandI

arguethatthisparticularfaith‐praxisanditsgeographiesneedstobecarefullyre‐read

with attention to certainnuances and complexities.Questioning anddeconstructing

thesenormativeinterpretationsopensupaseriesofanalyticalthemesthatarelater

appliedtomyethnographiccasestudy.

Section1:Reengagingwiththemarginsand‘livingamongst’

While most Faith‐based organisations (FBOs) establish an organisational presence

among the socio‐economically marginalised people, there has been a recent move

towardsapersonalhabitualpresenceamongstpeoplelivinginpoverty(Cloke,2010).

Thisfaith‐motivatedpraxisinvolveschoosingtolivein‐amongsttheexcluded,serving

asacloseneighbourratherthanasavolunteer,orworker,whovocationallybreezes

inandoutoftheseareas.

‘Livingamongst’isnotsolelytheambitoffaith‐basedpractitionersanditisimportant

25

toacknowledgethatthereareexamplesofpeoplewhoaredrivenbysecularimpulses

to ‘live amongst’. Examples can be drawn from across a number of different public

sector professions. Doctors, community organisers and social workers sometimes

intentionally choose to practice their profession in areas of socio‐economic

deprivation. In the medical profession these doctors stand out as ‘exceptional

individuals’wishingtohelpcounterthe‘inversecarelaw’(Hastingsetal,2001)while

insocialworkthoseconcerneddosooutofanadherencetoamoreradicaltakeupof

a profession becoming increasingly inhibited by professionalisation and

managerialism that draws practitioners away from a truly community‐based

approach to care (See Baldwin, 2008). This said, in the UK the phenomena of

intentionally choosing to relocate to live within a socio‐economically deprived

neighbourhoodappears tobea faith‐inspiredpraxis.Thesepracticesareoftenborn

outofacriticaldissidencewiththewayfaithisoften(not)translatedintoactionand

isat timesphysicallydistant from ‘nearly forgottenplaces’ (Thompson,2010).They

arealsosymptomaticofagrowingambivalencewiththeengrainednormativewayof

practicingChristian‘mission’underthefastfadingestablishedorderofChristendom

(seeMurray,2004).

CritiquingChristianChurch

ManycriticalquestionshavebeenaskedofhowtheChristianfaithshouldbepracticed

inlightofsocial,economicalandpoliticalneedsofurbancommunities.Agoodnumber

ofthesecriticismshavebeenfromoutsidefaithnetworks(seeAllahyari,2000),while

others have emanated from within (see Frost, 2006). Recently there has been a

growing reflexive critique within elements of the Western Church over how the

churchrelatesto‘thepoor’(seeBishop,2007;Claibourne,2006;Wilson,2005;Myers,

2011). Particular faith‐practitioners have questioned how urban Christian faith

communitiesandFBOsshouldbestructured,wheretheyshouldbeplaced,andwhat

values should be central (see Frost, 2006; Graham and Lowe, 2009). To provide

greatercontextandtoelicitsomeofthepassionthatdrivestheformsofpraxisatthe

centreofdiscussioninthisthesisitisappropriatetodwelluponthiscritique.Inthis

instance, I will consider the critical contribution of Gary Bishop, a faith‐based

26

practitionerworkingfortheSalvationArmyintheUK.

The critique by Bishop (2007), in his bookDarkest England and the Way Back In,

suggests a two‐fold contradiction inwhat theChristian faith sooftenupholds as its

centralnarratives.Inthecontextofhisowndenominationalmovement,theSalvation

Army,hewritesthatwhathasemergedisbothaphysicaldistancebetweenchurches

and themarginalised, and a particularway of engagingwith themarginalised; one

that is temporary andmediated through organisational and project‐based contexts.

Bishop explains that the physical distance between the ‘Western Church’ and ‘the

poor’ has been exacerbated by the increasing wealth of those who practice

Christianity. He highlights how the Salvation Army has grown from a 19th century

movement to a 21st century respectable organisation, broadly being subject to an

upward shift in socio‐economic terms. The gulf between the Church and the

marginalised has been further emphasised by the geographical relocation of many

new larger church congregations into out‐of‐town or industrial warehouses (see

Connell,2005;Warfetal,2010)andthe locationofmanyFBOandchurchbuildings

ontothefringesofprimespaceawayfrommajorgeographicpocketsofdeprivation.

ForBishoptheeffectof thesechangeshasbeen forChristiancongregationstoenter

intoareasofdeprivationinabreeze‐in/breeze‐outfashion,shapingthewayinwhich

they relate to marginal‐others. In one sense charity has become the Church’s

mediator,whileinanothersensephysicaldistancehasbecomeitscomfort.

TheactoffinancialgivinghasbeenoneofthewaysinwhichtheWesternChurchhas

ethicallyexpresseditsdesiretohelpout,butasSlavojZizek(2010)makesthepoint

with regards to the idea of ‘conscious consumerism’ and what he calls ‘cultural

capitalism’, charity isnot the finalanswer toanunjust systemorunjustnetworkof

socialrelations.Attheirbesttheseformsofcharityareanimprovement,andattheir

worst,theyareadisplayofguilt:usingcharityasameansofperhapsputtingatbay

larger efforts to create radically alternative ways of living in relation to others.

Charity,onfirstinspectionappearstobeextremelyadmirablebut,accordingtoZizek,

oncloserinspection,charityperpetuatesahypocriticalsystem.AlthoughIamnotsure

ifIfullysupportZizekinthisview,suchaspiritofskepticismisworthexploringinthe

27

contextofChristian‘charity’foramomentlonger.

Togetanideaofhowcharitymightactasamediatorbetweenaperson,churchand

marginal, perhaps, disempowered others, Zizek’s mode of criticism‐ albeit

undervaluing what good is actually being worked out through the work of these

charities and those who support them with their time and money‐ highlights

something of the same spirit that lies behind Bishop’s faith‐based critique.

International faith‐based child sponsorship schemes (see Yeun, 2011) linking

developed countrydonorswith less developed country receivers, continue to grow,

and domestically within the UK, there has been continual growth in the size of

Christian faith‐based charities tackling homelessness (see Cloke et al 2010), human

trafficking (see Zimmerman, 2001) and inadequate access to nutritional food (see

Lambie‐Mumford et al, 2012). While this illustrates the incredible passion and

entrepreneurial spirit of many faith actors keen to ‘get stuck in’ and ‘make a

difference’italsoillustratesacommontrendacrosstheChristianfaith‐basedwelfare

sector. The grittyworkof tackling such issues is deemed theworkof charities. Lay

individuals from worshipping communities, unless active as staff or volunteers in

theseorganisations,findthemselvesdistinctivelyremovedfromthereallivesofthose

facingpovertyandsocialexclusionasastarkrealityofeverydaylife.Asaresult, for

thelaypersoninchurch,intimateknowledgeofthesemarginal‐othersneverbecomes

fullyrealised;itremainstheworkofcharityandthephysicaldistancethatseparates

thedonorand thebenefactordelineatesparticularwaysof relating to these ‘others’

thatneverseethisrelationalandemotionaldistancecollapsed.

Although I agree with others who have argued how constructive such spaces and

networks of charitable care are for the voluntary outworking of localised forms of

ethical citizenship (seeClokeet al, 2007Barnett et al, 2005), IwouldechoZizek to

suggest, maybe (and I would emphasise the maybe) sometimes ‘charity’ in some

guisesstandsinthewaytojustice‘proper’,notsomuchasabarriertobeingethical,

butasadiversion from the realizationofmore radical formsofethically relating to

marginal‐others. In the context of Christian faith‐based care this is because what

broadlyepitomizesthenatureofChristiancareandengagementwithmarginalothers

28

is,moreoftenthannot,thatmembersoftheChristianfaithatbestdothingsforothers

rather thanwith others (Auge, 1998). Charities, social enterprises, and other FBOs

structuresocialrelationsinwaysthatrarelybreakoutofthenormativelystructured

natureof20thcenturywelfarecontextofserviceprovider/clientordonor/recipient.

Deconstructing this normative way of relating and embracing radical forms of

knowingandcaringformarginal‐othersisattheheartofBishop’sfaith‐basedcritique.

SurveyingthewaytheChurchcurrentlyrelatestomarginal‐others,Bishopiscertain

thatincontrasttodistantanddelocalizedexpressionsofChristianfaith‐inspiredcare,

whatwouldbemosteffectiveisforChristianstojourneybackin,consciouslychoosing

to live within these areas of socio‐economic deprivation. This, he believes, would

result in ‘becomingpart of these communities,making real friendshipswith people

thatmayseemverydifferenttousattheonsetbutallowingthemtoshapeandchange

ussothatwecanbecomeathomeintheirnativeterritory’(2007,60).Hehopesthat

thiswouldresult inanasymmetricalrelationshipwithothers,openingup ‘a levelof

relationshipwithlocalpeoplethatisdifficulttoachievewhenyouonlydothingsfor

thecommunity’(2007,65,emphasisadded).

ThesechallengeshavealsobeenechoedbyanumberofprominentChristianactivists

in the United States (see for example Claibourne, 2006; Sider, 2005). Claibourne

(2006), an American Christian author and activist, argues that the hypocrisy and

complacent indifference with which Christians treat Jesus’ teachings on the

marginalised has depersonalized poverty and has created relational, and in some

casesspatialandemotional,distancefromthemarginalised.Onthebackoftryingto

workthisoutforhimselfinPhiladelphia,ShaneClaibourneandothersthatarepartof

the Simply Way Christian faith community have prompted other Christians to

questionwhether theysimply ‘knowof thepoor’ orwhether theyactually ‘know the

poor ?’(Claibourne,2006,p48).Drawingon theologicalnarrative inparticularways

thismovementandthesurgeofChristianswhohavechosenonceagaintohabitually

livealongsidemarginal‐othershasbeenlabeledaslivingoutan‘incarnational’faithin

socioeconomicareas.Mythesisisallaboutthese‘incarnationalgeographies’.

29

PursuingChristandbeing‘incarnational’

AsTerryEagleton(2010)argues,beingChristianandhavingaChristianfaithisabout

a tenacious loyalty to the Christ ‘event’ and enacting a ‘loving commitment’ to this

‘event’. Similarly as Alain Badiou (2003, p 70) comments, ‘becoming Christian’ it is

about ‘becominganauthentichumansubject’ ‘throughone’spassionateallegianceto

such a revelation’. Such loyalty, commitment, and allegiance of the faithful, has

performatively resulted in an abundance of different ways of being and doing

Christianitythroughouthistory.Timeandagainthesedifferentapproaches,practices

andposturesof theChurchandofChristianshave taken inspiration fromparticular

biblical narrative. The theological center point for Christians trying to embody an

‘incarnational’faithistheaccountofChrist‘becomingfleshandmakinghisdwelling

amongus’(John1:14).Thistheologicalnarrativepresentsaknowledgeofthehumility

ofGod;thecommitmentofGodtoHisworldhavingenteredintoit;amodelforwhatit

meanstobefullyhuman:embracinghumilityandbeingsacrificial,andallimportantly

acosmicchangetoeverything:Godisnotonlyrevealedinhumanfleshbutissentfor

redemptivepurposes(seeLloyd,2005).ThisexampleofJesusenteringinandbeingin

the world in a particular way acts as the theological model for those who seek to

followas ‘disciples’.Reflectingon themodelof Jesus:his incarnation, lifeanddeath

hasrealsignificanceforChristiansactinguponan‘incarnational’approach.

AstheChurchistheologicallythoughtofas‘Christ'sbodyintheworld’faithfullycalled

to ‘being thebearerofbiblical story’ (Myers,2011,p79)someChristians, including

thelikesofBishopandClaibourne,areinspiredtoembraceanapproachtoChristian

mission and discipleship that is founded upon a brave process of questioning the

discrepancies between the biblical narratives of Christ and the contemporary

practicesofthechurch.ChristianityafterChristendom(seeMurray,2004)isturning

once again to consider the life and death of Jesus Christ inways that re‐centre the

importanceofChrist’sincarnationalwitness(Guder,2000).Christianswhorelocateto

socioeconomically deprived areas of the UK are therefore comparing the

contemporarypractices of theChurch, and therefore themselves, to those of Christ,

andthistheologicalnarrativeisreflexivelyshapingtheiractions.

30

AsIexploredinthecritiquesofBishop,thereisadiscontentmentwiththetendencyof

the Church and Christians to be located among affluent areas, dwelling among the

middleclass.However,consideringthattheChurchistheologicallyrepresentativeof

Christ’s body, many involved in choosing to ‘live amongst’ are questioning the

discrepanciesbetweenthebiblicalnarrativesofChristandthepracticesofthechurch.

AsbiblicalnarrativeportraystheembodiedlifeofChristasoftendwellingamongand

withthemarginalisedinsociety,theseChristiansarereflexivelyaskinghowtheycan

emulatesuchalifestylewhenitis,attimes,notreflectedinthecontemporaryChurch.

It isclear that in lightof these theologicalnarrativesasetofdiscursive tropeshave

come together around the narrative of Christ’s Incarnation. This has produced

particulartheo‐ethicalenactmentsofthisnarrative(seeCloke,2010).Embracingthis

particulartheologicalmindsethasprovidedsomeoftheimpetusforwhereandwhy

these Christians choose to live. A faith‐inspired approach that on the one hand is

about proximity and on the other hand is about posture. This incarnational way of

relating and being amongst the marginalised Bessnecker (2006, 172) describes

involving‘tearingdowntheinsulationandbecomingrealtothoseintrouble’.Gaining

inspirationfrombiblicalaccountsofChrist’sowndescentintohumanity(Bessnecker,

2006)thispraxisinvolvesawillingnesstorelinquishpersonaldesiresandinterestin

theserviceofothers(Frost,2006).Thispurposefulembraceof‘downwardmobility’is

about ‘moving from places of power and influence to places of poverty and

desperation, renouncingprivilegeandopportunity’ (Bessenecker,2006,24; seealso

HybelsandWilkins,1993).Thishabitualpracticeof‘livingamongst’isinmanywaysa

‘commitment toenterand…remain in theuniverseof thepoorwithamuchclearer

awareness,makingitaplaceofresidenceandnotsimplywork(Guiterrez,2001,73).

In contrast to the type of charity Ziziek (2010) critiques, embedded within this

incarnationalapproach is thepossibility fora formofpraxis thatpurposefullygoes‐

beyond‐the‐self, reconfiguring relations between charitable‐self and receiving‐other

inwaysthataremoreradical.Thepotentialandpossibilitycaughtupinthisapproach

is the search to embodyanethic for andalongside theother that is configured,not

around a tokenistic and self‐orientated set of charitable desires, but around a

sacrificialethicthatreliesonadeepconvictionandcommitmenttotheother,meeting

31

themintheircircumstanceandseekingtostepinsidetheirworld,tounderstandthe

painandthepleasureinadeeplyrelationalmanner.

Howeverformanyinvolvedin‘livingamongst’suchformsoffaith‐inspiredpraxisare

notonlyaboutmovingtoserveothersbutaboutevangelicallysharingfaithwiththese

others in the process of such service. Intentionally questioning the proximity and

postureof theChurchand itsmembers inrelation tomarginalised‐others in lightof

the ‘great commission’ is in this vein aboutbeing close enough that the lives of the

faithful rub up against the lives of the marginalised, and that in such relational

encountersthoseothersseetheincarnateChristintheirvalues,beliefs,andpractices

(Frost,2006). ‘Livingamongst’ is inmanycasesbothaprocessofenactingfaithand

sharingfaith,withsomeenvisagingthisprocessofsharingmoreexplicitlythanothers.

Iwillreturntocriticallyexaminethistensioninthesecondpartofthischapter.

Therelocationofindividuals,groupsandchurches

AmongChristianstheerissomethingofare‐emergentmovementofpeoplewillingto

be placed within marginal landscapes and a supportive social network wanting to

generously redistribute resources –particularly volunteers, time and money – to

support others who have been in place all along. Across the complexity of this re‐

emergent movement is the call for an intentional personal presence within these

areas of deprivation that seeks to permanently place faithmotivated individuals or

groupsmorepermanently alongside those experiencingpoverty or social exclusion.

Effortstorelocateandliveamongstmarginal‐othershavebroadlytakenthreeforms.

Although in some cases there is a sense of hybridity between how these forms of

response are shaped, in what follows, without wanting to present a model or

spectrumthatdefinestheshapeofrelocation,threedistinctivestylesofrelocationare

outlinedtosuggestkeydifferencesinapproach.

First,therearefaith‐inspiredindividualsintentionallyrelocatingandlivinginareasof

socio‐economic deprivation. These individuals relocate with the purpose and

convictionofseeingpositivetransformationinthesecommunities.Theseindividuals

32

may engage with the wider neighbourhood through community organising,

purposefully participating in collective action with others of goodwill, while

attentively listening to the particular needs of people in the area . Below is typical

examplepresentedinthecasestudyofTom.

CaseStudy1:Tom

TomCleftworks as a regionalmanager for aChristianCharity.He is awell­educated

professionalwith awell­paid job. He could choose to live in suburbia but instead has

chosentoliveonAxelEstateinRoehampton.

PromptedbyhisChristianfaithhehasmovedontothesocialhousingestate.Helivesin

RivermeadHouseinatwobedroomflat,whichheshareswithafriend.Therehavebeen

plans to demolish Rivermead House, but nothing definite has been decided and so

residents are currently living with uncertainty, facing constant battles with the local

council to persuade them to maintain the building. Tom has become something of a

spokespersonforRivermeadHouse.Hespendstimevisitingneighbourstocanvasstheir

viewsonwhatneedsmendingandliaiseswiththecouncil.TheseissuesbotherTom.His

concern is forhis fellowneighboursand theirkids.The liftsbreakdownregularlyand

people treat the lifts likepublicurinals.The telecomsystem frequentlydoesnotwork.

Drugusersringallthebuzzerstillsomeoneletstheminandthentheydealdrugsonthe

stairwell.BecomingalocalresidenthasledTomtocampaignagainsttheseissues.Living

inRivermeadHousetheseissueshavebecomepersonalforhim.

TomvolunteersforanotherlocalCharitymentoringseveralyoungpeopleontheestate.

He encourages each young person to achieve their own goals and is witnessing them

takesmallstepstowardsthesetargets.Somearegoingtothegym,eatingabetterdiet;

othersarelessstressedandaredrinkingless.SomeareapplyingtoUniversity.

NotallthingsaresopositiveforTom.Hehashadtomakesomebigpersonalsacrifices–

hisqualityoflifeandhisrelationshipscouldbebetterifhechosetolivesomewhereelse.

His familydoesn’tenjoycomingtovisitandhis fiancéeRuthdoesnot feelsafevisiting.

33

But for Tom, living on the estate, he is less preoccupied with mortgages, career and

success,theestatepresentsmoreimmediateandcommunalconcernsandhecan’thelp

butgetinvolved.

WhiletheexampleofTomillustrateshowhispersonalchoicetorelocatehasledhim

toseekoutpositivetransformationontheestatethereareanumberofcriticalissues

that this example raises. Firstly, as an activist advocating against some of the

conditions facing residents on the estate Tom is enrolled into acts of protest and

campaigningasarepresentativeonbehalfofotherneighbours. Thisdynamic,asan

outsiderwhoisauthoritativelyspeakingasa‘spokesperson’forothers,putsTomina

position of power in relation to his nearby neighbours. The issue that such an

unbalancedpowerdynamiccreatesisthatitopensupthepotentialforthevoicesand

views of others to be neglected. In this case Tom would be enrolled into

redevelopment issues as an articulate ‘elite’ (see Ward 2011) and the wider

participationofotherneighboursintosuchdiscussionsmightbebypassed.Secondly,

theothercriticalissueraisedfromthiscasestudyemergesoutoftheperceivedneed

to ‘be sacrificial’. The assumption inherent within this premise is that living

‘incarnationally’issomethingthatpresupposesthoseinvolvedhavegreateraccessto

resources,ahigherstandardofliving,andgreatermobilitythanthosenotcapableof

choosingtoliveinorleavethatparticularcommunity.Equally,forTom,movinginto

the neighbourhoodwas a personal choice.Which in itself is a reminder that while

Tom can become a local resident, networked into the local community through

voluntarywork,a friendshipgroupandhis sharingofa flaton theestate,holdinga

different socio‐economicpositionwithaccess to surplus financial capitalandwitha

network of friends and family beyond the estate there is always an ‘out’ for Tom

shouldhechooseit.Thesecultural,economicandsocialdifferencespotentiallycould

meanthatTomwillalwaysbesomethingofanoutsider,neverfullybeingacceptedas

justanotherlocalneighbour.Thesetensionsandcriticalissueswillbepickedupagain

inmuchgreaterdetailintheethnographicexplorationofthethesis’smaincasestudy

inchapter4.

Moving beyond the example of Tom there are groups of faith‐inspired people, here

34

termed‘communitiesofintention’,whichrelocate.Thesecommunitiesofintentionare

informally linked with one another but are often unaffiliated from any particular

Christian denomination or established Church. The example of Dave and Lucy

highlightshowthesecommunitiesofintentionstart.

CaseStudy2:DaveandLucy

Dave and his wife Lucy live in inner city Manchester. Dave finished University in

Manchester five years ago. Togetherwith a group of friends they intentionallymoved

intoanareatheyonceavoidedasstudents.Davewouldonlyhavecomeintocontactwith

theareathroughvoluntaryworkwithalocalhomelessorganization.Henowlivesinthe

areaandworksfull­timeforthesamecharity.

FromtimetotimeDaveandLucyhouseanasylumseekerinconnectionwithacitywide

asylum seeker charity. They regularly meet with other friends who have made the

neighbourhood their home. This ‘community of intention’ is not associated with any

particular formal church. As a group of friends with a common faith and the same

passion for the area they see themselves as a faith community wishing to make a

difference in the local area. Drawing upon their own Christian faith they re­imagine

what the area could be like: a place with less poverty and racial conflict, a greater

numberofjobsforlocalpeople,andadeclineinmentalhealthissues.

TheexampleofDaveandLucyindicateshowcommunitiesofintentionareinformally

structuredandhighlightsthenatureoftheircharacter.Foundeduponapassionfora

particularareaof thecityandahopefulparticipationwithin it, theexampleofDave

and Lucy elucidates how communities of intention seek to re‐imagine

socioeconomically deprived areas. Being bound together by a similar set of

convictions,thecaseofDaveandLucyalsoillustrateshowcommunitiesof intention

form,andgivesanaccountofthepurposeoftheirintentionalrelocationandgathering

asagroup.

In comparison to the examples of Tom, and Dave and Lucy, the most structured

35

accountsofrelocationcomeintheformof‘churchplants’.Theseseektoseeaformof

churchestablishedinthelocalneighbourhood.Theseexpressionsofchurchmaynotbe

asformallyrecognisableastheirtraditionalaffiliatedcounterpartsbutareinanycase

linkedtobothawidernetworkofsimilarexpressionsof‘doingchurch’andasupport

network of more traditional denominational churches – from which financial and

socialcapitalisoftenresourced.InthecaseoftheUnitedKingdom,manyofthemajor

traditional denominations have in someway embraced supporting and overseeing

these initiatives. The Baptist (see Urban Expressions, 2011), Salvation Army (see

614UK,2011)MethodistandtheAnglicanChurch(seeFreshExpressions,2011)have

allbecomeinvolvedacrossthescopeoftheUKintheseinitiatives.IntheUKtheextent

of thisexpressionofChurch finds itsplace inmostmajor citiesandmanymoreare

being planned. Case study three outlines how Mike became involved in an

Incarnational‘churchplant’linkedwiththeEden‐Network(seechapter3).

CaseStudy3:Mike

Mike spent a year on a UK­based Christian Gap Year project connecting social action

withabible­basedpersonalfaith.Havingcompletedthisyearouthefelttheurgencyand

convictiontocontinuelivingouthisfaithinawaythatdirectedhimtooneoftheseveral

Manchester­basedEdenProjects.TheEden­networkfacilitatedthisprocessforhim.This

meanthecouldstudyatUniversitywhileactivelybeinginvolvedinalocal‘churchplant’.

TheEdenProject churchpartner organization, the SalvationArmy, helped financehis

degree in YouthWork and Community, and hemoved onto a well renowned housing

estatewherethechurchplanthadjustbeenstarted.Hesoonbecameakeyvolunteerfor

theEdenProject/SalvationArmypartnership.

The ‘church plant’ was comprised of ten other volunteerswho hadmoved frommore

affluentareastocommittolivingontheestateforaminimumoffiveyears.Motivatedby

Christianconvictions,eachvolunteerwanted toactively share theirown faith through

bothwordsandactions.Theiraimwastoembedthemselvesinthelifeoftheestate,so

thatwhere they could, they couldhelpmake itamorehopefulandharmoniousplace.

ThismeantthatMikecommutedthe50minutestoUniversityandcommittedhisspare

36

timetorunningdrop­inyouthclubs.Hehasnowfinishedhisdegreeandstilllivesonthe

estate. He still volunteers for the Eden Project and plays an active role in the church

plant. He hasmade the estate his home. He now sits on a local residents association

boardandhasanopendoorpolicywiththemanyyouthwhoknockonhisdoor.

In some cases a church ‘presence’ in areas of deprivation is nothing new, nor

necessarilysomethingthatinvolvesrelocationorplanting.Thepracticeofenactingan

incarnational expression of the Christian faith in socio‐economically deprived areas

canbetracedbackthroughhistoryandhasadeepheritage.Forexamplethevarious

Franciscanordersestablishedinthemedievalperiodareatestamenttothefactthat

this faith‐inspired approach of ‘living amongst’ is indeed not a particularly new

phenomenon (see Andrews, 2006; Clabaigh, 2011). Similarly the ‘Slum Sisters’ or

Gutter,CellarandGarretbrigadeoftheSalvationArmyoftenserved‘thepoor’living

amongst them in Victorian England (seeWalker, 2001). Looking at the established

churchintheUKthereisalsoalonglineageofChristianpriestsexpressingtheirfaith

indeprivedcommunities throughtheparishsystem(seeNECN,2011).Notonlyhas

thisparishmodelprovided a community function throughvarious stagesof the life

cycle:birth,marriageanddeathithasacteduponacommitmenttothesurrounding

geographicalcommunitywithallitsparticularneedsandchanges.Formanycenturies

theseestablishedChristianpillarsofcommunityprovidedinfluentialsocial,religious

and spiritual capital for the surrounding area. Furthermore, if itwerenot for these

parish‐based congregations then the wider churches involvement in

socioeconomically deprived areas would be significantly diminished because

partnershipschemesandshorttermprojectswouldnevergetofftheground(Graham

andLowe,2009).

Many contemporary relocation efforts are also supported by FBOs and Ecumenical

networks. These organisations facilitate the relocation of Christian faith‐inspired

individuals, connecting individuals with wider groups of Christian faith‐motivated

people who have the have the same conviction to relocate to live among the

marginalised.TheseFBOsoffertrainingandplacementsandinvolvecommitmentsof

varying time length. In some cases these are shorter ‘gap year’ opportunities,

37

providing a training ground for individuals to experience this type of localised

involvement(SeeMissionYear,2011andXLP,2011)whileforotherorganisationsthe

intentionisalongercommitmentfromtheoutset(seeEden‐Network,chapter3).

In summary, contemporary incarnational forms of praxis in marginal areas that

involve ‘living amongst’ are clearly structuredand supported indifferentways.The

examples of Tom, Dave and Lucy, and Mike, have highlighted how this can be an

individual initiative, theeffortof informal community,oraspartofa ‘churchplant’.

Thesedifferent ‘incarnational’ expressionsof theChristian faith in socioeconmically

deprived areas are, however, united by a common Christian conviction to become

involvedintheevolvingnarrativeofeachmarginalcontextandfaithfullyparticipate

in lifealongsidemarginalisedothers.These ‘convictionalcommunities’(seeThomas,

2012)arestructuredaroundhavingapermanentlocalpresencethatis intentionally

directed in numerous ways towards engaging with the specific need of the area,

listening,witnessing,discerningandresponding.

Section2:Workingtowardsare­readingof‘incarnationalgeographies’

So far I have presented an outline of what ‘incarnational’ praxis in deprived areas

mightlooklike.BydrawinguponthreeshortcasestudiesIhavetriedtogiveaflavor

of these forms of Christian praxis. The main point of this first section was to

emphasise that in contemporary Christian praxis there is a resurgent trend among

someChristians tobepermanentlypresent in areasofdeprivation: ‘living amongst’

the socio‐economically marginalised. As well as illustrating what this praxis might

looklikethissectionhasalsoexploredthedualimpetusbehindtheseformsofpraxis:

the dissatisfactionwith current expressions of church and Christian living; and the

pursuit and application of particular theological narratives. Using the examples of

Tom,DaveandLucy,andMike,Ihaveoutlinedsomeoftheresponsiveactsofservice

thatmayemergefrom‘livingamongst’butIhaveonlytoucheduponsomeemergent

critical questions. In this second section I review two major critical readings that

couldbeleviedagainsttheseformsoffaith‐inspiredpraxisandargueforare‐reading

of these forms of faith‐inspired activity. This re‐reading produces a number of

researchthemesthatwillbeappliedintheethnographicchapters.

38

‘Living amongst’ and unwanted proselytisation? Exploring the nuances of

‘evangelism’

ThefirstwayoflookingattheseChristianinterventionswouldbetoassumethatthe

purposebehindthese‘incarnational’practicesissolelytoseeothersconvertedtothe

Christian faith. In other words these practices could be thought of as the ‘bible

bashing’ acts of fundamentalist Christians. In this view engagement withmarginal‐

others,andservicesofferedtothem,isconstructedasameansonlytocreatespacesof

proselytisationorconversion(seeWoods,2012)

Proselytisation,initscontemporaryusagehasnegativeconnotationsandinferssome

formofcoercionorforcetoseeothersconvertedtothesamefaith.Inthecontextof

incarnationalgeographiesthistacticalapproachwouldusetheguiseofhospitalityand

different forms of service to create encounters with residents and relations of

obligation so that they may be converted to the Christian faith; somewhat duping

themintothinkingthatthereisnoulteriormotive.Thisisaprominentinterpretation

upheld as a chief concern by liberal humanists and the popularly branded ‘new

atheists’, intellectually aggressive towards all forms of religion (seeDawkins, 2006,

Hitchens, 2007, Harris, 2006 and Dennet 2007). Taking the viewpoint of these

thinkers,incarnationalformsofpraxisinmarginalareaswouldprobablybetypecast

asanoutworkingoffundamentalistsseekingonlyconverts.

Likethetermproselytisation,inthecontextofreligion,theterm‘fundamentalist’,has

widely negative connotations. Such a discourse has firstly regained popularity as a

processofcategorisingthoseconvictedbyareligiousfaithtowardsgeopoliticalactsof

‘violent extremism’,while it has also regained popularity as a term associatedwith

religious believers who, in a modernist reactionary fashion, hold to unwavering

dogmatic beliefs (see Cloke et al, 2012). A popular example would be that of the

AmericanPastorTerryJoneswhoinsistedonburningcopiesoftheQuranevenaftera

presidential plea not to do so. While among academics across the social sciences,

religious fundamentalism has been closely associated with the American rightwing

39

(seeConnolly,2008).

Aside from the debatable terminology, the potential interpretation of incarnational

practicesasfundamentalistandproselytisingcouldbe,likeotherChristianspheresof

intervention and participation, “block categorised” as undeterminably out to

indoctrinate and convert. This is best exemplified by turning to consider the

contemporary debate surrounding faith‐based schools and their variable public

acceptanceinpost‐Christiansociety.

Thecontemporarydebatesurroundingfaith‐basedschoolshassimilarparallelstothe

potential critique that could be raised against incarnational forms of praxis in

marginalareas.Whatliberalhumanistsandthe‘newatheists’mightseektointerpret

aboutaChristianfaith‐motivatedincarnationalpresenceinmarginalareasmay,very

possibly,drawuponsimilarprinciplesandviewpointstothosethatgetdrawnoutin

thedebateforandagainsttheexistenceandpublic fundingof faith‐basedschools in

Britain. Themeans for comparison lies firstly then in the ability to categorise both

school children and the socio‐economically marginalised as vulnerable. This

vulnerability is, for school children, defined in the fact that they are highly

impressionable and often incapable of making fully informed choices, while, in the

caseofthesocio‐economicallymarginalised,vulnerabilityisthoughttobeboundup

in there lack of access to various services, having, by default, to call upon services

offered by religious groups with ‘ulterior motives’. These two are also apt for

comparisonbecausebothexamplesraiseconcernforsecularistswhowishtoseeall

expressionsofreligiousfaithremovedfromthepublicrealm.

Asidefrombeingaccusedofselectiveadmissionandbiasedemploymentpolicies,faith

schoolshavebecomesomewhatcontroversialforwhatRichardDawkinstermsinhis

BBC channel four enquiry ‘intellectual dishonesty’. Scientific ‘truth’ claims are

downplayed and RE syllabuses, reportedly not subject to Ofsted inspections, are

confessional innatureandomit a ‘neutral’ comparativeapproachbetweendifferent

religions(Humanism,2012).Herethen,theimmediateconcernofliberalhumanistsis

that the right for children to come to their own critical opinion of religion is taken

40

away from themand replacedwith a syllabus that aims to instruct students of one

particularreligionanditsdoctrines(Humanism,2012).

Thecomparisonbetweenthecoretenetsof the faithschoolsdebatewiththatof the

potentialonesurroundingChristiansinvolvedinincarnationalinitiativesisreinforced

by a critical interpretation of the theological discourses that direct and shape

incarnational geographies. Considering the fact that for many of the church

denominations and Christian individuals involved, the guiding theologies build a

significantplaceforso‐called‘proclamation’and‘evangelism’,concernscouldquickly

arise that these incarnational interventions are imposing and imperialistic. Liberal

humanist opposition to Christians relocating to marginal areas and serving

incarnationallywouldpotentiallybe concerned that suchpraxis is a continuationof

‘mission’prevalentwiththeeraofcolonialBritishrule.Framedinthiswayitwould

beeasytodismissthesepracticesaspotentiallyexploitativeandself‐imposing,mixing

thewelfareof thesemarginalotherswith the self‐serving religiousaimsunderlying

these intentions. In this framingwhatappears tobeother‐serving isactuallydeeply

motivated by a self‐serving ambition to see new Christian converts. This view,

however, potentially neglects the complex anddiverseway inwhich faith is shared

andperformed.

Accordingly,Thiessen(2011)persuasivelyarguesthattheintoleranceofliberalpost‐

Christian society towards ‘evangelism’ or the ‘sharing’ of faithwith others, and the

deep cynicism and negativity that pervades such a resonant attitude, is built upon

massgeneralisation.Outrightobjectionssimilartothosebeingarticulatedbythe‘new

atheists’ and liberal humanists surrounding the faith schools debate aremadewith

little effort to seek to understand and search out the diversity of approaches

embodiedwithintheactualperformanceof‘sharingfaith’ordoing‘evangelism’.These

viewsneglectthecomplexityanddiversityofhowfaithissharedwithothersandhow

suchvariedformsofsharingfaithareco‐constitutedandexpressedwithduecareor

without.Itisthereforeimportanttocarefullyconsiderhowdifferentsociallyengaged

expressions of evangelism; which involve a focus on care and service to, for, and

alongsidetheother,areconstitutedas‘faith’,andcruciallyhowthisfaithis‘shared’.It

41

isalsofundamentalthatstagingandperformanceofevangelismiscriticallyassessed

forhowitmightbeenactedwithoutduecarefortheother.

Giving space to consider the incredible diversity of approaches taken in this

performative act of ‘sharing’ faith is to acknowledge that such performances are

differentlyco‐constituted.Attendingtothe influenceof thesedifferent factorsopens

up thenuancesof evangelism: the individual agencyof those enacting the ‘sharing’,

how evangelism is received by different individuals, the diversity of theological,

culturalandpoliticaldiscoursesthatinflecton,andgivepurposeto,suchpraxis;and

thegeographiccontextinwhichsucha‘sharing’processtakesplaceandisembedded.

It also brings to light an appreciation of the complexity of how evangelism is

differentlyenactedbydifferentpeopleindifferentplacesthroughouthistory.Thiscan

beillustratedbywayofbriefreviewofsomeofthedifferentformsevangelismtakes,

bothtodayincontemporarywesternsociety,andinlightofsomeofthecatastrophic

historicalattemptstosharefaiththat hauntChristianunderstandings,andcontinue

todominatepopularimaginariesofhowreligiousfaithis‘shared’.

Religionwithacapital‘R’hasbeenrightlycriticisedfor‘sharingfaith’inwaysthatare

coercive, exploitive and immoral. A number of these are succinctly reviewed by

Thiessen (2011, 38) in his discussion of ‘immoral proselytising’. The growth of

Christianity in the first five centuries of Christianity included ‘imperially conferred

benefits for church leaders and the advancement of civil servantswhohad become

Christian’ (ibid,38)andthecompulsiontoconvert toChristianityunderestablished

Christendomslowlybecamecompulsorythroughculturalandpoliticalpressures(see

Kreider, 1999). While more overtly coercive, in the eighth century, Charlemagne

forcedtheSaxonstobebaptisedunderthreatofdeath(seeDaves,1972)asdidKing

OlafofNorwayandtheSwedesupontheFinnsinthetwelfthcentury(seeMegivern,

1976).Equally,theChristiancrusadesoftheeleventhcentury(seeRiley‐smith,1981)

and theSpanishconquestof theAmericassawthecrossand thesword intrinsically

linked(seeRivera,1992)tobringaboutmanyforcedconversions.

InmorerecenthistoryThiessen(2011)alsocitesanexampleofthemoralfailuresof

42

evangelismbydrawingontheaccountofGlanzer(2002).Inthiscasealargegroupof

missionorganisationswereinvitedintothepostcommunistRussianeducationsystem

tospearheadaprogrammetoinstructRussianpublicschoolteachersonhowtoteach

Christian ethics. The practice of this became ‘ethically problematic’ (ibid, 196) as

those responsible for instruction becamemore concernedwith delivering a course

introducingChristianityandseekingconverts thanactually teachingaboutChristian

ethics. Similiarly in Britain a number of the on‐street services offered by Christian

groupstohomelesspeoplehavebeenaccusedofbeingofferedwithsignificant‘strings

attached’(Long,2010).

Today in America and Britain alone, Christian evangelism comes inmany different

guises.Theabundanceofbooksquestioningboththevarietyofmethodsandcontexts

of evangelism are a clear indicator of this diversity. Covering a broad selection of

contexts books have been published questioning how to evangelise through the

internet(seeOgbonda,2005);throughsports(seeConnor,2003);thebusinesssector

(seeRussel,2010); in rural (seeRufficorn,1994)and inurbancontexts (seeDavey,

2010);andtoyoungpeople(seeAiken,1992;Stier,2006)andolderpeople(Boynes,

1999).WhileexploringmanydifferentmethodsofevangelismChristianauthorshave

put forward theneed to embrace supernatural and ‘spirit‐led’ evangelism (seeChe,

2006;Deman,2007);theuseofquestions(seeNewman,2004);theuseofprophecy

(seeStibbe,2004),theuseofgroupdiscussion(seeBookerandIreland,2010;Finney,

2004); in the setting of large or mass audiences (Blinco, 1952); in person (Gibbs,

2004;Dever,2007).Fromthesetitlesaloneit isclearthatdoingevangelismisnota

simpleorsingleshapedact.Notonlycanevangelismbeviewedasacomplexprocess

enacteddifferentlyindifferingcontexts,itisalsosomethingthatissubjecttochange

throughtime.Thisisclearlyindicativeinshiftsinapproachandstrategyoverthelast

halfacentury.

One of the most notable changes in approach used by the Evangelical Church in

Britainoverthelastfiftyyearshasbeentheshiftfrommassaudienceevangelisation,

that had its roots in the preaching of Charles Finney in the 19th century (Finney,

2004), to small group based discussion. ‘In 1985 evangelism for most people still

43

meant themeeting, the importantspeaker, theexhausting (andexpensive)effortby

thechurch’(Finney,2004,p70).However,quitequicklyintheseChristiancirclesthe

large scale crusades of Billy Graham and Luis Pau and the broadcast of the ‘Jesus’

videowerereplacedbysmalldiscussiongroupsrunbylocalchurches(Finney,2004).

In the early stages of development these styles of evangelismwere first associated

with the ‘nurture groups’ that ran alongside the later Crusades of Billy Graham,

however,inthelate1970sand1980sanumberofdifferentpioneeringcourseswere

developed, includingthefirstAlphacourses,the ‘SaintsAlive!’courseemanatingout

ofStMargaret's inNottingham,andtheEmmauscourse fromtheWakefielddiocese

(Finney, 2004). A number of these courses, including the Alpha course, which has

received much media and some scholarly attention (see Hunt, 2004; Brian,

2003;Ward, 1998), have today grown to become nationally and internationally

recogniseable brands. Alpha, originally pioneered by Holy Trinity Brompton in

London,hasnowbeentranslatedinto55differentlanguagesand7,215churchesofall

denominationsacrossBritainare registeredas runningalphacourses (Bookeretal,

2005).Severaldifferent specialisedversionsof thecoursehavenowbeenproduced

for use with students, the elderly, and the armed forces. While a specialist course

‘AlphaforPrisons’hasbeenusedin135prisonsacrossBritain(Bookeretal,2005).

The growth of these strategies of evangelism has been interpreted by some

commentators as having resulted in the ‘Mcdonaldization of religion’ (see Ward,

1998)wherethe(modernised)Christianfaithisbasedon‘apackage,notapilgrimage’

andresults in ‘salvationbycopyright’ (Percy,1997,15).Howeverothershavemore

positively concluded that the shift in evangelistic strategy from a focus on the ‘big

event’toregularinvitationaldiscussiongroupssuchastheAlphacourse,Christianity

exploredortheEmmauscourse(seeCottrelletal,1996)hasmeantthatevangelismin

suchasettingisbuiltuponrelationships,arelaxedpersonableatmosphere,ablendof

reasonandexperience,andgivesspacefordifferentpeopletocontributewhileoften

beingledbylaypersons(Finney,2004).

Thesignificantpoint toemphasisehere is that ‘evangelism’canand isperformed in

manydifferentways.Astheshorthistoricaldiscussionhasreviewed,pastattemptsat

44

‘sharing’ the Christian faith have been tragically caught up in the expansion of

empires,coloniesandtheruleof thepowerful.Even inthecontemporarycontextof

post‐Christendom,Christiansseekingtoardently ‘share’andevangeliseothershave

sometimes done so with disregard to the liberty, dignity and care of others, while

thoseChristiansundertakingactsofserviceandwelfarehavedonesowithsignificant

‘stringsattached’.Itisimportanttoemphasiseherehoweverthatnotallattemptsto

‘share’faithandevangelisemightbeundertakencoercivelyorwithsignificant‘strings

attached’.Performancesofevangelismandthemethodsof‘sharing’faitharenuanced

andcomplex.Theyalsorequireacarefulanalysisoftheparticularityofcontext,beit

socio‐cultural,politicalororganisational,andvigilantandscrupulousexaminationof

the directive and shaping nature of different theologies and the appreciation of

variabilityinhumanagentsperformingevangelism.

IncarnationalGeographies,evangelismandself­otherrelations

AsIhaveshownintheabovediscussiontherearemanydifferentformsofevangelism

and the complexity and diversity of how evangelism is enacted needs to be given

significantattention.Inlightofthesedifferencesmythesiswillneedtopayattention

to how ‘faithful purposefulness’ is enacted in different styles of ‘doing mission’

‘evangelism’ and ‘service’. To best question how these are performed and what

constitutes the nature and dynamics of ‘incarnational geographies’ I will need to

questionhowrelationswithothersareinterwovenwithdiscoursesofevangelismand

how these discourses of evangelism are explicitly enacted in and through these

practicesof‘livingamongst’.

Interrogating performances ofmission and evangelism in thiswaywill open up an

analysis of how the faith‐inspired praxis of ‘living amongst’ could be considered as

ethical ornot.On theonehand thismay reveal a setof colonial faithpractices that

may have their out‐workings in the assimilation of cultural differences, gender

differencesorreligiousdifferences,withlittleregardtodiversity(seeVolf1996).On

theotherhand,seekingtounderstandthenuancednatureofevangelismandhowitis

enacted in and through relationswith others through the praxis of ‘living amongst’

45

maybring to light faithpractices that activelyattempt togobeyond‐the‐self (Cloke,

2002)indevelopingasensitivitytoothernessthatincludesbothasenseoftheother

andfortheother(seeAuge,1998).Theseperformancesoffaithpraxismight‘involve

theabilitytoreceivethespecificityoftheotherandtobegenerousinthecontextof

thatspecificityratherthaninthecontextoftheself’(Clokeetal2005:398),moving

towardsreceptiveformsofgenerosity, that includeatheo‐ethicalnotionofembrace

(Volf,1996).

The dual capacity for religion to spawn ‘lovers of the impossible’ (Caputo, 2001),

capable of spilling out their passion into situations of social, economic or political

need,andyetalsobeingpronetoproducethetendency for itsadherents toconfuse

themselveswithGodandcompromisethelibertiesofpeoplewhodisagreewiththem

(Caputo, 2001) means that vigilance and criticality must be employed when

questioninghowmission,initsholisticsense,andevangelism,initsdifferentformsof

appearance, are enacted through incarnational expressions of the Christian faith in

marginalareas.

ResearchQuestion1:Whatmotivates and structures thepractices of volunteers and

staffworkingwithintheseincarnationalChristianFBOs?

Research Question 2: How are relations with others interwoven with discourses of

evangelismandhowarethesediscoursesenacted inandthroughtheprocessof ‘living

amongst’.

Faith­inspiredactionandvirtuousself­betterment?

Thesecondcriticalreadingnarrowsitsfocustothelevelofindividualactors,whether

stafforvolunteers.Thisinterpretationofincarnationalpraxisinmarginalareaswould

frametheinvolvementofindividualsaspartofahighlymoralisedprocess.Thisisthe

main argument running through thework of Rebecca Allahyari (2000) in her book

VisionsofCharity.Undertakingadetailedanalysisoftwodifferentorganisations,one

affiliatedwith theCatholicChurchand theotherwith theSalvationArmy,Allahyari

46

drawsuponin‐depthvolunteerprofilestoquestiontheexperienceofvolunteeringin

the socio‐cultural moral context of each of these two organisations . Allahyari’s

conclusions are that volunteers come to hold an opinion of themselves that is

constructed through their interactions with clients in the setting of these two

organisations,andinadherencewiththemoralrhetoricofthesetwoorganisations,

volunteers frame their sense of selfhood in such a way as to work towards ‘self

betterment’.

Conceptualisingvolunteersandstaffinvolvedinincarnationalgeographiesinthisway

wouldessentiallyupholdthemas‘dogooders’where,whatappearsattheoutsettobe

an altruistically motivated process, is in fact, a thinly veiled set of egotisically

motivatedprocesses.‘Whatappearstobegoing‐beyond‐the‐selfisproperlyexplained

asreinventingtheself,withcharitableaffects’(Clokeetal,2005,387).

The previous case study examples of Tom, Lucy and Dave, andMike, presented in

section one, all involved different Christians feeling drawn to relocate to live in

socioeconomically deprived areas. As a result of relocating each person became

involved within the local area in particular ways, assisting and supporting with

certainservices, creatingdifferent formsofprovisionwhen therewasavisible lack,

andbuildingrelationshipswithother local residents.Theybind themselves toallof

thesepracticeswiththehopethattherewillbesomerecognisabletransformationof

the area and some positive benefit to other local residents. Considering these

practices through the lens of the interpretations given in the argument ofAllahyari

(2000) however, these acts of service, friendship and supportwould be seen to be

motivated by virtuous self‐betterment. This view however is only one end of the

spectrumand itneglects toconsiderhowcharitableorcaring involvementcouldbe

interpretedas‘reasonedorinstinctivereachingoutbeyondself‐interest’(Clokeetal,

2005, 387). Therefore by presenting a re‐reading of these types of faith‐inspired

actions I want to suggest that instead ‘incarnational geographies’ could be seen as

ethical landscapes in theway that relationswith others aremediated and enacted.

Thishastwomaincomponents.

47

Incarnationalgeographiesandthetheo­ethicsofChrist’sincarnation

Firstly Iwant to suggest that particular Christian theologiesmight be significant in

promptingandstructuringcertainethicalposturesandwaysofrelatingtomarginal‐

others. In the first chapter with reference to the Christian theological notions of

embrace (Volf, 1996) and exile (Frost, 2006) I argued that different theological

narratives can be drawn upon to structure relations between selves and others in

differentways.InthefirstsectionofthissecondchapterIsuggestedthatpartofthe

impetus for Christians to choose to embrace ‘living amongst’ was the pursuit of a

Christ‐like sacrificial ethic. This particular ethics was drawn out of a ‘theology of

incarnation’ toreflexivelyshapeandstructurerelations inwaysthatareseentogo‐

beyond‐the‐self.

In recent yearswesternChristianity has begun to return to questions of virtue and

character (seeWright, 2010), and questions of virtuous living have been central to

thosewhohave chosen to relocate intomarginalised areas. Inspirationdrawn from

thetheologicalnarrativeoftheIncarnationofChristhaspromptedChristiansinvolved

in incarnational initiatives inmarginalareas to faithfullypursuewaysofembodying

similarvirtues.ThisisclearlyillustratedintheexampleofGareth,aleaderofoneof

theChristianFBOsthatmodels itselfonthis incarnationalexpressionofpraxis,here

hedescribeswhatdefineshisfaithandhowhetriestoemulate‘Christ‐like’virtues:

‘WhatIseedifferentlyaboutfaithisthisdownwardmobility,whichyouseeinan

examplelikeJesus,takethebiblepassage:Philippians2verse5:‘letyourmind

belikeJesus,thoughhehadequalitywithGodhedidnotconsiderequalitywith

God but made himself of no reputation, taking on the form of a servant and

becameobedienteven to thepointofdeath, thereforehewashighlyexalted’ I

quotethatbecauseIthinkthatisabsolutelycentraltowhatwedo.Inasociety

thatsaysupwardmobilityisright,itisourneighbourhoodthatexistsbecauseof

this.Itisthepeoplewhohavelostinthatgame.’

ForGarethitisthenarrativeofthesacrificedandhumbleincarnateChristthatshapes

48

the way he seeks to actively embody his Christian faith in a socio‐economically

deprivedarea.Garethisconvincedthereasonbehindwhymarginalneighbourhoods,

like the one into which he has moved, exist, is because society upholds and

encouragesadifferentsetofvirtuesorvalues.Inlightofthisupwardmobility,Gareth

seekstofollowtheexampleofChristasportrayedinthenarrativeoftheIncarnation,

something he words as ‘downward mobility’. Gareth’s faithful following of the

discourse of the Incarnation could be seen as a counter‐cultural ethic (see Cloke,

2010) opposed to the widely hegemonic persuit of wealth, individualism, gain and

pleasure(seeWard,2001).Inthiswaytheincarnationaldiscourseisanarrativethat

presentsaconfrontationinitstheo‐ethicalcalltogo‐beyond‐the‐self,embracingwhat

Zizek(2000)accountstobethe‘subversivecore’ofChristianity,radicallyinseparable

from Christianity’s orthodoxy (Ward, 2001). Taking this view of incarnational

geographies, ethics is enlistedwithin thesemarginal spaces and places through the

formulationof ethical character. Importantly, in these incarnational formsofpraxis,

thefabricationofvirtuouscharacterhastobeconsideredinandthroughplace.Rather

thanbeingsomethingconstitutedinabstractspacethisformulativenotionofethical

character should be considered as shaped and moulded through relational place‐

basedandpeople‐basedengagement.Conceivingofvirtueinthiswayhighlightshow

virtueflourishesthroughadeepandpurposefulengagementwith,andintheservice

to,andfor,others.Castinthisformthisacknowledgesthatthe‘virtuousself’isformed

inandthroughpractice.UnlikethethinkingofAllahyarithatseestheconstructionof

moral selves to be unequivocally about self‐betterment I take the view, following

Cloke et al (2005), thatmoral selves are constructed in amore complex dialogical

manner;someaspectsbeingself‐concernedandothersbeingconcernedaboutothers.

In this view virtue is formed with a mosaic of underlying rationales, established

neitherwithpureegotisticaloraltruisticrationalesinsight.Inlightofthiscomplexity

myresearchwillneedtoaskhowChristian‐selvesarereshapedthroughthedialogical

processoflivingamongst.

ResearchQuestion3:HowareChristian­selvesreshapedby‘livingamongst’.

Considering thenatureof these formsofpraxis thereareastillanumberofcritical

49

questions that need to be levied against these practices of ‘living amongst’. As the

example of Tom illustrated in the first section of this chapter, many of those who

choose to move into socio‐economically deprived areas, while making personal

sacrifices, still have the choice tomove in. This ability to choose, their background,

skill set and lifestyle is in someways contrasting to those they have chosen to live

amongst. Furthermore there is often an imbalance of power and privilege between

middleclassChristianswhohaverelocatedandlocalinhabitantswhohavelesschoice,

lessaccesstoresources,andlessgivenopportunities.Thisunevenrelationshipneeds

careful analysis. In the same way that my research needs to involve a careful

consideration of how faith is shared and enacted through the process of ‘living

amongst’, it is also necessary, considering the differences between those Christians

whochoosetomoveinandthoselocalresidentswholivetherealready,toconsider

carefullyhowrelationsbetweenChristian‐self andneighbourly‐otherareenacted in

andthroughthefaith‐inspiredprocessof ‘livingamongst’.Thispost‐colonialcritique

willenablemetoquestionwhetherornotthisformoffaith‐inspiredpraxisempowers

localresidentsorifsuchpracticestendtoreproduceunevenimbalancesofpowerand

privilege.

ResearchQuestion4:Howare relationships between Christian­self and neighbourly­

other enacted and performed considering the uneven balance of power and privilege

embeddedwithinpracticesof‘livingamongst’?

IncarnationalGeographiesandtheperformanceoffaith­virtueandtheo­ethics

Geographyhasbeendeeplyinfluencedbytheperformativeturninthesocialsciences

and cultural studies. Moving away from understanding place, space and practice

through interpreting discourses and representation, geographers have become

concernedwithhowthingsactuallyhappenandareexperienced. Thisperformative

turnhasbeen takenvery seriouslyby those geographers interested in the ethics of

places and practices. As such then, geographers trying to come to terms with the

ethicsofspaces,placesandpractices,havehighlightedtheimportantinterconnections

between organisations, spaces, discourse and practices (Conradson, 2003; Crang,

50

1994; Knowles, 2000; Parr, 2000; Philo, 1997). This body of work has sought to

questionhowspacesofcareareperformativelyboughtintobeingandhowethicsare

through actual practice, enacted and performed. This has consequentially moved

awayfromjustsimply ‘readingoff’ themoralandethicaldiscoursesentrenchedand

embeddedassignsandsignifiersofmoralandethicalmeaninginlandscapes(Clokeet

al 2005) and focusing, as attentively instead, on the actual practice of ethics in and

througheverydaylife.

Research by Cloke et al (2005) into the ethics of homeless service provision has

insightfully made use of this conceptual framework in examining the spaces of

homeless provision. Not only did their research take an interest in how spaces of

homelessprovision couldbe consideredasethical spacesof care though theethical

framesandattitudesthatvolunteersboughttotheseorganisationalspaces,butthey

sought to take account of the actual way in which care and support for homeless

otherswasperformed througheverydayactsofkindness, charityandgenerosity. In

thisway,thesespacesofprovisionwereconsideredtobeethicalbecauseoftheactual

performance of certain virtue. This needs to be applied to how the theological

narrativesthatstructureandprompteffortstorelocateandliveamongthemarginal,

and the faith‐inspired virtues that are encouraged through these forms of

incarnationalpraxisareperformativelyenacted.Analysingtheseperformancesinthe

context of specific service‐spaces, encounters and events will further develop an

understandingof the ethical nature of incarnational geographies and theway these

spacesofcareareco‐constitutedandenacted.

ResearchQuestion: How are these incarnational spaces and specific settings of care

performativelyconstituted?

51

Chapter3:ResearchingincarnationalgeographiesThe purpose of this chapter is to detail and critically evaluate how I went about

conductingmyresearch.Insummary,thischapterexplainsboththepracticalitiesand

issues that emerged whilst planning and undertaking my research and it critically

examines themethodologicalapproach I took toundertakemy thesis research.This

chapterissplitintosevendistinctsections.

InsectiononeIexplainhowmyowndoctoralresearchwasconnectedtothebroader

pan‐EuropeanresearchprojectandIaccountforhowmyinvolvementinthisproject

led me to become interested in incarnational expressions of the Christian faith in

socio‐economically deprived areas. In this first section I also review some of the

methodological design of this pan‐European project and I explore how my

involvement in this project was influential in shaping the trajectory of my own

methodsofresearch.SectiontwothencriticallyevaluateswhyIchosetoembracean

ethnographic approach grounded in researcher participation in two particular

residentialplacements.InthissectionIjustifymyuseofthismethodologicalapproach

in consideration of the nature of my research topic. I also explore how this

methodological approach enabled me to enact my own form of ‘quiet’ activism. In

section three I explain why I decided to only make use of the second of my two

research placements in this thesis. Section four then introduces this case study,

elaboratingonthesocio‐economiccontextofthearea,theFBOprojectcontextandmy

involvement while on placement. Section five then examines why I employed a

numberofmixedmethodsanddetailshowIrecordedthisethnographicinformation.

In section six of this chapter I critically assessmy positionality and explore how I

remained critically engaged throughout the research process. In the final section,

section seven, I outline and justify the approach I took towriting and representing

‘incarnationalgeographies’intheempiricalchapters.

Section1:Beginnings

Itwaswithintheparametersofthefirst fewmonthsundertaking deskresearchfor

52

the FACIT project that I became intrigued about ‘incarnational expressions’ of the

Christian faith in socio‐economicallydeprived communities.Being confrontedby an

enormous spectrumof faithmotivated praxis tackling issues of urban social justice

(see Beaumont and Cloke, 2012) I was particularly taken by the idea of the Eden

initiatives.

IntriguedbyEden

‘Eden’hadactuallycrossedmypathwhenIattendedaChristianyouthfestivalentitled

‘Soul in the City’ withmy church youth group in the year 2000. Three weeks into

compiling the desk‐based research on national faith based organisations (hereafter

FBOs) tackling social exclusion and poverty I began to reflect onmy own previous

briefencounterswiththisorganisation.ReadingthroughadraftofapaperPaulCloke

was to present at a conference in earlyOctober 2008 (see Cloke, 2010), I began to

reflect through my own involvement in this Christian youth festival. Reviewing

‘emergent streams’ of what Cloke termed ‘post‐secular praxis’ I came across a few

sentencesoverviewing,inhiswords,theworkoftheMessageTrust’sEdenInitiatives:

“faith‐actioncanalsoinvolvebehind‐the‐scenesradicalism,aswithTheMessage

Trust's Eden Project in which young adult volunteers choose to uproot

themselves and take up residence in some of the most difficult urban areas,

sharingtheproblemsofyoungpeoplegrowingupintheseareasandministering

totheirneeds.Thissacrificiallifestylechoicerepresentsacounterculturalform

offaithpraxis,andstandsasapropheticalternativetothestandardprocessesof

neoliberalism that 'make up' the subject through individuation and

entrepreneurship.”(Cloke,2010,236)

Thisallgotmethinking.Ilooselyrememberedthateightyearsagotherewasalotof

buzzattheChristianyouthfestivalabouttheMessageTrust’sEdeninitiatives.Atthe

timemany young people and adults were being encouraged to consider joining an

EdenTeamandmoveontooneofManchester’smostdeprivedresidentialareas.Being

53

encouragedbymy supervisor to find a PhD research topic amongst the plethora of

FACITresearchIbegantoconsiderwhetherperhapstheEdeninitiativeswereindeed

a tangible option. Maybe, just maybe, there was something here in these Eden

initiatives intowhich I couldgetmy teeth. I spent some time reading into theEden

initiatives and theMessage Trust on the Internet. I came across the Eden‐network

websiteandbeganstreamingatalkbyMattWilson,theEden‐networkdirector.

Withmy headphones plugged in to the laptop, I could hear the echoes of his voice

from what I only imagined to be a typical Church of England pulpit. Disparate

memories of that two‐week summer social action festival were, at points, being

revitalizedbyatalkhewasgivingtoachurchcongregationinSheffield.MattWilson

wasdescribingwhatitlookedliketobeinvolvedinanEdenteam,drawingoutfaith‐

cultivatedlessonsfromwhathehadencountered.Hespokewithrealconvictionanda

senseofcertainty.Hedescribedhowhehadinitiallyfoundhiswayontoaparticular

housingestateinManchester,howheandotherscametoliveontheestate,andwhat

they had begun to do once they had decided to move into the neighbourhood. I

scribbledintomylittleblacknotebook,tryingtocapturewhathehadtosay.MaybeI

could research these initiatives? Maybe they had a story to tell, a story that had

enoughlifeinitforathesis?Theycertainlyhaddeepconvictions,relocatingtosome

of the most socioeconomically deprived housing estates in the UK. The talk

continued…

“speak it into being, speak those things that are not as if they are, that is our

approach now, we will get in the community, we will begin to find out. God,

whereareyouatwork?Whatgoodthingsisyourspiritdoingandhowcanwe

fanthatintoflames?Howcanweblessthatandmakeitmore?Similarlywecan’t

turnablindeyetothefactthatthereisbadstuffhappening,andthereismess

and there are problems. There are people who need locking up cos they are

causingallkindsofagro.Sowewalkthiscountercultural line,whereonmany

occasionsitwillneedtobetheguysonourteamwhoaretheoneswhostandup

andbecountedandsay,“that’swrong,thatisnotright,yougottasortthisout”.

Youknowourworkwithyoungpeople isnotcottonwoolandencouragement,

54

wegottabethosewhoarewillingtodisciplineyoungpeopleaswellassay,“if

youkeepdoingthis it’sgoingtoleadtothis”[or]“youroutoforderthere,you

needtoapologise”.Wearenotjustaboutbeingwooly,therehasgottabetough

lovethereaswell,andsothat ispartofourcounterculturalcallingaswellcos

thereisnobodyelsewhowilldothat…”’

(Wilson,2007)

Heck!MattWilson,thoseareprettystrongstatements.‘Acounterculturalcalling’,‘cos

thereisnobodyelsewhowilldoit’(Wilson,2007).Ididnothaveenoughofthedetail

butthosewereboldwords.ThethoughtofabunchofChristians‘tellingothershowto

live’; some of his words made me shrink into my skin, others made me ask deep

questionsofhowIputmyownChristianfaithintopractice.Movingintocommunities

and engagingwithwhat they discerned to be good, standing againstwhat they felt

wasbad,herewasaveryactive‘presence’;Christiansmovingtoplaceswithintention

andcommitment. Inavigatedmyselfaround theEden‐networkwebsiteand founda

book for sale, a written account of the last eight years of the Eden ‘communities’.

Noted the titleand theauthor.Eden­Called to the streets.WrittenbyMattWilson. I

clicked‘addtobasket’onthecomputerscreen.

Twodays later the book appeared in the post, I got towork reading it. Every Ph.D

student seems to have certain objects, people, or narratives that they chase at the

beginning of their first year (see Crang and Cook, 2007). Mine were caught up in

‘Eden’andIbegantotrytomakesenseofthem.Thebookdescribedanobsessionwith

particularplacesandastoryofagroupofpassionatepeoplewhoseChristianfaithhad

drawn them to relocate onto socioeconomically deprived housing estates; certain

placesandparticularpeople.AcollectionofpeoplewhoseChristianfaithwasshaped

in away that tied them toparticularplaces,dwelling thereand shapingout certain

landscapes. Itseemedtobeastory thatshiftedandmutatedwith time.Manyof the

people involved seemed to have relocated frommore affluent parts of the South of

England. Young couples, school leavers and university graduates made up the

majorityof themigration.Myown imaginationbeganto fill in thegaps. Iwanted to

knowmore.NotabadaspirationIsuppose,particularlywhenIwasgoingtoneedto

55

dedicate three years of my life towards this one area of interest (Crang and Cook,

2007).WantingtobuildspacewithintheFACITprojecttolearnmoreabouttheEden

Initiatives it was agreed with my PhD supervisor/FACIT UK project leader that I

wouldbeabletoexploretheEdeninitiatives inmoredepthatthethirdstageofthe

FACIT research. Firstly however therewas a responsibility to undertake a series of

interviewswithkeynationallevelFBOstofurtherexploresomeofthekeythemeswe

hadbegun todevelop in thenational report (seeClokeetal2008).Undertaking the

FACITresearchwashighlyinfluentialinshapingthetrajectoryofmyownresearch.

Firstly, the FACIT project introduced me to a vast array of relevant literatures. I

became familiar with relevant literature surrounding debates on contemporary

structuresofwelfare,neoliberalism,governance,andthevoluntarysector.Anditalso

introducedtoawholehostofimportantphilosophical,theological,andethicaldebates

that crosscut this first set of literatures. Secondly, with regards to my emerging

empirical interests, the initial stages of the FACIT project also gaveme insight into

whatmethodsofresearchmightbeabest,andpossiblyaworst, fitmodel formeto

adoptformyself.

AsthefoundationalpremisesoftheFACITprojectwerebydefaultcomparative,much

of the early stages of researchwas built aroundmarco‐level endeavors, comparing

national structures of governance and the operation of FBOs within these political

contexts.Theproblemsthatseemedintrinsicwithinthisapproachwasthatmuchof

thewaytheprojectsorttounderstandFBOswascaughtupintheexpansivenatureof

theproject.Thefirsttwostagesoftheresearch,boththedesk‐basedscopingexercise

that explored FBOs active at a national level, and the structured interviewswith a

number of these national level organisations, had a number of interrogative

limitations.Thesewererootedinthefactthat,atanationallevelatleast,muchofthe

way the project came to understand the role and place of FBOs in relation to

contemporaryEuropeansocietieswasbasedexclusivelyondiscourseanalysisofwhat

participantssaidWhileinonesensethisprovidedmeaningfuldescriptiveinsightsinto

thebroadspectrumofapproachesFBOstakeintacklingpovertyandsocialexclusion,

andinanothersenseitplacedonthemapmuchofthecreativeandinnovativework

56

FBOs are undertaking under the banner of lobbying, protest and strategy, this

approachleftlittleroomforhumanagency,orthecontextofparticularplacesandthe

actualgroundeddailyperformancesinvolvedineachorganisationalsetting.Trawling

through website after website, annual reports and in‐house FBO publications only

presented a sea of words. Reading FBO mission and ethos statements, albeit an

importantpointoforientation,wasexactlythat,simplyastartingpoint.FBOmission

andethosstatementsprovidedkeydiscursivethemesbutdidnotgiveanygrounding

knowledge ofwhatmight be actually happening on a day to day basiswithin each

organization. Similarly, while the formal semi‐structured interviews with national

FBO representatives enabled the project to develop a better understanding of the

dynamicsof provision and interplaybetweenneoliberal governance and the role of

FBOswithinsuchacontext,verylittlewasactuallyunderstoodofhowthislookedon

the ground. Interviews with FBO representatives were often carried out over the

telephone,orawayfromthelocalcontextsinwhichtheirworkwasembedded.Teams

of researchers would appear briefly to undertake an interview, questioning

participantsonplaces,actionsandrationales,withlittlemorethananhourtogleam

an understanding of the whole internal dynamics of an organisation. Much of this

research could have been aptly described as a smash and grab raid on a few

informants(AtkinsonandDelamont,2006).Ibecameveryawareoftheselimitations

when I initially visited an Eden initiative to undertake an interview for the FACIT

project.ThisinitialvisitdidhowevergivemethechancetomeetAnnaTompson,akey

contactandcrucial ‘gatekeeper’ in termsofconducting furtherresearch(Fetterman,

1998),anditenabledmetobeginto‘castmynet’;developingapreliminaryfeelforan

empiricaltopicandbuildinganetworkofcrucialcontacts(CookandCrang,2003,pg

17).

VisitingEden:

Itwas clear that theEden initiativeswereveryused tohavingvisitors.Eden teams

were well versed in chaperoning visitors and in fact, as I learnt throughmy email

correspondencewiththenetworkcoordinator,certaindayswereevenearmarkedas

open dayswhen visitors could informally come take a look round. Being unable to

57

attendoneoftheseparticulardatesAnnaThompson,thenetworkcoordinator,kindly

set me up with an interview and an initial tour in conjunction with one of the

ManchesterbasedEdeninitiatives.

AnnaandIhadtwosimilarities,webothhadapersonalChristianfaith,and,asIwas

excitedtofindoutaswetouredthewesternedgeofManchester’sinnercity,Annatoo

was soon to be pursuing her doctorate; embarking on a part time PhD in Practical

Theology at Chester University that following September. This and our Christian

convictionsgaveusalottotalkabout.WevisitedtheSalfordEdenteambase,theLife

Centre,andIconductedarecordedinterviewfortheFACITproject.

WestofManchester’scitycentre,sittingupstairsintheLifeCentre,theprojectleader

Paul detailed how he and his wife had tried to discern if moving from Poole to

Manchesterwasanideawithwhich‘theybothfeltwasspirituallyright’.Paultoldme

howanumberofdifferentthingshadjumpedoutathim,as‘signsthatthiswasright’.

HefaithfullyinterpretedtheseasGod’swillforthemboth.Hearticulatedhowateam

wasformedandtheyallmovedontotheestate.Takingjobsinthesurroundingarea

Paul described how the team initially spent evenings doing detached youth work.

Theyplayedfootball,hungoutinthepark,walkedthesidestreetsand‘justmetyoung

people’. I gauged through the interview that in the initial fewmonths their sudden

presenceontheestatehadnotbeenreceivedwithoutskepticism.Onelocalresident

phonedthepolice,otherswereratherconcernedwithwhythisgrouphadturnedup

atall.Paulgavemehisversionofthings.

Paultracedhowthingshadchangedsincetheearlydayswhentheyallmovedin,he

toldmesomeofthepoliticsofworkingwithalocalchurchandsomeofthepersistent

problems.Hegavemeaquickoverviewofalltheircurrentprojects,theirfutureplans

and ambitions. An A5 brochure of the centre was placed in my hands and the

interviewwasboughttoacloseasPaulindicatedhewasabouttoopenthecentrefor

anafterschoolclub.

I could hear a banging noise, ‘let us in’ a young voice shouted. ‘Hurry up’, another

58

chirped. ‘Come on’. All this started to invade our rather polite and meandering

conversation.Fromthestreetcamerathermorefrankandexplicitrequeststobelet

in. ‘5minutes!’ someone roared from downstairs. Paul looked tired of talking. He

reiterated to Anna andmyself that the after school club was about to begin, Anna

agreed thatwebettergetgoing.We foundourwaydownstairs intoapurposebuilt

youthfacility,threevolunteerstakingamomenttogethertocollecttheirthoughtsand

run throughexactlywhat activitieswouldhold everything together.Thepleas from

behindthebolteddoorcontinued.Wereturnedouremptymugstoasinkandleft.We

subsequentlywereduetodropinonthesecondpartofameetingthatboughtthestaff

and volunteers of the Message Trust and different Eden projects together: the

‘together day’ Anna had explained in an email that this would help me gauge

something of the culture of the Message trust and give me the chance to meet a

numberofstaffandvolunteers fromacross theEden initiatives.Weheadedstraight

fortheMessageTrustheadquarters.

Thepurposeof the ‘togetherday’was tobringvolunteersandstaff fromacross the

Message Trust and the Eden initiates together for a time of reflective Christian

worshipandprayer.Annaexplainedthatthiswasexplicitlyamarkedmomentinthe

monthwhenbothEdenandtheMessageTrustcouldcelebratewhat‘Godwasdoing’.

It was a space to share stories, celebrate, and intentionally take time out from the

daily grind of administration and to do lists. It gave room for people to share

experiences,narrateboththeirexcitementandhardshipastheylivedandworkedin

someofManchester’smostdeprivedneighbourhoods.

Contrasting the Message Trust headquarters with the glimpse of activity I had

witnessed at the Life Centre in Salford itwas clear the two spaceswere extremely

different. TheMessage Trust headquarters seemed far removed from the perpetual

knocks at the door, the insistent screaming, Eden volunteers’ frantically running

aroundsettingupafterschoolclubresources.Areception,aswipecardentrysystem,

alargemeetingroomfullofpeople,allverycleanandmodern.TheMessageTrustwas

a warehouse on a Manchester Industrial estate. What connected the Langworthy

housing estate and the other estates, on which Eden teams lived, with this large

59

meeting, was that all these people formed part of one of these teams. Gathered

togetherintheconferenceroomoftheheadquarterswereovereightypeople,allpart

ofthesamenetwork,the ‘Eden‐network’.Alloftheparticipantsofthe ‘togetherday’

volunteered or worked as part of an ‘Eden team’. During the coffee break I was

introducedtomanyofthesepeople.Eachpersonhadastorytotell.Eachtoldmeof

howtheycametobeon‘Eden’.Iquicklyfoundmyselfimmersedinmyintrigue.What

hadstartedwithaninterviewfortheFACITprojectandaseriesofemailswasquickly

snowballing. A number of Eden volunteers and staff openly shared their account of

howtheycametojoinanEdeninitiative.Acollectionofjoiningnarrativeshadalready

beguntoemerge(seechapter4).Floodedwithnarratives,Ilefttheafternoonfeeling

overwhelmed.MyFACITinterviewfeltawkwardlylifelesscomparedtotheglimpseof

practiceIhadwitnessedleavingtheLifeCentreinLangworthy,Salford.Dippinginto

the meeting at the Message Trust headquarters had personalized some of the

narratives I had read in the written account of Eden. It had also left me feeling

saturatedwithspokenaccountsofwhatpeopledid.WhatIlongedforhoweverwasa

knowledge gained through participation. All these stories were interesting but I

intrinsically felt that these accounts needed to be matched up with periods of

observation,participationandimmersion‐somethingIknewfrommyundergraduate

trainingwas theblood line of any ethnographic approach to research (seeThomas,

2006).ReturningfrommyvisittoManchesterinearly2009Ibegantoquicklyworkat

organisingmyresearcharoundanethnographicapproach,searchingforanumberof

appropriate‘casestudies’withinwhichmyethnographyresearchcouldtakeplace.

Section2:Embracingethnography

‘Ethnographyexploresthetissueofeverydaylife’

(Herbert2000,551)

Having been given the space to explore my own research interests within the

parameter of the third stage of the FACIT project I chose to build my empirical

researcharoundtwocasestudyplacements:oneinBirminghamandoneinOldham.

BothplacementswereapartofthesameSalvationArmy614UKchurchnetworkand

thelateroneinOldhamalsopartneredwiththeEdenprojectwithwhichIhadalready

60

becomeincrediblyintrigued.WiththehelpofAnnaThompson,thekeycontactIhad

madethroughanearlierFACITinterview,Iwasabletosecureavolunteerplacement

with theOldhamFBO,EdenFittonHill (EDEN/SA614UK).Thisgaveme theassured

credibility I needed to then attain a preliminary placement in Aston, Birmingham.

UndertakingtworesidentialethnographicplacementsasageneralprojectvolunteerI

wasabletopracticallyengagewiththedailylifeofwhathappenedwithintheprojects.

These two placements provided the field sites within which I able to research

ethnographicallythroughparticipation.ThissecondsectioncriticallyevaluateswhyI

chose to embrace an ethnographic approach grounded in researcher participation

within these two placements. Here I argue that such a decision was based on two

interconnectingrationales.

Firstly, I argue that I embraced an ethnographic participatory approach to my

research because it provided the bestmeans of exploringwhat I was interested in

investigating.Secondly,Iarguethatethnographypresentedmewithamethodological

devicethroughwhichIcouldpersonallygetinvolved.Inthislatersenseethnography

allowedmeto‘getoffmyarse’andtoblurtheboundariesbetweenmyacademicand

personalpositionalitiesanddo‘somethingaboutsomething’(Cloke2002).

Unpackingtheethnographictoolboxinthiswaypresentedmewithbothatheoretical

andpracticalwayofapproachingmyempirical interest. Inonesense itprovidedan

appropriateanglefromwhichtoapproachthetopic;ananglethatwould,considering

mypersonalfrustrationintheearlystagesoftheFACITresearch,allowmetodomore

than scratch the surface of the topic. While, in another sense, it opened up an

opportunityformetopurposefullyandmeaningfullyengagewithothersinawaythat

would allow me to practically offer something of myself to others. Designing my

research in this way enabled me to put something of my own Christian faith into

action and it also enabledme to move frommaking sense of Christian faith‐based

action through a process of just listening to others talkabout theirwork, lives and

action,tomatchingsuchtalkwithwhatactuallyhappens.

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ResearchingChristianPraxis

ComparingHumanGeographytoAnthropologyitisclearthattherehasneverbeena

periodofGeography’shistorythatreflectsthesamenear‐mandatoryrequirementfor

scholars to have to travel off to some far flung and perceivably exotic location to

undertake an ‘ethnography’ (Clifford and Marcus, 1986). However, in reflection of

Geography's so called ‘qualitative turn’ (seeCrang, 2002, 2003, 2005), the past few

decadeshavecertainlyseenethnographicmethodsbecomeacommoncomponentof

manyGeographer’smeansof enquiry, often for veryvalid reasons (see for example

Herbert,2000,Megoran,2006;Cook,2006;Hubbard,2006;MacLeodetal,2003).

Ethnography, as the short epitaph by Steve Herbert (2000) aptly suggests, is an

exploration of the tissue of everyday life. Andwhile there is a case to be built that

‘everyday life’ hasbecome increasinglyputonapedestal inGeography,particularly

withinCulturalGeography(Valentine,2001),thedescriptionisfittingasitsuccinctly

captures how ethnographicmethods have the ability to encounter and engagewith

the lived and the immanent, the performed and the practiced (Crang, 2005).

Describingethnographyasan‘explorationofthetissueofeverydaylife’hintsathow

ethnographygetsclosertosomethingofthelivelinessofourmanyworlds(Lorimer,

2005).Ithelpsusmakesenseofwhatwewishtostudy(Pink,2009;2012).Whereas

surveys and interviewsmight get at what is said, ethnography also helps to get at

what people actually do (Crang and Cook, 2007). Ethnography offers a nuanced

understanding of what discrepancies there might be between thought and deeds

(Herbert,2000).Thisapproachaimstotella ‘credible,rigorous,andauthenticstory’

that gives ‘voice to people in their own local context, typically relying on verbatim

quotationsanda‘thick’descriptionofevents’(Fetterman,2010,pg1).

Taking into account that my research focused in quite some depth on the

performative‐orthepracticed‐aspectsoftheChristianfaith,makinguseofamethod

that is suited to the examination of the living and performed nature of human life

seemedalmostcommonsense.Althoughmanyofmyresearchquestionswereattheir

core focused on the rationale for engagement; questioning themotivations for care

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and the place of theological, spiritual and ethical prompts and formulations, my

researchwasalsointerestedinhowthisalltookplace,orwasenactedwithinalocal

context.NotonlywasIinterestedinhowmeaningisput‐into‐praxisbuthowitiswas

also made‐through‐praxis. Utilising an ethnographic approach that focused on

researcher participation and participant observation was therefore the most

appropriate means of coming to terms with these performed aspects of Christian

praxis.Thisopenedupameansofresearchthatwasbothexperientialandreflective;

anapproach thatwason theonehandaboutmyself as I tookpartalongsideothers

andontheotherhandaboutothersastheyreflectedwithmeonwhattheydid.

Designing my ethnographic research around an approach in which participant

observationwasakeyfacetmeantthatIwasabletotake‘partinthedailyactivities,

rituals, interactions and events of a group of people as one means of learning the

explicitandtacitaspectsoftheirliferoutinesandtheirculture’(DeWaltandDeWalt,

2002, 1). And, as a methodological approach that was built around the idea of

immersing myself in a particular culture (Fetterman, 1998, 35), it gave me three

distinct advantages. Reflecting on my disappointments with the two preliminary

stagesoftheFACITproject,thesethreeadvantagessignificantlybolsteredmydecision

todesignmymethodaroundanapproachthatwould furtheropenuptheempirical

topic.

Firstly,participantobservationenabledmetoworktowardsimprovingthequalityof

my data. Secondly, it provided me with an approach that would enable a greater

quality in the interpretation of the data, and thirdly, it helped me formulate new

researchquestionsgroundedinon‐the‐sceneobservation(DewaltandDewalt,2002).

Researching Incarnational forms of Christian Praxis in socio‐economically deprived

areasinthiswayenabledmetobegintomovefromresearchonreligiontoresearch

thatallowedreligionto‘speakback’(Yorgsonetal,2009,p636).Therewerebroadly

four ways in which by embracing a participatory approach I was able to allow

Christianpraxisto‘speakback’toGeography(IBID,p636).

Firstly,participantobservationenabledmetoimprovethequalityofmyresearchand

63

‘speakback’becauseitenabledmetoquestionChristianpraxisthroughanembodied

experientialapproach.Byacknowledgingthatoneofthemostvitaltoolsofenquiryis

infactthebodyoftheresearcher(seePaterson,2004;2009;Parr,1998;Longhurstet

al,2008)IwasabletocometotermswithcommonactionthroughwhatIfeltaswell

as what I thought (See Grills, 1998; Katz, 1998, Stoller, 2004). This meant that by

givingspaceforanepistemologicalframeworkthatwascenteredonthebodyasaway

of knowing (see Patterson, 2009), what I learnt of the field was tacit (Desjarlais,

1992).Itenabledmetoaccountforthenon‐verbalaswellastheverbal(Dewaltand

Dewalt,2002)anditsignificantlyledmetobesurenottoneglectthephenomelogical

andtheperformative(seeLorimer,2005).Thetracesofwhatcouldnotbeadequately

described inwords left itsmarkonmethroughvisceralmeans(Thrift,2007).Being

bodily present I was open to witness action through affectual registers (see

Dewsberry et al, 2002; Crouch, 2001). I felt things formyself and I felt thingswith

others(Stoller,2004).

Secondly, taking part alongside other participants, building relationships and

friendships, staying in their environment, observing and participating in their

everydaymeantthatmyresearchbecamehighlyrelational(Gobo,2008).Developing

integralrelationshipswithothersthroughcommonaction,reflectionandexperience

meant that I was able to gather greater insight into the lives of others. I built

friendships,sharedmealsandevenwentonholidaywithoneoftheparticipants.This

all enabled me to understand the interplay between motivations and action to a

greaterextentas the complexityandmultiplicityofpraxiswasanchoredwithin the

contextofindividualandcommunalbiographies.Knowingdifferentpeoplescharacter

traitsmademeabletodrawoutmoreinsightfulandmorecontextualunderstandings

ofwhypeopleactedthewaythattheydid.Makinguseofanapproachthatfocusedon

researcherparticipationandreflectiveengagementmeantthatIcouldtrytocometo

termswith‘action‐events’asaco‐contributor(Stoller,2004).

Whilesomeaspectsofmyresearchdevelopedtobecomeheavilyauto‐ethnographic,

‘producing self‐narratives that placed the self within a particular social context’

(Reed‐Danahay, 1997, 7), much of my research was grounded in this relational,

64

researcher‐participant as co‐contributor approach. Observation of my participation

withothersenabledmetoexperienceandobservemyownco‐participationwithand

alongsideotherswithintheethnographicencounter(Tedlock,1991).Participatingas

a volunteer alongsideothers in theseprojectsmeant that Iwasnot a dispassionate

observer of the lives of others, but emotionally, physically and, I would hope,

spiritually, a co‐producer of life in these specific contexts. Hopefully viewing my

participation in this light Iwouldbeacceptedasawelcomedco‐performer(Denzin,

2003). Helpfully, tempering the balance between observation and participation

(Spradley, 1980) allowedme to findanappropriatemiddle groundbetween thatof

being a complete insider by going native becoming ‘the phenomena’ (Jorgerson,

1989),andthatofbeinganeutralobserverwithnointentiontopartake.Choosingto

take on the role of an active participant I aimed at producing something of

ethnographywithothersratherthanofothers.Respectingandcherishingthat life is

madeupofmany intersubjectivemoments I sought to strive to engagewith others

with sincerity and passion, accepting the open ended understandings of the life

worldsofanother(Prus,1998).Participatingalongsideothersinthiswaywasreliant

uponmebeing friendly, likeable, dependable, honest and at times trustworthy (see

Shaffir,1998;Grills,1998).ThisreducedtheextenttowhichIwasactivelypokinginto

thelivesofpeoplewhowerenotinthepositiontopokeintomine(Geerts,1998).It

mademevulnerable,realandsusceptibletothesamekindofquestionsIwasasking

ofotherparticipants.ResearchingrelationallyIwasabletosomewhataddresscertain

powerdynamics, Iworkedat creatinggenuine friendshipsand I tried tomaintaina

sincere appreciation that I was sometimes participating alongside them as a guest

(Harvey,2004,pg181)

Thirdly, being present when things happened also meant that the quality of my

findings improved as second‐hand stories and informant stories were greatly

enriched by me experiencing events first hand. Being enrolled into participant

observationmeantthatIwatchedandexperiencedthingsunfold.Enrolledintopraxis

I had to build room for surprises (Crang and Cook, 2007) and I had to remain

personallyproactiveandflexible(BaszangerandDodier2004).Intheearlystagesof

myfieldworkIsearchedoutexperiencesandeventsandparticipantobservationset

65

thestage foramorerefinedtechniqueofrecording, rememberingand interrogating

theseeventsandexperiencesastimewenton.Thisdevelopmentmeantthatideasthat

were originally a blurwhen I first entered the field took a sharper focus over time

(DewaltandDewalt,2002).

Fourthly,‘beingthere’and‘takingpart’notonlyallowedmetomoreeffectivelymake

senseofwhathappened, italsoforcedmyideasandassumptionstoberesistedand

tested by what I actually experienced in the field (Becker, 1970). Embracing an

ethnographic approach led me to develop a certain process as well as a definitive

product (Fetterman,2010).Thisprocessofanalysiswas ‘inherently iterative’ asmy

participation in the field helped formulate new research questions and develop

differentlinesofenquiry(DewaltandDewalt,2002,pg13)

As I have argued in this first part of section two, embracing an ethnographic

participatory approach to research enabled me to achieve a certain depth of

understanding into these particular Christian practices in four adjoining ways. It

createdspaceforanembodiedexperientialunderstandingoftheseChristianpractices

throughmy own active engagement in them. Being there myself also meant that I

experienced events for myself. It also forced me to learn from the field as I

participated in it, iteratively coming to termswith theseChristianpractices as they

unfoldedbeforemeandwithme,thisforcedmetoquestioncertainassumptionsand

certain theories I bought to the field. Furthermore, purposefully seeking to be

relationalmeantthatmyiterativegrapplingwiththesepracticeswasgroundedinthe

vulnerability of friendship and the explicit recognition that others might, and will,

havedifferentexperiencesandopinions,andthatthroughmutualdialogue,friendship

andreflectionIwouldbeabletocometotermswiththeiractions,both individually

and as a group, by having a listening ear to the storied narratives of their own

biographies.Asimportantasthesereasonswereindeepeningmyenquiry,however,I

alsofeltimpelledtoundertakeanethnographicparticipatoryapproachasameansof

expressingmyownactivismalongsideotherspassionateaboutasimilarcause.Iwill

nowexpanduponthiswithinthecontextofcriticalandradicalgeography.

66

CriticalandRadicalGeography,participationandmy‘quiet’activism:

‘The critiques offered by critics… have the luxury of social distance from the

sharpwoundsofsocialreality..‘

WalterBrueggemann(2001,xi)

‘Let us be realists: we, the academic Left, want to appear critical, while fully

enjoyingtheprivilegesthesystemisofferingus.So letusbombardthesystem

with impossibledemands;weallknowthat thesedemandswillnotbemet,so

wecanbesurethatnothingwillbeeffectivelychangedandwewillmaintainour

privilegedstatusquo!’

SlavojZizek(2005,57)

Ingeographytherehasbeenmuchdebateandreviewovertheexactnatureof‘critical’

geography (see Blomley, 2006; 2008;). Some geographers (see Fuller and Kitchen,

2004)haveforcefullycomparedcriticalgeographytoappliedgeography,settingupa

strongdistinctionbetweenthatwhichactivelyseekstomakeasubversivedifference

on the ground (viva la activist!) and thatwhich attempts to influence ‘elitist policy’

(subjugatedbythestate!),whileothers,drawinguponthelineageofcriticalthought

inthesocialsciences,havetracedtheemergentandtangentialdevelopmentofcritical

geography out of radical geography in the 1970s (see Peet 2000). Either way, the

common concern amongst ‘critical geographers’ is a ‘shared commitment to

emancipatory politics within and beyond the discipline, to the promotion of

progressive social changeand thedevelopmentof abroad rangeof critical theories

and their application in geographical research andpolitical practice’ (Painter, 2000,

126). United by a concerted and engaged encounter with issues of inequality (see

Hubbard et al, 2002), these geographers, on the one hand, have sought both the

development of essential critical scholarship (seeMitchell, 2004) that contests ‘the

hegemony of dominate representations’ in order to build ‘transformative insight’

(Blomley,2006,92),and,on theotherhand,havesearchedtoengage themselves in

various ‘formsofprogressivepraxis’(Ibid,2006,92).Thispraxisoftenbearsfidelity

67

to an approach that, in one sense, promotes the ethics of solidarity and equality

between researcher and research subjects (see Routledge, 2004), while in another

sense,critiquesthe imaginaryboundariesthatexistbetweenacademicresearchand

personallife(seeCloke,2004).Itisalsoanapproachthatisoftenbasedondialogical

connections and encounters with others, blurring the activist/public boundary. My

participatoryethnographyborrowsseveralkeyfeaturesfromthisgenreofgeography.

Beingaparticipant‐researchernotonlygavemetheopportunitytoreflectonaction

andeventsthroughmyemotionsandthoughts;buildingaco‐producedethnography,

it gaveme the chance to bemake a personal contribution; ‘getting offmy arse and

doing something’ (Cloke, 2002, 92), subsequently ‘getting my hands dirty in an

attempttodosomethinguseful’(Ibid,94).‘Makingacontribution’wassomethingthat

I was concerned should be built into the research from the outset of the research

processand,acknowledgingthatethnographicresearchis ‘anembodiedactivitythat

drawsinourwholephysicalperson,alongwithallitsinescapableidentities’,Iwasset

onputtingalloftheseinescapablepersonalaspectsofmyidentityintoactionthrough

myresearch(CrangandCook,2007,9).IwantedtohelpoutwhereIcouldandputmy

faith‐fuelledpassionsintoplay.

Joining the case study placements as a volunteer provided a certain ‘contact space’

(seeCloke,2002)anditprovidedameansofbridgingthevastvoidbetweenwhatthe

epigraph quote from Brueggemann (2001, pg xi) details as ‘the luxury of social

distancefromthesharpwoundsofsocialreality’.This ‘contactspace’enabledmeto

enactmy own personal politics, expressmy Christian faith, and in some smallway

makeapositivedifferencealongsideothersindifferentandmoresocio‐economically

deprived circumstances. Building on a similar experience I had encountered

undertakingmyundergraduateresearch,Iwantedtoinvolvemyselfintheprojectsin

awaythatwouldventurebeyondthemhavingpurelyanacademicutility;Iwantedto

domorethanofferrhetorical‘impossibledemands’fromasafeliberaldistance(Zizek,

2005,57). Iwanted tobeof impactand Iwanted tobe impactedupon.Aswithmy

undergraduate experience researching alongside the on‐street homeless, where I

volunteeredataday‐centre(seeThomas,2006),IwantedtofinishmyPh.Dresearch

knowingthatIhadbeenofsomesortofhelpbeyondthewallsoftheUniversity.From

68

the first moments initially designing my research I ideally envisaged that my

involvementwould allowme to draw uponmy previous experiencesworkingwith

youngpeopleinbothavoluntarycapacityatmylocalchurch,andinapaidroleasa

teacherinIndonesia.BothresearchplacementstookmeatmywordwhenIwrotein

my research outline that Iwanted to get involved in every aspect of their projects.

Beingdrafted intosupportdrop‐inclubs,runvariousafter‐schoolactivities,usemy

carfortripsandoutings,Iintegrallybecameanothermemberofthevoluntaryteam.

Duringthefirstplacementmypastteachingskillswereputtoworkbybeingaskedto

overseeandinstructtwoyoungvolunteersintheprocessofplanning,resourcingand

implementing workshops for the young people who attended the drop‐in clubs.

Additionally, working one‐to‐one with different young people, my tutoring and

mentoringskillswereputtothetest.InthisroleIfoundmyselfworkingalongsideone

particularyoungpersontoreconditionaminimotorbike;whilelaterintheplacement,

searching for other engaging activities, I ended up giving basic pottery lessons!

Making use ofmy own skills and abilities in thisway gaveme a chance to actively

engageinprocessesofsocialchangeonaverylocalizedlevel.Onaverysmallscalemy

involvement allowed me to share some of my skills with others, developing and

empowering others (see Silltoe et al, 2002) and it enabled me to feed back my

thoughtsandviewstootherswhorantheprojectonaregularbasis(Cole,2005).

Unlikeorthodoxunderstandingsof(political)activismthatmayenvisageactivismas

an involvement inpolitical campaigningmy(social)activistengagement follows the

broader action‐oriented approach outlined by Pain (2003) which focuses on the

involvementofacademicsindifferentsocialprocesseswiththeaimofcreatingbetter

and different worlds. Pain (2003) encouraging outlines how through policy,

participationandactivism,socialgeographersareinvolvingthemselvesinthelivesof

others.While my work did not involve squatting (see Chatterton, 2002) or radical

displaysofpublicprotest (seeGraeber,2009; andBurton,2012), it involvedwhat I

mightterma‘quiet’formofactivism,which,inminorwayscontributedtowardsthese

Christianincarnationalfaith‐basedinitiativesaimedatimprovingthelivesofmarginal

others.

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Becomingatemporarymemberof ‘their’communityItentativelyhopeIwasableto

interdependentlycontribute inwhateverwaypossible,be this throughvolunteering

myskillsasaneducator,orthroughrunningyouthactivities,or,inafleetingandmore

ephemeral manner through embodying a spirit of generosity. In light of this later

contribution, I hope, in a smallway, Iwas able to leave something ofmyself in the

‘interstitualspaces’andinthemomentsthatpresentthemselvesas‘brieffestivalsof

hope’;momentsthatcontributeinaminisculewaytothe‘airthathangsheavywitha

generous odour’ (Brewin, 2009, 150). In a personal sense, stepping back from the

researchIcertainlyhaveneverbeenabletogetridofthefeelingthatIwas,insome

minorway, a part of something temporarily different, something that for a second,

psycho‐geographicallyspeakingatleast,feltmarvelous,somethingthatchangedmeat

least, something that influencedme,something that, throughmyactive involvement

alongsideothersinattemptingtocreatecounterculturalspacesbasedontheChristian

transformative hope, had an affect; finding itsmanifestation in friendship, laughter

andagooddealof‘tomfoolery’.Thiswasmyownpersonalattemptat‘activism’andit

could be viewed as a performative means of enacting a certain politics of hope

(Denzin, 2003b). I will return to critically evaluate how this level of personal

involvementinfluencedmyabilityto‘becritical’laterinthechapter.Immediatelynext

insectionthree,however,IwillcriticallyassesswhyIchosetoonlybasethiswritten

thesisonthesecondofmytwoplacements.Anintroductiontothiscasestudyandmy

involvementwithinitwillthenfollowinsectionfour.

Section3:Fromamulti­sitetoasite­specificethnography

InitiallyIconceivedthatmywrittenPhDthesiswouldcompareanddrawuponbothof

thetwocasestudies.Thiswouldhavemeantthatmyresearchwasconceivedaround

amulti‐siteethnography(seeMarcus1995).However,forvariousreasonsthatIwill

establishhere, Imade thedecisionupon finishingmysecondresearchplacement to

buildthemajorityofmywrittenthesisaroundthesecondcasestudyinOldham.

Whilemulti‐siteethnographieshaveallowedmanyscholarstogroundanddemystify

studies of globalistaion andneoliberalistion (see for exampleZsuzsa, 2001;Marcus,

70

1999; Freidberg, 2001) there have been numerous scholars who have had to ask

careful questions of the purpose of embracing multi‐site ethnographies in certain

contexts(seeforexampleNadaiandMaeder,2005;Hage,2005;Candea,2007;Small,

2009).Mydecisiontofocuspurelyonthesecondcasestudywasbasedonanumberof

considerationsthatquestionedthequality,depthandpurposeofmywrittenthesis.

Firstly, as I begun the process ofwriting up, reviewing narratives and experiences,

developingthemesandempiricalchapters,IbeguntofindthatquitenaturallyIbegan

towritethroughmanyofthethemesinthecontextofthesecondplacement.Apartof

thiswasthatthesevividmemorieswerestillfresh,havingjustcompletedmysecond

placement, and, rather problematic was the fact that while I had notes, audio

reflections, interviews and photos to remind me of my involvement in my first

placement,therewasalargetimelapsebetweenfinishingthisfirstplacementinthe

lateautumnof2010andbeginning,letaloneconsiderablydeveloping,thewritingin

thelatesummerof2011.IterativelyIfoundthatasthewrittenthesisdevelopedthe

lifeof the firstplacementwaseitheroftenabsentoratbestusedtosupplement the

primarystoriesandaccountsofthesecondplacement.

Secondly,andmoresignificantlythanthefirstrationale,mysecondconcernrevolved

around my desire to integrate sufficient depth and quality into my ethnographic

narrative. I wanted to represent the lived worlds of those I had encountered with

some integrity and rigour. Keen to avoid an essentialist critique of faith‐motivated

peopleIwantedtobesurethatIbuiltenoughroomtoreflexivelyaskwithaneyeto

searchforcomplexity,contextanddifference:whattheydo,howtheydoitandwhy

they do it, without diluting my account by aimlessly flitting between different

accountsfornoapparentreason(seeHannerz,2003).

IreasonedwithmyselfthatifIwasarguingthatethnographyprovidesasuitableway

ofunfoldingcomplexitywithinagivencontext,thenadequatelyillustratingthispointI

wouldhavetocarefullyquestiontheneedtobecomparativebetweencasestudiesas

wellaswithincasestudies.Therefore,consideringthatalargepartofmyargumentin

thisthesiswastobebuiltaroundtheneedtounderstandtheagency,individualityand

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characterofdifferentChristiansinplacedcontexts,Iwouldhavetobeabletoreflect

thiswellinthewritingandnarrativeexpositionthatinscribesthesecomplexlivesand

actions to paper. Concentrating on detailed biographies and everyday performed

events I could not bringmyself to draw upon these two case studies in diminutive

ways, utilising them both as only mere pools of data from which to draw out the

briefest of vignettes (Crang and Cook, 2007). Similiarly, after the experience of the

rather surface level encounter with different faith communities and organisations

undertakenthroughtheearlystagesoftheFACITprojectIwasemphaticthatIwanted

to build a thick account of certain aspects of praxis.Needless to say thick accounts

drawingonexperiences,actionsandeventsmeantusingupmypreciousprescribed

word count. Wanting to illustrate with sufficient empirical detail the complexity

inherent in the ethnography aroundwhich this thesis is built, I thereforemade the

pragmaticdecisiontoonlywriteupthe‘life’ofthesecondplacement,hopingthatby

doing this Iwould retain enoughof the illustrativedetail Iwaskeen tokeep in the

impressionisticwriting.

Thirdly,originallysettingout tocomparetwodifferentFBOsunitedbythecommon

endeavortoliveinthelocalneighbourhooditsoonemergedinthedetailsofmyfirst

researchplacementthatthevolunteersandstaffdidnotactuallyliveintheimmediate

neighbourhood. In reality, the Salvation Army Birmingham 614UK project was a

communitycentrestaffedbyvolunteersandpaidstaffthatlivedbeyondtheconfines

ofthelocalestate.Whilethereanumberofinterestingthemesthatemergedfromthe

first case study, reviewing my ethnographic journals and planning my chapters I

decidedthattheethnographywouldworkbetterifIfocusedsolelyonthesecondcase

studyorganisation.Afterall itwasonlythissecondcasestudythatadequatelyfitted

thetrueremitofmyinvestigation.

While these threestrandsof reasoningwereenough forme tocometo thedecision

nottoincludethefirstcasestudyplacementinthewrittenthesis,myparticipationin

thisprojectwas constructive inanumberofways.Firstly, through this thesis there

are a series of methodological endeavors with which I only became comfortable

throughtryingthemoutinthecontextofthefirstplacement.Inthisveinthenthefirst

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placementpresentedmewithsomethingofapracticegroundthroughwhichIcould

becomebetterskilledasaresearcher.Inaword,perhapsmyfirstplacementwouldbe

bestconsideredassomethingofa‘pilot’study.Secondly,thisfirstplacementwasnot

only influential in termsofhow I learnt to researchbut alsowhat Ipursuedaskey

thematicpointsofinterestinthesecondplacement.Thirdly,whilethefirstcasestudy

isabsentfromthiswrittenthesisthefriendshipsthatdevelopedbetweenvolunteers,

staffandmyselfcouldnotbeexcludedinthesamewaythattherepresentationofthis

casestudyhasbeeninthetext.Iformedseveralkeyfriendshipsduringthisplacement

andtheseenabledmetogetthemostoutof thesecondplacement.Similarlya large

partoftheactualexperienceofparticipatinginthisprojecthasbeenwrittenintomy

identity and therefore haunts something of my subjective encounter of the second

placementcasestudy.Iwillnowintroducethissecondcasestudy,detailingboththe

socio‐economichistoryof the townofOldhamandmy involvementwithin theEden

FittonHill,thelocalFBOwithinwhichthemajorityofthisthesisisgrounded.

Section4:Eden/SA614UK,FittonHill,Oldham.

OldhamislocatedtotheNortheastofManchester.Itwasduringthelatterpartofthe

industrial revolution that Oldham was placed on the map, becoming a world‐

renownedcentreoftextilemanufacturing(Frangopolo,1977).Intheearlypartofthe

industrial revolution Oldham did not figure as a suitable location for industrial

investors and their engineers as there are no major rivers or stores of natural

resources(McNeiletal2000,Gurretal1998).Whatledtoitsimportanceinthelatter

partoftheindustrialrevolutionwasitsconvenientpositionbetweenthelabourforces

ofManchesterandSouthYorkshire(Foster,1974).Bythemiddleof the19thcentury

Oldhamhadbecomeoneofthemostimportanttownsintheworldforspinningcotton

(McNeil et al, 2000), and an offshoot of thiswas thatOldhamdeveloped renowned

structuralandmechanicalengineeringsectorsattheturnofthe20thcentury(Bateson,

1949). To support the local cotton industry a substantial coalmining industry also

emerged (Nadin, 2006). By the late 1920s Oldham had over 360 working mills

(McNeiletal,2000).

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Unfortunatelyhowever,Oldham’scottonindustrywasheavilyhitbytheimportation

ofcheaperyarns.Thisleadtorapideconomicdeclineanddespiteconcertedeffortsto

increase competiveness and efficiency (Frangapulo, 1977) by 1998 Oldham had

ceasedtoproduceCottonatall(McNeiletal,2000).

Oldham, likeotherpartsofGreaterManchester, sawa large influxof citizensof the

widercommonwealthnationsinthe1950sand1960s.Manyofthesemigrantswere

encouragedtosettleinthetowntohelpbolsterthedecliningcottonIndustry,working

unsociable hours in low‐skilled and lowpaidwork (Millet, 1994). The 2001 census

quantifies thatbytheturnof the21stcenturyover25percentofOldham’sresidents

were of South Asian or British Asian Background (ONS, 2001). The combination of

Oldham’s industrial decline and its wide spread ethnic self‐segregation has led to

significantissues.

Thetownisnationallyknownforbeinglabeledashavingstrongculturaldivisionsand

poor integration and cohesion among white British and Asian British local

communities. This became most prominent when Oldham surfaced in the national

mediaduringtheso‐called ‘raceriots’ofMay2001. Underlyingracialtensionledto

repeated violent attacks between white British and Asian British communities, the

majorityofwhichclashedintheGlodwichareaoftown.

Theseintenseclashespromptedseveralindependentinquiries(seeCantleetal2006;

Ritchie,2001).The‘Ritchiereport’asithasbeentermed,suggestedthatanumberof

long and short‐term factorswere influential. Reportedly a reliance upon one single

industry,segregatedpatternsofsettlementandeducation, lackofsocialandcultural

mixing,andperceivedculturaldifferencesandethnicclustering,allcontributedtothe

development of underlying racial tension and the emergence of the outbursts of

conflictandrioting(Ritchie,2001).

FittonHill

TherearethreeEdenprojectsacrossOldham.TheprojectinwhichIwasplacedisa

74

jointpartnershipbetweentheEden‐networkandtheSalvationArmy614.Itislocated

on Fitton Hill estate, located to the south of the city. Fitton Hill is made up of

approximately400dwellingsand1000residents(ONS,2011).FittonHillestatewas

builtasaresidentialestateintheearly1950sonfarmlandthatwasboughtbythecity

council tohouse residents relocated fromOldhamcity centreareas thatwerebeing

redeveloped.ResidentsofFittonHillarepredominantlywhiteandworkingclass;only

1.7% of residents hold professional occupations while 50% work in elementary

occupationsandprocess,plantandmachineoperating(ONS,2011).Accordingtothe

multipledeprivation indexof 2004, FittonHill is rankedas the420thmostdeprived

neighbourhoodinEngland,however,accordingtothe2007indicesofdeprivationhas

declined, leadingtoFittonHillbeingrankedat783(Thesearerankedoutof32,482

neighbourhoods‐Rank1beingmostdeprived)(ONS, 2011). Employment, Education

and Health stand out as significant factors contributing to Fitton Hill’s level of

deprivation. Accordingly, 10% of residents are seeking job seekers allowance and

20% are seeking incapacity benefit (Average across England is 7%). While health

statisticsof thearea indicate that62%of residentsare in ‘goodhealth’ and25%of

those who are working age suffer from some long‐term illness, nearly double the

averageforEngland.(ONS,2011).

EdenFittonHill:

EdenFittonHillwasestablishedin2001onthebackoftheChristiansummerfestival:

‘Festival Manchester’ (See chapter 4). When I joined Eden Fitton Hill

(Eden/SA614UK) as a volunteer/researcher the project had a weekly stream of

activitiesandfourpaid,part‐timeorfulltimestaff;theprojectwassupportedbyover

tenvolunteerswho, likeallbutoneof thestaff, livedon theestate.Weeklyprojects

included drop‐in youth clubs, football clubs, amultimedia project ‐ FACE, aimed at

buildingpositive storiesanddepictionsof theneighborhood ‐ anda school cookery

club. Duringmy time volunteering a number of other initiatives began, including a

schools learning and support project and a school educational project linking two

differentlocalschools‐onelocalcomprehensiveandonefeepayingformergrammar

school.OnceaweekEden/SA614UKalsoprovidedaChristianyouthclubcalled‘Cell’,

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this particular club gave young people the chance to explore the Christian faith for

themselves, allowing them to ‘ask their ownquestions about life,who they are and

whychurchisboring’(EFH,2011).

EdenFittonHilldescribesitselfasa‘ChristianCommunity’whoexpresstheirfaithby

‘working to improve their community throughcommitment, friendship, action, care,

compassion, love and neighbourliness’ (EFH, 2011). As Eden/SA614UK is a

partnership with the Salvation Army Church they are committed to their personal

faith in Jesus Christ and to expressing that ‘through prayer and worship but also

through personal relationships, how they represent their community and fight for

justice’(EFH,2011).

Myinvolvement:

ImadeitclearinmyresearchoutlinethatIwantedtohaveadualroleontheproject,

bothresearchingandvolunteeringatthesametime.IpositionedmyselfasaChristian

whowaswillingtobeinvolvedinanyaspectsoftheproject.WhenIfirstarrivedfor

my fivemonthplacementwithEDEN/SA614UK Iwasgivena room in theNeilson’s

familyhouse‐adistinctive largehouse in thecornerof theestate,which,before the

landwassoldtothecouncil,wasoriginallythefarmer’shouse. Thecoupleofweeks

livingwiththeNeislons‐theprojectleadersandchurch‘pastor’‐providedmewitha

greatopportunity toget toknowthemwell. Sharing theday’seventsover foodand

plenty of tea, we exchanged personal stories that allowed me to build robust

biographicnarratives.

Thehousewassomethingofa‘hub’forgatheringpeopletogether,providingaplaceto

communallymeettoplannewinitiatives,airfrustrations,seeksomecounsel,andthe

Neilson’shousealwayshadvisitors.ThehousewasusedforChristianworship,times

ofprayer,andplentyofboardgameeveningsandtakeaways.Beinginitiallyplacedin

thishousemeantthatIwasveryquicklyincorporatedintothe‘family’communityof

EDEN/SA614UK.This gaveme the chance tobuild a strong relationshipwithChris,

the church/project leader/pastor, and his family. It also provided me with the

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opportunity to become quickly embedded into the routines and rhythms of life ‘on

Eden’.Withthehousesocentraltosomuchofwhathappens,Iquicklylearntnames

andbecamefamiliarwithothervolunteersandstaffovermany‘brews’.

Afteracoupleofweeks Imovedbarelyahundredmetersdowntheroadtosharea

housewithavolunteer‐John,whostudiedatthe‘NazareneBibleCollege’.Inkeeping

withwhatIsoonlearntwasthe ‘Edenway’,wegottoworkredecoratingtheroomI

hadbeenallocated.Anumberoflocalyoungadultsfromtheneighbourhoodhelpedus

stripwallpaper,paintand laycarpet.Likemy initial twoweeks livingat theChurch

leaders house this refurbishment process provided plenty of time to chat to

volunteersandprovideda‘hands‐on’wayofbecomingpartoftheteam.

Settling in, my involvement spread across many of the drop in clubs, trips further

afield,andschoolprojects.Atevery turn I tookonboardanyopportunity toengage

withthe‘Christiancommunity’andhelpdeliveritsservices.Soifsomeoneinvitedme

for dinner, I attended, if I was invited to grab a take away or take part in a board

gamesevening,deliverleafletsorattendaneighbourhoodmeetingevening,Ididnot

hesitate to join them.My aimwas to become involved in anything and everything.

Howpractical thiswaswhenmy then long‐termgirlfriend, nowwife, lived6 hours

awayonthetrainprovedtobetesting.InrealityItendedtoberesidentonFittonHill

volunteering and researching during the week, returning every other weekend to

Exeter. Combining these trips to Exeterwith conference visits and a holiday skiing

withthechurchleader,Igraduallyfoundthatalotofmyweekendswereawayfrom

the estate ‐ so much for being there all the time! In total I spent four months

volunteering for Eden Fitton Hill during the spring of 2011 (February‐May).

VolunteeringontheprojectIfoundthatmyresearchthemesandquestionswouldbe

bestansweredifIcombinedparticipantobservationandobservationofparticipation

withnumerousothermethods. Iwilloutlineand justifymyuseof these in thenext

sectionalongwithexplainingandevaluatinghowIwentaboutcollectingandcollating

allthisethnographicinformation.

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Section5:MakinguseofmixedmethodsInvestigating incarnational expressions of the Christian faith in socio‐economically

deprived areas through an ethnographicmethodological framework requiredme to

domorethanjustobservetheparticipationofothersandmyselfasweundertookthe

daily tasks involved in theproject.Thismove toembrace ‘participantobservation+

somethingelse’(seeCrangandCook,2007)wasbolsteredbytwoprecautions.Firstly,

Icouldnotassumethatmy‘merepresencedidnotensue[complete]insight’(Spickard

etal,2002,4)and,secondly,Icouldnotbejustifiedinthinkingthatexperiencealone

meant everything (Silverman, 2004). Strategically this meant I triangulated and

bridgeddifferentmethodologicalapproachestoaccessvariousdifferentaspectsbuilt

into my research themes and questions. On the one hand this research strategy

allowedme to use several different methods to reveal multiple aspects of a single

empirical reality, strengthening one specific point through differentmethodological

angles(Denzin,1978),and,ontheotherhand,itallowedmetousedifferentmethods

todrawoutdifferentpoints(MillerandFox,2004).Myresearchthemesandquestions

combinedpraxisanddiscourse,thoughtandaction,andIwaskeentopickuponthe

viewsandinsightsofotherpeoplewhowereconnectedtotheprojectinvariousways

but who were not people I would directly come into contact with through

participatingintheprojectsthemselves.Developingarigorousunderstandingofthese

different aspects and different actorsmeant using several different methodological

approachesbestsuitedtothesedifferenttenantsoftheinvestigation.

Inmy research, informal interviews proved to be the bestmeans of accessing this

‘other’ information. Informal Interviewsallowedme toget togripswith thecontext

and the content of different peoples everyday lives (Crang and Cook, 2007, 60) by

openingup an avenue throughwhich to explore rich subjectivepersonal narratives

(Miller and Glassner, 2004). Triangulating these interviews with participation and

observation assured that these stories were understood in context (Miller and

Glassner,2004).

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Buildingbiographicnarratives

Whilemuch ofwhat I heard and talked aboutwith volunteers and staff across the

project was part of the impromptu nature of being actively involved, there was

definitelyaneedtobuildinspecifictimeswhenIcould‘pinpeopledown’andchatin

some detail. These times formed the closest thing to anything resembling an

‘interview’.As aparticipant‐researcher, naturally getting involved, running services,

and dealing with issues sometimes took precedent over time spent informally

questioningothervolunteersandstaffwhile ‘onthejob’.Symptomaticoftheculture

of these initiatives, being focused first and foremost on service‐to and for‐others,

schedulingtimeasidewithvolunteersandstafffor‘aninterview’allowedmetocover

moregroundandavoidinterruptions.

In total, over the second placement, I ‘interviewed’ 16 staff and volunteers and,

considering that there was a total of 21 full time staff and volunteers I was fairly

satisfied with this ‘haul’ of biographic narratives (see appendix 1 for complete

research itinerary). In lightof the fact,however, thateach interview lastedbetween

forty‐fiveminutes and two and a half hours, Iwas not so happy transcribing them

verbatim.Complaintsaside,transcribingtheinterviewsverbatimduringthecourseof

theplacementdidallowmetotaketimetoreflectonwhateachvolunteerorpaidstaff

member had to say. This helped informmy next step of inquiry and in some cases

resulted inmefollowingupindividualstoaskfurtherquestionsacrucialpartofmy

informalanalysis(CrangandCook,2007).

As these biographic narratives built up I found that what also emerged was a

reflectivecoming‐to‐termsofthemorepresentimmanenteventsandactionsasIwas

able todrawonahistoricaland temporal setofknowledges thatemerged fromthe

biographic accounts. Undertaking these biographic ‘life story’ style interviews gave

megreatinsightintoboththepastandpresentworldsofvolunteers(Allahyari,2000,

p111).Theseinterviewsfilledingaps,presentedinternaldifferenceandemphasised

individual character. They also, in a verypractical form, provided a suitableway in

which I could get to know other volunteers, opening up researcher‐researched

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relationships and bringing down any pretense. This meant that volunteers felt

comfortablesharingaspectsoftheirstorythatwerepersonal, includedhardship,or,

wasonly really appropriate for someonewhowas in there shoes; volunteering and

living in the area. Interviews became increasingly dialogical, unfolding often as an

‘interpersonaldramawithadevelopingplot’(Pool,1957,pg193).AsIsettledintothe

project and Iwas able to draw onmy own reflective experience of volunteering to

draw out the experiences of staff and volunteers working on the projects. The

dialogical interviews could easily have been described as ‘active interviews’ as I

played a performative role in creating intersubjective accounts of reality, often

‘unavoidably implicated in creating meanings that ostensibly reside within

respondents’(HolstenandGubrium,2004,pg141).

Manyof these interviews lookeddistinctand therewasnoone locationwhere they

tookplaceasIwasdeterminedthatsuchdetailswouldbeleftuptotheinterviewees.

Accordingly, the structure of each biographic narrative/interview varied quite

significantly and each ‘storying’ evolved according to the nature of each volunteers

characterandthestrengthofrelationshipbetweenthe intervieweeandmyself.Asa

result, across the spectrum of interviews, one was enjoyably undertaken over two

hoursofallotmentdigging,severaltookplaceatindividualvolunteers’homesonthe

estate, or others were conducted at the kitchen table of the house I shared with

another volunteer. One participant even twisted my arm to be bought dinner in

exchangeforaninterview;ajokeIsuspectInaivelytooktooseriously.

Takingtimetointerviewmanyofthevolunteersandstaffinvolvedintheprojectswas

not an accessory to the continuous and iterative dialogue that came out of

volunteeringalongsideotherstaffandvolunteers.Infact,ithaditsownaim.Iwanted

to clearly get a sense of their own stories, hear how they individually had come to

volunteer or be employed by the projects. The point here was to build biographic

narratives.ThereasonIwantedtobuildtheseformsofnarrativewastogetasenseof

theirmotivations for joining, thewaytheyenvisagedthere involvementandhow,at

leastindiscursiveterms,they‘storied’theirinvolvementandexperiencesinthearea

over time. I soon discovered in undertaking these interviews that ‘incarnational

geographies’mustfirstlybeconsideredastemporallandscapesbeforeunderstanding

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howtheycanbeenvisagedasethicalandspirituallandscapes(seechapter4).These

biographichistoricalnarrativesboughtatemporalaccounttothesurfacethatIcould

not directly access in and through practicing alongside others. Together with

observation, taking life histories allowed me to assemble a massive amount of

perceptualdatathatgeneratedandansweredbasicculturalquestionsaboutthesocial

life of the faith‐based community (Fetterman, 1998). It alsomeant that sometimes

rather than learning about a participant’s life in a holistic fashion it allowedme to

learnsomedepthaboutonefacetofaparticipant’slife(Fetterman,1998,52).

Interviewingpartneringagencies

Other than setting aside specific times to interview volunteers and staff at the

projects, I made a decision early on to contact and request to interview partner

agencies.MuchofwhatwasactuallyestablishedbyEDEN/SA614UKwasdoneso in

collaboration with other local agencies, many of which governmental, others, third

sector charities. Therefore, as one ofmy core aimswas to come to termswith the

dynamics of incarnational expressions of the Christian faith in socio‐economically

deprived areas, I saw the necessity to come to terms with the dynamics of these

locallyplacedandlocallycontextualizedrelationshipswithotheragenciesandactors.

Access to these agencies came directly through lead‐actors in the EDEN/SA614UK

project. Gaining access to these other agencies through the project did mean that

therewasaconsiderablechance that thishadan impactonwhat Iwas toldorhow

these other agencies narrated the two projects. As an interviewer in these

circumstancesIwasfirstlyassociatedwiththeprojectsandsecondlywithmyidentity

as a researcher. In some instances I did feel that partnering agencies and their

representative spokesperson therefore temperedwhat theywanted to say in case I

wasto‘reportback’totheproject.HadIbeendisassociatedmyselffromtheprojectI

may have received more critical feedback, however, unfortunately I am unable to

really knowwhether this is the case asmy positionalitywasmediated in thisway

throughout the duration of my placement. However, as I will explain later in the

chapter, Idid findanumberofusefulmeansofdrawingoutcriticaldialogue: firstly

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through asking critical questions, and secondly, through phoning a number of

individualsonceIhadfinishedmyresearchplacement.

Collectingandrecordinginformation

Muchofaparticipatoryapproachtoresearchinvolvestheimmediatesituation;what

is actually happening there and then (Fetterman, 2010). However, with no way of

capturingthesemomentsandevents,detailscanbelostoratbestsubjecttoareliance

on memory (Crang and Cook, 2007). Emotions, speech, bodily gestures and

atmosphere are recalled in hindsight, loosing much of the vitality of the moment

(Thrift,2007).Todatehowever,ethnographershave foundvariouswaysofkeeping

anaccountofallthisaction,somemorecreativethanothers.Mostconventionallythis

hasmeantusinganotebook, jottingdownshorthanddetails to trigger thememory

when lengthy post‐participation research diaries arewritten up (Fetterman, 2010).

More recently, participatory and performative approaches to research have

encompassed the use of other representative mediums including film and stills

photography (see Pink, 2007; Russell, 1999; Schwartz, 1989). These forms of

technology have enabled ethnographers tomake sense of their involvement in the

field in ways that often re‐instill the past experiences with performative and

embodied registers, helpfully in hindsight ‘bringing to life’ participation in the field

(Pink, 2007).When I startedmy ethnographic research I stumbled acrossmy own

research ‘tool’ that enabledme to bestmake sense of what I had experienced and

observed:myiPhone.

Tokeepanaccountofwhathappened,whosaidwhat,whereithappened,howIfelt,

andmuch,much,more,theiPhoneprovedextremelyuseful.TheiPhonesoonbecame

anindispensablepieceofethnographic‘kit’(CrangandCook,2007).HavinganiPhone

alwaysprovidedagreatwayofhavinganumberofresearchtoolscollapsedintoone

piece of technology and before long my iPhone was used for taking photographs,

recording notes, collecting contact information and, very importantly, recording

conversations and interviews. Too lazy or hurried to write notes while on the go

during the day I also often used the dictaphone function to keep an audio‐diary,

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recording my feelings and building thoughts. These thoughts and comments were

thentranscribedverbatimintheevenings.

UsingtheiPhoneasacontinuousrecorderofinformationIrealizedthatitwasagood

meansofinconspicuouslycollectingethnographicmaterial.Smartphones,astheyare

knowninthetelecommunicationsindustry,arenowcommonplaceandmanypeople

are accustomed to the smart phone being used to capture photographs and record

notes. What this meant for my research is that my continual use of my iPhone to

collectandrecordethnographicmaterialdidnotresult inme ‘standingout likesore

thumb’, nor did it awkwardly signify my presence as a ‘researcher’. Recording

meetingsmyiPhonewassimplyanotherphoneonthetable,andvolunteersandstaff

becamequickly accustomed to these ‘researcher performances’ (Pratt, 2000).Had I

used a note pad, or recorded interviews and conversations on a dictaphone, my

identity as a researcher‐participant would have been pronounced. Constantly

scribbling on a notepad or presenting, upon consent, a dictaphone onto the table

wouldhavebeenperformancesthatclearlyidentifiedmeasdifferent,asaresearcher

andasanobserver,ratherthanafullycommittedvolunteer.

Although it is an expensive piece of equipment and something of a marker of

affluence,itdidnotprovetobemuchofanindicatorofclassdifferenceoreconomic

standing,asmanyhouseholdsonlowmeanincomespurchaseiPhonesthroughsecond

handpawnshopsoraspartoflengthyandbindingcontracts,buildingthecostofthe

iPhoneintothemonthlypackage.

Duringmy research I did however learn that there are several occasionswhen the

iPhones‐as‐research‐toolisnotappropriateandinfactisseenasoutofplace,rude,or

imposing.Heremyroutineperformanceasaresearcher(Pratt,2000)wasinterpreted

differently. I found this out the first Sunday I attended the Eden FittonHill church

gatheringlessthantwenty‐fourhoursintotheplacement.

KeentotakenotesofthetalkandeagernottomissanythingpotentiallyillustrativeI

proceededtotypeawayonthephone.Ilaterdiscoveredthatthevolunteerdelivering

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the talkwasunder the impression that Iwas texting through thewholeofher talk,

when in fact I was keeping notes. Thiswas not a goodway to beginmy fieldwork

placement.Whiletakingpersonalnotesisnotanuncommonfeatureincontemporary

evangelical church culture, appearing tobe textingorplayingagamehowever,was

understandably seen as rude and signifying disinterest. My iPhone did not get

shunnedinfavorofanotepadoradictaphoneafterthisincident,butwhatIdidtake

intoaccountisthatconventionsneedtobegivencarefulregardandthesmartphone

is as subject to this as much as any other method of collecting and recording

informationorperformancebytheresearcher(Pratt,2000).

Withoutadoubtmy iPhoneprovedtobeasupportivepieceoftechnologyaidingthe

dailyongoingcollectionofethnographicmaterial.Everydaytheconnectivefunctions

ofthephoneallowedmetoemailmynotestomycomputer,securelybackingupmy

‘preciousmaterial’(CrangandCook,2007).IntheeveningsIwouldturntheserough

notes intomore fluid and comprehensive field journal accounts, taking care not to

embellishorpadoutthesenotesinwaysthatwerenottruetomyexperiences.Having

mynotessenttomyemailaccountindigitalformdidsavemeconsiderabletimeand

alleviated some of the more taxing efforts of having to type up near impossible

researchsquigglesandshorthandnotesthatapparentlymeantsomethingsignificant

atthemomentoftheirinscription(SeeCrangandCook,2007).Theseexpandedfield

notes proved to be crucial as they would be eventually used in the final thesis as

ethnographicnarrative,‘helpingpeopletoimaginebeingthere’andallowingthemto

partially‘standinmyshoes’(CrangandCook,2007,pg50)

In summary of this fifth sectionwhat I have argued here is that itwas not enough

alone for me to observe and participate. I have outlined and evaluated how I

triangulated and bridged together informal interviews with participation and

observation.IhavealsoclarifiedhowIkeptarecordofallmyexperiences,interviews

andobservationsthroughouttheethnographicresearchwiththeuseofmyiPhone.In

thenextandpenultimatesection I turn toexaminemyownpositionalityandhow I

maintainedacriticalperspectivethroughouttheresearch.

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Section6:PositionalityandCriticality

EarlierinthechapterIoutlinehowethnographicmethods,involvingacertaindegree

of participation, were picked, not only because of their utility in working towards

answeringmyresearchquestions,butbecauseofthewayinwhichtheseparticipatory

methods created a certain ‘contact space’ (Cloke, 2002) for personal action.

Participatory research shaped a way through which I could bring to life my own

politicsandethicsbyvolunteeringandassistingwithinthisproject.Itermedthismy

own‘quiet’formofactivism.AsIstatedinthisearliersection,mypersonaldesireto

makeadifferenceanddosomethingaboutsomething(Cloke,2002)drawsinparton

myownongoingChristianfaith,andthisraisescertainquestions.

InGeography,likeinAnthropology(seeHowell,2007),thereareanumberofscholars

and researchers who have openly claimed a Christian identity (see Cloke 2002;

Megoran2004andSlater,2004).AnthropologistslikeHowell(2007)havearguedthat

thepositionalityofbeingaChristian indoingethnographyamongChristiansshould

beviewedasa‘viableandusefulstandpoint’asthesubjectpositionis‘characterised

bymoral/ethical commitments’ (Ibid, 372) and is thereforemuch like ‘the feminist

studyingwomen, the leftist studying laborunionsor theMuslim studyingmosques’

(Ibid, 385). A similar stance is held by Megoran (2004), and he suggests that his

Christian faith influentially inflects upon his academic enquiry in several ways:

informing the questions he asks, the way he asks them, the conclusions that he

reachesandtheusestowhichheputsthem.Forme,asIhavehighlightedinearlier

partsofthischapter,myChristianfaithpromptsmetoactandparticipateincertain

ways.

Deconstructing the binary betweenprofessional academic self and personal activist

self (seeMaxey, 1999) I had found that I could not resist bringing the ‘personal as

political’ (seeStaleyandWise,1993) intomyresearch.MyChristian faithprompted

me to be a participant and I had to help out where I could. There is, however, an

intelligible necessity to reflect upon how this strand of my identity might conflict,

compromise, or in fact even contribute towards by ability to critically examine

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incarnational expressions of Christian praxis in socio‐economically deprived areas.

WantingtoresearchwithintegrityandacademicvigordemandsthatIputthisaspect

ofmyidentitythroughthesamereflexivecriticalquestionstowhichanyotheraspect

ofmyidentity‐likebeingmale,straight,whiteandmiddleclass–isscrutinised.

In ethnographic research, where the researcher actively participates in the life of

thosesheorheiswishingtostudy,questionsoftenareneededtobeaskedastohowa

balance was struck between that of being both ‘a participant researcher and as a

researcherascriticalobserver’(Gobo,2008,6).Thereissomethingoxymoronicabout

thenatureofparticipatory‐observation(Tedlock,1991)and it is important that this

tensionisheldinplaythroughreflexivelyandcriticallyquestioningthepositionofthe

researcher‐self incontrast to theresearched‐other.Aswellas therebeinganeed to

questionaspectsofaresearchersidentitythathighlightdifferencesbetweenselfand

other (for example, gender, class, race, religion) there is a need to question and

interrogatesimilarities(EllisandBochner,2000).

Throughout theprocessofmyresearchmany fellowacademics raised thequestion:

how can you actually research Christianity as someone who holds to the Christian

faithyourself?Thisquestion ispartly, Ibelieve,asignof ‘academictheophobia’(see

Ferber,2006),wherebythosedirectingthequestionsmightactuallywanttoask:can

you research Christianity as a Christian? However, in part I am convinced that

underlyingthefirstquestionisagenuineenquiryintohowthisparticular‘Christian’

aspect of my identity effects and for that matter, is affected, by my research.

Underlying this reasonable and intelligent query is several sub‐questions: How can

youcriticallyengagewithyourparticipatoryresearchwhilepersonallyholdingtothe

Christianfaith?DoesyourChristianfaithnotpresentabiasthatinevitablymeansyou

translate what you encounter during your research in a purely positive and

normativelysupportivefashion?Howdoesthispositionas‘oneofthem’frameoralter

yourinvestigationwithotherswhodonotholdtotheChristianfaith?Ihadtograpple

withallofthesequestionsreflexivelythroughoutmyresearch.

Bielo(2009,22)suggests that ‘beingreflexive’ in thiswaycanat itsworstbe ‘navel

86

gazing’,‘illuminatinglittlethathelpsunderstandtheanalyticalquestionsbeingasked’.

At its best, however, Beilio (ibid, 22) suggests ‘being reflexive’ can ‘scrutinize how

research is conducted, all in the pursuit of helping readers better understand the

claims’.

Therearenumerous reasonswhy Imust attend toquestionsof reflexivity, and in a

similar vein to Beilo (2009), in his ethnographic study of evangelical group bible

studies, forme, reflexivitywas essential for the same reasons. Firstly, the ‘reflexive

turn’ across the social scientists ‐ and in my Geographic context in particular (see

Mcdowell,1992)‐hasemphasisedtheconstructednatureofknowledgeandtheplace

oftheresearcherinthisprocess.Secondly,ethnographyis‘notamatterofmirror‐like

reflections of cultural scenes’ (Beilio, 2009, 23) but takes the form of a cultural

representation(seeClifford,1986).

These two reasons only iterate further the necessity to provide an answer to my

colleague’s questions. Therefore, if I am to take my ‘self’ seriously, I need to

specifically outline how I endeavored to hold a ‘critical’ position throughout the

researchprocess.Rejectingthepositivistassumptionthatresearchisavalue‐freeand

fact‐heavyprocessmeantthatIneededtopayparticularattentiontomypositionasa

Christianand theway inwhich this identitypositionaffectedmyability tocritically

engagethroughoutmyparticipatoryethnography. Inwhat followsIwanttodothis

withreferencetotwodifferentstrandsofdiscussion.Thesetwostrandswillattempt

to answer the questions raised by colleagues in earlier paragraphs. Both strands

considertheextenttowhichIwasabletoresearchinacriticalmanner,while,atthe

same time, holding onto this Christian, rather ‘normative’, position. The first strand

suggests how I attempted to achieve a certain critical proximity through the

participatoryresearchandtheseconddiscusseshow,atleastintheory,Iattemptedto

purchaseacertaincriticaldistancefromthisChristianprojectanditsparticipants.

EmbracingCriticalProximity

‘What shouldbe the relationof the churches to the cultures they inhabit?The

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answerlies,Ipropose,incultivatingtheproperrelationbetweendistancefrom

thecultureandbelongingtoit.MisolfVolf(1996,37)

OneoftheassumptionsmadeofChristiansisthattheyallthinkandfeelthesameway.

That somehow there is a homogenous mould that creates a singular identity ‘cast

type’fromwhichallChristiansareforged,respondingandactingonlyaccordingtothe

‘party line’. This is unequivocally not the case. Vast difference exists across the

spectrum of contemporary Christian believers and because of this heterogeneous

displayofChristianfaith‘itisimportanttobeasspecificaspossibleaboutwhatkind

of Christianity one means’ (Howell, 2007, 381). This specificity creates ‘internal’

critique.ItisfromthisexclaimerthatIwanttoarguethatwithin‘thefold’,sotospeak,

thereisdissidence,deconstruction,internalcritiqueanddisagreement.Beingopento

thisideaofinternaldifferenceisbuiltonthenuancedideaofidentitythat‘wearewho

wearenotbecauseweareseparatefromotherswhoarenexttous,butbecausewe

are both separate and connected, both distinct and related’ (Volf, 1996, p66).

Acknowledgingthis,itiseasiertoseethatjustbecauseoneholdstoaChristianfaith

doesnotmeanthatthereistotallyagreementovereitherChristiandogmaorpraxis.

There is a vast amount of internal difference that exists within the Christian

‘community’andtherefore,asaChristian,Imightholdadifferentpositiononpublic

issuessuchas‘justwar’,thefree‐marketoronissuesofimmigrationfromtheperson

that I stand next to in my own church congregation. Similarly, I might translate

Christian teaching into action in different ways frommy Christian contemporaries.

ThisextendsacrossthewayIchosetosharemyfaithwithothers,thelifestylechoices

thatImakeandtheaspectsoftheChristianfaithIholdtobethemostcentralguiding

principles.Thesamecanbesaidincomparingmyviewsandbeliefsagainstthoseof

theindividualsthatmakeupthetwoChristianinitiativesforwhichIvolunteered.

What this reveals is that a part of my critical ability comes from holding different

views from those that,while alsobeingChristian, outwardlyexpress theirChristian

faith in different ways. These critical faculties emerge in the tensions, in the

despondent feelings over that which I witnessed, and in that niggling feeling that

something was just not ‘right’. My exposure to different ways of translating the

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ChristianfaithintopraxismeansthatIamabletocritiquewhatIencounteraccording

tomyownvaluesjudgments.JustasaresearcherwhodoesnotholdtotheChristian

faith might make certain conclusions based on their own values judgments and

situated positions, my situated perspective as a Christian does not necessarily

position me in the same shoes as other Christian volunteers and staff on the two

projects. Essentially then, what is crucial to this form of ‘proximal critique’ is the

abilitytoremainreflexive.Itisthroughmyon‐goingabilitytobereflexivethatIopen

myselftothevaluejudgmentsthattaintandpolarisethenatureofmyobservations,

my writing and my thoughts. Being reflexive throughout the process of research

clarifiestheangleofmycritiqueandopensthereadertothewayIseethings,whichin

turn involves its ownmeasure of criticism. Rather than being void of criticism,my

individualpositionasaChristianunsettlesthefacadeofthe‘homogenouswhole’and

bringsexposuretomyownsituatedcontext;onethat isnotnecessarilythesameas

otherChristians.

Secondly,inanotherform,ratherthanbreakingawayfromtheviewsandopinionsof

otherChristianstoformacriticalopinionofmyown‐acritiquethatcouldbeframed

ascritiquethatisboundupin‘distance‐within‐proximity’‐itmightbetheverynature

ofmyproximitytotheChristianfaith,andmyproximitytotheseChristianothers,that

creates and encourages a certain critique. Accepting my inherent closeness to the

identity of those I am studying, and using this to my advantage, relies on the

methodological premise that an emic position as opposed to an etic one is of

significant value (Knott, 2010). Fortunately the social sciences have become quite

accustomed to recognizing that ‘the view that those studying religion should set to

one side their subjective experience and cultural baggage, and take an objective

positionwithregardtotheother’(Knott,2010244)nolongerholdsmuchcredibility.

This‘viewfromnowhere’(Haraway,1991)whichissomethingofa‘Godtrick’(Rose,

1997)doesnotstandstronginaneraofresearchthat,undertheprogessiveinsights

of feminism, acknowledges that all knowledge is situated (Haraway, 1991). Being

aware that I could fall prey to the idea that I can simply be transparent aboutmy

situatedpositionalongsideotherChristians(Rose,1997)makingfulluseofmycritical

proximity relies on a continual grappling with how such closeness is both an

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advantageandadisadvantage.Positively,oneoftheadvantagesisthatthisparticular

insiderpositionenablesacertaincritiquebothofselfandofsociety(seeforexample

Wallis,2010).

InthelastchapterIarguedthattheChristianpracticesaroundwhichthiswholethesis

gravitatesmight be translated in several differentways, and that part ofmy thesis

stemsfromtherecognitionofthis ‘somethingdifferent’goingon. Ratherthanbeing

seen as simply a route to convert others, or as a way to self‐betterment, these

practices, in anumberofways, canbe seenas ethical enactments, or aspartof the

spiritualfabricofexistence.Thesetwostrandsofcounter‐critiquebringcomplexityto

thewaywemightviewandmakesenseofthesegeographies;creatinggreaternuance;

deconstructingovertlysingularandsimplisticwaysoftranslatingthesefaithfulforms

ofpraxis.Inanessencethen,thecomplexitythatthesetwoviewsarriveat,come,toa

certain extent, froman insiderposition, as this insiderposition comeswith its own

lensofcriticism.Criticalof‘outsider’interpretationsthatmayrushtoannounce‘what

is reallygoingon’mypositionas somethingofan ‘insider’enablesme tobecritical

through the nature ofmy closeness to both the group I am studying and the belief

systemthatwejointlyallhold.

In the same way that being a Marxist makes use of an ideological framework to

critiquethestatusquo,beingaChristianallowsmetodrawuponcertainideological

viewstodisagreeandbecriticalofthenatureofthepresentstateofthings.Inother

words,mypositionasaChristianenablesacertainperception.Thisperception,rather

than conjuring up ambivalence towards the current state of affairs is capable of

enlivening its own critical opinion. This was reasonably exemplified in the last

chapter, where I outlined how volunteers and staff involved in incarnational

expressionsof theChristian faith in socio‐economicdeprivedareasoftenhavebeen

prompted to act in the way that they do because of the very nature of the critical

narrativethattheycastuponasocietydrivenbymaterialismandconsumerism.

TheshortquoteatthebeginningofthissixthsectioncontainsthesubstanceofwhatI

meanwhenIstatethatmyChristianpositionalityenablesacertaincriticalperception.

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InoutliningwhatthepositionoftheChurchshouldbeinresponsetotheculturesthat

itinhabits,Volfmakesitclearthatbothdistancefromthecultureandbelongingtoit

areessential(1996,37).HeurgestheChurchanditsmemberstoinhabitthisreflexive

space because it iswithin this liminal interstitial space of criticism that the Church

maintains its allegiance to God over its allegiance to empire, culture or state. Volf

arguesthatlivingwiththisdistance,livedoutas‘internaldifference’(Ibid,50),creates

spaceinustoreceivetheotherandyetalsocreatesspaceforjudgmentagainst‘evil’in

everyculture(seeCloke,2002).Inthisvein,theologicalandtheo‐ethicalpromptscast

a different shadow, potentially enlivening imaginations. They often elicit an

imaginationofhowonemightlivedifferentlyintheworld.Inhabitingthisinterstitial

space, critique formulates as opposition and as a counter‐cultural critique of the

statusquo.InthewordsofJohnCaputo(2007),thiscritiqueisanattempttoembody

‘thepoliticsof thekingdom’,one thatwouldbe ‘markedbymadnessof forgiveness,

generosity, mercy and hospitality’ (Ibid, 88). This theological critique might be

summarizedasdrawingonthe‘dangerousmemoryofthecrucifiedbodyofJesus’,‘the

weaknessofGod’,which ‘posesa threat toaworldorganizedaroundthedisastrous

conceptofpower’(Ibid,88).

ThisproximalcritiquecomesnotonlyintheChristianviewsandvaluejudgmentsthat

Ihold‐myespousedtheology,orspokentheology(seeCameronetal,2010)‐butina

minorwayat least in somethingof the ‘doing’ of this thesis; inmy theologyas it is

performed.

SearchingforCriticalDistance

‘ethnographic research is a social art form and therefore subject to all the

complexitiesandconfusionsofhumanrelationshipsingeneral.Inresearchsites,

as well as every other life arena, narratives are contextual and so slippery,

practices are easily misapprehended ‐ sometimes with intention‐ and shared

meaningisalwaysapproximate.’

(Spickardetal2002,p133)

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Takingaccountof just thesetwoformsofproximalcritique,however,doesnot fully

provideanadequateframeworkforcriticallyengagingwithincarnationalexpressions

oftheChristianfaithinsocio‐economicallydeprivedareas.Reviewingthesetwoforms

of critique: the firsta formof ‘distance‐within‐proximity’, and the second,a formof

critique‘grounded‐in‐proximity’,revealsthatwhatismissingisadeepconsideration

of alterity, or real difference beyond similarity. In otherwords, to phrase this in a

provocative question, one that was on several occasions asked by my academic

contemporaries:howdoesmyworkpertaintonoticeandtakeonboardtheviewsof

otherswhomight not be so sympathetic to thework of these Christians living and

working in these two communities. Simplyput,what about thevoiceof the ‘other’?

WhatspacehaveImadeinmymethodofenquirytotryandreflexivelystepbeyond

the proximal nature of my own Christian identity to notice and take on board the

views, opinions and experiences of those who are not Christian, and who do not

necessarilystandshouldertoshoulderinagreementwiththeseChristians.Istherea

strangerwhosevoiceand feelingsare ignored if Iamonly tobecritical throughmy

ownsituatednatureasaChristian?

InordertoovercomethismethodologicalquagmireIsearchedforcriticaldistancein

twospecificways.And,intheiterativeprocessofmyresearchIfoundthatoneother

meansofachievingcriticaldistancenaturallybecameembeddedintomywork,while

anotherwasalreadybuiltintothedesignofmyresearchfromtheoutset.Iwillinturn

nowelaborateoneachofthesefourmeansof‘achieving’‐andIusethatwordwitha

certainamountofskepticism‐criticaldistance.

The first method of trying to achieve critical distance from both the projects and

people alongsidewhom I volunteeredwas to attentively listen to the opinions and

experiences of others in the local neighborhood. In theory, I thought thiswould be

simple,butinrealityhowever,thispresentedmewithseveraldifficulties.

BeingplacedfirstandforemostasavolunteeroftheChristianprojectsIwascertainly

seenas‘oneofthem’,oneof‘those’Christians,andthisundoubtedlyhadanimpacton

whatwas relayed tomeby other people distant from the culture andpraxis of the

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projects.BeingnetworkedintothelocalcommunitythroughtheChristiancommunity

meantthatIwasmorelikelytocomeintocontactwithpeoplewhoweresympathetic

to thework of these Christians, aswas the case onmany occasions, it was project

participants or staff that emerged as gatekeepers (Fetterman, 2010), puttingme in

contactwithothermembersofthecommunity.WhileIcouldworkhardatthewayI

presentedmyselfIcouldnotcontroltheidentitiesandrolesthatothersimputedtome

(Spickardetal,2002,p200).Overcomingthisdidprovedifficult.However, Iworked

around it with something of a compromise: I found that one of the best ways to

contactparticularindividualswhomIwantedtointerviewabouttheirown‘takes’on

theprojectswastodosoonceIhadactuallyofficiallylefttheplacement,thisallowed

metocapturesomethingofthe‘multivocalreality’ofwhatwashappening(Spickard

etal2002,9).Thisphysicaldistancefromtheprojectsallowedmetopositionmyself

in a way that did not significantly compromise what I was being told. My identity

shifted fromthatofsomeonewhowasdirectly involved in theChristianprojects, to

someone who, as a university researcher studying the projects, was interested in

hearingdifferenttakesontheprojects.However,Ididfeelthisapproachtoresearch

mademefeelslightlyuncomfortable.OnoneortwooccasionsitfeltlikeIwasslightly

‘digging for dirt’ on the Christian community. Having become good friends with a

number of the project staff and volunteers I felt that by researching beyond the

placement in this way I was slightly jeopardizing the ‘good standing’ that the

volunteers and staff of these ‘incarnational projects’ had worked so hard to build.

Essentially probing for disapproval and negative experiences I felt that this

journalisticstyleofresearchwasinsomewaydetrimentaltoacommunityofpeople

thatIhadcometorespectandadmiresodeeply.Thisdidproduceacertainconflictof

interest.Ontheonehand,Iwantedtobeopentohearandtakenoteofthealternative

opinionsandexperiencesthatothersmighthave,whileontheotherhand,Iwantedto

positivelysupporttheworkofagroupofpeoplewhohadsogenerouslysharedtheir

houses, time and friendship withme. In this sense then, critical distance was only

partiallyachievedasIstruggledwithreallyreachingouttodeeplymakespaceforthe

views of ‘strangers’, this said, I did not simply turn a blind eye, but instead,where

possible,pursuedtakingaccountofdifferentopinionsandexperiences.

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Involving less of an emotional minefield I found that by the very nature of the

researchIcouldreflexivelyachievecriticaldistanceinthreeotherways,firstly,bythe

critical nature of some of my research questions, secondly, through the process of

retreating from the field to write up my thesis, and thirdly through relying on

intersubjectivedialogue.

Firstlythen,asImadeitclearinchaptertwo,Ididnotwanttobrushasidethecritical

nature of some theoretical conceptualizations of incarnational expressions of the

Christianfaithindeprivedareas,instead,fortheintegrityoftheresearch,Iwishedto

holdtheminbalancewithotheralternativewaysofperceivingofthesepracticesand

process.Consequently,thismeantthatbycarryingthesecriticalquestionsthroughthe

process of the research I was reflexively aware that some of what I experienced,

involvedmyselfin,andobserved,mighthavebeentranslatedratherdifferentlyunder

the critical frameworks employed by other scholars. Necessarily then, I constantly

triedtoholdupmyinvolvementintheprojectsagainstthebackdropofthesecritical

questions.Thisproducedsomethingofaninsightfulcriticaledge,bringingthecritical

distanceheldbyothersintodialogicalrapportwithmyowninsights.

Secondly, the actual act of finishing the placements and returning to theUniversity

bought to life a certain criticaldistance. Literally speaking,by leaving theprojects I

slowly found, that as my context changed, so did my reflective opinion and

interpretation of the practices and people change. Whereas being involved in the

projectfull‐timemeantitwassometimesdifficulttostepbackandmakesenseofwhat

wasgoingoninamoredialogicalandreflexivemanner,byremovingmyselffromthe

placeofpraxisIsawthingsinadifferentlight.Someofthisanalyticalperspectivewas

boughttotheforebyspeakingabouttheprojectsandmyinvolvementoutloudwith

others,hereaspectssurfacedthatIdidnotnoticesovisiblywheninvolvedinallthe

immediate ‘doing’of theprojects.Contrastingly, Iamalsoaware thatby leaving the

projectssomethingoftheprojectscertainlygotlostinthenecessitytorepresentthe

life of these geographies in a written form.While I may have gained some critical

depth by leaving I also potentially lost some of the practical understanding of

engagement.

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Thirdly, Iwasable tobuildcriticaldistance intomyresearch through facilitatingan

approach that relied on a form of intersubjective dialogical reflexivity (Fetterman,

2010).Rather than justmaking senseof theprocessesandpracticesalone,muchof

whatIreflecteduponIdidsowithothers,bothin,andalongside,praxis.Avoidingthe

arroganceofupholdingthat it issolelyme, theresearcher,whohastheabilitytobe

critical of the processes andpractices, I inevitably andhumbly found that onmany

occasions, whether staff or volunteers, other participants were willing to critically

reflectwithmeontheirownsituation,andthenatureanddynamicsofthisChristian

praxis.Thismeantthatwhilethewritingandrepresentationofthelifeoftheprojects

wasinevitablydonejustbymereflectingwithothers,Iwaschangedbythepolyphony

ofopinionswhichdistinctlymadetheirwayintothewrittenthesis. Criticaldistance

was achieved through puttingmy own,maybe less grounded andmore theoretical

opinions, into play with those of others who, while not necessarily knowingmuch

more,hadalongevityanddepthtotheirparticipationintheprojects,onethatIcould

innowayachievethroughmyshortandtemporaryinvolvementintheprojects.

In this section I haveoutlined, reflectedupon, andevaluated theways inwhichmy

Christian positionality enabled me to embrace a critical approach. I termed this:

critical proximity, and I argued that within this there was both a communal faith‐

fuelled critique, something I labeled as being ‘grounded‐in‐proximity’, and a critical

edge that emerged out ofmy own personal breakaway from the views and acts of

otherChristians,somethingItermedas‘distance‐within‐proximity’.Inthesecondhalf

ofthissixthsectionofthechapterImovedontoreviewandevaluatehowIsearched

to use certain techniques to integrate a certain critical distancewithinmy thesis. I

tentatively suggested that this was incorporated through the types of questions I

asked,thewayItriedtobuildspaceforthevoicesandexperiencesofothersbeyond

theconfinesof theprojects, theactualexperienceof leavingthe fieldanddistancing

myselffromthewholeexperience,and,throughcontinualattemptstofacilitateandbe

co‐productive of an intersubjective reflexive dialogue that was attentive to raising

criticaldiscussion.MovingontothefinalsectionofthischapterIwanttonowturnto

describe,commenton,and justify,whyIwrotethethreemainempiricalchaptersof

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thethesisinthestyleandmannerthatIdid.

Section7:Writingandrepresenting‘incarnationalgeographies’

Theultimatumis thatwithinthis thesis language“sits in” for life(EllisandBrocher,

1996). Actions are described, feelings and thoughts are re‐presented, and life is

molded into text; ‘lived research and the experiences that accompany it are

representedandmediatedbytext’(Grills,1998,199).Thisdoesnotnecessarilymean

thatthewritingisfutile;itjustmeansthatthereisaneedtocarefullyquestionandbe

honest about the purpose of ethnographic writing. For me this purpose revolves

arounddrawingtheaudienceintoanunfamiliarstoryworldandallowingthem,asfar

aspossible,tosee,hear,andfeelasthefieldworkersaw,heard,andfelt(VanMaanen,

1989).In linewithmanyotherethnographers,mywritingistoattemptto ‘describe,

andtocapturesomethingofthetextureandrichnessandunderlyingsenseofawayof

beinganddoingthatcouldnototherwisebecapturedinwriting’(Graeber,2009,15).

Writingup ethnographic research involvesmakingdecisions about the story that is

told,thewaythatstoryismadetheoreticallyinteresting,andwhatquestionswillbe

useful for analysing what we experience (Grills, 1998). An ethnographer is a

storytellerandbecausethepositionofthestorytellerisaprivilegedone(Grills,1998),

anethnographerneedstomakeitclearwhyheorshetoldthestoriesinthewaythat

he or she did. This necessarily involves articulating the purpose of thewriting, the

styleusedandtheplaceoftheauthorinthesestories(Fetterman,2010).

ThewayIhavewrittentheempiricalchaptersisbasedonadecisionthatIwantedto

actively and intentionally keep something of the lived experience of participating

whilealsobalancingsuchaccountsofwhat tookplacewithacriticalexaminationof

suchpraxis. Ihavealsohadtobalance thickdescriptionofeventswithparticipant’s

narrativesandfeelingsdrawnfrominterviews.Withinthewritingthishasmeantthat

Ihavesometimesincludedlargesectionsofauto‐ethnographicnarrativeandatother

times I have drawn uponmuchmore conventional styles of writing that layer and

drawtogetherquotesfrominterviewstoexploreaparticulartopic.Writingusingthis

mixedwritingstyleisafairlycommonpursuitwithincontemporaryethnographyand

narrativestylesconnectedtoethnographicwritinghavebeencontinuallyblurredand

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altered in recent years to even include poetry and drama (Richardson, 2000). The

pointformeisthatinmixingthesestylesmyaimistotrytoshowthenuancesinthe

landscape,providingsomethingof thecolourandshaperather thanmakingonebig

pointinmywritingthroughonestyle(Graeber,2009).Iaimto‘describethecontours

of a social and conceptualuniverse in away that is theoretically influencedbutnot

designedtoadvocateasimpleargumentortheory’(Graeber,2009,vii),hopefullythis

willleavethereaderwithanimpressionofwhat‘incarnationalgeographies’lookand

feellikethroughdrawingoutdifferentaspectsofthisoneparticularcasestudy.

Drawing upon a mixture of conventions, pulling together moments when as a

researcherIwasactivelypresentwithinthetextthroughimpressionisticethnography

andnarrativeethnography,andmomentsinthewritingwhenIactivelysteppedback

from the liveliness of participation to comment, critique and analyse what is

described,IfeltIwasabletowriteinawaythatmeantthefieldworkwasthe‘actual

materialoftheethnography’ratherthan‘thehiddenfaceofethnography’(Baszinger

andDodier,2004,17). Subsequently thismeant that the resultwas something that

offered the reader a first person narrative of events (ibid, 10) while introducing a

complementary balance of commentary, critique and analysis, sometimes lost if the

ethnographyisonlywrittenthroughafirsthandaccountofparticipation.Thismeant

carefullybalancinghowmuchIjustlettheimpressionisticethnographicwritingspeak

for itself andwhen I chosenot toholdbackon interpretationasnotalwayscould I

simplywritebythemantra‘hereisthisworld,makeofitwhatyouwill’(VanMaanen,

1989,103).

WhileitisimportantthatIemployedastrategythat‘demandsthatwizardscomeout

frombehindthecurtain’ it is importantthattheyshould ‘notcomeoutnaked’(Ellis,

2004, 133). I therefore had to carefully question how Iwould avoid a style of first

personwritingthatwouldtendtowardsbeingoverlyidiosyncraticandinattentiveof

others experiences, views or voices, and this meant deciding ‘the right type and

amount of self‐revelation and getting it in the right places’ (Ellis, 2004, 133). On a

positivenotethough,incorporatingelementsofwritingthatdirectlyincorporatedmy

ownexperiencesasaresearcherallowedtheactualeventsofthefieldworktoforma

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key part of the narrative by not banishingmyself, the ethnographer, from the text

(Baszinger andDodier, 2004). Representing ‘the doing of fieldwork rather than the

doer or thedone’ (VanMaanen, 1988, 102) situatedmyselfwithin the text as a co‐

producer of events (Denzin, 2003) therefore grounding my authorial voice in

participationandcoproductionratherthandistancingmyselffromthesocialcontext

whereby as an author Iwould come across as a ‘neutral, authoritative or scientific’

(Ellis,2004,18).Italsoenabledmetowriteinsuchawaythatthewritingwasitselfat

timesperformative (Denzin,2003) showing theeventsaswell as tellingof them. In

this sense, the writing could be seen as productive as well as simply a product

(Denzin,2003).Incorporatingaspectsofperformativewritingdidnotmeanthatthe

eventsweredescribed indirect significationbut it allowed thewriting to enact the

affectiveforceoftheperformativeeventandagainthishelpedplacethereaderinthe

field(Phelan1997).

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Chapter4:Socio‐temporallandscapesofIncarnation

Thisfourthchapteristhefirstoftwokeyempiricalchapters.InitIcriticallyexamine

the historical development of the Message Trust and the Eden‐network and draw

uponethnographicresearchfromtheEden/SA614UKcasestudytocriticallyexplore

the experiences of volunteers and staff ‘living amongst’. Through a socio‐temporal

lensthischapterarguesthat‘incarnationalgeographies’aredynamicandprocessual.

This argument is developed by exploring the evolving direction of engagement; the

changeinmotivations;thechangeintheologicalvisionandpractice;andthechangein

thesubjectivitiesofthoseinvolvedinimplicatingthisfaith‐inspiredlandscape.

Thischapterisstructuredintwosections.Sectionsonecriticallyanalysestheevolving

development of theMessage Trust and the Eden‐network. Through three analytical

interventionsthisfirstpartanalyseswhatinitiallyfuelledandsubsequentlyreshaped

thisFBOtoembracean‘incarnational’approachanditcriticallyassessesthechanging

structure, vision and theologies that influence the grounded faith‐inspired

expressionsfoundinthespecificcaseofEden/SA614UK.Sectiontwogivesanaccount

andanalysisof theexperiencesofvolunteersandstaff in joining,doingand insome

casesleavingtheEden/SA614UKinitiative.Examiningwhypeoplejoinedtheproject,

whattheirexperiencesofdoingtheprojectwere,andwhyinsomecasespeopleleft,

builds a critical examination of the motivations that trigger involvement, the

practicalities,imaginariesandfeelingscaughtupinactuallydoingtheprojectaswell

as examining the changing expectations and understandings of rational for self‐

involvement. Unpicking these narratives of joining, doing and leaving discloses an

appreciation of how these practiced landscapes are often charaterised by other‐

orientatedpracticesandnotionsofcare(seechapter5).Italsopresentsanaccountof

how particular evangelistic discourses can cause some volunteers and staff to

question their sense of commitment to the projects because there is a mismatch

betweenpersonalexpectationsandoutcomes.

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Section1:ThehistoryoftheEden­networkandtheMessageTrust.

Foundedin1993,theMessageTrustwasstartedinordertocreatemoreopportunity

for young people of Manchester to have the chance to hear the teachings of the

Christian faith (Hawthorne, 2000). Right from its genesis the aims of the Message

Trustwereexplicitly ‘evangelistic’, itsought tosharetheChristian faithwithothers

bothverballyandthroughaction.

TheoriginsoftheMessageTrustcanbetracedbacktotwoyouthorientated‘mission’

events that took place in the Manchester Apollo in 1988 and 1989 (Hawthorne,

2000).BeforetheseeventsthecurrentMessageTrustCEO,AndyHawthorne,andhis

brother, Simon Hawthorne, ran a fashion accessories business on the Longsight

IndustrialEstateinManchester.Inthelate1980stheirbusinessexperiencedasharp

increase in consumer demand and subsequently theHawthorne brothers extended

theirrecruitmenttoincludelocalyoungpeoplefromthesurroundingarea.Thishada

profoundeffectonboththebrothersasmanyoftheyoungpeoplethattheyemployed

reportedly had either ‘comeout of StrangewaysPrison or had got sackedby every

otheremployerinthearea’(Hawthorne,2000,19).Encounteringtheseyoungpeople,

thebrotherssoonrealizedthat‘theladsknewnothingaboutJesus’(Ibid,19)andthis

lackofknowledgeabouttheChristianfaithpromptedthebrotherstodedicatetheir

energytowardsmakingsurethatyoungpeopleofManchesterhadtheopportunityto

hearabouttheChristianfaithandhowitwasfoundedonthebeliefthatJesusChrist

wasthe‘risensonofGod’(Ibid,20).

In response to encountering these youngmen the Hawthorne brothers decided to

book the Manchester Apollo Theatre for an event that would both showcase

contemporaryChristianmusicandprovideashorttalksharingtheChristiangospel.

Thisevent,branded‘theMessage88’andfinancedbyManchesterchurches,aimedto

‘reach thecity’s toughestareas’and targeted thekindofyoungpeople thebrothers

had recently employed in their business (Ibid, 20). 20,000 young people were

reported tohaveattended theevent.Theperceivedsuccessof thisventure led toa

followupevent,titled:‘TheChristmasMessage’89’(Ibid,2000).Soonafterthisevent

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thebrotherswereencouragedbyMarkPennellstostartaninitiativecalled‘Message

toSchools’.AndyHawthornesoondecidedtoleavehispreviousworkintheprivate

sector and become involved fulltime in the ‘The Message to Schools Trust’ (see

Hawthorne2000).

Thecreationof ‘TheMessage toSchoolsTrust’ also saw thecreationofaband: the

WorldWideMessageTribe(WWMT). Involvingboth thebrothers,WWMTused the

contemporaryrelevanceofdancemusicasa ‘tool’withwhichtosharetheChristian

faith inschoolsaroundManchester(Ibid,2000).By1991withWWMTcomposedof

the brothers and two other Christian music artists from Manchester, the Message

Trust had agreed on its founding principles. These were that, firstly, Manchester

would be the primary focus, secondly, that the Bible was to be at the heart of

everything they undertook and that, thirdly, in an evangelistic spirit non‐Christian

youngpeopleweretheirfocus.Inadditiontothethreeprinciplesanagreementwas

establishedattheoutsetofcreatingtheTrustthatthebandwouldendeavortofeed

all of the WWMT’s royalties back into the schools‐work across Manchester

(Hawthorne,2000).

Intervention 1: Becoming relevant: Encountering young factory workers,

formingthebandandmovingintoschoolsministry.

Threeimportantpointsneedtobehighlightedintheanalysisofthegenesisandearly

developmentoftheMessageTrust.Firstlythattheirevangelisticmotive:thatofgiving

the opportunity to young people to hear and personally respond to a public

presentation of the Christian faith,was carried through from the conception of the

concert‐eventstotheundertakingoftheschoolsbasedministry.Secondlythatalarge

partoftheirmotivationtosharetheChristianfaith,particularlytoyoungpeople,was

birthedoutoftheperceivedincreasingsecularizationofBritishsociety,thedeclineof

churchattendancebyyoungpeopleand, inthecaseofyoungpeoplewhodidinfact

attendchurchatall,theconcernthatthewiderchurchwasincapableof‘gettingthem

tostay inchurch’(Hawthorne,2000,5)Thirdly, thegenesisof theMessageTrust to

Schoolsand thecreationof theWWMTplacedAndyHawthorneandother founding

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workersandvolunteersintoanewgeographiccontext:localschoolswhosecatchment

was some of the most deprived areas of Manchester. This was later to be very

influentialinthecreationofthefirstEdeninitiative.Moreimmediatelyhowever,the

Message Trust andWWMTwere soon to find that as their Christianmusic became

morepopular,theybecamedistractedfromthisfoundingfocus.

Reachingstardom,rediscoveringpurposeandstumblingacross‘Eden’

Between1993and1996theWWMTdevelopedabroadChristianfanbaseacrossthe

UK and the US and released a couple of singles into the charts.While the relative

successofthebandsawfinancialcapitalrepeatedlyturnedbackintotheMessageto

SchoolsTrust, the success inadvertentlymeant thatWWMTand theMessageTrust

foundthattheysomewhatdivergedtheirattentionfromthatwhichwastheiroriginal

focus:themostdeprivedschoolsandregionsofManchester.In1996theTrustsought

torefocusitsattentiontowardsthemostdeprivedareasofthecityofManchesterby

concentrating its efforts towards one particularly deprived area of Manchester,

booking two oneweek ‘missions’ in two local schools inWythenshaw (Hawthorne,

2000). According to Andy Hawthorne (2000) these two weeks had a profound

influenceon theband; they ‘found that somethinghadhappened toeachofus, and

couldn’t shake the area from our minds’ (2000, 90). Rather unexpectedly this

readjustmentprovidedthekernelthatcontinuestoshapeandstructurepresentday

Edeninitiatives(Wilson,2005).

Duringthesetwooneweek‘missions’in1996theMessageTrustranlessonsandtook

assembliesintwolocalsecondaryschoolswiththeaimofsharingandpromotingthe

Christianfaith.Thetwo‐week‘mission’culminatedinaChristianmusicconcertandan

evangelisticmessagethatchallengedyoungpeopletoconsidertheChristianfaith.As

with many of the other evangelistic gigs that the Message Trust had previously

organized theevangelistic talkwasconcludedwithanopportunity to ‘respond’ (see

Hawthorne, 2000). According to Hawthorne (2000)whatwas unexpectedwas that

out of the seven hundred peoplewho attended the gig, one hundred young people

reportedly responded to the ‘call to faith’ and these young people all appeared the

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followingSundayat thesmallchurchwithwhichtheMessagehadpartneredfor the

twoweeks.

Thischurchwaslargelyunderresourcedandcontainednomorethanfourteenadults,

inadequately equipped to support the young peoplewho had shown an interest in

Christianity at the concert. In Hawthorne’s account (2000) of the next fortnight he

noted that therewasadrasticdecline inattendance,andwithina fewweeksof the

two week ‘mission’ many of the young people who had shown an interest in the

ChristianfaithnolongerattendedthechurchonSundays.ThisledAndyHawthorneto

questionwhatcouldbedonetoseetheseyoungpeoplecontinue‘toattendchurchand

growinfaith’(2000,90).AlongwithanotherManchester‐basedchurchleader,Frank

Green,hebegantospeculateon ‘whatasmallchurchwouldneedtobeabletocope

with one hundred new Christians?’ (Ibid, 2000, 90). Hawthorne realized that if he

wereinthepositionofthesmallunder‐resourcedchurchhewouldhavehopedfora

resourcepoolofChristianyouthworkerswhocould liveandwork in the localarea,

supportingtheyoungpeoplethathadmadeacommitmenttotheChristianfaith.This

ideawasthenpresentedtoanetworkofchurchleadersacrossManchesterreceiving

enthusiasticsupportandpromptingthelaunchoftheideaatSoulSurvivor,aChristian

festivalaimedatyoungpeople.AndyHawthornepresentedtheideaattheconference

‘challengingyoungpeopletomoveintoManchester’(2000,94),and ‘topackupand

movetoWynthenshaw,togettheirhandsdirtyandnottakethesoftoption’(ibid,94).

According toHawthorne (2000), hundreds volunteered, and thirtywere selected to

move into Wythenshaw over the next few months. In partnership with the King’s

Church,Wythenshaw,thisformedthefirstofficialEdenteam.

Intervention2:Copingwithconverts:placingyouthworkersincommunity

EventhoughthesedevelopmentsledtotheMessageTrustengagingwithnewforms

of praxis, facilitating the emergence of the first Eden initiative through seeking ‘to

embodya radically transformative theologyof social engagementbasedonhabitual

social praxis’ (Cloke, 2011, p 249), themotivational discourses that prompted such

new forms of engagement, in broad terms at least, could be seen primarily as

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evangelistic. These evangelistic motivations are founded on the perceived concern

thatlocalchurchesinadequatelyengagewith,andretain,youngpeopleandthatsuch

inability isoneof theprimaryreasons thechurch in theUK is insignificantdecline.

ThispointisclearfromtheresponseofAndyHawthornetotherecognitionthatlocal

youngpeople inWythenshawquickly lost interest in Church after the school based

‘missionweeks’.

In the shifting development of the Message Trust this new approach of facilitating

youth workers to live and ‘share faith’ from within these local socio‐economically

deprived areas became paramount to the future development of how the Message

Trustconceivedfaithbeing ‘shared’.Whilethefirstmilestone inthedevelopmentof

theMessageTrustwastheventureintolocalschools,thesecondwasthecommitment

made to local communities through the establishment of the first Eden initiative.

However, it is important to highlight that embedded in this new geographic

commitmentwasstillalargeexpectationthatfirstandforemostthesenewinitiatives

wereaboutevangelisingtolocalyoungpeople,butdoingsoasalocalneighour.

FestivaleventsandthebirthofmoreEdeninitiatives

Soon after the original Eden initiative had begun, Andrew Hawthorne and others

planned a series of similar projects acrossManchester (seeWilson, 2005; 2012) to

establish ‘missionalcommunities’withinmanyotherof themostsocio‐economically

deprived parts of the city (Hawthorne, 2000, 95). Aiming to partnerwith churches

already present in these areas, the Message Trust made use of a Manchester city

‘prayernetwork’(seeGreen,2008)torecruit furtherChristianswillingtomoveinto

someofthemostsocio‐economicallydeprivedareasofthecity.Itwasnotlongbefore

TheMessageestablishedasecondEden initiative inconjunctionwithMountChapel

Church in Salford. The local church leaders backed the project idea and the area

identifiedwas Langworthy, a densely packed area of Victorian terrace houses. This

projectwaslaunchedin1999andcoincidedwiththeareabeingdesignatedunderthe

Single Regeneration Budget (SRB), leading to members of the Salford Eden team

becominglong‐termservingmembersontheSRBlocalactiongroups,whileasegment

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oftheSRBmoneywasdedicatedtotheconstructionofthe‘LifeCentre’,ayouthdrop‐

incentreranbySalfordEdenvolunteers(Wilson,2005).

TheprofileofboththeMessageTrustandtheEdeninitiativesbegantobuildacross

evangelical Christian networks and as a resultwas the topic ofmuch discussion at

various annual Christian conferences across the country (see Hawthorne, 2000;

Wilson,2012).IntherunuptotheannualChristainYouthConference,SoulSurvivor,in

2000, the organizer Mike Pilavachi and Message Trust founder Andy Hawthorne

decided to divert the conference from its usual venue at the Bath andWest Show

groundinSomersettocreateatwoweek‘mission’acrossManchester(Wilson,2005).

InconjunctionwiththeMessageTrust,therecentlyestablishedEdeninitiatives,anda

number of other Christian charities, includingOasis andYouth for Christ, the event

drew in over 20,000 young people from around the country and was titled Soul

Survivor:TheMessage2000(M2K).

According toAndyHawthorne the festival styleeventwasa ‘climaxofawholeyear

thatwasstuffedfullofmissionsandoutreaches’(Hawthorne,2000,104).Theaimof

thesummereventwas,asHawthornewrites,‘tofulfillourcallingtoseeeveryyoung

person inManchester being given repeated opportunities to accept or reject Jesus’

(2000, 105). This verbal message was intentionally combined with social action

initiativesacrossthecity,makinguseof thevastpoolsofhumanresourcesthathad

cometoManchester for thetwoweeks.Hawthorneclarifiedthatat theheartof this

eventwas the intention ‘to present a holistic gospel; not just beat people over the

headwiththebible,buttomeettheirrealneeds’(2000,102).Accordingly40percent

oftheyoungChristianpeoplefromaroundtheUKthatattendedtheconferencewere

organizedbytheChristiancharityOasistodeliverarangeofshort‐termsocialaction

projects.Theseshort‐termcommunityprojectswereundertakeninconjunctionwith

localcouncils,residentsassociationsandhousingtrustsacrossManchester’sdeprived

inner city and housing estates. Each day young people engaged in estate clear ups,

mural paintings, garden clearance and numerous other practical activities (Wilson,

2005).

InconjunctionwiththeM2KsummerfestivalthreemoreEdenprojectswerestarted,

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one inLongsight,whereAndyHawthornehadbeenprofoundlyeffectedby thosehe

encountered inhisbusinesswithhisbrother,and thesecond inOpenshaw, the first

partnershipwith the SalvationArmy.The thirdEden initiative focusedon a council

estateinSwintonValley.

Intervention3:Goingbeyondevangelismandthesuccessofthefestival

FromthisthirdstageoftheMessageTrust’shistoryandthedevelopmentoftheEden

initiatives there are two significant points to draw out. First, that Eden Salford’s

involvementinthelocalSRBactiongroupsignifiedthatEdeninitiativeswerequickly

goingtodevelopintoinitiativesthatweremuchwiderthanjustaboutdoingChristian

youthworkandevangelizing toyoungpeople in thesedeprivedareas. Andsecond,

thatthesuccessivecollaborationsbetweentheMessageTrustandtheChristianyouth

organisationSoulSurvivor,thatresultedintheemergenceoftheM2Kfestivalbecame

key catalysts in the recruitment of newvolunteers and staffworkers for thesenew

Eden initiatives. Similar to the new engagements of Eden Salford, M2K signified a

deepercommitmenttoamethodofsharingtheChristianfaiththatwasdonebothin

words and in actions (see Hawthorne, 2009) blending expressions of faith through

‘citizenry action’withpersonal and corporate acts of ‘telling the story’(Grahamand

Lowe,2009).

Thedevelopment of the secondEden initiative and the involvement of this team in

NewLabour’sSingleRegenerationBudget localactiongroupssignifiedanimportant

stage in the early development of the Eden initiatives. Primarily it signified that an

involvement in Eden had in practice turned from something that was constructed

solely around doing youthwork in the local community,with the aim of hoping to

evangelise to these local young people, towards a multifaceted approach that was

constructedaroundengagingwiththecommunityandexpressingfaiththroughlocal

actsofcitizenryinvolvement,organizingandserviceprovision,aswellasseekingto

see the local church grow through successful evangelisation. Something Andy

Hawthorne describes as ‘word and deed evangelism’ (2009). Involved in this way

Eden volunteers and staff began to discover that ‘mission’ was as much about

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discovering their place as local citizen, ‘contributing to a language of the common

good’andassisting‘adebateabout‘whatmakesagoodcity’(GrahamandLowe,2009,

10),asitwasaboutseekingtoseechurchgrowthandpersonalconversion.Thismixof

wordanddeedevangelism,combiningcitizenryactionwithevangelisticmotivations,

isanothermilestoneinthecomplexstoryofhowincarnationalapproachesarefuelled

andenvisioned.

FurthermorethestructureandformatoftheM2Kfestivalmeantthatasaresultmany

young Christian people attending the festival could discover ways of appropriately

matchingafaith‐fuelledethictodosomethingaboutsomethingwithvoluntaryshort

termcitizenryengagements.Fundamentaltothiswasthattheseseriesofsocialaction

ventures opened up a series of encounters betweenwell intending young Christian

citizens and their guardians, with marginal‐others living in different social and

economiccircumstances.Whereasperhapstheseyoungpeoplewouldnormativelynot

havehadmuchengagementwiththese ‘other’partsoftheCity,theseeventsopened

manyyoungChristianpeopletotheseareasofurbandeprivationandbridgedaspects

of the City that so often do not coalesce in any positive or progressiveway. These

‘bridging’ moments (see Swanson andWilliams, 2010) enlivened many Christians

involved in the events to the possibility andpotential of radically putting faith into

action through relocation, something that the Message Trust was presenting as a

viableoptionthroughthedeviceofEden.Iwillreturntoexaminethesignificanceof

this in the context of a number of volunteer biographies in the second part of this

chapter.

MoreEdeninitiativesandanotherfestival:

Inthefollowingfiveyears,fivemoreEden‘communities’wereinitiated,allbutonein

conjunctionwithchurchesalreadypresentintheselocalareas.Thefifthofthesenew

Eden initiatives was launched as the second partnership with the Salvation Army

614UKnetwork.In2003itwasagreedbylocalchurchnetworksacrossthenorthern

milltownofOldhamthatthislatestEdeninitiativewouldbelaunchedandlinkedinto

thecross‐city‘mission’called:FestivalManchester(seeGreen,2008).Overseenbythe

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MessageTrust,FestivalManchesteraimed tobuilduponwhathadbeenachieved in

the year 2000with theM2Kfestival. FestivalManchester was coordinated around a

weeklongseriesofpresentationsoftheChristianfaith,musiceventsandsocialaction

projects. This festival culminated in a celebration of the Christian faith in Heaton

Park, Manchester, where reportedly thirty thousand people gathered to enjoy

Christianmusic,extremesportsandfamilyfun(Green,2008).ForFestivalManchester

‘the US‐based Luis Palau Evangelistic Association and Manchester’s Message Trust

partneredwithoverfivehundredchurches,theManchesterandSalfordCityCouncils,

GreaterManchesterPolice, anddozensof corporateandprivate supporters’ (Green,

2008,94).UnderthesupervisionoftheMessageTrust,severalteamsofyoungpeople

andyouthworkersfromaroundthecountrypartneredwiththenewEdencommunity

on Fitton Hill, Oldham, to engage in a number of ‘social action’ projects: providing

summeractivitiesforlocalyoungpeople,undertakingcommunityspaceclearupsand

openingadrop‐incentretobridgethegapintheyoungeryearsyouthprovision.This

markedthebeginningoftheFittonHillEdenprojectandpartnershipwiththenewly

establishedSalvationArmy614UK‘churchplant’ontheestate.

TodayEdenteamsarefirmlyestablishedonfivefoundingprinciples,andfouroutof

fiveofthese‘cornerstone’principlesemergedoutofthisfirstimmediateresponseto

establish a presence inWythenshaw in 1996. Essentially, 1. All Eden communities

commit themselves to being ‘rooted in a local church’; 2. They are ‘ focused on the

toughest neighbourhoods’; 3. They develop a ‘ large team with homes right in the

heartofthecommunity’;4.theyfocuson‘makingthefirstpriorityreachingyouthto

seetheirfullpotentialunlocked’,andgrowingoutofthedevelopmentthatEdenteams

arenow foundacrossEngland;5.ThatEden teams ‘commit tobelonging toawider

relational network’, compromised of other Eden teams across the same region

(Wilson, 2012, 86). Alongside these five foundational principles, Eden teams define

themselves through five key adjectives, forging lifestyles that are based around; 1.

‘being incarnational’; 2. ‘being relational’; 3. ‘being purposeful’; 4. ‘being

countercultural’ and 5. ‘being holistic’ (Eden‐network, 2012). Performing these five

core characteristics they anticipate they will display an authentic commitment, a

willingnesstobeshapedandtoshapeothers,anelementofChristiandistinctiveness

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andaninterestinsocial,physicalandspiritualchange(Wilson,2012).

Section1­ConcludingRemarks

Theargumentofthischaptersofarhasbeendefinedbytheanalysisofthehistoryof

theMessageTrustandtheEdeninitiatives.Throughthreeanalyticalinterventionsthe

mainpointmadeinthecaseofthisFBOisthatthemoveto‘liveamongst’andexpress

theChristian faith inan ‘incarnational’manneremergedoutofvariousstagesof the

FBO’s development. This section has also argued that from an organisational

perspective the purpose of this ‘incarnational’ approach has shifted and been

extendedthroughtime.TracingthedevelopmentandevolutionoftheMessageTrust

andEden‐networksadoptionofan‘incarnational’approachhighlightshowimportant

it is that theseparticular faith‐inspired landscapes are understood through a socio‐

temporal lens. In termsof thebroaderthesisasawhole thisorganizationalanalysis

also helps to contribute towards the re‐reading of these incarnational geographies.

Ratherthanbeingsimplyunderstoodasspacesofproselytisation(seeWoods,2012)

and/or spacesof self‐betterment (seeAllahyari,2000) theanalysisof thehistoryof

theMessageTrustandEden‐networkhasshownthattheseincarnationalgeographies

aremuchmorecomplexandnuanced.InthecaseoftheMessagetrustandtheEden‐

network thepracticeof ‘livingamongst’went frombeingadoptedas anew formof

proclamational evangelism and discipleship to being stretched and extended into a

more holistic approach that saw participation and placement in deprived

neighbourhoods as away of enacting citizenry action, evangelism, discipleship and

service. Originally adopted as a response to the inability of the local church to

adequately support and follow up young Christian converts the ‘incarnational’

approach saw different Eden teams venture into also supporting local community

regenerationinitiativesanddiscoveringhowtocontributetowardsthecommongood

(Graham and Lowe, 2009). Developing this holistic sense of praxis hasmeant Eden

initiatives searched for progressive postsecular partnerships and pursued the

commongood(seeHollenbach,2002;Clokeetal,2012).

Turning to consider the actual experiences of volunteers and staff in adopting an

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‘incarnational’ approach in socio‐economically deprived areas the focus of this

chapternowshifts fromanexaminationof theorganizational to thepersonnelwho

embrace ‘living amongst’. This second section of the chapter extends the argument

that through adopting an ‘incarnational’ approach a number of significant shifts in

rationaleandpraxisoccur.However,concernedtoacknowledgetheindividualagency

ofvolunteersandstaff involved,similartotheresearchofClokeetal(2005), inthis

next section due care is taken not to assume a perfect transition between

organisationalethosandpraxisasitisenactedonthegroundbydifferentpersonnel.

Part 2: Biographic insights into joining, doing and leaving theproject:talesof‘livingamongst’. (Allnamesinthissectionhavebeenchangedtoensureanonymity)This second section is structured in three parts. Firstly, I examine the factors that

motivatedstaffandvolunteerstojoinEden/SA614UK.Secondly,Iexploreandanalyze

the actual practical and emotional hardships that staff and volunteers experienced

and thirdly, in reflection of these hardships, I review and analyse the reasonswhy

somestaffandvolunteersleftEden/SA614UK.Thisanalysisgivesaflavorofwhatitis

likefortheseChristianactorstoembedthemselvesinthesepraxisbasedlandscapes

and itpoints toaneed toappreciate thedynamicandevolvingnatureofhowthese

Christianactorsperceiveandmakesenseof their involvement inandthroughthese

socio‐temporal landscapes.A formativeconclusion thatarises fromthisargument is

that the subjectivities of these Christian actors must be understood as subject to

changeandcontestation,andthatthisdynamismisgroundedinboththeoutworking

offaith‐praxisinandthroughlocalplace,andinconnectionwiththedevelopmentof

deepeningrelationshipswithotherswithintheseplacesovertime.

There are a number of significant points that emerge from the analysis of these

biographicnarratives.Firstly,examiningwhatcompelleddifferentindividualstojoin

theEdennetworkitisclearthatmanyofthevolunteersandstaffwerechallengedby

thereparticipation in the summer festival events: Soul Survivor:TheMessage2000

and Festival Manchester in 2003, and that participation in these short term social

110

action projects contributed significantly towards numerous staff and volunteers

makingthedecisiontosignuptotheEden‐networkandmoveontotheestate.Whatis

also apparent is that the evangelistic discourses that have been forged from the

historicemergenceoftheEden‐networkoutoftheMessageTrustplayanimportant

role inmotivating staff and volunteers to initially join the Fitton Hill Eden project.

However,thirdly,inaddition,manyvolunteersandstaffalsomadeitclearthatwhat

initiallyattractedthemtosignuptotheEden‐networkandjoinalocalEdeninitiative

wasthegivenopportunitytoputtheirfaithintoactioninawaythatmanyofthestaff

andvolunteersfeltwasnotavailableintheirpreviouschurchcircumstances.Here,in

relationtothisnewfoundsenseofopportunityto‘livefaithoutinaction’,Iarguethat

tothosestaffandvolunteersjoiningEden/SA614UK,thelocalEdeninitiativeprovided

an organisational ‘device’ through which they could ground and embody faith in

practicalaction(Barnettetal,2005).Isubsequentlyarguethatthisopportunityto‘act

out faith’ as a local resident in a socio‐economically deprived neighbourhood re‐

enchanted former individualistic personal understandings of the Christian faith,

reconfiguring it instead as somethingmore communal,worked out locally in place,

and with and for others. Similar to the research of Gerhardt (2008) on American

evangelicals,my argument in this section focuses on the actual formative nature of

encountering others embedded in different circumstances and how such alterity

encourages a sense of proximate care which emerges from a ‘sense for the other

which isemotional, connectedandcommitted’ (Cloke,2002,pg594).However,asa

number of participant accounts testify, these initial encounters with alterity are

sometimes initially layered with rather colonial viewpoints, and it is often only

through a time‐enriched proximate understanding of the worlds and lives of these

‘others’thattheseinitialcolonialviewsaredeconstructedandreconstructedaround

differentarrangementsofpower.Relatingthisspecificargumenttothebroaderpoint

made by this chapter, this section emphasizes that through an ongoing grounded

involvementovertimeinpracticalother‐focusedpractices,thenormativeevangelistic

discoursessoapparentinpartoneofthischapterandinthejoiningnarrativesinthe

firstpartofthissecondsectionbecomereinterpretedwithgreateremphasis intoan

ethicofcarethatcentersaroundservingothersintheircurrentcircumstancethrough

moreequalarrangementsofpowerbasedaroundmutualfriendship.

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Anothermajordevelopmentofexaminingthesebiographicnarrativesisthatitbrings

totheforetheactualtestifiedexperienceof ‘doingfaith’ inthesecircumstances,and

exploring different staff and volunteer experiences of living out an embedded and

embodied Christian faith incarnationally in this socio‐economically deprived

neighbourhoodhighlightshowsuchpraxis ispersonallydemanding,bothpractically

andemotionally.InthissectionIemphasisehowthenegativeexperiencesenduredby

those seeking to express their Christian faith out incarnationally in a socio‐

economically deprived place like Fitton Hill is as much a consequence of trying to

balancetheorganisationaldemandsandexpectationsplacedonthem,asitisaresult

ofpersonalfatiguefromconstantlyservingothersandfromnotbeingabletocometo

terms with how their involvement does not live up to their own individual

expectations.Lastly,thesedifferentfrustrationsappearaskeycontributingreasonsas

towhy some volunteers and staffmade the decision to leave the project. Exploring

theseburnoutnarrativeshelpstogivefurtherclaritytotheexperiencesofvolunteers

andstaffandithighlightsthetemporalandoftenfinitenatureoftheseincarnational

expressions of the Christian faith in socio‐economic deprived areas. Each of these

threeanalyticalthemeswillnowbedevelopedinturn.

Figure1.1:TableofParticipants

Amanda,31 A graduate from medical school and the director ofHopeCitedalMedicalPractice.SheismarriedtoGarethand they have three young boys. Moved to the areawhenshemarriedGareth.

Frank,37 A secondarymusic teacher and regular volunteer forEden/SA614UK. Moved to the area to be involved inproject.

Grace,35 Married to Frank, regular volunteer forEden/SA614UK. Full timemum.Moved to the area tobeinvolvedintheproject.

Rachel,28 A physiotherapist who moved onto the estate to beinvolvedintheproject.

Mel,26 Secondary school teacher and regular volunteer forEden/SA614UK.Moved to the area after finishingherGapYearwiththeMessageTrust.

112

Phil,22 Theological student who regularly volunteers forEden/SA614UK.Moved to the area after finishing hisGapYearwiththeMessageTrust.

Lucy,24 A trainee doctor and regular volunteer forEden/SA614UK.MovedtotheareaafterfinishingaBAdegreeatManchesterUniversityinBioscience.

Kate,32 A part time salaried family’s worker forEden/SA614UK.MarriedtoLuke,theyhavetwoyoungchildren.Shemovedto theestate tovolunteer for theproject.

Luke,32 A salaried youthworker for Eden/SA614UK. Born ontheestatehe is trainedchefwhoreturnedto theareawhen he became a Christian. Team leader for localEdenyouthwork.

Gareth,35 Thepastorof the localSalvationArmy614UKchurch.Married to Amanda. Moved to Manchester afterfinishing degree to be involved in Openshaw Edenproject.AskedtostartnewteamonFittonHill.

ʻJoining Edenʼ

‘whatIbegantorealizethatdaywasthatinmanycasesthetransformationthat

has taken place has been far more inside of me than inside the different

charactersthatIhavecomeintocontactwith’GaryBishop(2004,89)

AsIbecamefamiliarwiththebiographiesofEdenFittonHillVolunteersandstaff, it

became clear thatmany of the volunteers had been recruited to join Eden through

involvement with either of the major Manchester Christian festivals: Soul Survivor

2000­ The Message (M2K), or Festival Manchester held in 2003. For some of the

volunteersorstaffworkers,joininganEden‘team’wasanaturalprogressionafterthe

two‐weeksummerfestival.Thistookseveraldifferent forms.Forsomevolunteers it

wasagradualprocessofmovinghome,leavingchurchcommunities,findingnewjobs

andbecomingenrolledintoateamasanewvolunteer,whileinmoreextremecasesit

literally resulted from staying put after the festival, continuingwithwhat hadbeen

undertakenduringtheprecedingweekswhenthefestivalswereunderway.Thiswas

thecaseforAmanda.

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Runningup to the summerof the year2000Amandahadbecome interested in the

SoulSurvivor2000­TheMessage(M2K)festivalwhenitwasbeing‘plugged’atanother

Christian conference, Spring Harvest, earlier in the year. Amanda felt inviting her

sistertobeapartoftheM2Kfestivalwouldbeagoodopportunityforhersister,who

wasnot aChristian, to experience somethingof ‘Christianity in action’.Amanda felt

excitedthataskinghersistertojoinherforthisweekinManchesterwouldhighlight

toher the ‘cultural relevance’ and ‘practical expression’ ofChristianity. Amanda, at

thetimeaneighteenyearoldschoolleaver,wasalsokeentoattendthefestivalasit

wouldgiveherthechancetomeetotheryoungpeoplewhosharedherChristianfaith.

For Amanda, a young person with a recent personal conversion story, this event

presentedanopportunitytoevangelisticallysharefaithwithhersisterinawaythat

wasnot just cognitivebutwasalsogrounded in expressingpractical action.A clear

motivation behind inviting her sister was that she too might be converted to the

Christianfaith,andthatthroughseeingitspracticalandappliedrelevancehersister

mightbecome interested in theChristian faith forherself.Thisbiographicnarrative

resonates with the evangelistic discourses so prevalent within the Message Trust

exploredinsection1.However,whatalsowasveryclearfromAmanda’snarrativeis

thatwhilesheinitiallysigneduptothetwo‐weekfestivalbecauseofitssocialelement

and because it presented itself as an appropriate opportunity for her to

evangelisticallyshareherChristianfaithwithhersister,hercompulsiontosignupto

anEdeninitiativewasalsogroundedinherdiscoveringanexcitingandpracticalway

of‘livingout’herChristianfaith.

ForthefirstfestivalweekAmandawasinchargeofoverseeingagroupofManchester

UniversityChristian students to litterpick and clear gardenson adesignated social

housing estate in inner cityManchester.Hearing the repeated call for volunteers to

jointheEden ‘movement’Amandaurgentlyfeltthatsheshouldbeoneofthosewho

joinedanEdenteam.Sheexplainedthatherinterest intheEdeninitiativeswasthat

theyrequiredabigcommitmentwhereonesChristianfaithcouldnotjustbe‘shoved

intothebackgroundsomewhere’.Amandaexplainedtomethatprevioustohervisit

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to the NewWine conference where she had first heard about the M2K event, her

encounter with the Christian faith had been limited to being a chorister at a well

known private school, being involved in these social action projects was ‘far from

boring’anditappealedasareallyrelevantwayof‘doingsomethingmeaningfulwith

yourChristianfaith’.However,uponenquiringhowto join,Amandafeltdeterredby

thosewhohadquestionedheronwhatapplicableskillsshewouldbeabletobringto

oneof theprojects.Amandahadhadnoformalexperienceofsecularyouthworkor

ChristianyouthministryandwasadvisedtoreturntoherhomechurchintheSouthof

England seeking the advice of her own church youthworker.Despite this however,

Amandastayed for thesecondweekof the festival, feelingabuildingurgencyabout

continuingwith the ‘social action’ she had undertaken during the firstweek of the

festival.Undertakingthecleanupprojectsshehadalsohadanumberofopportunities

to share her faith evangelistically with residents and Amanda described how this

socialactionprojectprovidedherwithanopportunity toboth ‘tellher storyand to

liveit’,somethingthatshehadnotreallyhadmuchopportunitytodobefore.

Amandadescribedherselfassomeonewhohadalwayshada‘heart’forsocialaction,

volunteering for Shelter during her Christmas holidayswhen shewas in sixth form

beforeshebecameaChristian. Butsheexplainedthatincomparisontoherworkat

Shelter,herinvolvementinthesummersocialactionprojectsfulfilledbothherdesire

for‘service’andhernewfoundpassiontoshareherChristiantestimony1withothers.

Amandatoldmethatshehadalways‘justbeenpassionateaboutpeople’andthatthe

M2KeventandtheEdeninitiativespresentedherwithbothanopportunitytocarry

this forward, and theopportunity to evangelistically share faithwith those shewas

‘serving’.

Oncethefestivalended,ratherthanreturninghome,Amandafeltacompulsiontostay

inManchester, returning to the same housing estate each day to continue to build

friendships andprovide activities for local youngpeoplewhere andhow she could.

Amandaexplainedthistome.

1‘Testimony’isanarratedaccountofonesowncomingtofaithanddetailofChristianexperience.

115

“Literallythelastnight[ofthetwoweekfestival]IstillhadnomoneyandIstill

hadnowheretostayandIdidnotknowwhatIwasgoingtodoandthenoneof

theuniversitystudentssaidIcouldstayintheirhouse‘cositwasemptyforthe

summer,soIstayedthere.ItoldmydadthatIwasstayinginManchester,which

Idon’tknowhowheletmedoit,tobehonest,aneighteen‐year‐oldgirl,‘yeahI

amjustgoingtohookupwithsomestudents,andum,Iappliedforloadsofjobs’.

IappliedforwaitressingjobsandIhaddoneitallbefore,andIappliedforpizza

hutandrestaurantsandhadloadsandloadsofjobsandinbetweenapplyingfor

jobs Iwent back to SwitonValley everyday, cos that iswhere I haddone the

thing[thesocialactionprojects].Itwasweirdcos,urm,Iturnedupontheestate

andpeoplekindarecognizedmeandtheestatewasreallyfriendlyandhadthis

really funny edge to it and peoplewere like ‘oh you are one of the Christians

aren’tyou.”

As the above quote illustrates, compelled to continue what she had started on the

estate,Amandamadeherownhousingarrangementslivinginanemptystudenthouse

in another part of the City. Shewas surprised that local residents remembered her

from the two‐week clean up project and she felt warmly welcomed. Returning to

SwintonVallleymostdays,Amandatoldmehowsheorganizedasmallkidsclubinthe

local park andmet elderlywomen from the estate for cups of tea. Alongside these

socialactivitiesshemetwithagroupoflocalyoungpeoplewhowerewillingtoread

thebibletogetherwithher.Herinvolvementcontinuedtobestructuredaroundboth

evangelism and action, ‘sharing’ the Christian faith through a small bible reading

group and acting out a faith fuelled ethics of care through befriending elderly

residentsandrunningasummeractivityclubforlocalyoungpeople.

IntimeAmandacontactedtheMessageTrusttoexplainthatsheneverreturnedhome

to the South of England and was busy regularly returning to the estate. Amanda

explainedthatAndyHawthorne,theMessageTrust’sCEO,decidedshewas‘obviously

doing brilliantly there and agreed to support her financially each week.' Amanda

carriedonvisiting theestateandthrough liaisingwith theMessageTrust facilitated

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thedevelopmentofanewfootballpitchforthecommunity.

However,asbothAmandaexplainedtome,andasMattWilson(2006)describesinhis

writtenaccountofthedevelopmentofEdenSwintonValley,localresidentsofSwinton

Valley did not remain receptive to thework of the ‘Christians’ like Amanda on the

estate. ‘Some of the residents felt disappointed by the abrupt end of M2K and the

failure to completeanumberof taskswhichhadbeenpromised’ (Wilson,2005,61).

ForAmanda,stillvisitingtheestateregularly,shesoonbecamethetargetofresident’s

frustration.

‘It turnedquitenastyon theestate ‘cospeopleweren’t followedupreally,and

then it got darker and I had a couple of fire crackers fired at me,

November/October time and it just turned quickly and people were

disappointedreally.’

Although therehadbeenmany valid achievements through the organized events of

M2K, the involvementof these teamsofwillingvolunteerson theestatehadclearly

created a number of unresolved issues and Amanda became the target of these

frustrations.Thistwoweekshorttermshowofsolidarityhadleftmanyresidentswith

unfulfilledexpectationsandthishadledtounderstandableangeroverwhywhathad

been promised had not come to fruition. What Amanda felt had started well with

receptive interest from local residents soon turned, taking on a ‘darker’ and less

receptive tone. Amanda expressed that once things turned in this way she felt

uncomfortable returning to the estate so frequently. With the direction of the

Message Trust Amanda became involved in more admin work at the Message’s

headquartersandshespentlesstimeontheestateandmoretimeworkingdirectlyfor

the Message Trust. This continued until Amanda was transfered to another Eden

projectelsewhereinthecity.AmandaisnowmarriedtoGareth,theEdenFittonHill

ProjectleaderandtogethertheyoverseatheFittonHillEdenproject.

Amanda’saccountofhowshecametojointheEden‐networkisanuncommonstory,

butherunderlyingreasonsforjoininganEdeninitiativeresonatewiththebiographic

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accountsofotherEdenstaffandvolunteers.Foranumberofothervolunteers,joining

Eden was a gradual process, but as with Amanda’s account these other accounts

highlighthowmanyofthevolunteersinvolvedinthelocalEdenprojectsignedupto

the Eden‐network because it opened up an opportunity for them to express their

Christian faith in ways that had not previously been presented to them. This was

certainlythecaseforFrankandGrace.

FrankandGraceareamidthirtiescouplewhojoinedEdenFittonHillnot longafter

takingpartinFestivalManchesterin2003.BeforejoiningEdentheylivedinamiddle

classareaofManchester,Sale,andattendedarelativelylarge,andaffluent,Salvation

Army Church. This middle class context bore significant influence on their joint

decision to join Eden after the summer festival, expressing a desire to get involved

withsomethingthatwas‘moreofachallenge’andinvolved‘agreatersenseofbeing

embedded in a local Community’. The church they attended before joining Eden

attracted people from across SouthManchester, commuting to attend worship and

celebrate their Christian faith together (see Ellingson, 2009). Expressing their

concernsaboutthelackof ‘communityengagement’bothFrankandGraceexplained

that their previous church circumstances left them feeling detached from any

recognizableframeworkofputtingfaithintoaction,stayinginthischurchtheywere

worried that as there was little corporate opportunity to radically express faith in

ways that had much influence on the wider non‐church community. They were

extremelydespondentwiththisexpressionofchurchandfeltuneasythatittooeasily

reflected the surrounding broader cultural values, being built on personal

consumption and individual gain. Rather than being involved in a church that

centered around creating a culturally appropriate Sunday service with values

complicitwith an individualistic consumer society (seeMetzger, 2007;Hunt, 1997)

they wished to be a part of something that was counter‐cultural and focused on

developing meaningful other‐focused spiritual selves where Christian discipleship

was something learnt through serving (see Hatmaker, 2001). Comparing their

previous church circumstanceswithwhat they felt compelled them to initially join

Eden it was clear from the accounts of Grace and Frank that they believed Eden

potentiallyofferedanopportunitythroughwhichtheycouldenacttheirhopeofacting

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out there Christian faith inways thatwere both practical and local, embedded in a

local community. Their concern was that rather than attending a church whose

concernswerepredominantlyinternal,theywishedtobeapartofsomethingthatwas

outwardlookingandfocusedonthewidercommunitybeyondthechurchwalls(see

RusawandSwanson,2007;2010).AccordingtobothFrankandGracethechurchthey

attended before joining Eden ‘felt like there were already a lot of talented people

doing a lot of things and that they were unlikely to be stretched.' They sought an

expression of church where they would have more opportunity and where their

involvement would seemingly have greater impact. They expressed that originally

theyfeltthatEdenofferedthemthisopportunity. Itofferedbothofthemawaythat

they couldput someof their ‘skills intoaction’ ina community inwhich their skills

andpersonalresourceswouldperhapsbemorebeneficial.GraceandFranksawEden

asanopportunitytobe‘pushedoutof(our)comfortzones’and,becauseatthetime

theyhadnokids, they felt ‘free tomakethatchoice’, toventure intosomething that

wouldallowthemtobemoreeffective,morechallengedandmoreappliedwiththeir

Christian faith. In broad terms Eden presented itself as an ‘organisational device’

throughwhich‘oughtscouldbepracticallyturnedintocans’(Barnettetal,2005,31).

Conceivedasa ‘device’ forenactingpersonal action,Edenpresentedvolunteers like

Frank and Gracewith opportunity throughwhich ethical conduct could be shaped,

‘reworkingmoralselvesfromplacesofobligationtoplacesofactualethicalconduct’

(Barnettetal,2005,31).

Interviewing many of the Eden volunteers on the Fitton Hill project it became

apparent that thediscourse that Frank andGrace relayed tomeof a ‘home’ church

that lacked community engagement was a familiar experience among many of the

volunteers. These collective narratives appear reflective of a broader trend of

discontent amongst Christians seeking opportunity to embody for themselves the

narratives and lifestyle of Jesus Christ. In chapter two I explored how a resurgent

move to be incarnationally present in marginal places has emerged out of a

dissatisfactionwithhowthewesternChurchrelates to ‘thepoor’ (seeBishop,2007;

Claibourne,2006;Wilson,2005)andhowasaresultofcenturiesofChristendom(See

Murray, 2004) there are many Christians dissatisfied with the lack of connection

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betweenthetheologicalstorythattheypersonallyupholdasmeaningful,andthelack

of application of this story in their everyday worlds. Upon further analysis these

biographic narratives resonate with this trend quite clearly and the frustrations

expressedbyvolunteerslikeGraceandFrankcorrelateswithwidercommentaryand

analysis of theWesternChurch asbeing at timesdetached, concernedwith its own

internalprivateagendas(Eder,2006),andwith littlemeaningfulopportunity to live

out ones faith‐fuelled ethics in, and through, deepened relationships alongside

marginalpeopleandwithinmarginalplaces(seeDrane,2002;Claiborne,2006;Halter

and Smay, 2008). This lack of connection with local community was a clear

motivatingfactorinRachel’saccountofhowshecametobeinvolvedinthelocalEden

initiative.LikeFrankandGraceshedrewondeepcomparisonsbetween themiddle

classcontextofherpreviouschurchandthatoftheplaceandpurposeoftheSalvation

ArmychurchthatwasinpartnershipwiththeEdeninitiativeonFittonHillestate.

Rachel joined Eden/SA614UK soon after qualifying from university as a

physiotherapist. She explained that the church that she had grown up in was in a

‘middleclassarea’where‘everybodykepttothemselves’.Shealsoexplainedthather

frustrations were grounded in the fact that the church she attended was some

distancefromthevillageinwhichshelived.Rachelexpresseddiscomfortwiththefact

that ‘to get to church you had to drive through five other villages andmost of the

congregationweremadeupof peoplewhodidnot live in the surrounding area’. In

contrast to this experience, Rachel felt that Eden was different as it was ‘part of

community’, as volunteers lived on the estate and where involved in a ‘local

expression of church’. For Rachel it was the physical disconnection between her

everydayworldofroutines,friendshipsandwork,withthatoftheworldofthechurch

she attended that led her to be dissatisfied. Clearly what Rachel desired was to

participate in a local churchwho’s theology and teachingwas lived out in the local

community,seekingtobeacatalystforsocialchangeandtransformation(seeDuncan,

2007).ThechurchRachelattendedpreviouslytoherjoiningEdencorrelatesstrongly

with broader sociological findings that indicate that while many small charismatic

evangelicalchurchespresent themselvesas ‘communitychurches’, in fact, theyhave

littledirectimpactonlocalcommunity(seeBruce,2011).Herpreviousexperienceof

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drivingoutofher localgeographiccommunity toattendchurchsomedistance from

her homehighlights the increasingmobility of contemporarymiddle class lifestyles

(Adey, 2010) and how this is reflected in the geographies of many contemporary

middleclasschurches,churchplantsandtheresponseofthechurchtosuchsocietal

changes(seeConnel,2005;Bruce2011;Feeneyetal,2004).Differentfromthismodel

ofchurch,RachelfeltEdencontrastinglypresentedherwithaversionofchurchthat

wasbyitsverydesignbuiltaroundadifferentsetofprinciplesandtotheseshewas

attracted. Similar to thenarrativesofGraceandFrankwherebyEdenpresentedan

organisationaldevice(seeBarnettetal,2005)throughwhichtheycouldmeaningfully

take part and enact a faith‐fuelled ethic, for Rachel, Eden presented her with a

meaningfulre­connectionof,ontheonehandherparticipationinchurchcommunity

and,ontheother,herparticipationinlocalneighbourhoodcommunity;asuturethat

shefeltchurch,bywayofdesign,wasmeanttoreflect.Thissuturewouldallowherto

intentionally seek tobeembedded in thecommunity’s local social, cultural,political

andeconomiccontext,anditwasfromthiscontextaslocalneighbourthatshecould

adequatelyrespond.

Contrastingly,twooftheyoungermembersoftheEdencommunityjoinedtheFitton

HillEdenteamattheendofaone‐yearyouthworktraininggapyearplacementrun

bytheMessageTrust,entitledGenetic2.BothMelandPhilwereencouragedtojoinan

Eden team upon nearing the completion of the year out programme. For both

volunteersthisprogrammeinvolvedplacementworkalongsideoneoftheEdenteams

andbothPhilandMelfeltthattheywantedtocarryonexpressingtheirChristianfaith

throughoneoftheEdeninitiatives.HavingmovedtojointheFittonHillEdenproject,

signing up to degree courses at a small independent theological college, both

volunteers explained that the nature of the gap year project meant they felt a

compulsion to share their faith in ‘overtly’ evangelisticways. In otherwords,when

first joining Eden Fitton Hill they felt a necessity to verbally share about their

Christian faith whenever they had the chance. It became clear throughout my2GeneticistheMessageTrust’s‘tenmonthintensivehands‐on(Christian)youthworktrainingprogramme’,itinvolvespracticalplacementsalongsideanumberofMessageinitiatives,includingtheEdeninitiatives,alongsidepracticaltheologicaltraining(Genetik,2012).

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ethnographicplacementthatbothMelandPhilhadintimechangedtheirapproachto

sharing their faith with other local residents. On more than one occasion other

volunteersreminiscedover ‘Mel’searlydaysontheproject’when‘allsheseemedto

want to do was knock on peoples doors and tell them about Jesus’. Relatively

similarly,Philexplainedtomehisearlier‘calling’3tobean‘evangelist’4toManchester.

‘Inoneofthemeetingstheyaskedpeopletostandtoreceiveprayeriftheyfelt

theywishedtoreceivedirection,youknow,callingwiththeirlives,soIwentup

the front forprayer.During that time I feltveryclearly that Iwanted tobean

evangelist, you know someone who shares the Christian message. We had

receivedaMessageTrustpresentationontheworktheydoinManchesterand

thedevelopment of Edenprojects around the city and Iwas like, yes, I aman

evangelist. I justknew Iwasgoing tocome toManchester to tellpeopleabout

Jesus.’

Phil, onmore than one occasion sharedwithme how through time and experience

beinginvolvedintheFittonHillEdenprojecthehadcometointerpret‘beingabearer

of good news’, which he told me was what he meant by being an evangelist, in a

broader light than just verbally sharing with others his Christian faith and the

Christianmessage.PhilconsideredhisparticipationinmanyoftheEdenactivitiesand

projectstobepartofaprocessofenactingthisprocessof‘bearingthegoodnews’,and

he told me that although he is still keen to verbally share his Christian faith with

othershenowseesthisas‘partofsomethingmuchwider’.Comingtotermswithdaily

life on Fitton Hill Phil now feels that the way he expresses his Christian faith is a

discerned balance betweenwitnessing his faith through verbal communication and

witnessinghisfaiththroughanintentionalpracticalengagementinlocalcommunity.

Whereas once, when he had undertaken his training year, Phil had felt that his

Christian faith was something that others would best understand if he verbally

explainedittothem,nowPhilmadeitcleartomeonseveraloccasionsitissomething

3‘calling’isoftenatermusedbyChristianstodenoteastrongfaithfuelledurgeorcommitmenttowardsaparticularvocation.4‘evangelist’inmanycontemporaryevangelicalChristianchurchesdefinessomeonewhofeelsapassionateaboutsharingthekeytenetsofChristiangospelwithothers,primarilythroughconversation.

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hefeltotherswouldbestgraspthroughhimactingandparticipatinginacertainway

inthelocalcommunity.

ThisaccountfromPhilisinterestingasitreflectsawidertrendthatIfoundapparent

in nearly all of the biographic narratives of volunteers as they explained what

motivatedthemtojoinalocalEdeninitiativeandhowthisunderstandingofpurpose

changedinandthroughincarnationalengagementwithinthesemarginalgeographies.

Where as in some cases the conscious decision to join Eden was seen as an

opportunitytoputtheirChristianfaithandafaith‐fuelledethics formarginalothers

intoactionthroughlocalcommunitybasedefforts,forotherslikePhil,thepurposeof

joiningEdenunderwentaprocessofre‐translationashisoriginaldesiretojoinEden

wasre‐interpretedfromthatofanunderstandingofhimselfprimarilyas‘missionary’,

which he originally interpreted as ‘telling others about Jesus’ to one that was

reinterpreted into a wider framework of activism, participation and practical

engagement as a local neighbour ( see Thompson, 2012). In this process of re‐

interpretation his desire to ‘share faith’ went from something he primarily saw as

groundedinevangelistictechniquesofgivingaverbalaccountofonesownpersonal

story of coming to faith, ‘sharing his testimony5’, to a faith that was envisioned in

broader terms as something primarily performed through certain virtuous

understandings of self thatwere re‐framed around serving and caring for others in

thelocalcommunity(SeeClokeetal,2012).Phil’snarrativeillustratesandexemplifies

the broader trend Cloke et al (2012) have argued to be emerging from within

evangelicalism, whereby there is a clear shift among some groups of evangelical

Christians tomove from entrenched dogmatic positions to positions of engaging in

radicalformsofpraxis.Asisclearfromthesebiographicnarrativesitisclearlyoften

through an embedded incarnational participation in thesemarginal landscapes that

Christianactors‘discoversomethingsignificantabouttheirfaith‐identity’(Clokeetal,

2012, pg 2) and that these spaces of incarnational engagement themselves become

active agents of change in the reshaping of Christian theologies and motivation to

engage with others. As with the case of so many of the other volunteers and staff

membersI interviewed,thecaseofPhilalsoillustratesthattherearenumerousand

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complexconnectionsbetweentheologicaldiscourseandpraxis(seeClokeetal,2012).

Withmanyvolunteersandstafftherewasagradualcomingtotermswiththefactthat

their Christian faith motivates them to be see opportunities to enact their faith in

ways that have political and civic consequence (Bretherton, 2010). This process of

renegotiation of motivation could be seen to reflect what Bartley has termed the

radicalisation of faith (2006) and it chimes with what Cray argues to be part

embodying a transformational expression of the Christian faith that is grounded in

everydayactions(2007).WhiletheproclamationoftheChristiangospelstillremains

of paramount concern to Evangelical Christians like Phil, his own understanding of

what to do with his Christian faith in the here and now has become recast as

something that is ‘best understood in the context of loving actions and loving

community’ (Cluster, 2004pg176). It is these reformulated self‐understandings of

Christian faith identity, emerging from and through participation within these

marginalspaces,fromwhichsomethingofapost‐evangelicalChristianpositionmight

emerge(seeTomlinson,1995),asitisthroughactualtimedeepenedparticipationand

experiencethatsomeofthegivenandlearntconfigurationsofanevangelicalfaithare

re‐orderedandreconfiguredastheseChristiansvolunteersandstaffseekhowbestto

expressfaithinthecontextoftheveryrealsituationsandrelationshipstheydevelop

in these marginal places. While for volunteers like Phil ‘telling the story’ remains

important,thereisaclearshiftinemphasisfrom‘teller’to‘doer’thatispromptedand

provokedby theactual realityof the circumstances facingmanyotherpeople living

andinhabitingthesepreviouslydistantand‘nearlyforgottenworlds’(Tompson,2011,

120). Comparingmyown experiences of taking part in Soul Survivor‐ TheMessage

2000 (M2K),with theexperiencesofEdenvolunteersandstaffwhohadalso taken

part ineitherM2KorFestivalManchesteritwasclearthat inmanycasesthis initial

involvement had been a formative experience for different people, and, that as a

consequence, these memorable immanent moments, or ‘becomings’ (see Deleuze,

1977), through which volunteers had become deeply affected, had led many to

questionwhether they feltcompelled to joinanEden initiative.Volunteersandstaff

gaveexamplesofhow, in stepping into theworldsofothers (seeCloke,2002), they

hadbeenprofoundlyshapedthroughwhattheywitnessed.These ‘event‐encounters’

(see Deleuze, 1977; 1987; Dole; 1999) appear as individual immanentmoments or

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eventsthathaveadeepaffectualimpactontheselfand,whetherasinotherresearch

where the encounterwith otherness is between different people (see Popke, 2009;

McCormack,2003),peopleandanimals(seeClokeandPerkins2005;Johnson,2008)

or people and objects (see Cloke, P. and Jones, O., 2002), these encounters with

differentothersshapedknowledgesandresponsestotheseotherworlds(seeVanier,

2006; Jarman, 2011). For the volunteers and staff I interviewed it was individual

event‐encounterswithmarginal‐othersduringthesocialactionprojectsontheestates

that influenced their decision to join anEden team.Thesemediated and structured

ventures into theworldsof theseothersopenedupwhat couldbe termedacertain

‘contactspace’, ‘thespaceinwhichgeographicallyandhistoricallyseparatedpeoples

come into contactwith each other and relate to each other’ (Cloke, 2002, 97). The

experienceofbeingfacedwithperceivedsocialandeconomicdifferencesthroughthis

‘contact space’ gave rise to many participants feeling compelled to act upon these

emotionalandveryvisualevents(Cloke,2002).

Theseencountersappearedtobemomentswhen,inworkingaspartofawiderteam

ofvolunteers,volunteersfeltaoverwhelmingsenseofcompassiontowardsthosethey

soughtto ‘serve’throughpracticalactivitieslikegardenclearance,muralpaintingor

the vitalization of unused common space. As well as providing a ‘contact space’

throughwhichdifferentworldscollidedtheseshort‐termprojectsprovidedtheinitial

chance for these project participants to enact faith in practical and tangible ways

alongside others they had previously had little contact or connection with. This

‘device’provideda ‘potentialbridgebetweenordinaryethics andamoredeliberate

performanceofethicalcitizenshipthroughvolunteering’(Clokeetal,2007,1092) in

othermoremarginal landscapes. In thisway participants (includingmyself as a 16

year old individual ‐see thesis introduction) were exposed to othermoremarginal

landscapeswheresocial‐economicconditionswereoftensharplyincontrasttowhat

these participating individuals and groupswere accustomed (seeDewsbury, 2003).

These‘event‐encounters’andrelationalmomentswereseminalformanyoftheEden

volunteers,asmydialoguebelowwithGraceandFrankillustrates:

Me:Thinkingbacktothefirstfestival,theonethatIwaspersonallyinvolvedin

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with my church youth group, it seems really different from actually being

involved with the day to day of an Eden project. I mean, what I have been

involvedinhereisprettymundanestuff,daytodaystuffthatdoesnothavethe

flashiness or the intensity of one of the festival social actionprojects.Howdo

you remember your involvement in the second festival, Festival Manchester?

HowdoesitfitintoyourownstoryofmovingtoFittonHilltobecomeinvolved

intheEdenprojecthere?

Frank:Well I guesswith theFestivalprojectsyoudidsee immediateeffectsof

communitiesbeingimproved,reallifeEdenismundane,realstuff,soyoudon’t

alwaysseeresults,butI thinkactuallythethingthatInoticedthataffectedme

deeplywasthefeelingofcompassiontowardsthechildrenthatusedtocomeout

andhelpuswiththeprojects.Inthosetoughareas,inGortonweweredigginga

footballpitch,orsomething.Thekidswouldcomeandhelpyouandthatsortof

thing,andtheyjustlookedreallypooranddirtyandnotverywelllookedafter.I

think forme doing those things, those projects, gave you that picture of how

otherpeopleliveandthatcompassionforchildrenthatliveontoughestates.

Grace:Irememberthismumcomingoutofherhouse,andtherewerethesetwo

reallyscruffykidswhohadobviouslybeenoutonthestreetsandformostofthe

day, andwere really dirty, themum came outwith a box of ice lollies for the

workers, theprojectvolunteers, in spiteofall thepoverty therewasa levelof

generositythatIdon’tknow,it justreallystruckme,cosforherthatboxofice

lollieswasprobablyquitea luxuryandyet she cameoutandwasprepared to

share thatwhatmust have beenwas fairly significant for her.Meeting people

wholivedinthosedifferentcircumstancesjustgotintome,itaffectedmefora

whileafter.’

Upon analysis of how these Eden volunteers and staff initially came to termswith

these estate‐spaces and the ‘otherworlds’ they represented it is clear thatmanyof

theseperceptionsandexperiencesgaverisetocolonialviewsoftheseothersinneed

oftheirhelp. While,ontheonehandundertakingthesesocialactionprojects ledto

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something of a re‐enchantment of a number of different individuals Christian faith,

temporarily providing a device through which they could enter into other worlds,

provoking and encouraging a practical activist response ofwanting to ‘get off your

arse and do something’ (Cloke, 2002, pg 92), it also led to colonial views of estate

‘others’.

Clearly,astheshortextractillustrates,these‘othered’juvenilestrangerspresenteda

‘disturbanceintheorderofbeing’forGrace(Amhed,2000,149).Asanencounterthat

was‘ontologicallyproductiveofdifference’(Amhed,2000,144),orinotherwords,a

interactionthathighlightedhowdifferentGrace’sownexperienceoflivinginanother

partofManchesterhadbeen,theseyoungothersandtheappearanceofthe‘generous

mother’moved and ‘got to’ Grace.While in its description this testimonial piece is

tarnishedwithrepresentationsofthesejuvenile‘others’aslackingcare,dirty,scruffy,

uncared for, being inbuiltwith awholehost of assumptions andqualifications over

theactsofgenerosityofthe‘poormum’,italsoillustrateshowdeeplyaffectedGrace

and Frank were by being in this ‘contact space’. As Grace and Frank temporarily

entered this estate‐space, areas they described as ‘tough’ places, theses encounters

presented them with experiential comparisons, resulting in a rising sense of

compassion for theseotherswhosephysical appearancealonepresented themwith

something‘other’.‘Meetingpeoplewholivedinthosedifferentcircumstances’‘struck’,

‘gotto’and‘affected’them,andasFrankexplained,itpresented‘apicturehowother

people live’. In one sense these accounts reflect thenaivetyor lackof awarenessof

different socio‐economic circumstances facingdifferentpeople inother areasof the

same city in which they lived, but in a hopeful and progressive sense it was what

opened up both Grace and Frank to the every real circumstances facing others

inhabitingthese‘other’neighbourhoodsanditprovedtobeanimportantwaymarkin

theirpersonaljourneyfromcontacttocommitment(seeCloke,2002).Whilethecore

of thistestimonialnarrativespokeofan initialcontactthatwascouchedintermsof

‘usandthem’itplayedakeypartinpromptingGraceandFranktoconsideradeeper

senseofencounterthatwasbuiltaroundasensefortheother(Auge,1998),anethic

thatemergedoutofthemfinallycomingtotermswiththeconvictionthattheyhadto

personally relocate to live alongside these ‘others’ showing solidarity through

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‘makingitaplaceofresidence’(Gutierrez,1988,73).Placingthissomewhatcolonial

encounterwithin thiswiderdevelopmentofFrankandGrace’sbiographicnarrative

gives account of the significance this short term participation played in them

personally choosing to embrace a lifestyle that was open to a ‘recognition of a

vulnerabilitytoalterity’(Shapiro,1999,63)andithighlightshowexperienceslikethe

onegivenintheabovedialogueshapeandinfluenceethicalaction.

Comparingsuchan ‘event‐encounter’with thetheoriesput forwardby JaneBennett

on the crucial nature of personal experience inmotivating ethical behavior (2001),

experiences of encountering the other gained through these short term Christian

social action projects can be seen to have crucial significance in re‐enchanting

everydaylife,resultinginnewandhopefulactionstoandforthesakeofothers.The

encounterswiththeyoungchildrenandmotherontheestatesurprisedanddisturbed

FrankandGrace,andthesemomentarysubjectiveexperiencesofbeingfacedwiththe

‘other’ on the estate stimulated a sense of compassion. Theorising further on this

accountnotonlydoes itprovidearupture,punctuation,ormomentofenchantment

(Bennett,2001)inthewayFrankandGracepreviouslyunderstoodandmadesenseof

estate spaces and those ‘other’ people who inhabited them, but, in resonancewith

someoftheethicalphilosophyofEmmanuelLevinas(seePeperzaketal,1996)sucha

face‐to‐face encounter with the other in this moment is important because of the

actualprimacyofethicsdrawnfromtheimmanentexperienceofsuchanencounter.

This primacy, being phenomenological in nature, is an irreducible relation, hence

potentiallywhy, in representational terms, it is re‐presented in stark language that

rearsitsheadwithcolonialundertonesdemarcatingsignificantdifferences.However,

onexaminationoftheactualexperienceofsucharelationalmomentitmightbebetter

conceived and understood as a privileged phenomenological moment in which the

othersproximityanddistancearebothstronglyfelt inthisencounter,asontheone

handtheimmediacyandimmanenceoftheencounterwasstronglyfeltbybothgrace

andFrank,ontheotherhanditreinforcedtherealityofcontrastsemotionallyfeltin

thiseventencounter.

While in early parts of this chapter I have highlighted the place of evangelistic

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discourseinmotivatinganumberofvolunteers,likePhilandAmanda,tojoinanEden

initiative, thisexample illustrates thatexperiencealsoplaysakeypart inmotivating

these Christian actors to relocate to express their faith incarnationally within the

actualconfinesoftheestate‐space.Notonlywasittheactualexperienceofstepping

intoandencounteringotherworlds,inthiscasetheworldofthedeprivedestate,that

motivated volunteers to sign up to join Eden, but, as illustrated through the earlier

accounts of Grace, Frank and Rachel, it was also the actual experience of what

volunteers felt was missing in their previous church circumstances that motivated

them to seek out a new expression of the Christian faith thatmore explicitly fitted

theirimaginariesofwhatchurchandtheChristianfaithshouldlooklikeinaction.All

of these accounts could be seen as a move to re‐enchant Christianity, a move that

seeks to contemplate and act upon an emerging understanding of how ‘church life’

and a personal place within it is best expressed in the context of contemporary

experience(seeTomlinson,2008).ThismovetoseeChristianityre‐enchantedactually

resonates with some of the earlier discussion of Jane Bennett’s theories of

enchantment,asTomlinson’scaseofhowChristianityisactuallyre‐enchanteddraws

someofitsstrengthfrom‘connectingourChristianfaithwithotheraspectsofourlife

andexperience’(2008,15)6.Tomlinsonalsoaffirms,however,thatsuchare‐chanted

Christianity, put forward as ‘progressive orthodoxy’ (Ibid, 15)must drawupon ‘the

importance of Christianity’s past: of the events and sacred texts that have given it

shapeandformandcontent’(Ibid,21).

DrawingfromChristianity’spast,remainingopenforthispasttobeinterweavedinto

the here and now of personal experience, therefore shaping insight and personal

direction, was also clearly another shaping factor in the joining narratives of

volunteers and staff of theEdenproject. This is illustrated in the accounts ofGrace

who explained how her understanding of theology and prophetic discourse shaped

herdesiretoactandexpresssuchactionwithintheorganizationalsettingofanEden

initiative.

6Thereisalsoaninterestingcrossoverherebetweenthere‐emphasisofthenatureofphenomenologicalexperiencefoundintheworkofBennett(2001)asthereisintheRadicalOrthodoxyscholars.(seeSmith,2005;Milbanketal,1999).

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WhileGrace’sexperienceofparticipating in theshort‐termsocialactionprojectwas

seminalinleadinghertomakethedecisiontojoinEden,thisdecisionwasnotmade

overnight.Insteadtheactualexperienceandethicsthatemergedoutofencountering

others within the context of these marginal landscapes was drawn into a self‐

questioningprocess ofwhatwas the ‘right thing todo’, a process that involvedher

grapplingwith biblical narrative and prophetic discourse. Grace explained that one

part of this process emergedout of theological reflection ofwhatGodwas like and

whathedid,andanotherpartofitemergedoutofwhatshefeltGodhadhistorically

promisedthroughbiblicalprophecy.

‘Afterwewentanddid the festival I guess itwasa six toeightmonthprocess

really,weknewGodwasmovingusontosomethingnewbutwedidnotknow

what, then therewas this daywhen Iwasdriving towork and itwas a really

darkday,reallyblackcloudsintheskyandarainbowandabeamoflight,Iwas

drivingthroughSalfordwherethereisaEdenprojectandIwasjustsinging,you

knowthesong‘allforlovessakebecamepoor’,andthatjustcameacrosstome

in a real sense, you know, and that I really felt likeGodwas saying about the

hearthehadforthepoorandthathewantedustobewiththepoor, leaveour

comfortzonesandouraffluenceandmovein.Ifeltlikehewantedtobethelight

inthis,youknow,thatarea.’

As the quote illustrates, Grace felt a spiritual impulsion that ‘something new’ was

goingtohappenforherandherhusbandFrank,butitwasonlyondeeperreflection

overthenatureofGod,asaGodwhohadaheartfortheoppressed,aGodwhohimself

‘becamepoor’,thatledGracetodeeplyconsider‘leavingcomfortzones’and‘affluence’

to ‘ be with the poor’. Her ethical desire to move in and be in solidarity with the

oppressedwasmademoresignificantbyherreflectionofthenatureandactionofGod

foundinbiblicalnarrative(seealsochapter2).Inthisinstanceshewasremindedof

God’s nature through a Christian worship song and held such understanding up

against the reality of Salford and the existence of an Eden initiative within this

particularlocality.

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Rememberinganother influentialpoint in theirdecisionasa couple to joinanEden

initiativeGracehighlightedtheimportanceofbiblicalprophecyinhelpingcometoa

placeofself‐acceptancethatitiswasindeed‘right’thattheyrelocateandjoinanEden

initiative.GracedetailedtomehowshehadvisitedanotherChristianconferenceand

hadbeengivenaseriesofversesfromtheOldTestamentbookofIsaiah.Sheexplained

thatthesereallystruckachordwithher.Gracereadmetheversethatshehadbeen

given.

‘See,Iamdoinganewthing!Nowitspringsup;doyouperceiveit?Iammaking

awayinthedesertandstreamsinwasteland.’(IsaiahChapter43)

GraceandFrankexplainedtomehow,uponfindingoutabitmoreabouttheethosof

Eden, theMessageTrustand thevisionofAndyHawthorne,bothFrankandGrace

hadbeensurprisedtolearnthatthisversewascentraltotheMessageTrustandthe

Eden projects. Learning this, both Grace and Frank feltmore inspired to consider

joininganEdenteamcertainthattheyweretoplayapartinthis ‘newthing’.Their

hopewasboundupinwantingtosee‘streamsinthewasteland’andgettinginvolved

in a local Eden initiative was a plausible way that they felt this might become

somethingofareality.SimilartothefindingsofGutterman(2005)inhisanalysisof

theplaceofbiblicalnarrativesinshapingChristiansocialmovementsintheUS,this

accountgivenbyGraceshowstheagencyofbiblicalhistoricpropheticnarrative in

shapingcontemporaryaction,bothinthecaseofherowndecisionsandintheway

that theMessageTrustand theEden initiatives storiedand represented theirown

involvement in these socio‐economic areas. Rather than Grace residing and

remaining in a place of complaint, dissatisfied with both her previous church

circumstances and the state of deprivation facing residents on the socio‐economic

margins ofManchester, the personalization of this prophetic discourse opened up

newandalternativepossibilities (Brueggemann,2001;2012;Wallis, 2005). In this

light,asimportantastheactualface‐to‐faceencounterwastoGraceinmovingherto

aplaceofaction, the introductionof thesepropheticbiblicalversesalsoactedasa

catalyst for action; bringing to the fore a hopeful imagination (see Brueggeman,

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1986);placingherowndesiretoact insolidaritywiththepoorwithinthebroader

historical prophetic tradition (see Wallis, 1994), while also enlivening a set of

propheticdiscoursesthat,seenasdangerousmemories,promisesandcriticism(see

Frost, 2006), might help consolidate and pronounce her own emotive feeling and

desiretoputfaithintoactionthroughjoiningoneoftheEdeninitiatives.

ExperiencesofdoingEden:While staff and volunteers of Eden/SA614UK gave many examples of the positive

experiencesthatemergedoutoftheirparticipationintheinitiative,therewereclearly

anumberofpracticalandemotionalhardshipsendured.Inapositivelightmanyofthe

volunteers and staff expressed that their involvement in the initiative firstly,

deepened their Christian faith, secondly, gave them a real sense of purpose and

thirdly,did,astheyhadexpected,givethemincreasedopportunitiestoputfaithinto

action throughvariousactsof servingandcaring forothers in the local community.

However, in many of the biographic narratives, and in my general ethnographic

observationandparticipationintheprojectandchurchcommunity,itwasclearthat

nearlyallthevolunteersandstaff involvedexperiencedanumberofdifferentissues

andfrustrations.

Accounting for these emotional experiences (see Bondi, 2008; Milligan, 2001)

importantlyhelps ‘tocreatemorelivelyandcreativeaccounts’oftheinvolvementof

people in varied dimensions of social action, volunteerism and participation

(Conradson,2003,1989)anditalsogivesspaceforanappreciationofthe ‘everyday

interactions, practices and feelings’ involved in these forms of faith inspired praxis

(Jupp, 2008, 341). Accordingly, taking account of these experiential accounts

definitivelyenricheswhat it isactually like toexpress faith incarnationally insocio‐

economicallydeprivedcommunities.Andinoverarchingterms,makingsenseofthese

accounts deepens an understanding of these geographies in three ways. Firstly, it

deepensanunderstandingastheyhelptoprovideathickaccountoftheactualnature

and dynamics of incarnationally performing faith in these circumstances. Secondly,

they illustrate the faith­basedorganizationalculturewithinwhich,andoutofwhich,

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manyof theseperformances emerge.Thirdly, theyhelp to foreground the everyday

social and cultural context of deprived estate­spaces. This importantly ties together

howmanyoftheemotionalgeographies(seeBondietal,2005),emergentfromthese

faith‐fuelledethicalpractices,andenactedandsituatedinplace(seeSmithetal,2010;

Read,2010),areexplicitlylinkedtotheactualnatureofsocio‐economicdeprivationin

theseplaces.Boughttogetherthesethreepointsgiveastrongsenseofhowintensely

timeconsuming,demanding,andattimes,personallyunfulfillingtheactualeveryday

experience of living and ‘doing faith’ through these organizational frameworks in

these places can be. Obviously, linking through to the final section of this chapter,

these experiential accounts provide some of the context as to why a number of

volunteersandstaffhavelefttheproject.

Alwayscaringforothers,whataboutme?

Formanyofthevolunteersthebiggestissuewaspracticallyhavinglittletimetorest,

get some ‘personal space’, or do something other than serve the local community

throughtheinitiative.Infact,shortlybeforeIarrivedtovolunteerontheprojectthe

numberofEdendrop‐inyouthclubshadbeenreducedbyLuketheEdenteamleader

becauseoftherealconcernthattheteamofvolunteerswereoverworkedandinneed

ofa significantpersonaland teamre‐energizing.Duringmyresearch, John, anEden

volunteerandmyhousemateforthedurationofmyplacement,wasreadingabookby

Mark Buchanan book entitled ‘The Rest of God: restoring the soul by restoring the

Sabbath’ (2010).QuestioningPhil on the trials of ‘doingEden’ he articulated that it

wasjustthelackofbalancethatgottohim.

Phil was a third year theology University Student and throughout my time house

sharing and volunteering alongside each other I learnt that John was increasingly

finding itdifficult tobalancekeepingupwithhisstudiesandbeingoutof thehouse

helping to coordinate, on average, three to four services a week. Luke was at

UniversityinthecentreofManchesterandhiscommutefromOldhamtothecentreof

Manchesterbybus ledto tiring longdays.Oncehomeonanearnightlybasis John’s

regular routine revolved around a quick turnaround. He’d quickly put together

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something toeatbeforeheadingoff tounlock theEdenoffice. Inat6pm, theyoung

people’s drop‐in club was soon to start at 7. On more than several occasions Phil

unloadedhisfrustrations.Heexpressedthatattimes‘beingthere’wasjustrelentless,

with little let up. One day I drove John out to a local reservoir on the edge of the

Penninesand,walkingandtalkingtogether,heexpressedthathecouldnotremember

thelasttimeheactuallyleftthelocalneighbourhoodtoenjoyawalk,‘escapeforabit’,

or do something other than attendmeetings, run services, or answer the phone to

someone in the local neighbourhood wanting him ‘to listen to their issues’. ‘Doing

Eden’tookupthemajorityofhistimeandherarelylefttheestateotherthantodoa

grocery shop or attend university lectures. Philn explained that many of his

friendshipsontheestatewerehardwork,heenjoyedthecompanyandthefriendship

butfeltthathewasalwayscaringfor, listening,andbeingattentivetotheparticular

needsandcircumstancesofothers.

Philwouldreceivedailycallsfromanumberofotherlocalresidents,eachonewould

have some request of Phil and each one would want to know if he could help. I

sincerelygotthefeelingthatPhiljustsometimesdidn’thavetheenergytoanswerthe

phone,buthealwaysdid.Philwaspersonallycommittedtoeachofthesepeople,he

would have them round for dinner, show a sincere interest in their concerns and

wouldfollowupwithvariousattemptstosupportthem.Thiswasclearlythecasewith

Phil’sfriendMichael.

Michael had just separated from his wife when Phil invited him to stay for a few

weeks. According to Phil,Michael had various learning difficulties and John quickly

foundhimself being asmuchMichael’s carer ashedidhis friend.Witnessing John’s

supportofanotherlocalresidentitwasclearthatPhilconstantlywenttheextramile,

on more than several occasions he accompanied her to court, organized for the

Salvation Army to give her some second hand furniture, and cleared her heavily

overgrown back garden. Phil’s lifestyle was clearly constructed around rhythms of

serving and supporting others, building in little time for himself. Thiswas also the

caseforAmanda.

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Amandadedicatedeverymomentofherdaytoservingthelocalcommunitythrough

directing Hope Citadel a community interest health company. Amada also was a

motherofthreeyoungboys.Amandaneverleftwork;workwastheestateonwhich

shelived.Therewasnocommuteonwhichtowinddown,therewasnoemotionalor

physical distance from the company. The patients were her neighbours, numerous

churchandEdenvolunteerswereherstaffteam.Itwasthispersonalcontextthatled

Amandatoexpressthatshejustwishedshehadsome‘normalfriends’.Sheexplained

whatshemeanttomeoneeveningoverdinner:

“IlovewhatIdo,Ilovethisestate,andIlovethepeopleI’msurroundedby,I

justneedalevelofnormality.Iprobablywouldnotknowwhatthatlookslike,

butjustfeellikeIneedsomeonetohangoutwith,haveadrinkwith,someone

who is not in need of a health check up or someone who is not one of my

employees.Someoneelse.’

Amandawasnotaloneinexpressingafrustrationthatwhatshefeltwasmissingwas

‘someoneelse’,afriendwhowasnotconnectedtothem,aseitheracolleague,orasa

service user. In many of the accounts this lack of someone was expressed as a

personal feeling of isolation or loneliness. In one individual case, this lack of peer

supportandfriendshipledtoseveralwavesofdepression.

Feelingisolatedandalone

Facingtherealityofnotfeelinglikeshefittedtheambitoftheprojectandconcerned

she was going to spend the rest of her life moving between part time work, Lucy

explainedhowshehadconstantlybattledwithherinitialdecisiontohavemovedonto

theestate.ShefounditextremelyhardtosettleintotheroutineofEden/SA614UK,did

not feel like her skills fitted the project, and was faced with the frustration of not

havingbeengivenaplaceonalocalmedicaldegreecourse:

“Ididall theyouthclubsandstuffanddidnotenjoy it, itwasnotnatural for

me,itwasnotparticularlywhatIwanttodo’

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“IdidtempingforsixmonthswhichwashorrendousandthenIwenttowork

asahealthcareassistantatRochdalewhichismilesaway,anhoureveryday,I

waslikethisiscrap,IhavegotalltheseamazingAlevelresultsandayearlater

IhavestillnotgotauniplaceIamtemping,Iamworkingasaassistantmiles

away,thissucks,laughs,thisislikereallycrap.”

Lucyexplained thatalthoughshewasextremelybusygettingstuck into theproject,

getting to know her surrounding neighbours and volunteering on a number of the

regularprojects,shejustfoundthefirstyearandahalfextremelyhardgoing.Shehad

relocatedwithoutherboyfriendandshefeltestrangedfromfamilyandfriends.Facing

her first winter on the estate Lucydescribed her struggles and the onset of her

depression:

“I really struggled. I felt it was permanent. I had committed for at least five

years, the restof life seemed to justbemovingonwithoutme.Friendswere

gettingstuck intodegreecourses,enjoyingall thatuniversity lifehadtooffer

andhere Iwasquestioningmywholedecision.The firstwinterontheestate

wasreallyreallytough.IwouldgetverydepressedandIwouldcryallthetime,

everywhere. Itdidnotmatterwhere Iwas, Iwouldbe crying,urm, Ididnot

wanttodoanything,Iwasgenerallyquiteangryandjustgottothepointwhere

literallyallIcoulddowassitinthebathandcry,andbelike,Godyouhaveto

do something, like, where are you….I would go home and I would have

ChristmasandIwouldcomebackandbereallyhomesick,andbeevenworse,

fortwoyearsIwasonantidepressants.”

Whereisthework/lifebalance?

Thecommitmentof livingon theestatealso led toothervolunteers facingdifferent

practicaltrials.Heatherindicatedthatforherthepracticalvexationwaslivingdirectly

within catchment. As a local secondary school teacher Heather had no space from

workandshewasimmersedinthelivesofherschoolpupils.Heatherwoulddismiss

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thestudentsatschoolandseemanyofthemminuteslateratthedrop‐inclub.While

thisproximitygaveHeatheraparticularinsightintothedifficultcircumstancesfacing

many of these pupils and it provoked an alternative ethic of care and commitment

between herself and her pupils Heather expressed that it also presented her with

momentswhenlivingandvolunteeringfeltrelentless.‘Alwaysbeingtheteacher’and

‘constantly lookingout for these youngpeople took its toll’. Similarly for Luke, the

Eden staff youth worker, even though like Mel, most of the time he enjoyed being

surround and involved in the lives of the local young people, sometimes the out of

hoursknocksatthehousedoorwerewearing:

“I don’tmind it you know, it’s just sometimes youwanted a break. You’d be

puttingthekidstobed;sittinghavingtenminutescatchingupwithyourwife

andthedoorbellwouldgo.Oneoftheyoungpeoplewouldhavehadabustup

withmumordad;someoneneededtoborrowacoupleofquid,thingslikethat

youknow,theyjustneverceased.’

In some cases putting in these long hours of service was met with the reward of

knowing that the effort put in had been worth it, young people from the estate

displayed their gratitude for the services put on offer and volunteers could see the

tangible difference that one‐to‐one support and friendship made to lives of local

neighbours.

Doesthisactuallymakeanydifference?

Inothercaseshowever,partofthetrialandangstexperiencedwasthatregardlessof

the supportoffered, thehoursof advicegivenor the time spentmentoringayoung

person,somevolunteersfeltextremelydisillusionedwiththeindifference,apathyand

lack of measurable difference their involvement seemed to make. Heather’s own

dismayillustratesthisquitesuccinctly:

‘Whatupsetmewasjustpeoplenotbeingwillingtochangetheirownlifestyle.A

lotofthetimeitisthechoicespeoplehavemadeandtheyknowhowtochange

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andtheyknowhowtogetoutofdebt, andtheyknowwhynottobuychipsor

chilliforteaevery night, but they choose not to change. We give them all

theseopportunitiesandyettheystillfallintothesametrap.Ithinkoftenitisa

choice, but it is really frustrating to watch when you have walked alongside

someoneforallthistime,seenthemgofromstrengthtostrength,andthenthey

just lapse intooldhabits:druguse,badrelationships, stop takinggoodcareof

themselvesandallthat’

Similarly for Kate, employed by the Salvation Army as the local Eden/SA614UK

familiesworker,what emotionally exhausted herwaswitnessing others repeatedly

recommittodestructiverelationshipsandremainindifferenttomakingrepeatedbad

personal choices. Being surrounded by unresolved personal issues and witnessing

people embedded in chaotic life took its toll on Kate. Often feeling unable tomake

senseofifherbeingtherehadledtoanypositivechangeKateexplainedhowsheafter

fiveyearsontheprojectshefoundhomevisitsdeeplyupsetting:

“I think sometimes I get upset or cry or something and I come out of some

housesandtheyaredirtyminging,likeonekidwasbornfivedaysbeforeKiara

was born and I used to go round and see him, there was no heating in the

houseandallhewaswearingwasavestanditwasfreezinganditwasmanky,

drinkingcoldcupsoftea.Youjustdon’tknowhowlongtheyhavebeenthere,

hewasplayingwithalightbulbonthefloor.Tapingitonanashtray.Likeyou

wannasay,likegivehintslike…ohisitnotabitcoldorwhatever.Flippin’heck,

youwannasay,putsomeclothesonyourkid,givehimawash,anddoeshenot

wantsomefood?Hegoesarounddrinkingcoldcupsoftea.Yeah,sosometimes

I find it a bit draining. I have got to someone’s house, and I have probably

knownthefamilynowforlikefiveyearsorso,andyougoroundanditis,like,

stillkindoflikethesame,itisinfuriatingtoseethatitisn’tanydifferent.Like

flippin’heckIamstillseeingthemspend90quidaweekonweedandhaving

theseshittyrelationshipsthatarejustreallydestructiveandhorrible,andyou

are likewhat am I doing? Like I have gone aroundhere for so long and is it

makinganykindadifference,soyeahIthinkitcanbeabitfrustratingandabit

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drainingpersonally,andIthinkitishardcosyoucan’tmeasureanyoutcomes

ofit,likeooohI’vebeenarubbishpersonforfiveyearsanddoyouknowwhatI

mean,whatcanIsay,ohnothing,theyarestillwiththeirboyfriendwhobeats

themupwhatever.”

Jugglingpersonalexpectations

Analysingtheaccountsofothervolunteersitwasclearthatotheremotionalstruggles

emergedfromasubjectivecomingtotermswithpersonalexpectations.Theexamples

presentedaboveofMelandKate,whosefrustrationsreflectedsomethingofthesocial

andeconomicdeprivationofthelocalcommunity,standincontrasttotheemotional

frustrations of other volunteers and staff that reflected something of the subjective

coming to termswith thebroaderorganizational cultureand thediscoursesdriving

engagement. In theseaccountsvolunteersclearlybattled toreconcile theirchanging

personal faith‐motivesforengagementwithboththedifferingfaith‐motivesofother

individuals andwith thewider supporting organizations: TheMessageTrust/Eden‐

networkandtheSalvationArmy.Heretheexperienceofbeingembeddedinthelifeof

theEdenproject and theChurch communitywas emotionally exhaustingbecause it

involved so much personal renegotiation of assumed outcomes, faith‐motives, and

perceptionsofpurpose.

Critically analysing these types of accounts are important in two regards. Firstly,

because it gives weight to the actual influence of the broader organizational

evangelistic discourses explored in the first part of this chapter, upon local Eden

volunteersandstaff.Andsecondly,inreflectionofbalancingthesediscoursesagainst

the actual reality of living and relationally working out faith‐inspired ethics within

theseplaces,criticallymakingsenseoftheseexperientialaccountssupportsthewider

argumentmadeinthischapterthatmanyofthoseinvolvedintheactualperformative

workingoutof faith in these socio‐economicdeprivedplaceswere repeatedly faced

withthedilemmaofwhethertheywerefirstandforemosttheretoserveothersorto

evangelize to others. This second point supports the broader conclusion inherent

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within thischapter that thesubjectivitiesofChristians involved in thisprojectwere

subjecttochangeandcontestation,andthatsuchaconclusionemphasizesthesocio‐

temporal nature of enacting faith incarnationally in socio‐economically deprived

communities.ThisisbestillustratedinthebiographicnarrativesofGraceandFrank.

GraceandFrankhadbeenapartof theSA614churchandcommunityprojects for

justoverfiveyears,Frankwasamusicteacherataschoolinanotherpartofgreater

Manchesterand,havinghadtheirsonJacobwhilelivingontheestate,Gracehadleft

herjobasanursetobeastayathomemum.FrankandGracemadeitcleartomethat

theybothhadparticularexpectationswhentheyfirstarrivedontheestateandthat

thesewereboundupinthewaythatanarrativeoftransformationhadbeendepicted

to them. Grace and Frank had heard Andy Hawthorne speak on several occasions

abouthowChristiansinvolvedinEdenprojectswereseeingmanyyounglocalpeople

fromtheestates ‘cometoChrist’orexpresssomethingofbeingconvertedto follow

the Christian faith for themselves. This particular narrative of transformation

considerably shapedwhat bothGrace andFrank envisaged theywould see happen

duringtheirtimeontheestate,asFrankexplainedtome:

“IthinkthemainthingthatIwentwithwasreallyhighexpectationsofloadsof

kidsbecomingChristians andbecoming changedandall that, ‘cos they are all

thepreachesyouhearAndyHawthornepreachingaboutandtelling”

SimilarlyGrace,hiswife,addedthatshe:

“certainlywantedtogoandseekidsbecomeChristiansandallthatmiraculous

changeandallthosesortofstories,Iwantedtobepartofallthat.”

ForbothFrankandGrace,partofcomingtotermswiththeirinvolvementintheEden

initiativewas a re‐shaping of their expectations and imaginaries ofwhat outcomes

mightresultfromtheirinvolvementintheinitiative.Thisprocessofreshapingcame

asaresultoftheirinvolvementintheactualpraxisoflivingandservingontheestate.

Similar to the example of Phil, given earlier in this chapter, Grace and Frank’s

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understanding of involvement hadmoved from that of ‘missionary’ to that of local

‘neighbour’ (see Thompson, 2012), whereby their actual involvement in these

geographies had sufficiently shaped their theologies and their subjectivities. Both

Grace and Frank explained that while they had experienced several young people

from the estate ‘become Christians’, much of the transformation that they had

witnessedtookonadifferentappearance.Changewassomethingthat they feltwas

gradual and, most of the time, rather ‘un‐miraculous’. Grace explained that ‘the

everyday lifeof livingonEden is sometimesquitedifferent to all those sensational

stories’.This isnottosaythatFrankandGracenolongerhadabeliefthatpersonal

transformationofthisnaturedoesoccur,orthattheyoungpeopletheygottoknow,

spent time with, and shared many common experiences together with, did not

sometimes experience a personal change in understanding that resulted in them

‘becomingaChristian’,itisjustbettertoplacetheirarticulationandunderstandingof

transformationasaprocess that is far lessdramaticandoftendifficult toconfigure

andmatchupagainstorganizational‘wham,bam,conversionstories’.Frank’squote

belowillustratesthispoint:

“while a twominute sermon illustration from Andy Hawthornemight give a

senseofmiraculouschangeovernight,whenyouarethereyourealizethatthe

miraculouschangetakesyears”

Frank explained that ‘You do get those results’ (seeing young people ‘become

Christians’)buttheyarenotquiteasovernight.Whilecomingtoacceptthatthistype

oftransformationisnotasinstantastheyfirstexpected,veryimportantlyGraceand

Frankexpressedthattheyalsonowsawtransformationtobesomethingmuchwider

thananarrativeof‘becomingChristian’.AsthequotefromFrankbeginstoillustrate:

“Welookatitalotmoredifferentlynow,andalthoughwehavehadkidsbecome

Christians, ‘changetheir livesroundandall therestof it’,we lookat itnowas

justbeing there forpeople.Whether theyendedupbecomingChristianornot,

thereare lotsof timeswhenwecansay thatwehelpedourneighbourout.He

wouldcomeandknockonandwewouldhaveacupofteawithhim,orthatsort

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ofthing,ortalkingtopeopleinthestreet,orbuildingrelationshipsandnoteven

themcomingnearachurch,butjustbeingapresenceintheneighbourhoodand

buildingrelationships.”

Frank’sexpectationsofchangetransferredfromanideathatchangewaswrappedup

in a rather black andwhite process of people ‘becomingChristian’ towards an idea

thattheveryactofbeingpresent,available,andfriendly,hadatransformativeimpact.

Rather than being about getting people to church, and reverently adhering to

evangelise,forFrankandGrace,theirinvolvementovertheyearswasreinterpretedin

awaythatextendedbeyondasimplisticideaofconversionandtowardsamuchmore

dialogicalandrelationalaccountcenteredarounddisplayinggoodvirtue,serviceand

sharinglife.ThisisexemplifiedbytwoquotesfromFrank:

‘Sometimes itwas just about trying to behave like you are different and stuff,

settinganexampleandbeingapartofallofthatispositive,wedefinitelyfeltwe

madeasmalldifferenceinthiswaywhilewelivedthere’

‘ Over the years we have had loads of conversations together about how we

measure thewhole successofEden, is it really aboutgettingpeople to church

and that?My fatherwho is alsoaChristianwouldprobably see the successof

Eden to bemeasured like that, but I guess for us, now our expectations have

changed, this has drastically changed too. Success is far more difficult to

measure,butithassomethingtodowithwhatkindofaninfluenceyouareinthe

localareaIguess..’

SpeakingtoFrankandGraceinsomedepthabouthowtheymeasuredthesuccessof

theirinvolvement,bothofthemdrewononeparticularfriendshipthathaddeveloped

duringtheirtimelivingontheestate.Theiraccountofthisparticularfriendshipwith

Lydia,ayoungwomenfromtheestate,highlightshowtheyhadjourneyedfromseeing

success as something solely caught up in people joining them in membership at

church towards a much more relational and less bounded idea of positive

transformation throughsimplygettingalongsideparticularpeople.Thisnarrativeof

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friendshipillustratesquitedefinitivelytheshiftofself‐otherrelationsembodiedinthe

dynamicsofcarethatemergedbetweenGrace,FrankandLydia.Ashiftinrelational

dynamics thathadaneffecton thewaytheybothmadesenseof theirownsenseof

self‐purposeontheestate.

Lydiahadshownaninitialinterestinattendingboththeyouthdrop‐inclubsandthe

overtly Christian cell group, however, as both Frank and Grace got to know her

throughtimeshehadbecomedis‐engagedwithanyofficialprogrammedactivitiesput

onbyEden.WhileFrankandGraceexpressed tome that theywere sureLydiahad

madea‘genuinecommitmenttotheChristianfaithatanearlierstage’,shenolonger

attendedchurchorappearedparticularlyinterestedinbeingapartofanycorporate

expressionoftheChristianfaith.Preferringinsteadtoinformallycatchupwithboth

FrankandGraceeitherattheirhouseoroutandaboutontheestate,Lydiahadstill

developedaclosefriendshipwiththecouple.SheturnedtoGraceandFrankforadvice

andsupportoverdifferentaspectsofherlifeandwouldseekadviceonthedifficulty

she had coping with her turbulent home life, and then in later years, her first

pregnancyasateenager.GraceandFrankdescribeditasjustoneofthose‘Godgiven

opportunities’asLydiahadonedaysentthembothatextsayingthatshewantedto

meet up and chat. Previously Grace and Frank had tried enrolling Lydia onto the

mentoringprogrammethattheyran,butasFrankexplainedtome,Lydiawasrather

disregarding of any type of authority or structure and saw this programme as too

similar to her school experience, and too closely akin to a normative teacher‐pupil

dynamic.DuringFrankandGrace’stimelivingontheestatetheyfeltthatitwasthis

particularfriendshipthatbestexemplifiedsomethingofrelationaltransformationfor

them. Although being a type of transformation that was not the one they had

envisaged, based on their early expectations of involvement in the projects and

corporate church life,GraceexpressedhowLydiahadgrown in confidence,become

farlessargumentativewithhermotherand,withoutGracebeingthatconsciousofit

atthetime,LydiawasapparentlyreallythankfulfortherolemodelsthatbothGrace

andFrankhadbeen in theway that theyhadstarted family lifewith their first son,

Jacob.Lydianowfeltcompelledtobringherownsonupinthesameway;shehadtold

Gracehowwellcared forand loved Jacobappearedtobe,andLydianowexpressed

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howshehadstartedtotakeherson,Theo,tothelocalnursery,sothatlikeJacob,he

wouldbeabletoreadwellandgetthebestchancepossibleinlife.

GraceandFrankmadeitclearthatwhiletheyfeltextremelyprivilegedtohaveshared

andlearntsomuchthroughtheirfriendshipwithLydia,theprocessofrenegotiating

how and why to engage with Lydia had been frustrating, both personally and

corporately. Personally Frankdescribed ‘doingEden’ as something of ‘an emotional

rollercoaster, deeply getting you to question the purpose in being there’, and

corporatelyitwasclearfromGraceandFrankthattherebiggestfrustrationwasthe

battletoreconciletherecastingoftheirownmotivations,perceptionsandoutcomes

againstthoseofothervolunteerswho,incontrastandconflict,didnothavethesame

reconfigurationofconvictions.

Thislifestylehasitsconsequenceselsewhere:

SimilartotheresearchofSmithetal(2010)thenarratedexperiencesofvolunteering

onEdenreflectedaconfigurationofissuesthatrelatedto‘otherpeopleandspacesin

andbeyond theactualdirect contextof voluntaryactivity’ (pg263).Thebiographic

narratives illustrated thatwhilemanyof theexperiencesweresituated inplace, the

excessivenatureofvolunteeringasconnectedandlinkedtowidernetworks,practices

andpeoplemeantthatthedynamicandinterconnectednatureofthesefaith‐practices

were ‘entangledwith individual life‐courseevents,socialnetworks, family life,work

life, and more’ (Ibid, pg 261). These ‘entanglements’ clearly produced various

hardships.Reconcilingapersonalcommitmenttotheestatewiththeexpectationsof

friends,familyandpotentialfutureemployersclearlyhaditstensions.ForPhilthese

broaderconcernsandexpectationsweretiedupinhisrelationshipwithhisgirlfriend,

whileforGareth,theprojectleader,hisconcernwaswhether,ifhedidonedayleave

the project, he would have anything recognizable to offer to non‐faithbased, non‐

charitable,employers.

Phil explained that forhim thepersonal strainwas thathisgirlfrienddidn’t ‘get it’.

Philhadhopesofgettingmarriedandwasveryconsciousthathisgirlfrienddidnot

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have the conviction or the desire to join him inwhat he did. ‘Living in this type of

communitywas not an option for her’ and Phil expressed that having different life

ambitionsresultedin ‘seriousfractures’.Philexplainedthatwhatshewanted ‘wasa

niceleafysuburbwithanactivesociallife,agoodjobandbigchurch’;alifestylethat

wasanextremecontrasttotheonePhilhadcarvedoutforhimself,livingin,serving

and supporting the immediate community to which he felt a faith‐led desire to

commit, and towhich he had become so personally attached. Reflecting a different

tensionGareth’sanxietywasoverwhetherhavingnotpursueda‘normalcareerpath

before’ he would have anything to offer future employers. Since leaving university

afterhisundergraduatedegreeGarethhadspenthismidtwentiesandearly thirties

devoted toestatecommunitiesandhis concernwaswhether thiswould in factgive

himmuchcredibilitytoemployersinthefuture.Garethalsohadotherexpectationsto

liveupto.

Organisationalexpectations:

FundedbytheSalvationArmy,alargepartofGareth’sfrustrationculminatedaround

thelackofcohesionbetweenwhathewastryingtoachievethroughthe614UK/Eden

local initiative and what the Salvation Armymore widely expected of him and his

teamofstaffandvolunteers.GarethwasaccountabletotheDivisionalSalvationArmy

headquarters (DHQ) as to howhe spent the budget, towhat he dedicated staff and

volunteers’timeandtowhatheenvisionedwouldbetheoutcomeofthelocalchurch

plant and community projects. Attending several of the accountability meetings

between Gareth and DHQ it was clear that these ‘reporting back’ sessions often

infuriatedGareth.WhatwasclearfromthesemeetingswasthatGarethwasroutinely

under scrutiny about the number of people who regularly attended the Sunday

service.Adiscourserepeatedlyemergedthattalliedupfinancialexpenditureagainst

church attendance. The governance of the project by the Salvation Army, although

havingverylittledirectimpactonwhatwasallowedtooccur,putpressureonGareth

togiveanaccountofwhyattendancenumberswerefallingandwhatcouldbedoneto

seethischange.Garethrepeatedlyfoundthisveryfrustrating,suggestingthattheDHQ

didnottrulyunderstandthenatureofhisendeavors.Garethmadeitcleartomethat

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‘numbers and bums on seats’ was not his priority; rather; he avidlywanted to see

lastingchangeontheestate.‘Havingtorepeatedlygiveanaccountforwhythechurch

wasnotgrowingwasadistraction’fromwhatheenvisagedtobetherealissuesand

direction he wanted the faith community to remain focused on: ‘getting alongside

others inthe localcommunity,participating inpositivechangethatworkedtowards

social justice and creating real and integral relationships with others in the

neighbourhood.’

In her work as the paid Eden/SA614UK family support worker Kelly also felt the

pressureofsometimeshavingtoputnumbersbeforeimpact.InterviewingKellyabout

the pressures and frustrations she faced, it was clear that she felt some of the

organizational pressure facing Gareth was redirected onto her and her role in

engaging with families on the estate. Kelly felt uncomfortable being put under

pressure to invite a greater number of local families to church social events in the

summer,awarethatmanyofthemwouldnotrespondpositivelytoherfollow‐up,as

thisquoteillustrates:

“Garethislike,‘oh,weneedtogoroundandsaywearedoingatrip,goround

theirhouses’,butthenIfeelweird‘cos,sayyouhavemetwiththispersononce

nowandtheyhaveput therenamedownandtheyhavecomealong,butyou

know,theyare like ‘Ihavecomeonyourtrip itwasreallynicethankyoufor

theopportunity,Ienjoyedtalkingtoyouontheday,butwhyareyoutryingto

pushit?ComingintomyhouseIjustdon’tgetit,Idon’twantyouasmyfriend,

I don’t really need you for anything’, and yeah, I am just like, some people

aren’tgoingtoengagewithusmorethanbycomingonasummertripandthat

isok,itsjustthepressurehavingtofollowthemupafterwardsthatgetstome.”

ThisledKellytofeelthatattimesshewasbeingintrusiveandthatherpersistencein

following up some families would result in annoyance and disaffection as she

explained:

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“Some households round here are quite fine as they are they don’t want

anybody interfering,or somestrangenosypersoncomingaround forabrew

onceaweektotalktothem”

Weighingupherownpriorities and commitments against thoseof theorganisation

producedvariousanxietieswithinKelly.Shebegantoquestionwhetherherprevious

attempts at befriending and supporting families that had come so naturally to her

wouldbeseenasunproductive,labeledas‘skiving’withlittleornooutcomestoshow

foritasaresult.Shebecameconcernedthattheinformalneighbourlysupportshehad

previouslyofferedof ‘headingroundhavingbrews’, ‘listeningtofamiliesthatnoone

elseseemstolistento’,wouldbeconsideredasinadequate.AsaresultKellyfeltunder

pressuretocreatesomekindoftangibleprojectorservicewithlocalfamilies.

Movingon/Burningout

WhenIfirstmovedontoFittonHillasavolunteerforEden,FrankandGracewerein

the final stages of arranging to leave the Salvation Army 614UK church and Eden

youthproject.TheyhaddecideditwastimetorelocatetoanotherpartofManchester.

ItwasobviousthatthiswasatopicofdisappointmentamongotherEdenvolunteers

andStaff.Theywereahighlyvaluedpartoftheteamandthereinputwouldbesorely

missed.Amongthegrouphowever,Inoticedthatdifferentvolunteersandstaffwere

questioning why they felt it was right to return to a ‘more middle class’ part of

Manchester.Conductingatelephone interviewwithbothGraceandFrankoncethey

hadrelocatedIwasinterestedtoheartheirversionofwhytheyfelttheneedtoleave

Eden.

GraceandFrankexpressed tome that fundamentally theyhad left ‘Eden’because it

wasanappropriate time toquestion: ‘whatandwherenext’.With their son Jacoba

fewyearsolder,andwithonlyasmallhouseontheestate,theywerepromptedtoask

whethertheyshouldcommitthemselvestoanotherfiveyears,orconsidersomething

different. Grace wanted a larger family and so if they were not going to move

somewhereelsetheywouldhavetofindanotherhouseontheestate.GraceandFrank

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alsohadschoolstoconsider.Theyexplainedthatwhiletheydidnotruleoutthelocal

primaryschoolstheydidholdconcernsoverthequalityofthem.Theyalsoarticulated

thatwhiletheyhadmadethelifestylechoicetomoveontotheestate,theydidnotfeel

that they couldmake the decision about what shaped their son’s life so flippantly.

Although their decisionwas prompted by these personal changes in circumstances,

bothGraceandFrankmade itcleartomethat therewereseveralaspectsaboutthe

communityprojectsandthechurchthatdeeplymadethemquestionhowsustainable

itwasthat theyremainedontheestate, involved in thechurch in thewaythat they

were.GraceandFrankexplainedthattheredecisiontoleavehadbeenconfirmedby

thesevariousworriesabouthowlikelyitwasfortheprojectandchurchtocontinue

under its currentmodusoperandi.Manyof these concerns related to theemotional

and physical hardships I outline in the previous section, and Grace and Frank

explainedthat,nolongerfeelingabletopersonallyendurethesetensionsandpoints

ofconflictformuchlonger,feelingexhaustedandfrustrated,theyfeltitwastheright

time for them to move on as a family. There were two main themes that clearly

emergedfromtheirarticulationofwhytheyfeltburnt‐outandreadytoleave.Firstly,

they felt there were a number of unresolved tensions in the faith community, and

secondly,theyfeltliketheylackedvariouselementsofpersonalsupport.

GraceandFrankweresurprisedthatwhatcausedthemtoquestionleavingtheproject

wasactuallytheinternaldynamicsofthefaithcommunityandnotthelevelofexternal

antagonism they thought theywould face fromothers in thewider neighbourhood.

They had heard a number of ‘scare stories’ from other Eden initiatives of the

emotional heartache of being the victim of crime and of targeted abuse, and yet in

their own situation they were faced with very different issues. Rather than

discovering that there primary issue was being faced with some of the social and

cultural difficulties of the estate, quite contrastingly, they experienced that itwas a

fundamentalsplit intheteamofvolunteersandstaffthatcausedthemostproblems

forthem:

“Wethoughtbeforewemoved(ontotheestate)thatitwouldbethetoughkids,

you know, giving you abuse. Egging yourwindows, breaking into your car, all

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thatstuffthatyouhearabout,stuffthatwouldbedifficulttolivewithanddeal

with.Butactually,whenthekidsrealizethatyouarehelpingthemout,theyare

actually fairly pleasant, well most of them. You get the odd one or two who

constantly play up, and fortunatelywe never had our car broken into, or our

windows egged, and other than a few isolated incidences it wasn’t perhaps a

difficulty.Instead,actually,thethingthatwefounddifficultwasworkinginthe

teambecausetherewasalwaysabigdividereally.”

Frank andGrace’s explanation for this divide in the team centered around theway

thatdifferentmembersoftheteamheldverydifferentopinionsastohowtheyshould

allactasChristiansontheestate.Inotherwords,itwastheactualdifferingpoeticsof

performing the Christian faith that created a politics difficult to negotiate amongst

themselves. Disagreement appeared to exist amongst the group and, as Frank

explainedtome,thecauseforcontentionwasoften, inhisopinion,downtothefact

thatdifferentmembersofthegroupfeltthatitwasbestthey‘getoutthere’,meaning,

that they focus almost exclusively on telling people about the Christian message

rather thanbeing theChristianmessage throughactsofservice. This,heunpacked,

wassomethingheprogressively felthebecameuneasywith.Others inthegroup,as

explained,seemedtowantto‘ramit(theChristianmessage)downpeoplesthroatsin

away’.FrankandGracesharedwithmethattherewasanelementofarroganceand

questionable morality to this approach, which, on several occasions resulted in

tensionneedingtobediffused,asothervoluntarymembersofthegroupappearedto

wanttoactonthemandatethat,regardlessof‘theirsocialissuesoranythingelselike

that,youjustneedtotellthemaboutJesusandgetthemtobecomeChristiansandall

that’.

The nexus between the discourse of being ‘there to serve’ and being ‘there to

evangelise’,asthisaccountshows,clearlybecameacrucialareaofconflictanddivide,

and the fact that these conflicts led to a split in the teamreflects theweightof this

service/evangelism debate within these localized faith‐based landscapes of what it

means to ‘do church’,provide localized services, community supportandcare.With

different actors holding different subject positions on thismatter, andwith certain

volunteers clearly facing emergent, formulated from‐and‐through‐praxis shifts in

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opinion ‐as illustrated earlier in the chapter with the example of Phil, Grace and

Frank‐ the continual re‐questioning of intentions, and the lack of agreement it

producedintheteam,wastheprimarysignificantfactorinleadingtoFrankandGrace

questioningwhethertheycouldrecommitforafurtherfiveyears.Thisburnoutfactor

emphasizes firstly, that different Christians involved in the project had competing

imaginaries and expectations, shaped and changed through place based local

involvement, and secondly, that such a point of conflict was so significant in the

everydaymakeupofthedebatesandconcernsdiscursivelyresonatedthroughoutthe

initiative.

Analysisof the second factor that influencedGraceandFranksdecision tomoveon

illustratesthatalargepartofthefrustrationoftakingpartinthistypeofexpressionof

churchisconfoundedintheexperienceoffeelingoutonthemargins,lackingsupport

from wider church networks and feeling personally under resourced in terms of

theological teaching and pastoral care. These experiences vivify the point that

contained within the ethos and driving force of this expression of church and the

projects that emerged out of it is primarily the concern of those in the local

neighbourhood who present the most need. Therefore, while various efforts were

madetosupport,encourageanddeveloptheteamofvolunteersandstaff,theburnout

testifiedbyGraceandFrankisindicativethatasawholetheproject’smandatetobe

thereformarginalothers inthecommunitytook its tollonthoseseekingto liveout

theirfaithtoandforthesakeoftheseothers.

In thesecondsectionof thischapter IdrewontheaccountsofLucyandAmandato

illustrate that part of the personal frustration involved in expressing solidarity in

intentionallylivingalongsidemarginalotherswaselucidatedinfeelingsofloneliness.

InthecaseofGraceandFrankitappearsthatthesesimilarfeelingsoflackingsupport

andbeingcutofffrom,broadlyspeaking,more‘normal’churchnetworksandcircles

of support, inwhich their ownpastoral and teaching needswere better dealtwith,

wasaninfluentialfactorinthemseekingtoreturntotheiroriginal‘home’church.

WhenGraceandFrankhadfirstmovedtotheestatetheyhadcontinuedtoattenda

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midweekbiblicaldiscussiongroupwithagroupof friends fromtheiroldchurch in

Stockport, butwhen their son Jacob had been born they had had to stop attending

thesemeetings.GraceexplainedthatwhattheylackedwhilstbeinginvolvedinEden

wasagooddegreeofbiblical teachingandsupport fromotherChristians theirown

age. Initally, Frank explained, that still having a supportive network in Stockport

meantthattheycouldreceivetheextraChristianteachingandcounselthattheyfelt

theylackedlivingandgatheringwithotherChristiansontheestateunderthebanner

of the 614uk church . As the mandate of Eden and the 614UK church plant was

explicitlyaboutothersinthecommunity,Grace,Frank,andmanyothersfeltthatthere

wasnotenoughattentiontotheirownspiritualandsocialdevelopmentasvolunteers

on the Eden project. Grace explained that she just felt ‘ dried up and neededmore

teaching,asconstantlygivingoutstuffwithoutreceivinghadnolongerbecomevery

sustainable.’ForGrace,beinginvolvedinEdenandconstantlyfocusingonthelivesof

othershadresultedinherownmotivatingforce,herChristianfaith,becomingrather

dilapidated.Muchoftheoriginalpassionanddrivethathadfirstmotivatedhertojoin

Eden had slowly faded through a lack of opportunities to be offered support from

otherChristians.ForFrankapartoftheissuewasthatEdenwasinherentlyfocused

onyoungpeopleashedescribed:

“Sundayswerealmostexclusivelyorientatedtowardstheyouthfromtheestate

and therewas little realdepthof teaching for thoseofuswhohelped support

andkeepthethingafloat.”

As the quote illustrates, for Frank, maintaining the role of ‘keeping things afloat’,

which in his case often meant organising the worship music, helping to make the

communal lunch for everyone, or running an activity for the young people who

attended, combinedwith the focus of the biblical teaching being at the level of the

young people present meant that Frank rarely felt refueled and reenergized in his

Christianfaiththroughthesemeetings.Heather,whowasalsosoontobeleavingthe

projectinsearchofanewchallengeinUganda,expressedsimilarconcerns:

“Alotofusarereallyfrustratedwithchurchatthemoment,andwhereitis,and

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ourowndiscipleship I suppose, fromapersonalpoint of viewwe feel likewe

havebeenlefttogetonwithitreally,whichaftereightyearstakesitstoll,you

can do that for a few years but after a while you actually need something

yourself, they are reviewing that now and that is something that they are

workingon,wehadameetingaboutamonthagoand in the first time inages

everyonewasjustreallyhonest,‘likethisdoesnotwork’and‘thisisrubbish’and

‘we feel like Sundaymeetings are awaste of time and stuff’ andwe chatted it

throughandprayedforeachotherandstuff.’

FromtheabovequoteitisclearthatHeather’sconcernswerelargelycenteredaround

being given little support over the years. Always actively serving and focusing on

others had taken its toll onHeather and, as she exclaimed, she needed someone to

nowinput ‘something’ intoher.This ‘something’ inthecaseofGraceandFrankwas

expressed as greaterdepthof Christian teaching and a solidarity in fellowshipwith

otherswhounderstoodthedifferentstrugglestheyfacedastheyattemptedtoliveout

their faith on the estate,while, in similar accord, forHeather itwas about her own

‘discipleship’,orlackofgrowthinherChristianfaiththatappearedtofrustrateherso

much. Constantly putting effort into arranging a churchmeeting in the local school

hall felt ‘pointless’. Especially as Heather explained the team had experienced the

frustrationofseeingnumbersinattendancedropsodrastically:

Wehave seen a lot of people come to church andmakedecisions (‘tobecome

Christians’),orlikegetreallyinvolvedandthentheyjustweren’tinterested,or

noteven that, theywould justcompletelyreject itoutright. About threeyears

ago, four years ago, our churchwas about 80 people and now there is just a

coupleofkeypeopleleftfromtheestateandthevolunteersandstaffthatmoved

intothearea.Thathasbeenquitefrustrating!’

This quote from Heather illustrates that a major part of her frustration with the

progressofthechurchwasthataftereightyearsofcommitmenttotheestateandwith

somanyfriendshipshavingbeendeveloped,herexpectationsofwhatdidhappenand

whatsheexpectedshouldhavehappenedwerecompletely ill‐matched.Heatherhad

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experiencedthechurchattendanceratesfallfrom80peopleafteracoupleofyearsof

movingontotheestatetolessthat20.WhatappearedtofrustrateHeatherthemost

clearlyaboutthiswasthatthetypeofrelationalresponseshehadexpectedtooccur

had not sufficiently materialized. Linking this back to some of the frustrations I

explored in the last section,with the example of the development of the friendship

between Grace and Frank and Lydia, similarly for Heather the indifference people

showedtowardsattendingchurchandtheexperienceofhavingtowitnessnewfound

friends repeatedly make what Heather saw as ‘bad personal decisions’ led to her

feelingdisillusionedanddisappointed.

Heatherexpressedtomethatalthoughshefeltburntout,shedidnotleavetheestate

becauseofthesefrustrations.Sheexplainedthatshefeltitwastherighttimeforher

toleavethechurchandlocalcommunityashercontractatthelocalsecondaryschool

hadcometoanend.Reflectingonhertimespentlivingontheestate,volunteeringon

Eden and helping to run the 614UK church Heather was actually surprised at the

amount of positive and unexpected transformations that had taken place on the

estate. Heather expressed that she never could have imagined the direction certain

positive progressive changes took. Heather was overwhelmed with how certain

membersoftheincarnationalChristiancommunityhadbeensoinfluentialinsetting

upthenewhealthsurgeryontheestate(seechapter5)andshewassurprisedbythe

influence being a part of running the Anew education programme had on certain

youngpeopleontheestate.However,Heatherfeltitwastimetoleavetheestateafter

being involved in the Eden community for eight years because as her contractwas

ending at the local secondary school shewould no longer have a vocation through

which to serve the local area. Heather explained that for her, working in the local

secondaryschoolwasthebestwayshecouldparticipateinlocalcommunityandher

job as a Humanities teacher provided an opportunity for her to actively put her

passionforthe localyoungpeople intopractice(seechapter5).Herschool jobgave

heradevice throughwhich toactoutherChristian faithandshe felt thatshecould

activelymake a difference in this setting. Having visited Rwanda during a summer

break a few years earlier, Heather shared with me how when her job contract

unexpectedly came to an end at the local secondary school she felt it was time to

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consider a ‘new adventure’, this, she expressed, manifested itself in the offer of

moving toRwanda to continue toworkwithdeprivedcommunities, albeit inavery

different development context, as an education and youth officerwith the Anglican

churchinsouthernRwanda.

Moving to Rwanda presented itself as the next step through which Heather could

expressherfaithinaction.Heatherhadsecuredajobasaregionaldiocesanteacher

trainer for the Anglican Church in Rwanda and this opportunity presented itself as

Heathers next opportunity throughwhich she could put her skills as a teacher into

actionalongsidepeoplefacingdifficultsocio‐economiccircumstances.

Section2­Concludingremarks

In this chapter I have argued that incarnational geographies and the faith‐inspired

praxis of ‘living amongst’ must be considered as a socio‐temporal landscape. This

argumentsignificantlydevelopsthecentralnotionofthisthesisbecauseitdevelopsa

re‐readingof these landscapes that isattentive to theirdynamicity. Insteadofbeing

read as simply spaces of proselytisation (see Woods, 2012) or self‐betterment

(Allahyari,2000)theattentionofthischaptertowardshowincarnationalgeographies

are shaped in and through praxis highlights how important it is to understand the

complexityoftheirevolutionovertime.Thishelpstorevealthenuancesinthefaith‐

inspired praxis of ‘living amongst’ both in the ethos of the organisation and in the

subjectiviesofthoseimplicatingitontheground.

WhileIpreviouslydrewoutsomeinitialconclusionsattheendofthefirstpartofthis

chapteritisimportanttoreiteratethecontributionofthisorganizationalanalysisto

both the themeof this chapter and theoverall thesis.At anorganizational level the

firstpartofthischapterarguedthattheinitialadoptionofan‘incarnationalapproach’

was first and foremost a way of evangelising to young people in deprived areas.

However,trackingthedevelopmentoftheMessageTrustandtheEden‐networkasit

adopted an ‘incarnational’ approach and repeated the ‘Edenmodel’ in other socio‐

economically deprived areas of Manchester, I traced how the ethos behind being

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‘incarnational’hasevolved fromapurelyevangelisticoutlook toone that includesa

focuson local communitydevelopment, serviceandempowerment.Thesignificance

of this analysis is that it illustrates how the purpose and rationale for adopting an

‘incarnational’approachatanorganizationallevelhasdevelopedandshifted.

Examining the biographic accounts of various volunteers and staff involved in one

localEdeninitiativethisanalysishasrevealedhow‘livingamongst’hasreshapedthe

subjectivitiesofthoseembracingthepraxisof‘livingamongst’.Ratherthanbeingread

and understood as spaces of proselytism (see Woods, 2012) or spaces of self‐

betterment (Allahyari, 2000) the conclusion that canbedrawn from thebiographic

analysis of staff and volunteers is that these geographiesmust be understood as a

complex and nuanced mix of self‐orientated and other‐orientated practices that

develop and evolve through proximate participation. This conclusion arises from

threemajorfindingsinthischapter.

The first is that staff andvolunteerswhoembraced ‘livingamongst’notonlydid so

with the intent to ‘share faith’butalso insearchofmore ‘radical’ formsofpersonal

faith‐activism. While many of the volunteers and staff were motivated to embrace

‘livingamongst’outofapersonaldesiretosharefaithandevangelise,theanalysisalso

revealedhowEdenandits ‘incarnational’approachcouldalsobeconceivedofasan

organisational ‘device’throughwhichfaith‐activismcouldbeenacted(Barnettetal ,

2005).Inmanycasesadoptingthisproximateandhabitualwayofrelatingtomarginal

others often led to a re‐enchantment of former individualistic personal

understandingsoftheChristianfaiththatwerereconfiguredaroundsomethingmore

communal,workedoutinplaceandwithothersovertime.

The second is that theproximateandparticipatorynatureof ‘livingamongst’ led to

the reconfiguration of both motive and ways of relating. Examining the personal

encounters between Christian‐self and neighbourly‐other illustrated how these

proximateencounterswereformativeindevelopingnotionsofcareandresponsibility

toandfortheseoften ‘forgottenplaces’andmarginalizedpeople(Thompson,2010).

Theseencountersandrelationshipsactedasa formofexposure toalterityandthey

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encourageda senseofproximate care that emerged froma sense for theother that

was‘emotional,connectedandcommitted’(Cloke,2002,594).Whileinitiallysomeof

theseencounterswith ‘others’wererepletewith imbalancesofpower Iargued that

through a time‐enriched proximate understanding of the worlds and lives of these

‘others’ thesedynamicsweredenconstructedand reconstructedaroundmoreequal

arrangements of power and mutual friendship. Similarly, motivations to serve and

care for others were reconfigured as relationships deepened. Whereas initial

dynamicsofcarewereimbuedwithevangelicaldiscourses,wherecarefortheother

wasseenasameansofsharingfaith,intimetheseshiftedtobereconfiguredaround

anethicofcarethatcentredonservingothersintheircurrentcircumstance.

Thethirdisthattheactualexperienceof ‘livingamongst’wasimbuedwithpractical

and emotional hardships. These experiences indicate the complex and often

multifacetednatureof ‘livingamongst’, inmanycasesbeingovertlyother‐orientated

yet in otherways continuing to be self‐orientated. For example, the experiences of

neverhavingtimeforoneselforstrugglingwithawork/lifebalanceontheonehand

testifiedofrepeated‘reasonedorinstinctivereachingoutbeyondself‐interest’(Cloke

et al, 2005, 387). While on the other hand, for example, the expectations and

frustrations facing volunteers and staff overhow local residents responded to their

faithwereindicativeofthestillsometimesself‐orientatednaturesofthesepractices.

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Chapter5:Incarnationalgeographiesasethicallandscapes?

(Allnamesinthischapterhavebeenchangedtoensureanonymity)

In the previous chapter I argued that ‘incarnational geographies’ could be re‐read

through a socio‐temporal lens. In this fifth chapter I extend the argument that the

faith‐inspiredpraxiscanbere‐readbyanalysingthetypesofcommunityengagement

that emerge from the faith‐inspired praxis of ‘living amongst’. The re‐reading this

chapterpresentsisonethatreliesuponanacknowledgementofthediversityofhow

and why these Christians involve themselves in the local community. This

involvement stretches across and beyond both public and voluntary welfare

provision.Undertakingacriticalexaminationof thesedifferentareasofengagement

answers how, through praxis, ‘incarnational geographies’ could be considered and

conceivedasco‐constitutiveofethicallandscapes.

Thischapterhasthreedistinctsections.Drawinguponethnographicobservationand

interviews in the first section I critically examine aweeklydrop‐in space for young

people started and run by Eden/SA614UK staff and volunteers. I argue that in

pluggingagapinprovisionwhathasperformativelyemergedisanimportantspaceof

hospitalityandcareontheestate.InthesecondsectionIexaminetheparticipationof

Eden/SA614UK staff and volunteers in the public sector both in the start up of a

healthcentreandinvolunteeringatthelocalsecondaryschool.Whatisclearinboth

of these two ventures is that the faith‐inspiredpraxis of ‘living amongst’ led to key

actors acting upon insight and frustrations to initiate new services for the local

community.Key to thissection isanexaminationofhowtheir involvement in these

twoarmsof thepublicsector leads toanegotiationandresistanceofneoliberalism.

This section also argues that the particularway that faith is and isn’t performed in

these public arenas is significant in the emergence of progressive postsecular

partnerships (see Beaumont and Baker, 2011). The third section examines the

involvement of Eden/614UK staff and volunteers beyond the remit of organized

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publicandvoluntarywelfareprovision.InthissectionIfocusonbothaweeklygroup

organized for local young people interested in the Christian faith and neighbourly

relations between Christian‐self and other. In the case of the first part I critically

examine how evangelism is performed and I explore how the encouragement of

citizenryrelationsisalsoakeyfacetwhileinthecriticalexaminationofneighbourly

relationsIexplorethemotivations,dynamicsandparticularactsofcarethatemerge

fromspecificneighbourlyrelationsandconsiderhowinsomecasesthesefriendships

leadtothere‐shapingChristianselves.

Section1:PluggingthegapandcreatingaspaceofhospitalityThis first section critically examines how a gap in the local youth service provision

was filled as a result of Eden/614UK staff ‘living amongst’. By focusing on the

performative actions, or ‘doings’, of organizational space (see Conradson, 2003), I

argue that the nature of interrelations between Eden staff, volunteers and young

people creates a caring spaceof hospitality andwelcomeon the estate.Thismicro‐

publicspaceofencounterplaysanimportantroleincreatingspacesoftransformation

ontheestateasbothlocalyoungpeopleandEdenvolunteersandstaffcoalesceinthis

context (see Amin, 2002; Sandercock, 2003). Triangulating together my own

ethnographic observations, the experiencesof youngpeoplewhoattended the club,

and a number of statutory agencies who partner with the Eden drop‐in club I

illustrate how the responsive and intersubjective nature of this drop‐in space

performativelybought intobeingaspacethatwas imbuedwithasenseofwelcome,

careandhospitality.

Drop­inclubs:anethnographicintervention

Theweekly Eden drop‐in clubs for young people started as a response to a gap in

governmentprovision.Thelocalstatutoryyouthclubisonlysituatedahundredyards

from the small Eden offices but historically it has not catered for young people

between the ages of 11‐14. In an attempt to provide an open and friendly space

where young people of this age can come and relax with friends, Eden/Sa614UK

decidedtorunaneveningdrop‐inyouthcafé.Initiallythesessionswereruntwicea

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week,butwithalltheothercommitmentsandfatiguefacingEdenvolunteersandstaff

(seechapter4),whenIjoinedasavolunteerthishadbeenreducedtoaonceaweek

initiative.ForthedurationofmyplacementIhelpedstaffwiththisdropincaféasa

regular volunteer. An extract from my research journal illustrates the general

structureofthesession:

Diaryextract:Edendrop­inclub

‘OnceaweekthesmallEdenofficesaretransformed.Theusualroundofdailyphone

calls, team meetings, funding bids, prayer meetings and mentoring sessions are

replacedbythenoiseandhubbubofyoungpeoplefillingthespace, interactingwith

staffandvolunteers.ImmediatelyafterworkEdenvolunteersjointhestaffmembers‐

Gareth andLuke‐ and the space is quickly transformed in anticipationof the young

people arriving. Thepool table is loadedwith balls and the cues are stacked in the

stand. Volunteers, as if without hardly thinking, unlock cupboards and set out the

NintendoWii and electronic drum kit. Several Playstations are plugged in and the

kettleisfilledup.Someoneseemstousuallypoptotheshopandreturnswithacouple

of loavesofwhitebread. Ihavealreadybecomeprettyaccustomedto thismundane

routine,however,oncethedoorsareopened,everythingquicklychanges.

Laughter, raised voices, a dramatic increase in bothpitch and volume. A play fight

oftenensuesonthesofasandavolunteertakesanorderfor‘brews’andtoast.Abrief

moment of collective calm is orchestratedmoments earlier as staff and volunteers

gather to pray: Gareth asks some one to say a brief prayer. Routine dictates that

nearlyalwaystheprayercontainthephrases:‘Godwepraythattheyoungpeoplewill

havefunthisevening’;‘mayyourspiritbewithus’,or,‘wepraythattheyoungpeople

sense something of you here’. The odd relational disagreement between individual

youngpeopleissometimesboughttoprayer.Prettysoonprayersarequicklyrounded

up as oneof the youngpeople repeatedly knockson thedoor shouting tobe let in.

Without a doubt there is a rush for the pool table, the Playstation and the Wii.

Volunteers mingle. The usual replies, ‘it was crap’, ‘can’t remember’, and ‘boring’,

comefromtheyoungpeoplewhenaskedabouttheirdayatschool.Anumberofyoung

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people begin a heated mock debate with Hannah, an Eden volunteer and local

secondaryschoolteacher.Theoutcomeoftheconversationwasundecided:somefelt

Humanitieswasadullsubject;others loved it.Ayoungpersonwassenttotheshop

forathirdloafofbread.Ondryeveningsagroupofladsplayoutsideontheirbikes,or

agroupistakenovertothefootballpitchtoplayafriendlygameoffive‐a‐side.Athalf

eight someone collects the feedback folder and a quick summary of the evenings

eventsiswrittendownbeforesetdown.’

‘Doingcare’:performinghospitality

It is clear from this ethnographic account that the drop‐in clubwas defined by the

relational interaction between young people, staff and volunteers. In this sense the

space of the drop‐in clubwas constructed intersubjectively (Raghuram et al, 2009)

and faith was ‘demonstrated’ through performances of care (Thompson, 2010).

Having toast and ‘a brew’ formed a big part of the club. Young people were

encouraged to make tea and toast for others and this simple act of encouraging

hospitalityoftenset the tone for thedurationof the remainderof theevening. The

smallestactsorperformancesofconsiderationlikethisgavethespaceits‘feel’.Astaff

memberorvolunteerwouldsuggestaboardgameandthroughvolunteerandyoung

person interactions you could sense encouragement, time for laughter, and ease in

conversation. All these performative gestures gave the drop‐in club its distinctive

flavour.As staff and volunteers took time to build strong and integral relationships

withtheyoungpeoplethedrop‐inspacewasemotionallyinfusedwithacertaincare

ethic embodied in generosity and hospitality. Therewere however occasionswhen

things would work out differently. Things could sometimes ‘kick off’. On several

occasionsduringmyplacementanargumentwouldescalateandafightwouldhaveto

bebrokenup.However,duringmytimevolunteeringonEden/614ukthesewerevery

rareoccurrences.

Onthewholeacertaincarewasboughtintobeingthroughtheenactmentofacertain

dynamic of self‐other relations. These relational performances can be construed as

bringing into being a certain ‘asymmetrical reciprocity’ whereby through enacting

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embodied dispositions of ‘attending and responding’ to these young‐others

relationshipsweightedwithgenerositywereestablished.(BarnetandLand,2007,21).

Inandthroughthesedrop‐inspacessomethingofthevolunteer‐selfwasgivenaway

to these young‐others;welcoming them amounted to the readjustment of identities

(Volf, 1996), creating space for hybrid and blurred selves to emerge in the process

(see Baker, 2007; Reader, 2005 ). ‘Here the negotiation of the immediate present

provides a space not for the application of pre‐given moral tenets, but for the

emergenceandcultivationofethicalsensibilitieswhichvaluemomentsofgenerosity

andopenengagementswithdifference’(Darling,2010,pg241).Staffandvolunteers

spentmostoftheireveningengagingone‐on‐onewithindividualsoveragameofFifa

onthePlaystation,orwithagroupofyoungstersonBandHeroontheWii.Attheend

ofa longdayofwork,staffandvolunteersmadeaconcertedefforttoturnattention

towards moments of play and interaction with young people. Listening, taking

interest, and offering counsel, staff and volunteers intentionally focused on young‐

others. These acts of listening and support intentionally provided a way through

which young‐others could become participants in the making and discernment of

meaninginthissharedspace(Muers,2004).Asanumberofvolunteersandstaffwere

trained in informal education therewere often clearmomentswhen play, chat and

just hanging out could also be interpreted as subtle yet conscious pedagogical

interventions. I often observed moments when young people were encouraged to

fairly share a game of pool or a volunteer gave up their turn to let another young

personjoinin.AracistcommentaboutthelocalAsianshopkeeperwasturnedintoa

positive conversation about race and attitudes towards ethnic difference. These

momentsofengagementaddtotheinformalyetcalmnatureoftheclub.

Findingsfromconversationswithseveralyoungpeopletriangulatedsignificantlywith

myownreadingofthespace.Askingyoungpeopletodetail theirexperiencesof the

drop‐inclubIfoundthattheoverallthemesthatemergedwerethatthatyoungpeople

feltlikeitwas‘agoodchilloutspace’,‘aplacetogothatkeptyoufromgettingbored’,

‘afriendlyatmosphere’,‘achancetogetawayfromMum/Dad’or‘aplacejusttorelax

withacupof tea’.Forsomeyoungpeoplecertainrelationshipsbetweenthemselves

andEdenvolunteers/staffappeared tobekey. Interviewing twoyoungdrop‐inclub

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attendees,DianaandRobert,eachspokeofhaving‘afavorite’:amemberoftheEden

team that they just felt totally relaxedaround; ‘someonewho listens’when lifewas

‘getting hectic’ orwhen thingswere ‘toomuch at home’. Similarly, talking to Peter,

anotheryoungattendee,attheendofasessiononeeveningheexplained:

“Themainthingisthatwearealllikefriends.HeatherlovesBandHeroandtheWii

andIcanplayGarethandLukeforhoursatFifa.EverynowandthenGarethwillask

mehowIamandlistentome.WecanjustjokeandIcantakethepissoutofhimfor

beingrubbishatFifa.But,lol,noitsjustbeingmates.”

SimilartoJonathanDarling’sanalysisofadrop‐inspaceforasylumseekers,theEden

drop‐in club could easily have been described as a ‘constantly demanding

environment,oneinwhichone’sverypresenceisstructuredaroundanexpectationof

response.Thedemandtolisten,thedemandtotalk…allbombardyoufromanarrayof

angles,yetitisinthemomentsofopennesswhichrespondingoffersthatresponsible

ethical gestures come to be actualized’. (2011, 252). The responsive ethics of the

youth drop‐in space were assembled out of the ‘varied relations, encounters and

negotiations’ between youngpeople, staff and volunteers (Darling, 2011, 252). This

relational assemblage could easily be conceptualized such that the performative

nature of the space led to an ‘ethics of dispositional cultivation, an ethics of active,

practiced and embodied work, wherein ethical judgments are recognized as

responsive,situationalprocesses’(Ibid,255).Thissituationalethicsofresponsewas

notonlysimplyperformedinthisdrop‐inspace,butrather,thisdrop‐inspace‘played

anactivepartinperformingsuchanethicsingivingitlicense,potentialandpresence’

(Ibid,256).

Inasmallcollectionofofficesonthemiddleoftheestatetheseactsandinteractions

brought a new affectual and psychosocial spatial texture into being (Conradson,

2003).AsBondi (2003)argues, rather thanplacebeingsimplyabackdrop inwhich

caringrelationsareenacted,carewasrelationallyproductiveofaparticularemotional

space.Endowedwithcertainpositiveregistersthisparticularmicrogeographyonthe

estate was relationally productive of an affective environment in which the

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psychogeographies‐ortheembodiedexperienceofcertainspaces‐wastranslatedas

open, friendly, welcoming and peaceful. ‘Not only did the space create an ever

changingspaceofencounter’betweenyoungpeopleandEdenvolunteers/staffitalso

became a space in which ‘ ethical dispositions could be attuned, worked up and

practiced’(Darling,2011,256).Theselocalisedperformativespacesofencounterand

hospitality(seeClokeetal,2008)werefeltandtestifiedtobyotherswhovisitedthe

drop‐in club. This experiential texture (Conradson, 2003)was notably not only the

viewpoint of volunteers, staff, or of myself, as an embedded researcher‐in‐

participation, but also featured in the testified experience of other regular visitors

whosupported this sense ofplace.These testimonialaccounts support ‘theaffective

potentialitieslurkingwithineventsandencounters’,depictinghowsuchmomentscan

become ‘constituted as the locus of a shared sense of conviviality and solidarity’

(Darling, 2011, 256). One of the local PCSOs (Amanda) provided this description

abouthowshefeltwhenshevisitedtheEdendrop‐inclub:

‘…itisalwaysverywelcoming,andtobehonestwithyou,Lukereallymakesme

laugh; its justpersonalities. IgetonwellwithGarethaswell.Andeventhough

they are a faith based group, in that the Eden project is run by the Salvation

Army,theydon’tthrowtheChurchinyourfaceoranythinglikethat,theydon’t

try and change you, you arewhat you are, they treat everyperson as you are

whatyouareandIdobelievethatthekidshavemorerespecthereandstufflike

that.Whenyouareintheyouthclub(statutoryprovision,)youaredealingwith

issues,whenIcomehereIcanrelaxandIcanplaypool,thereisjustnoissues,

it’sdeadchilled,Icouldsitonthecouchandthekidswouldcomeroundme,you

seeifIsatinthere(statutoryprovision),youwouldnothaveanykidsroundyou,

yougottagotothekids,herethekidswillcometoyou,speaktoyou,itisalot

morechilled,itisalotmorelikefamily,youknowwhatImean?’

Amanda’s testimony of the club as always ‘very welcoming’ matches my own

description and analysis of the nature of the space as hospitable and friendly.

Similarly, attributing the dynamics of the club to ‘just personalities’ confirms my

argumentthattheclubgaineditscharacterfromtherelationalperformancesbetween

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volunteers,staff,youngpeopleandregularvisitors.Amanda’sdescriptiondrawsupon

acomparisonwiththestatutoryrunyouthcentreanditisinterestingtohearhowshe

drawsoutdifferencesbetweenthe‘feel’ofthetwoclubs.

Contrastingthetwoclubs,Amandamakestwointerestingcomparisons.Amandafelt

the young people’s attitude and levels of respect towards her differed significantly

between the two clubs. She also felt prompted to respond differently in the two

settings.IncontextoftheEdendrop‐inclubAmandaclaimsthattheyoungpeopleare

morerespectful,enablinghertofeelrelaxedandabletorelationallyengagewiththe

youngpeopleoveragameofpoolorthroughconversation,whileinthecontextofthe

statutory club,Amanda expresses that shehas todealwith ‘issues’, givingher little

chancetorelaxorrelationallygettoknowtheyoungpeople.Thismarkedtestimonial

difference between the two youth‐spaces is intriguing. Evoking a certain ‘ swirl of

relations,emotions,affectsanddispositions’(Darling,2010,246),Amanda’sdifferent

experience of the two intersubjectively created spacespromptsher to respond in a

differentmanner.WhileinthecontextofthestatutoryclubAmandafeelsprovokedto

bring about order and deal with ‘issues’, in the context of the Eden Drop‐in club

Amanda can present a different sense of public identity, one that is more open to

engagingandrelaxingwiththeyoungpeople.

Theexperientialcontrastsbetweenthesetwoyouth‐spaceswerealsoexplainedtome

bysomeoftheyoungpeoplewhoattendbothclubs:

Diana:‘Whatsdifferent?Urm….yougettoast!’

Me: “yeah, Ido lovehavingagoodmunchontoastatclub,buthowwouldyou

describethedifferencesinhowyoufeelvisitingtheotherclub?”

Robert:“well,like,itscalminnithere,Imeanatyouthclub(statutoryprovision)

you have to look out for yourself a lotmore, you know,watch that no one is

tryingtothreatenyaornuffin’

Diana: ‘yeah like people throwing cue balls across the room and stuff, its just

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hecticsometimes’

Me:‘Butcan’tthisclubgethecticsometimes,afightbreaksoutorsomething?’

Robert: ‘Yeah it does, but Luke and Gareth are pretty good at breaking it up,

sittingpeopledown,sortingitout,youknow,gettingtothebottomofthewhole

thingandbeingfair,like’

Diana:‘itsjustknowingpeoplebetterhereIguess’

Robert: ‘Yeah, youknow, like Luke is always there for yawhen youneedhim,

like,evenafterclub, likeyoucanknockonhisdoorandstuffandhewilloften

comeoutandplayagameoffootyonthestreet,cricketonthesquare.’

ThisshortdialoguewithDianeandRobertexemplifiessomething Iheardtheyoung

peoplevoiceonmanyoccasions:thattheEdendrop‐inclubfeelscomparativelymuch

‘safer’thanthestatutoryyouthclub.Comparingthetwoacontrastappearsthatmarks

the‘vibe’oftheEdenclubassignificantlymorefriendly. JustasAmanda(thePSCO)

felt she couldmore comfortably let her guard down at the Eden drop‐in club, both

DianeandRobertcontrasttheEdenclubtoamore‘hectic’andunsafestatutoryyouth

club.Alargepartofthesetestimoniesappearstohingeonthreeparticularcharacter

traitsoftheEdenstaff.

Firstly, theyaredescribedas friendly,makingAmanda thePSCO laugh,orbygiving

extra timeandsupport toyoungpeople likeRobertafterclubhours.Secondly, (and

this was bought up in conversation on a regular basis throughout my time on the

estate) the young people attending the Eden drop‐in club felt they knew the

boundariesofacceptablebehaviorwithinthesettingofthedrop‐inclub.Frequentlyat

theEdendrop‐inclub Iobservedaquietwordorawarningbeinggiven toayoung

personbeginning tomistreatotheryoungpeople.Throughoutmy timehelpingstaff

theEdendrop‐inclubtherewasonlyoneinstancewhenayoungpersonwasbanned

fromtheclubfortwoconsecutiveweeks.AndwhiletheEdendrop‐inclubreceivedits

praiseforbeingstaffedbyfriendlyandapproachablestaffitisinterestingtonotethat

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theactiveintentionsofstafftoimmediately‘gettothebottom’ofdisputes,arguments

or fallouts, helped create a spatially constituted dynamic within which the young

people felt comfortable. Setting boundaries, following up warnings and ‘being fair’

instilled the clubwith a culture of respect. Thirdly, the approachability of staff and

volunteersbothinandbeyondthesettingofthedrop‐inclubhadaconsiderableeffect

on how relationships with various ‘hard to reach’ young people developed. As the

above quotes fromRobert andDiana demonstrate, themarked difference that they

expressedbetween the two clubswas in the currencyof thedepthof relationships.

The ideaof ‘going theextramile’wassignificantlygalvanizedamongEdenstaffand

volunteers, as were the discourses of proximity, presence and perseverance (see

chapter2and4). Similarly, asoneof themain tenetsof ‘incarnationally’ expressing

ones Christian faith on the estatewas to be generously other‐focused,many of the

staffworkers andvolunteers foundmoments to engagewith theyoungpeoplewho

visitedtheclubinotherwaysbeyondtheconfinesoftheclubsetting.Thesebeyond‐

clubencountersweresignificantintheconstitutivemakeupofwhathappenedatthe

Eden drop‐in club. The fact that relationships between staff, volunteers and young

people extended beyond the spatial confines of the drop‐in club had a marked

difference on the interrelations between both club providers and young people

attendingtheclub.IwasveryawarethatstaffandvolunteersoftheEdendrop‐inclub

knewtheintimatehighsandlowsofdifferentyoungpeoples’lives.Aweeklyregular

prayer letter sent out to all the 614UK faith community brought resonance to the

issues different young people faced. In this vein, the active ‘spiritual capital’ of the

faith community (see Baker and Skinner, 2006) was often a catalyst for creating

sensibilitiesofsolidarity,compassionandempathytowardstheyoungpeopleasthe

lives of young‐others were aired and discussed with the faithful hope that

unfortunate,tough,orfarfromidealrelationalcircumstanceswouldimprove.

Section2:Publicsectorprovision,neoliberalismandpostecularstirringsInthissecondsectionIcriticallyexaminetheinvolvementofEden/614UKvolunteers

and staff in local public sector welfare provision as a result of their incarnational

expression of the Christian faith on the estate. This looks specifically at the

involvementofvolunteersandstaffinthelocalsecondaryschoolandinthesettingup

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andprovisionof ahealth carepracticeon the estate. Examining the involvementof

Eden/614UK staff and volunteers in both of thesepublic services I argue that their

participationandcontributioninthissectorwassignificantforanumberofreasons.

Firstlytheirinvolvementledtothecreationofparticularservicesthatwereotherwise

missing on the estate. Secondly, considering the increasing neoliberalisation of the

publicsector(seePecketal,2002),theinvolvementofEden/volunteerswithinthese

spaces of provision led to a resistance of certain neoliberal values and to the re‐

valorisation of provision through certain alternatively framed discourses and

performances (see Williams et al, 2012). Thirdly, while being motivated by the

Christian faith to see local transformation through the public sector, themanner in

whichfaithwasenrolledanddrawnuponinthesetwosectorsofprovisionincreased

the opportunity for progressive partnership and postsecular rapprochement (see

Cloke,2010;Beaumontetal,2011).

Imaginingahealthiercommunity

Hilltop health surgery opened in July 2009, seven months before I joined the

Eden/SA614UK faith community for my ethnographic placement. With a board of

trustees, Amanda, thewife of the project leader, felt compelled to compete for the

tender toprovidehealthcareon theestate.Once thenewlyestablishedcommunity

interest company ‘Hope Citadel’ found out that they had won the tender to run a

healthsurgeryonFittonHillAmandatemporarilyshelvedherownmedicaltraining

tooverseethelaunchofthehealthpracticeonFittonHill.

Amanda’s imagination to envisage something better for her neighbours and her

family drew upon her first hand insight and frustration of the current state of

provisionontheestate.TheangerandfrustrationthatAmandafeltwasreflectiveof

the injustice she explained she witnessed holding her community ‘captive’ (see

Craddock,2004;EylesandWood,1983).‘Livingamongst’ledhertobeinginfuriated

withthelackofdecentcareherneighboursreceived:

‘I justgotreallyangryatthehealthcaremyneighbourswerereceiving.Itwas

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substandardanditmademeangrytothinkthatthiscommunity,thecommunity

thatIamnowapartof,gotlumberedwithcrappycareandmedicaltreatment.

Everybody knew that the doctors were crap and they gave prescriptions for

ridiculousthings,andtheywerejustreferredon,butnobodycoulddoanything

aboutit,thesystemjustdidn’tseemtocare’

RepeatedlyadvocatingonbehalfofotherresidentsAmanda’s frustrationswithhow

little the ‘systemseemed to care’quickly translated frompersonal frustrations into

other‐centered action through the arduous process of setting up a community

interestcompanyandtenderingforthebidtoopenahealthcarecentreontheestate.

Amandaretoldthestoryoftenderingforthisbid:

‘WewenttotheinterviewandwewenttotheboardroomatOldhamandthey

werereallyquiteaggressiveandoh,theywerelikeohwehavetolistentothis

communitygroup. Ihadbeenannoying thePCT(PrimaryCareTrust) foryear

about the fact there wasn’t a GP on Fitton hill and I’d fallen out with lots of

different people there about it and they were drilling us on lots of different

polices:Whatwasour infectioncontrolpolicy, fire, referrals,and itwasreally

difficult, butwe had this opportunity to do a presentation and as part of the

presentation I showed this video that Mike had made, I had put the words

togetherandMikehadputittoavideoforme,andalltherestofthebidteam

were really nervous about showing the videobecause it is ‘just cheesy’, and I

waslike‘yeah’,butweshoweditanditcompletelychangedtheatmosphere’

Amandaexplainedthatthevideoclipwasacombinationoflotsofphotosofthelocal

community:communityfundaysEden/SA614UKhadarranged;youthevents;alocal

parentandtoddlergroupsandspecificlandmarksontheestate.ItwassettotheTake

Thatsong:‘Shine’.Amandarelayedaversetome:

“The song just fitted our scenario, it was all about people being lifted out of

difficultcircumstances.Youknow,thereisthatversethatgoes:

‘Socomeon,socomeon,getiton.Don’tknowwhatyou’rewaitingfor’and,

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‘Butyou’restuckinabigholeandIwantyoutogetout.Idon’tknowwhatthere

istosee.ButIknowitistimeforyoutoleave.We’reallpushingalong,tryingto

figureitout,out,out…’

Amandawentontoexplainthatshe feltshowingthevideochangedthetoneof the

meetingcompletely.Suddenly thePCTboardwasengaged inacompletelydifferent

way:

‘ThethingisthatallthePCTworkinofficesand‘talk’aboutcommunity.Theygo

toworkintheirsuitsandeverything,buttheyjustdon’tgetit,andIknowitwas

cheesy,butbecauseitwascheesyandcos’itwaslo‐tech;itmadeitabitmore

real.When the video finished they didn’t laugh,whichwas really funny, they

obviously took it really seriously. But their eyes were like this: (showing

surprise), lookingateachother, like: ‘what theheckdowedonow?’butafter

that the whole thing lasted a quarter of an hour longer, and the discussion

changed from like, all these different targets into like people and community

andhowoneofthemwaslike:‘ohyeahIwalkedthroughFittonHillonce’,sothe

whole atmosphere changed, and that is themandate that they have given us,

that iswhy.Wedidn’twin ‘coswehadthemostslickpresentationorbecause

wehad themost figures from thepast or becausewehad25other practices,

that are doing really well, the reason that we won is ‘cos they have taken a

gamblethatcommunityandmedicine,anddoingitinthatcontextmightwork.’

Theheartofthisapproachtohealthcarewasaboutembeddingprovisionwithinthe

context of the local community. Amanda was passionate that ‘living amongst’

marginal‐otherswithveryinadequatehealthcareprovisionsomethinghadtochange.

Sheexplainedhow themandateofHopeCitadelwas toundoembeddedsystematic

injusticesinhealthcarebyprovidingqualitylocalhealthcaretolocalresidents.For

Amanda part of her commitment through Hope Citadel was about undoing the

normative trend that the availability of goodmedical care tends to vary inversely

withtheneedforitinthepopulationserved.(Hart,1971;seealsoCoburn,2004)

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Tocounter this trend inmedical careHopeCitadelhad several aims listedon their

organizational website: they aimed to address this unjust situation locally by

‘employing brilliant doctors, supporting them with a brilliant team of highly

motivatedstaff,employingcounselorsandcommunitynurses ‘tounlockthestrands

offamilydynamics,lifeevents,andcomplexsocialissues’(HC,2012).Theyalsoaimed

to employ reception staff who are passionate ‘to see patients get well’ and who

‘genuinelylovetheirjob’.

Whilebeingaseparatecharitableentity fromthe localEden/SA614UKpartnership,

HopeCitadelwasverycloselylinked. PartandparcelofwhatAmandaenvisagedas

delivering good community‐basedhealth carewas reliant ongenuine support from

SA614UK/Eden as this organisation offered ‘valuable support, friendship and

chaplaincy’. Throughoutmyethnographicplacement itbecameexplicitly clear that

while there was a separate board of trustees overseeing the governance of Hope

Citadel,theboardoverseeingtheworkoftheEdenand614UKinitiativeswerevery

interestedintheprogress,sustainabilityandissuesfacingHopeCitadel.Attendinga

quarterlyreviewmeetingwiththeGareth,theleaderofEden/SA614UKonFittonHill,

Irealisedjusthowimportantthehealthsurgerywasintermsofthesynergybetween

whatEden/SA614UKasawholehopeswillberealisedforFittonHill,andwhatwas

beingworkedoutthroughHopeCitadelatHillTopsurgery.However,abigpartofthe

battle for Hope Citadel and Eden/SA614UK was resisting being co‐opted by the

neoliberal agendas of neoliberal governance and regulation explicit within local

healthcareprovision.

Beyondneoliberalstatistics:prioritizingthelivesoflocalpeople

WhilethesuccessfultenderhadgivenmembersoftheEden/614UKteamachanceto

put their idea of just and successful health care into action, it also meant that a

numberoftheEden/SA614UKvolunteerswerenowcaughtinthetensionofworking

outhowtheywouldbemorethanjust‘pawnsoftheneoliberalstate’(seeWilliamset

al,2012).Wantingneithertobesimply‘providingpublicservicesonthecheap’orto

beenrolledintoaformofprovisionthat,beingtightlyregulated,wouldamounttothe

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authoritative control and management of local ‘deprived’ residents lifestyles (see

Williams et al, 2012) the team of doctors, health care workers, nurses and

administrationstaffcarefullyhadtoreflectonhowandwhytheyweremotivatedto

improvehealthcareprovisionontheestate.Itbecameclearthroughmyresearchthat

key to Hope Citadel’s approach to community‐based health care was the

prioritization of the lives of local people over statistical outcomes and neoliberal

measurementframeworks. Beingpresentatapracticeretreatdayhalfwaythrough

my ethnographic placement itwas clear that for Steven, themain general practice

doctor,his ‘heart’ for the localcommunityasa localresidentwasaboutnot loosing

focusonthe‘mainthing’:thelivesandlivelihoodsofpeopleinthelocalcommunity.

Stephenremindedeveryonepresentofhis journeyintodiscoveringthathispassion

inmedicinewasthepeoplewhoarehispatients:

‘WhenIwasgrowingup,you’veallseenmyboffinside,Iwantedtolookdowna

microscopeandcurediseaseandsortofignoresickpeopleandjusthavealittle

whitecoatandmyglasses.Butalongtheway,becomingaChristian,Isortoffell

outoflovewithdiseaseandIjustfellinlovewithpeople.Ijustreallyenjoy

peoplealotmorethantheselittlethings…’

Drawing on a quote from the film Patch Adams, Steven went on to explain that a

quoteinthefilmreallyresonatedwiththewayhefeltabouthealthcare:‘youtreata

disease,youwin,youlose,youtreatapersonIguaranteeyou’llwinnomatterwhat

theoutcome’.

Giving a brief introduction to the purpose for the day of reflection Stevenmade it

clearthatasthepracticedoctorhewantedthemainthingatHillToppractice(here

afterHTpractice),andforthestaffwhoworkedthere,tobethelivesofthepatients.

He highlighted that rather than focusing on the illness, the targets, the QOF

assessments7hewanted the surgery to focuson the livesof thepeople andadeep

7QOFistheQualityandOutcomesFrameworkthatmeasuresgeneralpracticeachievementthroughoutcomes.

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understandingoftheirlives:

‘Ifwe talkaboutbloodpressureanddiabeteswearegoing towinandweare

goingtoloose,butifwetalkaboutthepeopleandthepeopleslivesandwhere

theyfitintotheircommunitiesthenwearealwaysgoingtowinbecauseitisnot

theoutcomeitisthepeoplethatwehaveturneduptoserveandhelp.’

This themeofpatientsas real localpeoplewithpersonalcontextsembedded in the

local estate community was also a pertinent theme for Amanda the director and

founderofHopeCitadel.OnseveraloccasionsAmandasharedhowimportantshefelt

it was not to get side tracked by the up and coming QOF assessments. The QOF

assessmentcamerightinthemiddleofmytimespentlivingandvolunteeringonthe

estateandIwasmadeveryawareofthefrustrations,dilemmasanddistractionsthat

QOF presented to the team at the HT Practice. Having dinner one nightwith both

GarethandAmanda,daysbeforeQOFwasdueinforassessment,Amanda,ventedher

frustrationstome:

‘QOFisn’teasyforushereonFittonHill, itseasytoshowhowyouhavebeen

combatingdiabetesinawealthyareawheredealingwithdiabetesisn’tasoften

connectedtoabunchofothersocialandphysiologicalissues,itsasifsometimes

QOFhasitinforpoorerareas,Imeanitsnotthemainfocusforusreally,yeah

its important to measure, yeah its important to account for changes and

progress,andtofindareastoimproveon,butthenumbersaredefinitelynotthe

mainthing.’

To Amanda, QOF put the patient second and the outcome first, and she found this

particularlyfrustrating.Furthermore,consideringthecontextofmultipledeprivation

from which much of the health care needs of the local community emanated, the

natureoftheQOFstatisticalframeworkcausedAmandatofeelthattheverydesignof

themeasurement framework ‘had it in’ for the local community’ (seeWright et al,

2006; Johnson, 1990). Being a public provider of health care and taking on the

responsibility of being regulated by the primary care trust created numerable

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tensionsforAmandaandthehealthcareteam.

IncontrasttotheprioritiesofQOF,thatemphasizedstatisticalchangeandmeasured

improvement, Stephen explained that one of themost importantmoments for him

was the actual encounter with a patient. QOF measured ill health and patient

improvementwhereaswhatwasofmore importancetoStephenwastheencounter

moment with the patient when he began to understand the person behind the ill

health.Stevenwasconvincedthatthebestmedicalcaretheycouldofferasapractice

wouldcomefrom‘addressingkeyissuesthatarebehindtheillhealth’.Heexplained

theseattheretreat:

“Iseeillhealthinpeoplewhodon’tputthemselvestowork,theyjustsittheirat

homeandwatchTVallday,thatisoftenwhereillhealthcomesfrom.Youdon’t

needajobtowork;youworkraisingafamily,lookingafteryourneighbour,you

workrunningamultimillion‐poundbusiness.Thatisoneofthemainreasons

whyourpatientshavegotillhealth...alotofourpatientsweseetheyhavenot

learnthowtotakearest,thereisnonightanddayandnorest..alsotheydon’t

knowhowtodealwiththeirguilt,someoftheillhealththatIseeispeoplewho

cannotdealwithaloadofstufftheyhavedoneoraloadofstufftheyhavehad

donetothem…andalsotheycannotdealwiththeirexpectationsofthemselves

asmumsanddads…”

Criticallyexamining thepositionofStephen,Amandaand theotherEden/SA614UK

volunteers who worked at HT health practice there are however several power‐

relation issues that emerge. In as much as Stephen counters the mechanisms of

regulation such as QOFwith a focus on the actual experience of encountering and

treatingthepatient/neighbour.Thesuccessfulbidtopubliclyprovidehealthcarefor

localresidentsmeantthatcertainrelationalpowerframeworksshiftedbetweenEden

volunteers ‘living amongst’ the community and other residential occupants. Now

beingprovidersofhealthcarepositionedEdenvolunteersinaconsiderableplaceof

authority and power over other local residents. Stephen knew and grappled with

thesetensionsasheexplainedtomeinaninterview:

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“It’sastrangepositiontobein.InoneinstanceIamafriendandneighbourand

inanother,professionalcontext,Iamsuddenlygivingthemadviceonwhatthey

shouldcutoutoftheir lifestyleandwhatpersonalchangestheycanmakethat

will enable them to bemore healthy, fit andwell. I’m never just a neighbour

now,I’malwayssomeonewithabitofclout.”

Trying to counterbalance these dynamics Stephen placed an emphasis on being

personallyreflexiveaspublicprovidersofcareontheestate.Stephenmadeitclearon

thepracticeretreatdaythatwhileheempatheticallywantedhisstaffteamtofocuson

the lives of others, he was also adamant that providing good health care in a

community setting would depend upon putting a reflexive emphasis on their own

lifestylesandidentities.

Communityhealth,reflexiveselvesandpostsecularrapprochement.

Providing health care on the estate was not only about patient‐others it was also

about care‐giving selves. Amanda was convinced that the lives and health of local

peoplewasonlygoingtobeimprovedsignificantlywhenthepracticetooktheideaof

communityhealthveryseriously.Amandaexplained:

“Ireallydobelievepeoplegetrestoredandhealed incommunity, it is justnot

possible on your own, all these Americans that go off to detox centres and

therapy. Tiger Woods has gone off for what two months to some hideaway

thing, it is justnotreal,andourcommunity is incredible.PeopleonFittonHill

arequirkyandbizarre,but theyarealsoreallybeautifuland theyhave lotsof

potential, and often that potential doesn’t get unlocked unless it is like, with

otherpeopleroundthem’

This ‘unlocking’, Amanda explained, involved lots of differentpeople standing side‐

by‐side and deeply caring for others in the community, a deep contradiction in

comparison to the neoliberal ideology that enamored the ‘autonomous individual’

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(Fries,2008;seealsoCoburn,2006;Pratt,2006).Whilehealthtransformationrelied

on structures and attitudes being changed beyond the confines of the estate, on a

localscalehowever,asinhabitantsofthelocalcommunity,bothAmandaandStephen

sketched out how central the attitudes and actions of staff as care‐givers were to

seeingcommunitytransformation.Stevenwasadamantthatthebestwaytoengage

withthe livesofotherswastoreflexivelyengagewiththeirownselves.Thismeant

carefullyquestioningwhatpurposeandplacegroundedeachandeveryoneofthem.

Stevenhighlighted that rather than just ‘knowing theright stuffwehave toanswer

thesequestionsasindividualsandasanorganization…questioninghowwecanbea

partofbuildingcommunityonFittonHillandweneedtofindoutwhatwecandoand

whatisourpurpose.’

This sense of self reflection and character questioning was something that Steven

wanted his staff to do for themselves first before they attempted to engage in the

complexmedicalandsocial livesofothers livingontheestate. Illustratingthiswith

referencetohisownlife,duringtheHTpracticeretreatdayStevenwentontoexplain

thatifhewasgoingtohaveanyimpactinthelivesofothersstrugglingwithalcohol

then it is something that hewas going to have to try and empathisewith himself.

Telling the storyofMattmaGhandi and a little boywhosemother askedGhandi to

helppersuadehersontostopeatingsomuchsugar,Stevenexplainedtothestaffthat

Ghandi’s approach was to give up sugar himself so that he could experience

somethingofwhathewasaskingof theyoungboy.Stevensharedhowforhimthis

meantchoosingtotemporarilygiveupdrinkingalcohol:

“Ifeltreallychallengedabouttellingourpatientstogiveupalcohol,Ifeltreally

challenged, so I gave up alcohol for February. It is the shortestmonth of the

year,but ithaskilledme togiveupalcohol foramonth,butactuallydoing it,

during the month I have noticed that I have spent a little more time with

patients, it has given me a little more understanding and we have had our

successes recently haven’t we. So we need to answer these questions for

ourselves.”

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ForSteven,apartofthebestapproachwithpatientswastosincerelyandreflexively

bewillingtoputthecaring‐selfinthesituationofthepatient‐other.Whatwasitthat

wasbeingaskedofthem?Andwasthereapersonalself‐commitmenttotakeonthe

samesortofchallenges,adviceandre‐direction?OntheHTpracticeretreatdayitwas

obviousthattoStephenandAmandahowtheythepracticeadministeredhealthcare,

andwhateffectithad,wasintrinsicallylinkedtohowtheythemselvesasotherlocal

residents ‘placed’ themselves in the local context of the neighbourhood. Stephen’s

exampleofbeingwillingtogiveupalcoholwasbackedupwithsomequestionstothe

staffteamfromAmandaaboutlivingwithintegrity:

“Forme,workinginthehealthpracticeandlivingontheestateitisaboutasking

myselfrepeatedlyamIlivingwithintegrityhere.Ifweasapracticearegoingto

beofferingmedicaladvicethatsuggeststhatpeoplechangehowtheylive,what

theyeat,howtheylookaftertheirchildren,arewewillingchallengeourselves

to livewith integrity? Arewe searching to be a significant contributor of the

communityandareweopentobeingchanged?”

As the short challenge from Amanda suggests, seeing change in the health of the

communitywasaboutbeingwillingtobeopentochangeandchallengeinonesown

self. Transformation in this regard then relied on a dialogical and self‐reflexive

processanddoinghealthcareontheestatewasasmuchaboutquestioningonesown

position, posture and purpose of living (see Halter et al, 2008) as it was about

questioning the lifestyles and circumstances of others. This was clearly a virtuous

process that the HT practice wanted to encourage whether the member of staff

involvedwasaChristianoranon‐Christian.Stephenwasexplicitabouttheplaceof

faithintheorganisation:

“We have a Christian basis butwe haven’t got a Christian bias. That is really

important. I have seen loads of Christians and they haven’t got any love or

humility in them. Yes for many of us our foundation is a belief in Jesus, and

tryingtofollowhisteachings,butourfoundationistobecompletelyinclusive,

behumbleenoughtorecognizethatanyoneandeveryonecanbehealedandbe

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ahealer.Wewannaworkwithpeopleofgoodheartwhatevertheirfaithis”

Transformationofthelocalcommunitywasbroadlyconsideredtobesomethingthat

couldbeenactedbyallstaffregardlessoftheirreligiousbeliefsand,asthequotefrom

Stephensuggests, itwasaboutthedisplayofvirtuousbehaviorthatmatteredinthe

contextofthehealthsurgery.Stephenhighlightedthatsuchvirtuewasnotabounded

capabilityofthe ‘Christian’.Heemphasizedthispointbydrawingontheexampleof

an absent staff member who did not profess to be a Christian and yet cared, was

integral,andcommittedtothecause:

“ThinkaboutourdistrictnurseNaomi,sheisthemostcaringdistrictnurse,and

I don’t think she has a Christian faith, but shemight just have a faith in the

communityor inthepeople,whateverit isshehasagoodheartandwewant

hertofeelshecanbeahealerwithusinthisorganisation”

Being a healerwas clearly Stephen’s label for being someonewho could positively

impact the local community by working to see the health and wellbeing of local

residents improved. Naomi’s inclusion was based simply on her display of virtue,

beingdescribedas‘mostcaring’andwith‘agoodheart’.

However,whileStephenandAmandadidnotplacetheChristian‐selfabovethenon‐

Christianselfintermsofonescapabilitytoactandworkforthegoodofthebroader

community, an emphasis was put on the recognition of the motivational value or

‘spiritualcapital’(seeBakerandSkinner,2006)thatbeingChristianboughtto‘living

amongst’ and serving the community through the health practice. Stephenmade it

clear to staff that beingChristianwas something that shouldnot behidden andhe

encouraged his fellow Christian colleagues that they should not loose sight of this

centralmotivatingfactor:theirChristianFaith.

VolunteeringinSchool

TheinformalpartnershipbetweentheEden/SA614UKandthelocalsecondaryschool

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started in 2006. The Eden youth worker, Luke, approached the school to suggest

starting a breakfast club. According to Maggie, the school’s head of learning and

support, livingamongstmanyofthe localstudentsLukebecameveryawareoftheir

situation:

“Luke new that some of the children were not having breakfast, dragging

themselvesoutofbed,whileotherswhodideatsomethingwerestoppingoffat

thelocalcafeeatingreallyunhealthyfoodonadailybasis.”

Lukedescribedthesefeelingstomeinalaterinterview:

“Iwasquite indignantandthat, Imeanyouchattothem, likeohhaveyouhad

yourbreakfastandtheyarelike,‘no’ortheyarelike‘yeahIhadonesausageand

onepieceoftoastfromthebuttieshop’anditwasaquidodd,soun‐healthyand

damaging,youknowwhat Imean,so Isetupabreakfastclubwhichhad forty

kidsgoingtoit”.

However the school soon found internal funding for the breakfast club and it was

takenoverbyanewlyappointedmemberof staff. In thisparticular instanceLuke’s

situation living ‘incarnationally’within the local community prompted him to ‘fill a

gap’inpublicwelfare.Eventhoughitsoonbecamesomethingthatwasincorporated

intoschoolprovisionthekeyherewasnotthatLukeboughtsomethingdifferenttothe

publicsectorbutthathehadtheinsightandthepassiontoinitiatesomethingthatwas

originallymissingfromtheschoolsetting.Thisinitialvoluntaryinterventionsparked

a range of commitments to the local secondary school, all ofwhich appeared to be

built upon Luke’s particular ability to engage students that were labeled ‘hard to

reach’.

WiththehandoverofthebreakfastclubtoaninternalmemberofstaffLukewasasked

if he felt there was any other way he could continue to contribute to ‘school life’.

Having previously been a chef Luke proposed an after‐school cooking club for

studentsatriskofexclusion.Likemanyafter‐schoolinitiativesthisgaveLukeandthe

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teachers involved a great opportunity towork alongside young people in a context

beyond the classroom (see Halpern, 1995) and provided a space of continued

participation,supportiverelationships,learningandsafetyforstudentsontheriskof

exclusionfromschool(seeStrobeletal,2008).

Theafter­schoolcookeryclub

LuketheEdenyouthworker,NathantheEden intern, twoassistingteachersandon

occasions myself staffed the after‐school cookery club. The extract below is taken

from my research diary and it gives an indication of the nature of these types of

sessions:

Diaryextract:makingMoroccansoup

Nathan, the intern, oversaw this particular session, as LukewantedNathan to have

ampleopportunitiesatrunningandbeingresponsible for thesessionswhilehewas

‘underhiswing’.Run inoneof thehomeeconomic roomsat thebackof the school

therewerenineyoungpeoplepresent.Allsixoftheyoungpeoplewhohadbeenasked

to attendwere at risk of permanent exclusion.Theother threewere accompanying

friends. The two teachers assisting told me they were on a rota of teachers who

expressed an interest in helping Lukewith the cooking club. Both had a particular

fondnessfortheseyoungpeopleandfelt thattheclubgavethemabitmore ‘quality

time outside the context of the normal lesson with each young person’. The two

teachersKatrinaandMarkhadagoodrapportwiththeyoungpeople.Forthecooking

exerciseitselfeachsupervisorwasaskedtooverseatwoyoungpeople.

Ourrecipe to followwasMoroccansoup.Clearly theyoungpeople feltvery familiar

withLukeandNathan.Duringthedeliveryofinstructionsmanyoftheyoungpeople

chippedinwithjokes,laughterandquestions.LukeandNathanweresomethingofa

doubleactasmyselfand the two teachers tookabackseatapproach.Youngpeople

half listening, half wishing to begin, fiddled with utensils and chatted through

whispers.

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Thesessionwasagreatsuccess,andapart fromablenderbreaking‐thecontentsof

whichhadtorapidlytransferredintoanotherblender‐allgroupsproducedsomething

nearly resembling an autumnal coloured thick and spicy soup. Varying in thickness

andquantity‐mygroupmanagingtopourhalfitssoupdownthesink‐everyoneofthe

youngpeopleleftthesessionwithacontainerfull,orsufficientlyloadedwithsoup.

Betweenchoppingvegetables,blending,andinterpretingtheseasoningratherloosely

ontherecipecard,mostofthesessionwasfilledwiththechatterofsupervisorsand

students.Responses toquestionsabout thedayweremetwith supervisors steering

studentsawayfromlongextendedmonologuesaboutwhichteachertheydetestedor

which other young person they had a vendetta or a grudge emerging against. The

conversationandthegroupdynamics,whileattimesappearing likethekitchenwas

no longer controlled by the adults supervising, was joyful and full of conversation.

Encouragement,informalcounseling,andgeneralstudent‐supervisorbantergavethe

sessionitsfeel.

Theafterschoolcookeryclubwasnot‘overtly’faith‐based.ItsimplywasaboutLuke

usinghispreviousvocationalskillsasacheftocreatearelationalspacewhereyoung

peopleon theriskofexclusioncouldbegivena littleextra timeandattention inan

environment that was creative and productive. The diary extract illustrate how,

similartoLitke’sresearch(2009),theinitiationofthecookeryclubcreatedroomfor

subtle encouragements, lifts in confidence and friendly one‐on‐one engagement

betweenadultsandyoungpeoplepresent.Thiswas alsoclear intheexperiencesof

severalyoungpeoplewhoattendedtheclub.

In informal discussionwith students attending the cookery club the general theme

thatemergedwasthattheclubprovidedthemwith‘somethingfuntodoafterschool’,

othersarticulatedthat ‘itgavethemachancetohangoutwithLukeandRachel’(an

assisting teacher),’ something they looked forward to’ each week. Asking students

whytheyenjoyedthecompanyofLuke,andteachers likeRachel, theresponsefrom

Muhammad during the cookery club typified the response I heard from many

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students:

“It’saboostyouknow,goinghomewithsomethingyou’vecooked.Tim’sagood

Chefandreallyencouraging.Rachelisjustoneofthoseteachersthathelpsyou

too.”

SimilarlytalkingatthecookerycluboneafternoonwithayoungstudentcalledJames

heresponded:

“Igetthingswrongalot.I’mnotverygoodwiththemeasurementsandstuffbut

Lukeisgoodatsortingthingsout. I’malwayschuffedwhenheis inourgroup,

he’salegend,reallyfriendlyandhe’shelpedmebelieveinmyselfmore.”

InterviewingLukeaboutthecookeryclubheexplainedhowandwhyhewentabout

searchingforopportunitiestorunafter‐schoolactivities:

“I think it isabitrelationalreally, I thinkformethat iswhyIhavedoneallof

them(school‐basedactivities)asagatewayintorelationshipswithkids,orout

ofmutualsortoffriendshipandpurpose,likethiswouldbereallygoodforthem

so,shouldwedosomething?Sotheschool,thatwastomeetkidsandthat,Ican

cooksoIwentinandcooked.”

Luke’srationalforengagementwasto‘meetthekids’andbecausehethoughtitwould

be ‘really good for the kids’. Secondly, the partnerships thatwere formed between

himselfandthelocalschoolweredoneonthebackofhavingacommonaim:starting

somethingthatwouldbegoodfortheyoungpeople.

EncouragingLuketoreflectuponhowhisfaith‐inspiredconvictiontoliveamongstthe

local community shaped his vision for school‐based interventions Luke’s response

referredbacktohisinitialconcernforstudentsnotgettingtherightaccesstohealthy

foodorhavingtheknowledgeofhowtocookit.Howeverhewentontoexplainthat

allofhisschool‐basedvoluntaryworkwasmotivatedbyabroaderethosandvision:

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“myvision is thatasmanypeopleaspossibleexperienceandknowthe loveof

God,therestisjustloveasmuchasyoucan,andIdon’tthinkthatwouldchange

iftheyweren’tinterestedinGod”

The critical examination of Eden/SA614UK biographic narratives in chapter four

illustratedhowthefaith‐fuelledconvictionto‘liveamongst’wasnotnecessarilyonly

inpursuitofanevangelisticvisionbutitwasalsoaboutacertaincareethicthatcame

fromlovingthemregardlessofwhethertheywereinterestedintheChristianfaith.In

the particular case of Luke, building relationships and caring for young people

throughvoluntary school‐based interventions like the cookery club thismandate of

abundantcareandlovewascentral:

“Cookeryclub,forinstance,yeahofcourseononelevelit’sisjustaboutcooking

withthekids,butactuallyunderneaththatit’saboutsomethingdeeperitsabout

contact time with these young people who need extra attention, a bit of

encouragement,supportandlove,yeahlove.”

Luke’svisionwasgrounded inahope that throughhisactionsand involvement the

youngpeoplewouldexperiencethe‘loveofGod’,buthealsoclarifiedthatwhetheror

not they came to put his actions and his Christian faith together and make the

connection he would still continue to keep loving them. In the school‐based

interventions the voluntary role of Luke was significant not because it necessarily

madefaithexplicitbutbecausehisfaithandconvictiontoliveamongthosehewished

to serve and support prompted him to start things up for the young people, loving

themregardlessofwhethertheywereinterestedinhisChristianfaith.

His commitment to live in the local community also enabled him to engage with

studentsinawaythatwasrecognizedandappreciatedbytheschoolstaffteam,many

ofwho,whilepassionateaboutthestudents,hadchosentoliveoutsideoftheschool’s

catchment. Living in the same community as many of the students on the risk of

exclusionpresentedLukecertainadvantages to theschool. Asmanyof the ‘hard to

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reach’ and ‘at risk of exclusion’ students attended Eden/SA614UK youth services

beyondtheschoolgate,Lukeheldagoodlevelofrapportwithmanyofthem.Knowing

particular students well and leading certain activities Luke had the opportunity to

increase participation in school‐based activities as ‘hard to reach’ students quickly

became‘easytoreach’studentasMaggieexplained:

“Hejusthasawaywiththesetypesofyoungpeople,whatIwouldterm‘hardto

reach students’. They knowhimwell, he puts thehours inwith them through

differentEdenactivitiesandsowhenheisinschooltheywouldcomewithonlya

littleencouragementneeded’.

Livingincloseproximitytomanyofthestudentsandbeingveryfamiliarandfriendly

withmanyofthese‘hardtoreach’studentsinandoutofschoolmeantLukewasalso

abletoupdateteachersofstudentscircumstancesandreduceanygapsinknowledge

ofthecircumstancesfacingstudentsasthequotefromMaggie, theheadof learning,

illustrates:

“Lukecomesinandheknowsthem,coshelivesintheircommunity,hecangive

usaquickbitofadviceandsaythischild,thishashappened,orcanyoukeepan

eyeonthem…”

Sharing in the ups and downs of their daily lives as a youth worker on the estate

meant Luke could pass on important information to teachers on how best to

individually support this or that young person. It alsomeant concern and care for

particularyoungpeoplecouldbecarefullypassedonastheseyoungpeopleentered

theschoolgate,connectingtheirlivesandcircumstancesbeyondtheschoolwiththeir

behavior and attitude within school. Working alongside other teachers Luke’s

presence in school also helped reconfigure how some of these students saw and

related to some of the teachers and how teachers related to students; re‐shaping

teacher‐studentself‐otherrelationsinotherarenasofschoollife.

Shapingteacher­studentrelationsandmovingbeyondneoliberalagendas

183

SchoolteacherswhoworkedwithLukeappreciatedthequalitiesandcharactertraits

heboughttoschoollife.Inmyinterviewswithschoolteachersseveraltestifiedofhow

Luke’scharacterandapproachwith theyoungpeoplechallenged them in theirown

interactionsandrelationshipswith thestudents.Teachersappearedunderpressure

torelatetostudentsinaparticularwaytomaintaingradequotasandschooltargets.

The neoliberalistion of school agendas and the discursive positioning of ‘at risk’

studentstobeseenaslittlemorethantheresultofpersonalfailureandachievement

(seeFrancis,2006;Hilletal,2009)meantthatteachersworking ‘withinthesystem’

foundLuke’sapproach refreshingand inspiring.Luke’sapproach in schoolsand the

appealofhismannertootherteachersworkedtohelpco‐constituteanalternatively

framed set of performances and discourses in school. Rather than simply

individualizingblameandresponsibilityonstudentsatriskofexclusionthisapproach

started fromaplaceofcareandsupportoverandaboveaneoliberaldiscourse that

saw these students as simply ‘failing themselves’. Margaret’s experience illustrates

thissuccinctly:

“IhavelearntalotfromLukeinthewaythathecomesacross,thewaythathe

workswithyoungpeople,urmandifanythingheisquiteinspirationalforme.”

ForMargaret, apersonal learning journeyemerged fromhavingLuke in the school.

Shewasimpressedwith‘justthewayheapproachesthechildren’.Thisapproach,she

explainedwasbuiltuponthewayheencounteredtheyoungpeople:

“IlearntfromLuke,thesympathy,theempathy,urmthepatience,thekindness,

urmreallyhecameacrosssopositiveallthetime,thereisneverneveranegative

commentaboutthekids,youknowwhichreallyinspiresme.”

Margaret’s account of Luke’s work with the school students illustrates that Luke

related to the young people in school through an approach that centered on other‐

focused displays of virtue while also not casting negative connotations onto these

student‐others.Havingapositiveattitudeandrelatingtothestudentsinthismanner

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inspiredMargaret to seek to knowher own students in a differentway: embracing

something of the circumstances facing them, searching to know and appreciate

somethingof theirotherness.ShedescribedtomehowworkingalongsideLukehad

changed theway that she appreciated her own role in the school and theway she

relatestoherstudents:

“I do have a responsibility of ticking boxes, getting kids to achieve and attain,

GCSEs,etc,arealheadache,andIsupposeconsideringmyrole inschool, Iwas

verymuch,‘thisiswhatIdoandthisisverymuchmyjob’,Ididnotreallytake

theneedsofthestudentsandwhathappensintheirhomelifeseriously.Ifthey

(students)haveabadday,orabadmorning,Ijustsawitasnegativebehaviour,I

did not used to look at the negative behaviour in terms of what contributed

towardsitandwhyitwashappening”

WorkingwithLuke,Margaretexpressedachange inherapproach.Whilepreviously

Margaret had seen her role as ‘just a job’ and did not connect the behaviour of

studentsinschoolwithsomeofthedifficultcircumstancestheyfacedathomeandin

the local community, in time some of the ‘strategies and the way Luke worked’

‘rubbedoff’onMargaret:

“Lukehelpedmeappreciateandunderstandthatthenegativebehaviourwasa

symptomof something else going on in their life, I started to search forwhat

contributedandwhyithappened”

InthisexampleLuke’sinfluenceinschoolcanbeseennotonlytofillgapsinprovision

for the students but to influence teachers in their own approach with students:

something that led to teachers likeMargaretwanting to searchout andunderstand

the social and communal circumstances facing ‘at risk’ students beyond the school

gate. Margaret’s testimony of working alongside Luke shows that he was clearly

influential in helping to enact and encourage an approachwith students that went

beyondneoliberalwaysofrelatingandteachinginasecondaryschoolcontext.

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Another important factor in the joint partnership of the local secondary school and

the Eden/614UK churchwas theways inwhich the Christian faithwas andwasn’t

expressedbyLukeandotherEdenvolunteersinschool.

Talkingaboutanddoing‘faith’:postsecularstirrings

Schoolteachers did not appear to have any concerns with Luke’s Christian ethos.

Several teachersexpressed that they feltateasewithhiswayof ‘beingChristian’ in

theschoolenvironment.Lucy’scommentsillustratethisquitesuccinctly:

“Luke being Christian, and working for a faith‐based organisation, has never

croppedupasanissue.They(Edenvolunteers)havecomeinanddonesessions

formeandtheyhavetalkedaboutbeliefsandthings…”

LukeoccasionallycameintoschoolwithotherEdenvolunteers,orinpartnershipwith

thebroaderMessageTrust to runRE lessons, take school assembliesandhelpwith

the ‘activities week’. The general feeling amongst staff interviewed was that

Christianity was never imposed upon the students or the teachers. As Lucy, a

humanitiesteacherexplained:

“I’minnowaysreligiousbutthentheyarenot‘biblebashers’,wehavehadquite

goodopendiscussionsaroundthat(faithandbelief)andwhypeoplebelieve.”

WhileMargaret,theheadoflearning,alsocommented:

“Itisneverpusheddownourthroatsoritisneveranissue,butitisalwayson

theperipheryofthesessions.ItissomethingIhaveneverfeltthreatenedbyor

worriedabout.”

AsbothTeacherscommentsillustrate,thewaytheChristianfaithwasexpressedand

verbalisedintheschoolenvironmentwasnevertakenasa‘threat’.InsteadMargaret

acknowledged the location of faith as something that was on the periphery. The

Christian ethos of Luke and other volunteers, while being there on the fringe, was

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never something coercively presented, being ‘pushed down throats’, or being

expressedinsuchawaysoastomerittheteamtheterm‘biblebashers’. Instead,as

Lucy testifies, althoughnotherselfapersonof faith, faithandbeliefwerediscussed

openlyandwithoutanyhintofcoercion.AskingLucytodescribewhatshemeantby

goodopendiscussionsshewentontoexplain:

“Whether it’s with students or us teachers it’s respectfully done, no one is

adamantlytoldthattheiropinioniswrongorthattheirChristianviewistheonly

one worth listening to. In fact Eden volunteers like Luke are very good at

listeningtoalternativeviewpoints,theydon’tclosethemdownormakeyoufeel

insignificant”

Lucy’sexplanationillustratesthat,whetherinaclassroomcontextorinthestaffroom,

themannerbywhichfaithdiscussionsoccurredwasonethatwasnotbasedonlyon

one opinion being worthy of attention, instead, viewpoints were exchanged and

listened to by different parties. When faith was discussed and bought into

conversation it appeared that the main reason for schoolteachers not having any

concernwas that thesediscussions tookplace inamanner thatwasbothrespectful

and adherent to difference. Luke was cited as being very good at listening to

alternativepointsofviewwithoutbeingreactionaryorobnoxious.

ThesecondmajorreasonforteachersnotbeingcautiousofpartneringwithLukeand

the Eden initiative was bound up in the way the teachers perceived the broader

influence of the Eden initiative on their students. Margaret, not religious herself,

explained that she had seen a vast transformation in a number of the schools

renowned ‘trouble makers’ after they had got involved with Eden. Margaret was

ambiguousastowhethertheremarkedchangewasdueto‘theChristianbit’buteither

way students had shown themselves to be wholly different in their behaviour at

school:

“Kidsthataremisbehavingatschool,droppingout,gettingintotroublewiththe

police, urm those sort of kids have gone along to the Eden sessions and their

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whole way of thinking has been changed, you know their whole being has

changedinrespectthattheydon’tgetintotroubleanymore..’

WithexclamationMargaretalsosharedinaninterviewhowfantastic itwastoseea

number of young people who had attending the Eden clubs becoming confident

enough to stand up on stage and express their own thoughts and feelings on

Christianity:

“NowIwouldnotcallmyselfaChristian,orputmyselfforwardstoknowmuch

about the Christian faith but I have been pretty impressed with kids who’ve

embraced it.We had one of theMessage Trust bands in and a number of our

students actually stood up on the stage and talked about their faith, I was so

proudofthem,theygavereasonsforwhytheyareinvolvedintheEdenproject

andbelievinginGodandwhatitstandsfortothem..”

Thesummativepointtomakehereisthatthestrongpartnershipthatexistsbetween

theschoolandEden/SA614UKisnotonlybuiltontheneedandeffectivenessofLuke

workingwith‘hardtoreach’students.Itisbuiltupontheparticularmannerinwhich

faith is performed and enacted by Eden/SA614UK staff and volunteers, and the

positiveinfluencetheworkoftheEden/SA614UKinterventionsseemtohavehadon

studentsengagingwiththeiractivitiesinthecommunity.Fromthetestimoniesofstaff

partneringwithLukeand the localEden/SA614UK initiative these two factorshave

ledtoatrustingandtransparentcontextforpostsecularpartnership(seeCloke2010;

BeaumontandBaker,2011).

Section3:BeyondwelfareprovisionIn this third and final section I focus on the involvement of Eden/614UK staff and

volunteersinthelifeofthelocalestatebeyondorganisedpublicandvoluntarywelfare

provision.Thissectionhastwoparts.Thefirstconsidersaweeklygrouporganisedfor

localyoungpeopleinterestedintheChristianfaith.Unlikethedrop‐inclubexploredin

the first section of this chapter this youth‐specific space is much more explicitly

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Christian;meaninginthiscaseitisconstitutedbyanumberofovertperformancesof

volunteers and staff to encourage young participants to embrace and develop a

Christian faith for themselves. In this first part I turn an analytical eye to how

evangelism is performed in this space. I argue that beyond these performances of

evangelismakeyfeatureofthisspaceistheencouragementofcitizenryrelations.The

second part looks specifically at neighbourly relations between Christian‐self and

neighbourly‐otherontheestate.Firstlythissectioncriticallyexaminesthemotivations

that underpin a number of these friendships and it argues that in some cases these

friendships were primarily motivated by the desire to evangelise the neighbourly‐

other, expecting certain responses from friendshipswith local neighbours. Secondly,

this final section examines how some friendships forged between Christian‐self and

otherontheestateareimbuedwithunevenpowerrelations.Thiscriticallyexamines

the tensions that arise from Eden/SA614UK staff and volunteers trying to build

friendships with other neighbours while they hold dual identities in the local

community. As Eden/SA614 staff and volunteers are recognized as both a local

neighboursandaserviceprovidersthissectionexamineshowandwhythisbecamean

issue for Eden/SA614UK staff. Thirdly, and finally, this section explores how acts of

generosity, care, and service emerge out of local friendships between Christian‐self

and neighbourly other, and it examines how such neighbourly relations re‐shape

Christian‐selves;athemethatresonateswiththebiographicnarrativesandencounters

exploredinthepreviouschapter.Drawingoutthesethreeanalyticalpointsprovidesa

critical view on how such relationally enacted spaces of care and friendship can be

consideredtobepartconstitutiveofanemergentethicallandscape.

Cellgroup

CellwasheldonceaweekintheEdenoffices.Alongsideafewgames,anopentimeon

thepool table, or an organized trip the cinema, thewoods, or the football pitch, an

informalpresentationwassometimesgivenabouttheChristianfaith.Cellwasclearly

part of the ‘evangelistic’ aims of the Eden/SA614UK partnership. In review of the

evangelistic discourses discussed in the fourth chapter, Cell was intentionally

structured around evangelistically sharing faith and supporting young people who

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hadmadefaithcommitments.ThiswasclearfromthedescriptionofCellontheEden

FittonHillwebsite(EFH,2012):

“EdenisaSalvationArmyChurchandweloveGod.Wearereallyupforpeople

to ask their ownquestions about life,who theyare andwhy church isboring.

Cellistimeforyouandyourmatestoaskthesequestions.Butwedon’tsitabout

singingkum‐by‐yah,wedoa loadofmadactivities, taketripsand learnonthe

move.IbelieveGodiseverywhereandisinterestedineveryone,youwillnotjust

findhiminchurch,butonthestreet,withyourfriendsandinallyoudo.IfGodis

everywhere, at all times,whatdoeshewantwithme?Andhowdo I respond?

Youdon’thavetohavegonetochurchbefore,orhaveanyideaaboutGod,infact

ithelpsifyoudon’t.”

Cellwasdesignedasan informalsetting inwhichyoungpeoplecouldaskquestions

abouttheChristianfaith,andasthequotefromthewebsitehints,Cellwasintendedto

bea learningspace inwhichquestionsof identityandpurposecouldbeconsidered

from a Christian perspective. Frommy ethnographic observations it was clear Cell

was intended as a relational bridge between the young people and thewider faith

community. Therewas an intended expectation by both volunteers and staff of the

EdenprojectthatCellwasameansbywhichlocalyoungpeoplecouldprogressfrom

havingnoawarenessandunderstandingoftheChristianFaithandJesus,tobeingan

activememberinthefaithcommunity;wherepersonalfaithreorderseveryaspectof

life,actionandthought.IntheCellgrouptherewereclearlyyoungpeoplewithvarious

levels of interest in the Christian faith. Some of the young people I recognized as

regular faces at the Sunday meetings, prayer events and bible discussions, while

others quite openly explained to me that they attended the Cell group because it

simplypresentedthemwithsomethingextratodoontheestate.

Thetwovignettesthatthissectiondrawsuponaretakenfromoneparticularevening

approximately halfway through my four‐month placement. The content of these

vignettes is the amalgamation of my research diary notes and IPhone voice

recordings.

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TheroutineoftheCellgroupwasthattheyoungpeoplegathertogetheratthesmall

office building on a Tuesday night at 7pm. Luke would explain whether we were

planningonstayinginthebuildingfortheeveningorwhetherwewereplanningon

heading out for an activity or trip out. Some of the trips out included a trip to see

HuckleberryFinatthelocaltheatre,acinemavisitandmanytripstothelocalfootball

quadrant. On the evening described in the two vignettes Luke had explained tome

thathehadplannedabitofaworkshopwiththeyoungpeople,firstlytoavoidtherain

andsecondlytoleavethemwithsomethingtothinkaboutovertheEasterweekend.

Performingevangelism

Vignette1:‘That’smyking’

Iarrivedbeforetheotherstaffandvolunteers.Twooftheyoungguyswereplayingon

the wall, bmx bikes laid strewn on the ground. The weather was atrocious, water

pouredofftheroofoftheoffice,limefromtheoldroofingtilesbuiltupontheground.

TaylorandRobertdidnotseemedconcernedstandingoutintherain;theyseemedto

rather enjoy it. The three of us waiting for the shutters and the three bolts to be

routinelyunbolted.Thetwoladsrepeatedlyattemptedtopushmeunderthetorrent

ofwaterrushingofftheoverloadedgutter.Iwasonlysavedfrombeingsoakedwhen

Luke,theEdenyouthworker,arrivedmomentslater:unlockingtheboltsandletting

us in to theoffice.Thestrip lightsbrieflyhummedandflickeredasLukeandIwent

aboutgoingthroughtheroutineofsettingup.Lukesetupthelaptopandprojectorin

thesecondroom.UnderLuke’s instruction I seta loadof chairsout,persuading the

two ratherwet guys tohelpout.Othersquickly turnedup.Boysheavilydominated

tonight, only two girls appeared. The noise of laughter, teasing and general

conversationwasbarely containedby the small back room.A total of fifteen young

people were expectantly seated surrounding the projector. I actively called the tea

orderandoneoftheyoungpeoplehelpedmakethetoast.Someoftheyounger lads

hadfoundapileofsportsconesandwerethrowingthemateachother;Lukequickly

interjected,breakingawayfromtryingtogetaYouTubecliptoplay.Lukecalledoutto

theyoungerboys:

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‘RememberwhatIexplainedabouttheline?Welltheconehittingsomeoneintheface

orsmashingthelaptopthatwouldbeoverit.’

Lukedimmedthelights.TheYouTubeclipwasreadytostream.Littleexplanationwas

given;Lukejustbrieflyexplained:

‘ThisisjustsomethingtothinkaboutovertheEasterweekend.ForusChristiansthis

weekendiswhenwerememberallthatJesushasdoneforus’

Lukepressedplay;mostyoungpeopleweresettled.Teashadbeenpassedaroundand

the toastwas alreadybeingquickly consumed.Thevideowas amontageof a short

refraintakenfromthemostwellknowsermonbyAfricanAmericanpastorandcivil

rights activist Dr S.M Lockridge. Modern graphics scrolled the words over screen,

quickly the words of the sermonwere built onto screen capture images and short

movieclipsfromMelGibsons’ ‘thepassionoftheChrist’.KeyboardSynthesizersand

electricguitarmusiccontinuedtobuild.TheoratorypassionoftheDrS.MLockbridge

wasfiery:

‘ThebiblesaysmyKingistheKingoftheJews,he’stheKingofIsrael,he’stheKingof

righteousness, he’s the king of the ages, he’s is the king of heaven.He’s theKing of

glory. He’s the king of kings and the lord of lords. That’smyKing! Iwonder if you

knowhim?MyKingisasovereignKing.Nomeansofmeasurecandefinehislimitless

love. He’s enduringly strong. He’s entirely sincere. He’s eternally steadfast…’ His

passionate sermon continued to build for just over three minutes and finished

triumphantlywith:

‘Deathcouldn’tholdhim.That’smyKing!ThatismyKing!’

Lukeminimized theYouTubewindow: “Well, that is something to think about over

Easter’.

Muchhasbeenwrittenabout theuseofcontemporarymediabyChristians toshare

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thestoryof JesusChrist.SchultzeandWoods(2008)havedocumentedhowprinted

literature, television, videos, dvds and new forms of public visual media on the

internetsuchasYouTube,havebeenappropriatedbyChristianstosharethestoryof

Jesus with non‐Christian others. As Heathershot (2004) has argued, public

consumptionofthesetypesofmediahasnotonlybeenaboutproducing ‘conversion

tools’butaboutconsumingandperformingChristianevangelicalidentity,establishing

and instilling a sense of truth through the daily uptake of media messages and

narrativesthatrepeatedlyreaffirmasenseofChristian‘truth’andpurpose.However,

as theworkof scholarsexamining theproductionof thenumberof ‘Jesus films’has

argued (see Dwight, 2012; Peperkamp, 2005; Johnson, 1998), a major point of the

distributionandscreeningofthesefilmsbyChristiansinthelastfiftyyearshasbeen

to produce appropriate and relevant methods of evangelism; something Johnson

(1998) has termed ‘videoevangelism’. In fact suchmethods are not that recent, as

even since the production of Cecil Millers’ Jesus film entitled ‘the King of Kings’ in

1927, film has been used to communicate the narrative of Jesus to others (Dwight,

2012).Whilethemostpopularofthesewassignificantlythefilmpopularlyknownas

‘the Jesus Film’ produced by Krish and Sykes in 1979 (Ibid, 2012). Translated into

overathousandlanguagesthisfilmhasbeenshowninover200countriesacrossthe

world and it has reportedly led to over 200million conversions (JesusFilm, 2012).

MostrecentlyMelGibsonsfilm‘thepassionoftheChrist’hasbeenusedwithsimilar

purpose(seeDwight,2012).Furthermore,whilesomefilmshavebeenusedtoshare

theliveandpurposeofJesusevangelisticallywithothers,therehasbeenanincrease

in the use of broader secular films within the ‘emerging church’ to engage non‐

Christianothers indiscussionabout thebroad ‘Christianstory’ through ‘evangelistic

film discussion groups’ (see Smither, 2007). This method of ‘appropriation’ (see

Johnston,1998)has led to abroad rangeof filmsbeing suggestedas good tools for

creating and provoking discussion on various biblical and theo‐ethical topics (see

Barsottietal,2004). Inmyownanalysisof ‘Cell’ and thecriticalexaminationof the

useof theYouTubeclip,described inthevignetteabove, therearevariouspoints to

highlightthatrelatetothesebroaderacademiccommentariesontheuseoffilmasan

‘evangelistictool’.

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Firstly,asImadeclearintheopeningofthissectionofthechapter,thelocalEdenand

614UK church on Fitton Hill is the most explicit evangelical space. As a space

designatedforquestions,discussionandteachingonthemaintenantsoftheChristian

faithitdoesnotcomeasmuchofasurprisethatavideowasusedtopresent‘theJesus

story’ to those who regularly attended the weekly group. Questioning Luke, the

groupsorganizer,onhispurposeofthefilmclipinthesessionhecommented:

‘Well its justaboutaseedreally inmanycases,urmIguessyouknow,Cell isabout

puttingthestoryoutthereinaprettystraightforwardway,andyouneverknowwho

inthegroupmightbeprovokedbythevideo.It’sachancetousesomethingrelevant

andinspiringtochallengetheyoungpeopleabouttheirownbeliefsandrelationship

withJesus,andyouknow,everyyoungpersonwatchesYouTube.’

InterestinglyinthisquoteLukedrawsparallelstoa‘seed’andheframestheuseofthe

video as amethod of ‘putting the story out there’. For Luke, showing this filmwas

aboutmakinguseof a contemporary ‘evangelistic tool’. Communicating the storyof

JesustoyoungpeopleontheestatethroughthemediumofashortYouTubeclipwas

donewiththehopethatitwaswould‘challenge’and‘provoke’theyoungpeople.This

challengewould lead them to question for themselves their own belief system and

where the Jesus story fits into this. It clearly had evangelistic intentions. However,

Lukeenvisagedthefilmasa‘seed’:somethingthatpotentially,hencehisreferenceto

not knowing who in the group might be provoked by the video, would grow into

something bigger if the young people viewing it were indeed ‘challenged’. Luke

finishedtheclipannouncingthattheclipgavetheyoungpeoplesomethingto ‘think

about over the Easter weekend’. He envisaged the media clip as a relevant and

inspiringprovocateurthatwouldengageandculturallyfitthenatureofyouthculture.

Secondlythecontentofthemediaclipissignificant.Itwasextremelyemotional.The

oratorDrS.MLockbridgewaspassionateaboutwhathewassayinginhissermon.The

toneofhisvoice,theinflectionandpaceofhisshortsentenceswereproductiveofa

resonatingpieceofpublicspeaking.Repetition,repeatedrhetoricalquestioningofthe

listenerandthedramaticpauseculminatedinapublicsermonextracttowhichitwas

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hardnottopayattention.Likewisethecombinationofspeech, imageandmusichad

dramatic effect. Combining the speech extract with edited scenes and freeze frame

stencil images fromMelGibson’sThePassionof theChristgave the speechavisual

focalpoint–themanofJesus.IntheseclipsJesuswaseitherseenasbeingmutilated

andexecuted, or as aman robedand smiling; encounteringmembersof the crowd;

acting compassionately and caringly for others. The star of the production, Jim

Cavielzel, who played Jesus, had an affectionate smile. Moreover, rising keyboard

synthesizes andelectric guitars throughout the clip createdabuilding senseof awe

andwonder and a heightened sense of exultation. The clipwas extremely dramatic

and provocative. As the diary extract below details, watching it among the young

peopleIfeltaseriesofemotions:

‘ImmediatelyIwaspersonally‘taken’bythevideo.ButIactuallydidnotlikethefirst

fewminutes.Ifounditemotionalandoverbearingbutdecidedtogiveitalittlelonger

beforeIpersonallywroteitoff.DependingonyourownpositionontheChristianfaith,

it could have easily been interpreted a number ofways: propaganda, dogma, truth,

scripture,moving,enticingoremptyemotionalism.Ihadmyownviewsonit,asIam

sureothersintheroomdid.WhenitendedafterabriefthreeminutesIhaddecided

thatevenamongstitsheavyuseofemotion,graphicmutilationofthebodyofChrist,

affectualimagesofasmilingman,supposedlydepictingJesus,thecentralpointforme

was that thevideoaskedwhether theviewernew Jesus likeDrLockridge fervently

andvigorouslyexclaimedthatJesuswashis‘King’.

Observingtheyoungpeopletheyallrespondeddifferently.Someseemedsilencedby

thevideo,othersjoked,figgetedandseemeddisinterested.OnappearancesaloneIfelt

liketheroomcouldbereadindifferentways,contrastfilledtheroom.Oneoftheolder

lads sincerely raised his voice for others to be quiet, some settled into the video,

others remained dis‐interest or fooled around. Everyone used their own agency to

respondhowtheyfeltmoved,indifferent,orrepelled.Thevideowasaclearstatement

of the Christian faith and the atmosphere around the room suggested opinionwas

divided.My responsewas going to be different from those aroundme that did not

havethesamereligiousfaith.BytheendofthevideoIfeltanoverwhelmingsenseof

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gratitude,tearswelling,somethingofwhatIcanonlydescribeasknowledgeofdivine

forgiveness, redemption and reconciliation took overme for amoment. Inmy own

senseofself,itwasamomentoftakingstock,questioningwhatIstoodfor:whowas

‘myKing’?Whoandwhatthingsdefinedme?’

There are several things to draw out of this diary extract and several things that

neededtobe triangulatedagainst itas itwhollyrepresentsmyownsubjectiveview

and readingof theevening’s events.Analyticallyunpackingmyownexperienceand

theexperienceofotheryoungpeoplepresentthatnighthelpstomakesenseofhow

the performance of evangelism enacted through the media clip was received and

experiencedbydifferentlysituatedpeople.

ThiswasthefirsttimeIhadeverseenthismediaclip.Astheextractrecallsmyown

first reactions were to be somewhat initially uncertain of the clip as I found it

‘overbearing’. Iwasskepticalof theoveruseofemotional imagery.However,as the

reflectivepiecenarratesIfeltoverallthatthemediacliphadapointtomakeandthat,

forme, it waswhether the viewer knew the Jesus Dr Lockbridgewas dramatically

recalling.Mysubjectiveresponsewasemotionalasthediaryextractillustrated.Ifelta

personal affinitywith the video. It re‐affirmedmy personal faith convictions and it

culminated in a feeling of thankfulness and gratitude. As the piece describes I was

‘takenover’bycertainembodiedfeelingsandwatchingthemediaclipitemotionally

resonatedwithme.Ittookmetoaplaceofreflection,theapexofwhichwasaseriesof

reflexive ontological musings. However, this was clearly my own experience and

response.WhilemyinterpretationofthevideoanditsaffectonmewaspositiveIhad

an inclinationeven throughmyownethnographicobservation that theopinionand

feelingofotherswatchingdiffered.

WhilethepurposeofCellwastoexploretheChristianfaith,throughoutmyvoluntary

commitments at the Cell group it became clear that the Cell groupmeant different

thingstodifferentyoungpeople.Someweretherefor‘thewholepackage’,sotospeak:

thegames,socializingandtheexplorationoftheChristianfaith,otherswerejustthere

tohavefunandsocialize.Thiswashighlightedinmyethnographicobservationduring

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theshowingofthemediaclip;itwasalsomoreobviousinthetestimonialaccountsof

young people interviewed. The accounts of Mark, Alex and Sophie show a

considerablespectrumofopinion.

DuringmyethnographicplacementitwasclearthatfromtheperspectiveofEdenstaff

and volunteers Alex was held up as an example of someone who had ‘really

discovered Jesus for himself’. Alex attended the Sunday gathering with the wider

Eden/SA614UKfaithcommunityandaccordingtovariousEdenvolunteersshoweda

realinterestinlearningabouttheChristianfaithandgrapplingwithwhatitmeantto

him. Interviewing Alex and questioning him about his own experiences of Cell he

explained:

“Iwouldn’tmiss it. It’s Luke, innit.He’s a local legend. It’s a good thing Cell. I

havelearntalotandyouknowandthatshowmyfaithstarted:throughCell.Its

importantthatwearechallengedaboutwhatwethinkandstuff,andthat’sCell

for you. It gaveme a lot to think about and all the Eden teamhas been great

answeringmyquestions.”

Reviewingwhathefeltabouttheparticularnightunderanalysisinthissectionofthe

chapterAlex’sresponsewasfairlysimilartomyown:

“I lovethatvideo.I’veputitonfacebookafewtimes.Somepeoplehavedissed

me for doing it but I’m proudman. Luke’s has shown it to a few of us before

when Cell wasmuch smaller but Cell’s grown recently. A lot of the guys play

footballwithLukeonaWednesdaysoIguessthis isanothernighttohangout

withhim.Itsirritating‘cosnotthatmanyofthemarebotheredaboutthewhole

Jesusbitandthatpissesmeoffabit.Imean,I’mherecosI’mseriousaboutthis

youknow.Butothersjustcometomessaround.’

UnlikeAlex,interviewingMarkitwasclearhefoundthevideo‘prettyintrusive’:

“youknowdon’tgetmewrongIloveLuke,he’saqualityguy.Alwayslistensand

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isrightfunny.It’sjusttheGodstuff.Imean,sometimesCellisgreat,wegoona

trip,havearightlark,butothertimesitsoneofthoseeveningsintheofficewhen

wegetoneofLuke’sspeechesorvideos.He lovesthembutIcan’tstandthem.

They’rereallysoppyandwet.EmotionalcrapthatharpsonabouthowJesusdid

thisandJesusdidthat.It’sintrusivetoo.Imeannotallofusbelieveinthatkinda

religious stuff. Luke ain’t in ya face, he’s chilledwith it you know its just like

whenhegiveshislittletalksorplaysussomethinglikethatblackman’sspeech

it’sabitmuch.’

IheardMark’sviewonCellrepeatedbyseveralotheryoungmenwhoattendedCell.

Theygenerallyexplainedthattheycamefortheactivitynightsandwereuninterested

inthe ‘Godbits’or ‘Jesusspeeches’.Mark’sexperienceof theDrLockbridgevideo is

remarkablydifferentfrombothAlex’sandmyowninterpretation.ClearlyMark’sview

ofCellwas that itwasbestwithout the evangelical interventions.His experienceof

what Ipersonally found inspiringwas instead interpretedas ‘soppy’ and ‘intrusive’.

Interestingly,however,hedistinguishedbetweenthecontentofthevideoandLuke’s

‘speeches’andthenatureandcharacterofLukehimself.Thiswassomethingthatalso

wasdistinguishableinSophie’saccountofCell:

“There isnothingaboutLuke Idon’t like.He isamazingandCell’sgoodtoo, in

someways.Ireallylovegoingtodrop‐inandCell’sprettysimilar:reallyfriendly

and inviting, space tohangoutwithmymates. It’s just theblatantGodpitch I

don’t get they justmakeme uneasy. Its not like you knowwhen it’s going to

happeneither‘coseachweekisdifferentatCell.It’saguessinggameifoneofthe

talks isgoingtobedone.Don’tgetmewrong it’snotLukethough; it’s just the

talkbit.

ForSophieherpositiveexperienceofCelliscomparedtoherenjoymentofthedrop‐in

club described and analysed earlier in this chapter. In her view it was what she

describedasthe ‘blatantGodpitch’thatshedidnotappreciate, insimilarregardsto

the experience of Mark it was not Luke’s personality or character that she found

unsettlingitwastheenactmentoftheseshortevangelicaltalks.

198

Lukehimselfexplainedthathehadnoticedthatnumbersdroppedsignificantlywhen

theyoungpeopleontheestateknewthataspecialactivityoutof theofficewasnot

happeningandsoasaresponseLukehadpurposefullynotmadeitclearastowhether

thegroupwheregoingoutorstayingintheoffice.KeentokeepthenumbersatCell

Lukeusedthisasatactictokeeptheyoungpeople‘guessing’astowhatstructureCell

would takeonaweeklybasis.However, on reflectionof Sophie’s experienceofCell

thismadeheruncomfortableasshedidnotknowwhetheraChristiantalkwasgoing

tobegivenornot.ThistacticofLukes,whilenotovertlybeingusedto ‘trick’people

intostaying for theevangelical talkwas inhisview justareflectionon the fact that

someyoungpeoplewere just interested in the excitingbitsheldbeyond the estate.

HoweverastheviewofSophieillustrates,thisleftsomeyoungpeoplefeelingslightly

uncomfortablewith the lackof transparencyoverwhatwashappeningonaweekly

basis. In some regards the fact that there were these overt performances of

evangelismwas tobeexpectedconsidering thatCellwasanoptionalactivityclearly

marked as exploring the Christian faith, critically speaking however this process

lackedtransparency.

Encouragingcitizenryrelations

Vignette2:‘Shineyourlight’

‘SoyouallknowthatmyrelationshipwithJesusisthereasonwhyIloveyouguyslike

Ido’

‘AhthanksLuke!’Someonecalledout.

‘’Noseriousthough”,Lukepressedon:“YouhaveallheardoftheMessagebandLZ7,

wewenttoseethemwithCelllastyearincentralManchester.Welltheyareonthis

campaignandIwantustojoinin,thisvideoexplainsitbetterthanIcould,Johncan

youflickthelightsoffagain,actually,sodoestheirwebsite.Sowe’vebeentothis

websitebeforehaven’twe?Wellit’scalled‘shineyourlight’andLZ7arejustbasically

199

onacampaigntogetyoungpeopletoembracedoinggoodstuff.So,anywayletme

playyouthisshortclip,andthenwewilllistentothesongthatLZ7arereleasingtogo

withthecampaign.”Thevideocontaineddialogueandamixofillustrations:

‘2000yearsagoJesussaid ‘youarethe lightoftheworld, letyour lightshinebefore

men,thattheymightpraiseyourfatherinheaven.’Shineyourlight isallaboutthat.

Plugging inthepower,rippingof the lampshades,shiningbrightlyanddoingallwe

cantomakeGodfamousandgoodfashionable.Wewanttoseemassivechangesinour

schools, communities, friendsand familiesandyoucan joinus. It is simple.Youcan

startmycheckingoutthechallengesonthewebsite.Clickonaclipandwatchit,then

doit.Onyourown,withyourmates,whatever,useourideas,addyourownideas,just

get stuck in. Thenext step is film it,maybe an interviewwith someone afterwards.

Don’tworryaboutthequality.Justgetitoncamera.Thenpostit.BecomeaFacebook

fan,postacommentaboutwhatyouhavedone.LoadacliponourYouTubepage.Just

makesureyoutelltheworldwhatyouhavebeenupto.Thatisit,foursimplestepsto

shineyourlightandcutthroughthedarknesswithwordsandactions.Whenyouadd

whatIamdoing,whatmyyouthgroupisdoingandwhatthousandsaredoing,maybe

millionsmore,thelightstartsgettingstrongerandtogetherwehavegotachanceto

reallymakeadifference.’

Lukepitchedin:“Oksoyougetit,right?LZ7areencouragingyouto:doit,filmit,and

post it. I’mwell up for us being a group of peoplewho just become known for the

positivewayweactinourcommunity.Anyway,toremindyou,cosImsurewehave

lookedattheseoncebeforeinCell,LZ7haveputtogetheralistofsuggestedactivities.

Iwillgetthewebpageupandmaybeyoucanexplorethemmoreinyourowntime,but

basically,whathavewegot?Iwillplayafewfirst.Whichoneshallweclickon.”

Someoneshoutedout:“Checkoutchat”Thevideoplayed:

“Checkoutchat.Notonlydotheyhavetowearthatuglyuniformandanametag.But

mostofthepeoplethattalktothemjustgruntorgroan.Givethemasmile,askthem

howtheyaredoing.Makethatcheckoutgirlorburgerblokesday.”

200

Figure1.2:ShineYourLightCampaignCredit:TheMessageTrust.

Martin,oneoftheregularsatCellshoutedout:‘Whatyoumean,talktothePakiinthe

shop.Nothanks!’

Lukewasquicktoreply,clearlynotwantingtogetofftrackandstartoneoftheusual

conversations that is vindictive against the local convenience store assistant: “Yeah,

chattohim,askhimhowhisdaywas.HowmanytimeshaveIbeeninthatstorewhen

oneofyoufornoreasonisjustgivinghimslack.Thisisabouttakingthetimetotalkto

him.Don’tjustgetwhatsweetsyouwantandgetoutofthere.

“Nothanks!”Martinreplied.

Lukecontinued:“Anyway,so,next:HangoutwithGran”.Lukeclickedtheshortvideo:

“HangwithGran,itmightbeyourGran,itmightbesomeoneelse's.Heyitmighteven

be a granddad. Play scrabble or teach them to text. Hanging out with another

201

generationrocksorfoxtrots,orwhateveritisoldpeopleareinto.”

“Prettyselfexplanatory”Luke insistedbeforehecontinued: “What Iwantyou todo

withacoupleofmatesyoursittingwithiscomeupwithaplanofwhichoneyouare

goingtoencourageeachothertodo.Thereisawholelist,Iwillleaveitupontheweb,

justcomeupandclickthevideooftheoneyouwanttoseeandthengetplanning.We

willwatchthevideoofLZ7’ssingleinaminute.“

Groupsbegantochatamongstthemselves;ladsatthebackcalledouttosomeonenear

the front to click the ‘BlessaBobby’ video.Amidst thebuildingnoise thevideo clip

played:

“Blessabobby.Itisnoteasyworkingforthepolice.Peopleswearatyou,punchyou,

butthepoliceputalotofeffortintokeepingussafe.Buysomechocolates,athankyou

cardanddropthemroundatyourlocalcopshop.”

Luke interjected again: “That’s a great one. Has anyone ever said thank‐you to

AmandaforgettingthefundingtogetherforWednesdaynightfootball?”Wewouldnot

havebeenabletodothatwithouther.

Thegroupscarriedon,smalltalkaboutfootballechoedaroundtheroom.Lukeasked

me and the two other volunteers to work with a group each to come to the point

wheretheyhaddecidedonasuitabletask.Mygroupneededlittleprompting,having

asked themwhichone theyhad chosen todo theyexplained theyweregoing todo

‘letters to legends’.Mark, theyoungestof thegroupenthusiastically toldme thathe

wasgoingtowritealettertoBobbywhorantheboxingclub.““Heisatruelegend”

Markannounced. Iencouragedthemtodraft their letters, the teacher inmecoming

out,IcheckedeveryonehadapenandsomepaperthatLukehadgotustohandout.I

askedMarkalittlemoreabouthisboxingclub.Othergroupsmeanwhilewereeither

writingonpaper,filmingthemselvesgivingeachotherhugsorjustplayingwiththeir

Camera phones. I caught Lauren, one of the Eden volunteers, chatting to her group

202

about the ‘forgive and forget’ task. Luke was nowmaking himself a piece of toast

havinghandedafewpiecesouttohisgroup.Soonallgroupshavinggotsomewherein

their planning or execution of which goodwill gesture theywere going to embark

upon,Lukefelt itwastimeheplayedtheLZ7single.Nearlyeveryone listenedwhile

they chatted, planned, or just goofed around. The song was set in the streets of

Manchester,scenesofayoung ladclimbingatowerblockstairswereedited inwith

thebandsingingthesong,ayoungmanperforming,snippetsofayoungmumbeing

comforted by friends on a park bench and an older lady opening the door to be

greeted by the youngmanwith a glass bottle ofmilk. The hip‐hop lyrics held the

videotogether.IknewsomeofthesonglyricswellfromtheHollywoodfilmSisterAct.

Originally composedbyHarryDixon in the1920s the lyrics from ‘this little light of

mine’hadbeenadaptedbyLZ7butthefamiliarchorusremainedthesame.Therewas

somethingresonantbetweenthecontemporaryrenditionby theChristianbandLZ7

andtheversionbySamCooke,FannieLouHamerandotherswhosungitasaprotest

songduring thecivil rightsmovement.LZ7hadclearlywanted toportray that their

motivationtomakeapositivedifferenceintheworldcamefromtheirChristianfaith

andthevideo’spurposeseemedtobeaboutencouragingyoungpeopletopartakein

similargoodwillgestures.Astheshineyourlightcampaignwebsitestatedtherelease

ofthisvideowasabout‘makinggoodfashionableandGodfamous’(SYL,2012).

Inrecentyearsnotionsofyouthcitizenshiphavebecomeconceivedofasbeingmore

thanjustactiveparticipationinlegalandpoliticalcivicframeworks(Halletal,1999).

Citizenshipamongyoungpeoplehasbecomeworkedupthroughpoliticalprocessesto

beaboutcompetency,responsibilityandactive(community)participation(Halletal,

1999).Thispoliticalprocesshasbeenmostprominentthroughtheintroductionofa

Citizenship curriculum in secondary schools across England in 2002. Pykett (2007;

2009; 2010) has carefully analyzed this political process and its pedagogical

outworking in different school spaces. Pykett (2007) has questioned how the Crick

report, the main policy behind the introduction of the Citizenship curriculum, is a

productive piece of governmental technology in the formation and governance of

citizen‐subjects and whether, considering poststructural theory, such

conceptionalisationsofeducation,citizenshipandthepolitical,areadequatelybroad

203

enough.Furthermore,complicatingtheideaofcitizenshipineducationfurther,Pykett

(2010)hasarguedthatthepedagogicalperformanceofteachingcitizenshipinschools

iscomplexandfulloftensions,accordinglyshehasalsoarguedthatcitizenshiphasto

be understood to be outworked differently in different place‐based school contexts

dependingonclassandsocialdifferences(2009).

Beyond the classroom, spaces of informal education have also been scrutinized for

how recent governmental notions of citizenship have been put to work in youth

provision. Many of these scholarly interventions (see Smith, et al. 2005; Hall et al.

1999) have critically evaluated the value of current governmental andpolicy based

understandingsoftheyoungcitizentoarguethatconsideringthepotentialofinformal

educationasspaceofencouragingcitizenryactionsandvirtues(seePackman,2008;

Hall et al. 2000), current conceptualizations are inadequate and narrow‐minded.

Considering citizenship‐as‐practice, Lawy and Biesta (2006) have argued that

rethinkingyouthcitizenshipasapracticedprocessreworkscurrentunderstandingsof

citizenship to be reordered around workwith young people rather than on young

people. In this vein notions of citizenship are understood to bemore inclusive and

relational.

SteppingbackfromtheethnographicpiecepresentedinthevignetteaboveontheLZ7

campaign, I want to draw out various points from this performance of Luke

encouraging the young people present to ‘embrace doing good stuff’. From this

ethnographicvignetteseveralpointscanbesaidaboutthenatureoftheCellgroupon

the estate and how through the space of the Cell group certain citizenry ethics are

encouraged. Making this argument and illustrating it with reference to this one

eveningatCellgivesaclearpictureofhowthespaceofCellcannotjustbeenvisaged

as a ‘evangelistic space’ but how throughLuke’s ongoingwork alongside the young

people the space is productive of both a tacit and an explicit encouragement of

everydayvirtuousliving. Tacitlythespaceofcellwasproductiveofcertainvirtuous

and citizenry ethics through play in and beyond the Eden office, through relational

encountersbetweenEdenvolunteersandyoungpeopleandintheencouragementof

particular attitudes and ways of relating to other young people attending the Cell

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Group. Similar to the argumentmade in the first section of this chapter on drop‐in

spaces, volunteers and Eden staff accommodated the young people through being

hospitable and open. Listening, responding and building relationships with young

people that attended the group. In comparison to the drop‐in group however the

nature of the Cell group and its explicit Christian stance meant that sometimes

workshops, discussions or presentations were given and explicit citizenry ways of

being and relating encouraged and these were linked into the Christian faith. The

eveningdescribedaboveillustratesthisquiteclearly.

InthesecondethnographicvignetteitisclearthatLuke’shopewasthatthecollection

of young people attending the Cell group would be a group of young people who

becameknownforthepositivewayinwhichtheyactedintheircommunity.Hewas

certainthattheyhad‘achancetoreallymakeadifference’.AskingLukeaftertheclub

whyhechosetousetheLZ7campaignheexplained:

“WellfirstlytheCellgroupconnectwithLZ7,theyhaveseentheminconcertin

Manchester and they really liked them. And you know, young people around

here are repeatedly told they are doing the wrong thing, being anti‐social,

causing problems, and instead, I think this campaign goes about it a different

way.It’snotaboutthenegativestories,thewaggingthefinger.Plainandsimple

it’s about suggesting a few fun everyday ways of making a difference in our

community.Little tasks,notmassive things, just small considerations,but they

addup.”

Luke chose to use the campaign in the Cell group for two main reasons. Firstly

because he felt the young people in the group would connect with the band LZ7,

havingseenthemperforminManchester.Secondly,andmostimportantly,becauseit

presented Luke with a campaign that emphasized the positive potential of young

peopleanddidnotpresentamoralized‘waggingofthefinger’,oranegativeaccount

ofyoungpeoplethatlabelsthemas‘anti‐social’and‘causingproblems’.Thisdifferent

approachwassomethingLukesawnotaspartofcorrectingyoungpeoplewholived

on the estate but of encouraging them. As the campaign focused on ‘small

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considerations’ Luke envisaged the campaignwouldbeboth fun and effective:with

smallactsthat‘addup’.

The LZ7 campaign encouraged Cell group participants to undertake small acts of

consideration forothers in community.Theexamples that thecampaigndrewupon

promotedactsofgratitude,generosityandempathy.Someoftheexamplespromoted

by the campaign encouraged young people to reflexively consider the position of

othersintheirvocationalroles,bethisasapolicemanoracheckoutassistant.Inthese

everyday encounters with others the campaign encouraged young people to

empathisewithtasksandthereceptiontheseothersreceivedonaday‐to‐daybasis.

Forexample,encounteringthecheckoutassistantthecampaignencouragedtheyoung

people to gobeyond thenormof consumerbehaviour, acknowledging the checkout

assistantasanotherperson,smiling, interactingandactingwithconsideration.Luke

drewuponthisexampletochallengeandencouragetheyoungpeopletostepbeyond

normativeinteractionswiththelocalPakistanishopassistant.Inotherexamples,the

youngpeople inCellwereencouraged through the campaign to consider those that

hadpositivelyinfluencedthem,writing‘letterstolegends’.MyinteractionswithMark

in the vignette illustrate how suitable this task was for a number of young people

positively influenced by key individuals in the community. Turning feelings of

gratitudeintosmallactsofwrittenencouragementwasawayofdrawingoutofyoung

people like Mark the gratitude they held for people like Bobby, the boxing club

organizer. Similarly, Luke’s comments about the input of the local PSCOAmanda in

findingthefundingfortheweeklyfootballclubhighlightedtothegrouptheinputof

others in the local community. Encouraging the young people tomake connections

betweentheirownlivesandthelivesofotherswasabigpartoftheCellgroup’stask.

In drawing out connections between self and other this campaign promoted an

awarenessandanactiveengagementwithothers thatwasbaseduponencouraging

Cell groupparticipants to embody certain virtues: being kind, being thankful, being

considerateandsoon.Luke’suseofthiscampaignturnedthespaceofCellintoaplace

ofencouragingandpromotingwaysofrelatingthathadpositivecitizenryimplications

for how the local young people lived and interacted with others in the local

community. Rather than envisaging the Cell participants as empty immoral young‐

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subjectsinneedofbeingfilled,orbanked,withknowledgeofwhatisgood(seeFiere,

1993)theuseofthiscampaigninCellstartsfromthepointofconsideringtheimplicit

potentialwithintheyoungpeopletoenactandembodycitizenryperformanceswith

othersinthelocalcommunity.Comparingthistotheanalysisformulatedaroundthe

first vignette this analysis illustrates quite clearly how Cell was built around a co‐

constitutionofbothevangelisticandcitizenryperfomances.Movingnowtoconsider

friendshipsbuiltbetweenEdenvolunteers,staffworkersandotherlocalresidentsitis

clearthatamixofevangelisticandcitizenrymotivationsalsoplayamajorpartinthe

makeupofthesefriendships.

Neighbourlyrelations:Friendshipwithamotive?

In chapter four the analysis of Eden/SA614UK staff and volunteer’s biographic

narratives illustrated how the original evangelistic expectations of staff and

volunteershadbeenreshapedthroughtheirongoingparticipationandserviceinthe

local community. Looking at two particular friendships it is clear that these same

original expectations played a key role inmotivating Eden/SA614UK volunteers to

initiallybuildfriendshipswithlocalneighbours.

Interviewing Rebecca about her friendship with a local neighbour, Julie, Rebecca

made it clear that when she first moved onto the estate her reason for becoming

friendswith Juliewas in the hope that Juliemight ‘become a Christian’. Julie lived

opposite Rebecca and together with three other female Eden volunteers Rebecca

explained that she often prayed for Julie. Rebecca explained that during the first

coupleofyearsofgettingtoknowJulieshewasgoingthroughadivorceandRebecca

had felt concerned for Julie’swellbeing. Julie’s thenhusbandhad specialneeds and

Julie was his sole carer. As well as praying for Julie’s impending divorce and her

wellbeingthegroupofvolunteersoftenprayedthatJuliewouldbecomeaChristian.

Rebecca explained in the interview that Julie was something of a ‘guardian of the

street’andRebeccamadeitclearthatprayingforJulietobecomeaChristianwasin

the hope that there would be a ‘break through’ in the rest of the street. Rebecca

explained that because of Julie’s social status on the street, Julie’s ‘acceptance of

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Christ’wouldhopefullyresultinanattitudeshiftintherestofthestreet.

Criticallyexaminingthedynamicsoftheearlystagesofthisfriendshipitisclearthat

Rebeccaoriginallyhadcertainevangelistic intentionswithher friendshipwithJulie.

WhileRebeccaexpressedconcernandcareaboutJulieasshewasgoingthroughher

divorce, this friendship came with certain strings‐attached. Rebecca went on to

explain in the interview that her hopewas that Juliewould start attending church

withheroncetheirfriendshiphaddeveloped.RebeccainvitedJulietoattendoneof

theEden/614UK’sSundaygatheringsandsheacceptedtheinvitation.However,Julie

madeitcleartoRebeccathat‘itwasnotforher’.IntheinterviewRebeccaexpressed

her frustration that she felt a number of other Eden/SA614UK volunteers had

perhapscomeacrosstoooverbearingandattimesrude. Questioningheraboutthe

current status of their friendshipRebecca explained that she had just undergone a

significantturningpointinherfriendshipwithJulie.Rebeccafeltsheneededtoletgo

ofherevangelisticexpectationtoseeJuliebecomeaChristianandjustbefriendswith

no expectations. Struggling to manage this change in expectations Rebecca was

struggling to re‐balance the friendship. ‘Easing off on the church bit’ meant that

Rebecca had to rework how andwhy theywere friends. Rebecca explained in the

interviewthatalargepartofherfrustrationwasthatthefriendshipfeltconsiderably

one‐way:

“myissuewithbeingfriendswithJulieisthatnowitisstillalwaysmehavingto

gotoher,andtherewillbetimeswhenIamgoing,Iamimposingonher,there

willbetimeswhenIamlikeIhaven’tseenherforages,Imustgoround,Ican’t

quitework out the balance, summer times are best cos she is usually out the

front smoking so I tend to see her more in the summer, and then feel

embarrassed,italwaysbeingmewhoinitiatesit.”

As well as reflecting on how the friendship felt quite imbalanced Rebecca also

explainedthatshehadtocometotermswithwhatshehadtoofferinthefriendship:

“IhavegotpastthepointthatanyconversationIhaveisactuallygoingtomake

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themaChristian.It’sbeenhard,IwouldhavelovedJulietoattendchurch,feel

accepted,andgrowinfaith,butthathasnothappened.NowIjusthavetothink

ofitdifferently.I’dratherbeapeoplepersonandgettoknowherasaperson;I

justwant tobe there forher.Bea listeningear,haveacupof tea, thatsortof

thing.”

Rebecca’soriginalviewof the friendshipwasclearlybuiltuponcertainevangelistic

expectationsandRebeccahadhadtodealwiththerealityofJulienotshowingmuch

of an interest in the Christian faith. Interestingly, coming to terms with what the

friendshiphadnot led to,Rebeccahadbeguntore‐envisagethe friendshipasbeing

more about support and presence, something she felt was one of her natural

strengthsasapeopleperson.Thisre‐negotiationofexpectationswassomethingthat

hadalsofacedRobert.

RoberthadfirstmetTristanattheEden/SA614UKyoungdrop‐inclub.Robertwasa

music teacherataschool inSouthManchesterbut livedon theestatewithhiswife

Toni. Theywerebothregularvolunteersatthedrop‐inclubandaccordingtoother

Eden/SA614UKstaffandvolunteersTristanhadgrownclosetoRobertandhiswife

Toni. Tristan had a passion formusic and as a horn player Robert offered to give

Tristan free tuition on the trumpet. Robert explained in an interview his original

thoughtsonthefriendship:

“GettingtoknowTristanatthedrop‐inclubwejustclicked,hewasgoodlad,no

issues really and we both had a common connection through music. Quite

quicklyitbecameobviousthatifanyonewasgoingtomentorTristanIguessthe

teamfeltIwasmostsuitedtothejob.Tristanwasaprettyregularattendeeat

Cell and seemedkeen to learnabout theChristian faith. I suggested toGareth

that I did somemusic coachingwith Tristan as away of building a bridge to

sharemy faith. In thoseearlydays Iwascertainhehaddevelopeda faith, I’m

sure itwasaprettynewonebuthealwaysrespondedprettypositively to the

discussionswehad aboutGod and Jesus in ‘Cell’. Tristanused to come to the

Eden office after school on a Thursday and I would teach him the basics of

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Trumpet.Itwasgreat.HecontinuedtocometoDrop‐inandCell;heevenstarted

attending theSundaygatheringwitha small groupof lads fromCell. I started

doing this mentoring programme organized through the Message Trust and

Tristan went from strength to strength with his Christian faith. Then he

suddenlylostinterest.”

Robertwaskeentousemusictobuilda‘bridge’withTristanandhesawthis‘bridge’

asagoodopportunitythroughwhichhecouldsharehisfaith.Astheinterviewextract

illustrates, Robert felt Tristanwasmaking lots of progresswith his Christian faith

untilhesuddenly lost interest.Similar to the friendshipbetweenRebeccaand Julie,

Robert’s friendship with Tristan has certain parallels. There was clearly certain

intentionalityinthefriendship. Thisfriendshipwasbuiltonthehopethatengaging

Tristan through music would hopefully provide a bridge for faith to be

evangelisticallysharedandencouraged.Robertclearlyplacedalotofexpectationon

TristanshowinganinterestintheChristianfaith;attendingtheChristiandiscussion

groupandtheSundaygathering.QuestioningRobertabouthowthingschangedwhen

TristanlostinterestRobertexplained:

“Tristanhad really fallen in lovewithplaying trumpet. Itwasnot thathe just

gaveuptheinstrumentlikesomanyotheryoungpeopledowithmusic.Itwas

hisinterestinChristianity.HejusttotallystoppedattendingtheCellgroupand

didn’twant to knowwhen it came to thementoring scheme. I can’t placemy

finger on it. He would occasionally come to the drop‐in club if we had an

organised outing but would never be at the Sunday gathering. It was a bit

difficultatfirst,allthesuddenchanges.Ididnotknowreallyhowtodealwithit.

IntheendwearrangedtocarryonwiththeTrumpetlessonsashewastotally

keenbutIgaugedthattalkingaboutGodandJesusjustbecameanogo.’

Thedynamicsandpurposeof friendshipbetweenRobertandTristanhad to totally

changewhenTristanlostinterestinChristianity.FromRobert’spointofviewtalking

aboutChristianityandfaithwerenolongereasysubjectstobringupwithTristan.In

Robert’sexperiencethismadetheirfriendshipdifficulttodealwithatfirst.Asmuch

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of Robert’s time and energy had gone into supporting Tristan as he explored the

Christianfaith,suddenlyrelinquishingallinterestleftRobertfeelinguncertainofhow

to progresswith the friendship. Asking Robertwhat had become of the friendship

since Tristan had stepped back from showing an interest in Christianity Robert

explained:

“It’s actuallyworkedout reallywell and thingshave settled intoplace. I have

hadtolearntoadjustwhattoexpectandnotwhattoexpect.Iguessamassive

part of it is that as much as possible I have had to learn to come to this

friendshipwithoutanagenda.ImeanIwouldloveTristantobefullyinvolvedin

Eden;comingtochurchandgrowinginfaith,butattheendofthedayIstillget

theopportunitytohangoutwithhimandinputintohislifehowIcanthrough

themusiclessons,soIguessthatisareallypositivething.’

Roberthasclearlyhadtore‐adjusthisexpectationsofthefriendship.Andalthoughhe

stilldesires toseeTristangrowin faithandbe fully involved inEden, likeRebecca,

Roberthasrealizedthatthereisstillasignificantplaceforfriendshipbeyondonethat

comeswithparticularevangelisticexpectations.

Negotiatingthecomplexitiesofbeingbothaserviceproviderandneighbour.

Living inoneof themost renowned ‘problemspots’ of the estate, known locally as

‘the Spur’, Hannah’s focus became how she could improve both the feel and the

reputationofthearea.HannahlivedwithNatanotherEdenvolunteerandafewdoors

down, Tom and Ruth, Eden volunteers and Hope Citadel health practice staff also

lived on the corner of ‘the Spur’. On the estate ‘the Spur’ was perceived as where

many of the ‘problem families’ lived. The local housing association community

developmentofficer,Trudy,hadtoldmeinaninterviewhowshewasquitesurprised

to initiallyhear that these fourvolunteershadspecificallywanted torenthomes in

whatshedescribedasthe‘toughestspot’ontheestate:

“When they first got here Eden came tome and said that some of their new

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volunteerswanted tobeplaced in themore troubledareasof theestateand I

said thatVillages (the housing association)were happy to oblige. Actuallywe

were quite taken a back; anyway, we suggested they use a couple of empty

housesontheSpur.Thespurwasrenownedthenforanti‐socialbehaviour:drug

dealing,andwehadaparticularproblemwithafew‘problemfamilies’.Thishas

improved since thepolicehave targeted crimeand criminal behaviour in that

squarebutitstillhasthereputation,whetherornotitdeservesit.”

BythetimeIarrivedonFittonHilltoundertakemyresearch,Hannahandtheother

volunteerslivingontheSpurhadbeenthereforfiveyearsandhadmadeanumberof

significant friendships. In some cases however getting to know local neighbours

throughtheremitofEdenactivitiescamewithcertaindisappointments.Thiswasthe

case with Hannah and a teenager called Tracy who lived two doors down on ‘the

Spur’. Hannah was disappointed with how the dynamics of their friendship were

perceivedaftershehadspenther free timesupportingher throughherown family

issues:

“TracyandImetwhenEdenhadarrangedacommunityhangingbasketevent.

ThreesummersagothoseofusfromEdenwholivedontheSpurdecidedthat

we could get the local residents together by painting the fence along the

pathwaythat leads throughto theothersideof theestate. I cameupwith the

idea that we all make hanging baskets as well, we got some funding from

somewhere for this.Anyway, that’swhen ImetTracy and she started coming

alongtotheoddEdenevent,nothingexplicitlyChristian justthedrop‐inclubs

andtheoddsummerholidayevent.Wereallygotonwell,andthenherdadgot

summonedtocourtandstuff forrobbery,soIagreedtogivethemalifttothe

courtsandback.AfterhewasjailedIusedtodrivehertotheprisonforfamily

visits. Thiswent on for somemonths andwe really got to share each other’s

liveswitheachother,itwasprettyhardforherhavingherdadinprisonandher

mum is an alcoholic. But, anyway that’s when I felt gutted, one day she

introducedmetoafriendofhersandwaslike:‘oh,Sharron,thisisHannah;she

iskindofmysocialworker.”

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Coming into contactwith local residents under the banner of ‘Eden’ had particular

connotations forHannah.Hannahviewedthedevelopmentof friendshipwithTracy

assomewhatdidactic,sharingaspectsofeachother’slives.Howevertheintroduction

of Hannah to one of Tracy’s contemporaries as ‘kind of my social worker’ made

Hannah realise, disappointingly, that she was considered more as a ‘professional

person’whocaredforTracy,thansimplyanotherlocalresidentcaringforTracy.As

wellasdepictingsomethingoftheassumedpowerrelationsintrinsicintheseactsof

care, this response from Tracy interestingly indicates as much as it does about

perceived networks of care on the estate as it does about the actual relationship

betweenHannahandTracy.Professionalised relationsof careareembedded in the

social landscapes of ‘marginal estates’ and the increasedmoralisation of ‘marginal

neighbourhoods’ through the enactmentof contemporary governmental policy (see

Ward, 2011) hasmeant that both statutory and voluntary servicesmap onto such

spacesrelationsofcarethatarestructureduponconventionalwelfarenotionsofcare

performedby‘caringprofessional’to‘localclient’.Thearrayofservicesforparticular

marginal populations means that public sector care agencies like social services,

statutory youth provision, children’s centres and community centres, ascribe these

placeswith particular structures and relations of care. These ascribed networks of

care,whetherintentionalornot,arequicklymappedontoothervoluntarycommunity

basedorganizations, staffandvolunteers.Thishadconsequences for thewayTracy

viewedherfriendshipwithHannah.Whilewantingtoperformdifferently,caringfor

others incommunity fromthegroundedperspectiveofa localneighbour,Hannah’s

supportandfriendshipwithTracywasassumedtobesomethingdoneoutofasense

of professional obligation rather than as a personally motivated performance of

ordinaryethicsinextraordinarycircumstances(Clokeetal,2007)).

Duringmyethnographicplacementitbecameclearthatmanyofthelocalresidents

viewedstaffandvolunteersofEdenaspartofanagencyratherthanpurelyaslocal

neighbours forged together under the banner of a faith community. The lexicon of

‘Eden’wasusedbylocalresidentstodescribeasetofservicesratherthanacollection

offaithmotivatedpeoplewholivedinthecommunitywhohappenedtorunseveral

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servicesforotherneighbours.Althoughonfirstconsiderationthismightappearjusta

pragmaticlabeling,bytheendofmyplacementvolunteeringforEdenitbecameclear

that ‘Eden’ was used either to describe a set of youth services or to describe the

churchmeetings.Acceptingthislabelandalltheconnotationsitimpliedwasclearly

anuncomfortable reality for certainvolunteersandstaff trying tobuild friendships

withothersontheestate.Hannahillustratedthispointsuccinctly:

“Iguess that is thedifficultywithEden is thatyouarenever justaneighbour,

you know, like a friend or something you are always associated with an

organisation,notthatEdenisabadbadgetohaveatallhereontheestate, its

well respectedand, like, its just that I feel reallydisappointed thatTracydoes

not seemeas just a friendhelpingout someonewhocares forherand loves

her.”

CrucialtohowHannahwishedthedynamicsunveiledbetweenherandTracywasthe

notionof‘justafriend’,howeverthiswascontradictedonmanyoccasionsbytheway

thatEdenwasviewedinlinewithotherorganisationsandagencies‘seekingtohelp’.

While Eden/SA614UK was ideologically built on notions of ‘being‐alongside’ and

‘mutuality’,wherebydistinctionsbetweenselfandotherintheneighbourhoodwere

ideallynotarrangearoundprovider‐receiverorclient‐professional,sometimessome

of these assumed power relations were inescapable. Interviewing several young

people about their relationshipswithEdenvolunteers and staff itwas clear that in

some cases the young people viewed the relationships as having clear distinctions

fromotherlocalneighboursontheestate.Inanumberofcasesyoungpeoplereferred

toEden/SA614UKvolunteersandstaff as ‘the team’, and inoneparticular instance

questioning one young person about his friendship with Luke, the Eden youth

worker, it was clear that he saw Luke as similar to his school teacher and

distinguished between youth workers and other neighbours explaining that ‘Luke

waspaidto liveontheestate’.However, interviewingother localneighbours itwas

clearthatsomeresidentsdidnotmakeanyobviousdistinctionnordidtheyappearto

comprehend of Eden volunteers and staff as different or in anyway superior or of

differentstatustothemselves.ThiswasclearlythecasewithSusanandNicolawhoin

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theirownviewspokehighlyoftheEdenvolunteerstheygottoknowasfriendsonthe

estate,especiallyAndrew.

Lendingahand,listeningandhelpingout:Generosityandself­transformation.

InterviewingSusanaboutherfriendshipwithAndrewitwasclearthatAndrewwasa

supportive and key figure in her life. Susan explained that on several occasions

Andrew had volunteered to get a team together to clear out the gardens and that

Andrew and a friend had re‐painted her kitchen. She also gave an account of how

Andrew had used his contactswith thewider Salvation Army to help organise for

somesecondhandfurnituretobedonatedanddeliveredtoherhouse. Questioning

Susanonherexperienceofthe‘Christianbit’Susanexplainedthatshewasmorethan

happy to discuss different views on God and that ‘being such a kind youngman it

obviousAndrew’sfaithprovideshimwithagoodbitofgetupandgo’.

LivingwithAndrewIsoonlearntthatheregularlyhelpedSusan.Hehadaccompanied

her tocourtseveral timeswhenshewas trying togetcustodyofhergrandson.He

would regularly receive phone calls asking for advice, a listening ear or prayer.

Andrewexplained that inhiseyes itwas justaboutbeing there forSusan,however

frustratingitsometimeswas:

“IregularlygetphonecallsfromSusan.Susanhaslivedontheestateallherlife

andhashadtolivewithanumberofchallengesallherlife.HerSon’sfatheris

extremely abusive and for a long time Susan was hated on the estate for

marrying a Pakistani man. You have got to remember this is a very white

workingclassestateandracismstillrunsdeepthroughitsveins.Anyway,since

Susan’shusbanddeathshehasfoundthingstough.EveryoneknowsSusanbut

shestillhasherdowndays.It’sjustphonecallscanbereally,really,long.Imean

really long. I’ve been phoned up in themiddle of the night to pray for some

distantrelativeIhaveneverheardoformet.Butcaringforhermeanslistening

andrespondingtoherrequests,evenifIimmediatelyfeellikeputtingthephone

downornotanswering. Ineed toknowmyownweakness; I’m impatientand

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cangetgrumpy.It’sastretchbutthatislovingothers;it’sastretch.”

InmanywaysAndrew’s view epitomizes and representsmany of the relationships

between Eden volunteers and Staff and other local neighbours. Andrew’s

understanding of loving others is something that involves a ‘stretch’. Seeking to go

beyond what comes naturally to Eden Volunteers like Andrew was a big part of

enacting friendship with others on the estate. Self‐other relationships were

intentionallybuiltuponarelational ‘stretch’,andengagingandperformingtasks for

and with others to meet their immediate need was often provoked by an initial

affective encounter and reworked through the exposure of being alongside and

journeyinginfriendship.

Acknowledging his own inability to constantly feel able orwilling to help, Andrew

subsequently moves from a position of ‘self‐positing subjectivity’ to a position of

‘exposure’(Zizek,2005,pg138).Havingbeen‘exposed’bythedemandofthe‘other’

Andrew’s awareness of his own limitations becomes a positive condition. As Zizek

argues,‘thismutualrecognitionoflimitationthusopensupaspaceofsocialitythatis

the solidarity of the vulnerable’ (2005, pg 138). Rather than being a strong and

continually competent individual able to help at any turn or time, Andrews own

reflexiveadmissionofhisownfallibilityenablesthis‘stretch’tohappen.

LivingwithAndrewheexplainedthathehadlearntalotfrombecomingfriendswith

Susan.This learningprocesshadextendedtohowheviewedandmadesenseofhis

owntheology.OneeveningAndrewtoldmeaboutan incidentwithSusanearlier in

theyear:

“IgotaveryflusteredphonecallfromSusanoneevening.Iwasshattered.Ihad

hadalongdayatUniversityandthelastthingIwantedtohavetodowastobe

on thephone to Susan. Susan toldmeverydirectly that I had topray for her

‘cousin’ssoninlaw’ssomeoneorother’.Itwasridiculous,Ihadnoideawhoshe

was talking about but she continued to explain that I needed to pray for him

becausehewasveryillandneededtohaveaheartoperation,buttheycan’tdoit

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whereheisatthemoment.Withoutshesaidhe’ddie.Ihadhadsomanyprayer

requests that week from Susan and I was feeling a bit like ‘oh Yeah ok’. We

prayedonthephoneandhalfwaythroughtheprayershetoldmeshehadtogo.

She later rang me back and said ‘ they’re scrambling the air ambulance and

flyinghimtoNewcastle,they’regoingtooperatetoday.You’vegotaline!.’Iwas

reallysurprised.Ididn’texpectanairambulanceandIdidnotexpectaninstant

solution. God had challengedme through the faith of someone I thought had

very littleunderstandingofwhoGodwas,but said ‘weshouldpray’. Shewas

right!ThisinstanttaughtmetoacknowledgethatGodcaresaboutallofus,even

someoneIhavenevermet.God ispowerful.Hehas fargreaterresources than

the air ambulance at his disposal! God cares enough to answer our prayers.

MaybeSusanknewmoreaboutGodthanIthoughtshedid,shedidnothavea

fully formed theology and she still has a lot to learn about God. But this

remindedmesodoI.Iamstillgrowingandchanging.’

AstheshortaccountfromAndrewillustrates,hisfriendshipwithSusanhadnotonly

taughthimthathehadanumberofpersonallimitationsandweaknesses,butthathis

own theological assumptions and conclusions were not always right. Andrew’s

friendship with Susan was didactically shaping his theology; particularly his

understanding of prayer and God’s unbounded care for others, even distant and

unknownothers. In living alongside Susan, being there to hear and respond to her

ownjoysandtrials,somethingofAndrewwaschanged.Inthiscoming‘facetoface’a

‘dancebegins’:aninterplaybetweentheself’sandtheother’sconflicts(Brewin,2010,

170). To emphasise with Susan, Andrew had to look on her with compassion and

attempttoseehimselffromherperspective(Brewin,2010).Followingthethoughts

of Brewin (2010) in melding together both a Levinasian and a Zizekian approach,

Andrewsencounterswereaboutacknowledgingthatthe‘other’,Susan,hada‘face’;a

particularity,andyetalsohebegantoacknowledgethatlikeSusan,hewasvulnerable

andincomplete.BeingopentothevulnerabilityoftheseencounterswithSusanand

facinguptoherparticularity,somethingofAndrew’sownselfwasdrawnintoaspace

ofenigmatictension.Livingamongstparticularsocio‐economicneedAndrewbecame

moreawareofhisownneedasheexplainedoverdinneronenight:

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“Ihavequitesignificantdyspraxia,andwhenIget tiredInotice itmoreand it

effectsmylifemore:Imakeamesseating;Igetmoreimpatientwithmyselfand

others;Ihaveatendencytotriporfall.Ihavetoreallymanagemysleepandmy

routine. I have my own querks and quarms and, you know, getting to know

Susanhasbeennodifferent.Shehassomeinfuriatinghabitsanddemands,she

canbereallypushywithyou,butIamnobetter.Itakeoutmyownfrustration

on others around the neighbourhood. I can get easily frustrated with certain

youngpeopleat thedrop‐inclubandI loosemyrag.Living inthiscommunity

andrubbingshoulderswithothershasmadememoreawareofmyownissues

andhowdependentonGodIam.’

Conclusion:

Thischapterhascriticallyexaminedhow‘livingamongst’leddifferentvolunteersand

staff of Eden/SA614UK to engage with a number of very different arenas of local

communitylife.InthecaseofthisoneparticularFBOcasestudy,whatemergedoutof

adoptingan‘incarnational’approachwasbothaseriesofinvolvementsinpublicand

voluntarywelfareprovision.Beyond this, the ‘incarnational’approachalso led toan

involvementinthelivesoflocalresidentsthroughneighbourhoodfriendshipsand,in

the case of young people, a Christian youth club. The overall argument that has

emerged fromthischapter is thatwhileeachof thesearenasofengagementareco‐

constituteddifferently,withineacharena the involvementof staffandvolunteersof

Eden/SA614UKhas led to several significant contributions. These contributions are

evidence of how the praxis of ‘living amongst’ might be considered as an ethical

landscape. Attending critically to the involvement of Eden/SA614UK staff and

volunteers across and beyond the local voluntary and public sector highlights the

nuancedandcomplexnatureof‘incarnationalgeographies’.Faithwasperformedand

constitutedinnumerouswaysindifferentspatialsettingsandthemixofactorsmeant

that self‐other relations were assembled differently across this spectrum. Having

examinedthisvariationthereareseveralconclusionstomake.

218

The first conclusion tomake is that ‘livingamongst’ led toagap inyouthprovision

beingfilled.However,moreimportantly,theinvolvementofEden/SA614UKinsetting

upandrunningayouthdrop‐inclubfor11‐14yearoldlocalresidentsopenedupthe

opportunityfortheperformativeemergenceofaspaceofcareandhospitalityonthe

estate. Turning to analyse the performative way this particular drop‐in space was

relationally assembled it was clear that the varied relations, encounters and

negotiationsthatconstitutedthedrop‐inclub,ratherthanbeingaperformanceofpre‐

givenmoral tenants,was in factrelationallyassembled fromthe intersubjectiveand

co‐producednatureofrelationsthatledtotheemergenceandcultivationofparticular

ethicalsensibilities(Darling,2011).Constantactsofattendingandrespondingtothe

young people present, often including enactments of assymetrical generosity,

performatively bought a space of care and hospitality into being (see Barnett and

Land, 2007). Not only was this space of care and hospitality made explicit in the

testimonies of young people participating in the club, it was also clear in the

testimonies of other agency representatives that visited. Accordingly, the place of

drop‐in club was not simply a backdrop for caring relations (Bondi, 2003) it was

infusedwith a particular psychosocial spatial texture (Conradson, 2003) that were

translatedandfeltasopen,friendly,welcomingandpeaceful.

The second conclusion to make is that ‘living amongst’ led different individuals to

draw upon a combination of faith‐fuelled passion, local insight and personal

frustrationtobothprovideandpartnerwiththepublicsector.Incontributingtoboth

localhealthandsecondaryeducationprovisionsignificantgapswerefilled;enhancing

after‐schoolprovisionforstudentsonthevergeofexclusion,andestablishingalocal

communityhealthcentreontheestate.Ratherthan justbeingseenassimplypublic

gap fillers I argued that both these two faith‐motivated ventures led to significant

contributions.Inthecaseofthehealthcentrethiswastwo‐fold.Firstly,inresistance

toneoliberaltechniquesandrationales(seePeckandTickell,2002)theprovisionof

healthcarewascentredfirstandforemostonthelivesofpatientsaboveandbeyond

statistics. This meant a significant focus on the actual encounter with the patient,

understoodasalocalpersonfromthecommunity.Secondly,providinghealthcarefor

the communitymeanta search forbothempathywith thepatient and self‐reflexive

219

engagementswithcare‐givingselves.Thisputafocusonpersonalintegrity,character

andvirtueanditprovidedastartingpointforprogressivepostsecularpartnershipsin

the health practice as staff were valued first and foremost for their ability to keep

focusedonthelivesofthepatientsoverwhethertheyweremotivatedbyaparticular

religious faith. In the case of the secondary school this contributionwas three‐fold.

‘Livingamongst’notonlymeantLuke,theEden/SA614UKyouthworker,wasableto

initiateparticularformsofprovisionbasedonhisproximateinsight,hewasalsoable

tousehisgoodlevelofrapportwith‘hardtoreachstudents’toincreaseparticipation

and reduce gaps in knowledge of the circumstances and difficulties facing students

beyondtheschoolgate.Secondly,hisapproachandcharacterplayedasignificantpart

in encouraging the relationships between certain teachers and students to be

redefinedandredrawn; leading towaysof relating thatextendedbeyondneoliberal

agendas. Thirdly, the manner in which faith was performed and displayed in and

through the involvement of Eden staff and volunteers in the school meant that

teacherswereunperturbedandopentothefaith‐basedethosofEden/SA614UK.This

helpedtofacilitateprogressivepostsecularpartnerships(seeCloke,2010)acrossand

betweenpeopleofdifferentideologicalpositions.

Thethirdandfinalconclusiontomakeemergesfromtheanalysisoftheinvolvement

of Eden/SA614UK volunteers and staff in the local community beyond organized

publicandvoluntaryprovision.Thisfocusedontwoarenasofengagement.Inthecase

of the Cell group the analysis highlighted how, performatively speaking, the space

becameasiteofbothevangelismandthatofencouragingcitizenryrelations.Turning

ananalyticaleyetotheseperformancesofevangelismanddrawinguponanumberof

differentyoungpeoplesexperiencesitbecameclearthattheyoungpeopleinterpreted

the performance of evangelism differently. One young person found themedia clip

inspiring while others testified it was over emotional and unsettling. Critically

assessing the dynamics of these evangelistic performances it became clear that a

numberofyoungpeoplefeltthereneededtobemoretransparencywithwhetherthe

eveningwasgoingtoinvolveanexplicit‘Godslot’.Turningtoexaminehowthesame

spacecouldbeusedtoencouragecitizenryrelationstheanalysis foundthattheLZ7

campaignwasusedtoevokeandpromotecitizenrywaysofrelatingbetweenyoung

220

people attending the group and other members of the local community through

various articulated ‘good deeds’. Lastly, examining several different Christian‐

neighbour relations I have highlighted how a number of these friendships were

underpinned by evangelistic motives and imbued with unequal power relations.

However this section also illustrated how the formation of particular neighbourly

relationsinsomecasesledtothere‐shapingofbothmotivesandChristianselvesfor

theother.Holdingthesetwosetsof findings incontrastwithoneanother illustrates

thecomplexdynamicsofthesefriendshipsandhowsomeoftheseneighbourrelations

involvedmoreofagoing‐beyond‐the‐selfthanothers.

221

Chapter6:Conclusion

Thisfinalchapterprovidesaconclusiontomythesison‘incarnationalgeographies’.It

firstlydrawstogethermyresearchfindingstocommentontheircontributiontothe

overall argument of this thesis and it then critically reflects on themethodological

approach used throughout this research. This chapter ends with a number of

suggestionsonhowthisresearchmaybetakenforwardinthefuture.

Section1:Keyresearchfindings

IntheintroductiontothisthesisIpositionedmyworkwithinbothasocietalandan

academiccontext.InarratedhowBritishsocietyhasseenaresurgenceofreligionand

faithinthepublicarenaandIattributedthistobothincreasingmulticulturalismand

the increasing involvement of faith‐inspired people and organisations in public

welfare.Thewholeofthisthesishasbeenpositionedwithinthesecondofthesetwo

societal contexts. Turning to the academic context I reviewed geography’s

engagement with religion and I argued that geography’s examination of the place,

purposeandpraxisoffaith‐inspiredinvolvementinpublicwelfaredidnotsufficiently

reflect the breadth and depth of this public phenomena. I then put forward three

provocations as to why faith‐praxis in the public arena needs to be given greater

attentioningeography:firstthatfaith‐praxisisoftenpromptedandshapedbyitsown

particular theo‐ethics, second that faith‐praxi is a very real public phenomena, and

third,thatfaith‐praxisformsoneco‐constituentofemergentpostsecularlandscapes.

Themainbodyofthisthesishasaimedtoextendgeography’scurrentunderstanding

oftheinvolvementoffaithmotivatedpeopleandorganizationsinpublicwelfareand

care by focusing solely on one arena of praxis: incarnational expressions of the

Christian faith in socio‐economicallydeprivedneighbourhoods. Focussing inon this

arenaofpraxisthisthesishasproducedare‐readingof‘incarnationalgeographies’by

presenting a more complicated and nuanced picture of the nature, dynamics and

impactoftheChristianfaith‐inspiredpraxisof‘livingamongst’.

222

Questioningessentialistreadings

This argumentwas founded by questioning two overly simplistic readings of faith‐

praxisinactsofpublicwelfareandcare.Thefirstreadingthatwasquestionedwasthe

assumption that thepurposeandpresenceofChristianschoosing toembrace ‘living

amongst’ ismotivated and structuredwholly by thewill to convert and proselytize

others.Thesecondwasthatthepracticeof‘livingamongst’ispurelyaself‐moralising

process where what appears to be going‐beyond‐the‐self is properly explained as

reinventingtheself,withcharitableaffects.(Clokeetal,2005,387).Intheearlierpart

ofthisthesisthesetworeadingswerecritiquedintwoways.FirstlyIarguedthatthe

proselytisation reading does not take adequate account of the complex and diverse

ways in which faith is shared and performed. Secondly I argued that the self‐

betterment reading neglects to take account of the spectrum of how and why the

charitableandcaringself is involved inother‐focusedactsofwelfare,and that such

involvement cannot be considered in an essentialist manner; either being read as

simplyaltruisticoregotistic; self‐orientatedorother‐orientated.Thedeconstruction

of these two readings and the alternativemore complex account ofwhat, how and

whyChristiansmightembrace‘livingamongst’contributedtotheestablishmentofthe

central tenets of this thesis by developing five core questions to draw through the

ethnographicresearch.

MakingsenseoftheempiricsTheethnographicresearchonEden/614UKhasrichlycontributedtothedevelopment

ofmyre‐readingof‘incarnationalgeographies’.Anumberofthesecontributionshave

emerged from building a socio‐temporal understanding of incarnational landscapes

(chapter4)andothershaveemergedfromananalysisoftheactualperformancesand

practices of the volunteers and staff involved with Eden/614UK on Fitton Hill

(chapter 5). Although I do notwanting to repeat the actual argument of these two

chapterstherearenumberofkeypointstodrawoutinthisoverallconclusion.Similar

totheresearchofBakerandBeaumont(2011)myresearchfindingshaveemphasized

howimportantitistoacknowledgethecomplexandfluidnatureofreligiouspraxisas

itisperformedandgroundedinlocalcontexts.

223

1.Incarnationalgeographiesasprocessualanddynamic

Buildingasocio‐temporalunderstandingofincarnationalgeographiesdevelopedthis

thesis’sre‐readingbecauseitrevealedthedynamic,processualandcomplexnatureof

thefaith‐inspiredpraxisof‘livingamongst’.Fivekeyresearchfindingscontributedto

thedevelopmentofthisaspectofmyargument:

i)TherationaleandactualpracticeoftheFBOinquestionshiftedanddevelopedover

time as it adopted an incarnational approach in socio‐economic deprived

neighbourhoods.Eventhoughtheinitialadoptionofanincarnationalapproachbythe

MessageTrustandtheEdenNetworkwasclearlyasaformofevangelismthegradual

development of the network indicated how the rationale behind the incarnational

approach underwent a process of reinterpretation that included a holistic blend of

‘citizenryaction’andevangelism(GrahamandLowe,2009).

ii)Themotivation to signup to theEdennetworkasa staffmemberoravolunteer

was often a complex mix of wanting to see others come to faith and wanting to

embracetheradicalandextendedopportunitytoserveandsupportlocalcommunity.

This was illustrated through the biographic narratives, which in many cases drew

uponcomparisonsbetweenwhatothermodelsof churchhad tooffer andwhat the

‘incarnational’ approach had to offer. From this I argued that Eden/SA614UK could

thereforebeenvisagedasanorganizational ‘device’(seeBarnetetal,2010)through

which faith could be more deeply put into action for the sake of others in the

community.Ialsoarguedthatsubsequentlyinsomecasesembracinganincarnational

approachre‐enchantedfaithandbeliefasitpromptedparticipantstoreinterprettheir

ownfaiththroughamorecommunalandlessindividualisticlens.

iii) Through grounded participation alongside the local neighbourhood community

manyof the subjectivities of those ‘living amongst’ changedover time.Through the

ethnographic research I was able to illustrate how the proximate involvement of

Christiansenactingatheologyofincarnationinadeprivedneighbourhoodoftenledto

a shifts in ways of relating to others. Encountering others, being alongside and

224

figuring out how best to support local neighbours, led to the reconfiguration of

rationalesforengagement,theologies,hopesandexpectations.

iv) The practical and emotional hardship that faced volunteers and staff gave an

indicationofhowoften suchanapproachwasgrounded in a going‐beyond‐the‐self.

Exploring these emotional experiences helped ‘to create more lively and creative

accounts’ of involvement (Conradson, 2003, 1989) and it illustrated the ‘everyday

interactions, practices and feelings’ involved in the faith‐inspired praxis of ‘living

amongst’(Jupp,2008,341).

v)Thepracticalandemotionalhardshipsthatfacedvolunteersandstaffalsogavean

indicationofhowthese faith‐inspiredpracticeswere imbuedwithacomplexmixof

concerns for the self and concerns for the other. Theburnout narratives in chapter

foursupportedthisre‐readingastheyillustratedhowparticularindividualsfeltthat

theylackedpersonalsupportandmissedcertainexpressionsofchurchthatcentered

onpersonaldevelopmentandpastoralcare.Similarly,theexperiencesof‘doingEden’

provided a key illustration of how the faith‐inspired praxis of ‘living amongst’ was

imbuedwith a complexmix of self‐orientated and other‐orientated concerns as the

biographic narratives revealed the continual struggles that faced practitioners in

comingtotermswithpersonalexpectationsoftheproject’soutcomesandpurpose.

2.Incarnationalgeographiesasethicallandscapes?

Questioninghowthefaith‐inspiredpraxisof ‘livingamongst’mightbeconsideredto

be co‐constitutive of an ethical landscape has significantly extended the re‐reading

this thesismakesof incarnationalgeographies. In chapter five therewere threekey

developments that helped produce a re‐reading that went beyond the essentialist

readings founded in the proselytisation and self‐betterment debates. I will briefly

concludehoweachofthesethreedevelopmentscontributedtothethesis’sre‐reading.

225

i)Incarnationalgeographiesandarenasofengagement

Chapter five of this thesis has explored how the faith‐inspired praxis of ‘living

amongst’ has led to engagement in both voluntary and public sector local welfare

provision.Exploringtheselocalizedinvolvementsitwasclearthattheseinvolvements

ledtoseveralsignificantactsofserviceandsupportto,forandinsomecaseswith,the

localneighbourhood.Focusingonthisinvolvementillustratedanumberofkeypoints.

Firstly it illustrated how adopting an incarnational approach led to several key

individuals drawing upon a combination of faith‐fuelled passion, local insight and

personal frustrationtosee localcommunitywelfareprovisionenhanced.Secondly it

illustrated that rather than the motive of such engagements being to see others

convertedortobettertheself,theseengagementsoftenillustratedthatthemotiveof

those involvedwas to serve and transformed the local neighbourhood. Thirdly the

involvement of volunteers and staff in local community could be considered as co‐

constitutiveofanethical landscapebecause it ledtoan intentionalresistanceto the

logics of neoliberalism. In the case of the health sector this was embodied in the

searchtoput the livesofpatientsbeforestatisticaloutcomesand in theeducational

sectorthiswasepitomisedintheapproachtakenwithpupils.Fourthlyanalysinglocal

friendships between Christian‐self and neighbourly‐other illustrated that in many

cases these friendships were not built on purely other‐orientated and altruistic

motivesbutacomplexanddynamicmixofself‐interestandselflessness.

ii)Incarnationalgeographiesasperformative

Thegeneralargumentofthisthesishasalsodrawnmuchofitssubstancefromhaving

turnedacriticaleyetohowfaith‐praxisisactuallyperformed,constitutedandenacted

in the context of different local arenas. This analytical lens has complicated and

bought nuance to essentialist readings levied against incarnational geographies

because it has paid attention to how care is performed and self‐other relations

enactedinandthroughlocalspacesofprovision.

226

Thiswasclearlyillustratedinattendingtothenatureofinterrelationsbetweenstaff,

volunteersandyoungpeopleinthecontextoftheyouth‐drop‐inspace.Farfrombeing

abletointerpretthisspaceasaspaceofcoerciveproselytisationIarguedthismicro‐

publicspaceofencounterwasbetterperformativelyenvisagedasaspaceofwelcome,

care and hospitality. Self‐other relations were asymmetrically structured in and

through these performances and what emerged through this assemblage was the

cultivation of ethical sensibilities that valued moments of generosity and open

engagementswithdifference(seeDarling,2010).Triangulatingmyownobservations

and participatory experienceswith the testimonies of young people and partnering

agencyrepresentativestheresearchfoundthatthespacewasinterpretedinasimilar

experientiallight.

iii)Incarnationalgeographiesandthepostsecular

‘Livingamongst’ ledtoanumberofprogressivepostsecularpartnerships(seeCloke,

2010). The involvement of staff and volunteers of Eden/SA614UK in both the local

voluntary and public sector led to a rapprochement of different positionalities

mutuallyworkingtogethertosupport,serveandempowerlocalpeople.Inthesetting

ofthelocalsecondaryschoolmyresearchillustratedhowtheparticularwayinwhich

theEdenyouthworkerperformedfaithwasacatalystformutualpartnership.Luke’s

performanceof faith in schoolwas interpreted asneither threateningnor imposing

butinsteadwasattributedtobeingrespectfullyopentodifferences.Inthecontextof

local health provision it was the reflexive focus on care‐giving selves that was

influential in facilitating postsecular partnerships. Rather than an emphasis being

placed on the distinctiveness of faith the emphasis was placed on the ability and

integrity of the person to give something back to the local community. The

significanceofbothofthesepostsecularpartnershipstomyoverallre‐readingisthat

suchpostsecularcompactsillustratedhowfaithcouldbegenerouslyenrolledintoacts

of service for the sake of the common good without being either coercive or self‐

fulfilling(seeVolf,2011).

227

Section2:CriticalreflectionsonresearchingincarnationalgeographiesHaving concluded how my research findings contribute towards the general

arguementof this thesis Inowwant to turn tocriticallyreflectonmymethodology.

This involves a critical examination of my participatory approach and my

positionality.

ParticipationThisthesishasemanatedfromaparticipatoryethnographicapproachthatcombined

a mix of observation and participation. In chapter three I articulated why this

approachwasfittingconsideringthenatureofmytopicandmyownpersonaldesire

to enact a faith‐fuelled form of ‘quiet’ activism. Without repeating this argument I

want to reflectively stand back and draw out two points that relate to how such a

methodologicalapproachcontributed tomy thesisandhow it thereforeallows faith

andreligionto‘speakback’togeography(Yorgsonetal,636).

Firstly, this approach enabled me to build a nuanced and complex account of

incarnationalgeographiesbecauseaparticipatoryapproachenabledmetoattendnot

only towhatvolunteersand staffofEden/SA614UK toldmeabout their livesbut it

enabledme towitnesswhatactuallyhappens inpractice.Thismixofdiscourseand

performance enabled me to build a re‐reading of incarnational geographies that

incorporated the experiential and the affectual. This enabled me to encapsulate

somethingoftheactuallivedandimmanentnatureoffaith‐praxisanditmaderoom

for the non‐verbal, the phenomenological and the embodied. Secondly, being a

participant in this particular arena of faith‐praxis enabled my research to become

highlyrelational(Gobo,2008).ThismeantthattheethnographicmaterialIgathered

was more detailed because, on the one hand, I developed and gained the trust of

others,andontheotherhand,becauseIwasabletoreflectwithothersasanotherco‐

contributer(Stoller,2004).

Itmustbenotedhoweverthatmyparticipationwasshortlived.EventhoughIbecame

a ‘fulltime’ volunteer itwas still first and foremost a researchplacementwhereby I

hadastartdateandafinishdate.Iflippedinandflippedoutofpeople’slivesandmy

228

own ‘incarnational’ approach and ‘quiet’ activism was very temporary. With the

limitedtimeallowancegivenforaproductionofaPhDthesisitwouldbeunrealisticto

suggestIhadspentmoretime‘inthefield’howeverthereareanumberofotherways

that I hope to ‘give back’ to the field now that the research and the write up are

coming to a close. My own personal next steps8 are very much as a practitioner

workingwithinthecontextofalocalYMCAandthisaction‐basedcontextallowsmeto

take forward some of the critical reflections and personal lessons I have learnt

through this participatory research into this next opportunity. Having also become

somewhat embedded in a growing national network of reflective Christian welfare

practitionersmyaimisalsotocontinuetoplayanactiveroleincontributingtowards

these‘conversations’.

Positionality

In chapter three I outlined how my research was built upon both a balance of

embracing critical proximity and searching for critical distance. I argued that it is

naïvetoassumethereissuchathingasasingularChristianhomogenousidentityand

suggested that my own position might differ quite dramatically from another

Christian, something I termed: ‘distance‐within‐proximity’. I also argued that my

Christian faith could be productive of a form of critique that is ‘grounded‐in‐

proximity’astheemicpositioninitselfalsohasparticularvalue(seeKnott,2010).In

searchofcriticaldistanceIsuggestedthatIrelieduponfourkeymaneuvers:attending

totheviewsandexperiencesof‘others’fromthelocalneighbourhood;askingcritical

questionsthroughouttheresearchprocess;leavingandreturningtothefieldseveral

timesandbuildingcriticalintersubjectivedialoguewithparticipants.Inotedthatthis

‘search’createdanumberofethicalandpracticaldifficulties.Howevergrapplingwith

thetensionbetweenproximityanddistanceledmetoacknowledgeboththeexplicitly

positiveandtheimplicitlyquestionable.Italsoledmemovebeyondthefrontedgeof

whatissaidandtestifiedaboutChristian‘mission’intheincarnationalarenaandwhat

actuallyhappensinpraxisovertimeandindifferentcontexts.

8IamnowworkingatExeterYMCAcoordinatingvolunteersandleadingateamofgraduateinternsthroughthefirstyearof‘Ten:10’seewww.ten‐10.org.uk

229

Futuredirections

There are a numerous ways in which this research can be taken forward and

extended.

i)Theethnographicresearchinthisthesishasfocusedononeformof‘livingamongst’.

InchaptertwoofthethesisIoutlinedhowthereisawholespectrumofincarnational

re‐engagementwith themargins, stretching from individuals to organizations. This

thesishasthereforedevelopedaparticularviewofincarnationalgeographiesandthis

view could be extended by further research into other Christian organizations and

individualswhohaveadoptedanincarnationalapproach.Howforexamplewouldthe

faith‐inspiredpraxisof‘livingamongst’differifitwasnotbackedbyabroaderFBOor

did not have an explicitly evangelistic ethos? Similarly, it would be interesting to

compare the re‐readingdeveloped in this thesiswith research that could be drawn

from studies of the established church and its historical presence within similar

deprivedareas.Furthermore, lookingbeyondBritainandthe ‘developed’world, this

research could be extended by turning to make sense of similar contemporary

‘mission’initiativesandapproachesintheGlobalSouth(seeBessenecker,2006).

ii)ThisresearchhasfocusedsolelyonChristianaccountsof‘livingamongst’.Inorder

to build a comparative approach between religions and to extend this research

beyondreligionandfaithitwouldbeinterestingtoseefurtherresearchdelveintothe

place,purposeandpracticeofsimilarproximatepracticesof‘livingamongst’thatare

motivatedbyothernon‐Christianfaithsandideologicalstandpoints.Theresearch in

thisthesishasshownhowincarnationalgeographiesarepromptedandpassionately

fuelled by Christ’s incarnation and the post‐Christendom context in which the

contemporary Christian church finds itself. It has also illustrated how such theo‐

ethical praxis leads to certain postsecular rapprochments. However, the potential

contribution of non‐Christian theologies and ideological standpoints within such

compactsstillremainstobeunderstood.

230

iii)Asthecurrentconservativegovernment’sBigSocietyplansareunfolded, further

research crucially needs to be undertaken into the impact such policies have on

incarnational geographies; will these faith‐inspired landscapes for example be

drasticallychanged,andifsohowwilltheinterconnectionbetweenBigSociety,faith

andthepublicsectorshiftandre‐shapeemergentincarnationalinvolvements?

iv) Further research needs to be undertaken into how incarnational geographies

mightbeconsidered ‘spiritual landscapes’(seeDewsburyandCloke,2009).Muchof

thisthesishasfocuseditsattentiononsociallandscapesandtheagencyofthosewho

enactatheo‐ethicalvisionby‘livingamongst’,thereishoweverstillfurtherworkthat

can be done into how the ineffable and divine might be performatively and

phenomenologicallyinterwovenintothefaith‐inspiredpraxisof‘livingamongst’.This

would bring further insight into how the faith‐inspired praxis of ‘living amongst’

drawsonspiritualbeliefbynurturing,nourishingandevokingaconsciousnessthatis

alternative to the consciousness and perception of the dominant culture (Cloke,

2009). Drawing upon Dewsbury and Cloke’s notion of spiritual landscapes as ‘co‐

constitutingsetsofrelationsbetweenbodilyexistence,feltpracticeandfaithinthings

thatareimmanent,butnotyetmanifest’(2009,696)wouldalsocontributetothere‐

readinggiveninthisthesisbyattendingtotheinterconnectionsbetweenfaith,place

andpowerandhowthesuchdiscernmentpromptsan‘engagementwiththespiritual

interior’andleadstoanalternativeinterpretationofthe‘innerspiritualnatureofthe

political,economicandculturalinstitutions’(seeCloke,2011).

231

Appendix:

Appendixi:Researchitinerary

Eden/SA614UKOldhamresearchundertaken

5monthsEthnographicplacement:January2010‐June2010:Over400hoursofvolunteeringandparticipantobservation

6staffinterviewsvaryingbetween1‐3hours10volunteerinterviewsvaryingbetween1‐2hours6partneragencyinterviewsbetween45mins‐1.5hrs6interviewswithyoungpeoplebetween10‐30mins5localresidentinterviewsbetween30‐45mins

SA614UKAstonResearchundertaken(notusedinthesis)

2.5monthsEthnographicplacement:

200hoursofvolunteeringandparticipantobservation2staffinterviewsvaryingbetween1‐2hours

6volunteerinterviewsvaryingbetween‐1‐2hours3partneragencyinterviewsbetween30‐60mins3interviewswithyoungpeople10‐30mins2localresidentinterviews25‐60mins

232

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