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UNU-IAS Working Paper No. 108
Sustainable Industrialisation in Large Developing EconomiesChina and Indonesia Compared
Michael W Zhang and N S Cooray
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Sustainable Industrialisation in Large Developing Economies
China and Indonesia Compared
Michael W Zhang and N S Cooray
Abstract
Industrialisation in East Asia during the second part of the twentieth century was a
major academic research theme from various perspectives. Not only did industrial
development help Japan become the world second largest economy, but it also lifted a
number of Asian economies from poverty-ridden countries to newly industrialised
economies In the early 1990s, however, a new concept of industrialisation, namely
sustainable industrialisation, was in the making, which will shape the trajectories of
i d l t N l ti l f k f t i bl i d t i li ti
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Introduction
According to the World Bank definition China and Indonesia are two large low-income
developing countries in the East Asia and Pacific group. Yet, East Asia has been at the
centre of debates on economic development and industrialisation especially since the
end of the Second World War. (World Bank 1993) First and foremost is Japan. Japan
began its postwar reconstruction in the 1950s. A decade later Japan achieved
remarkable results in economic development and joined the Organisation for Economic
Cooperation and Development (OECD) in 1964. Japan enjoyed high economic growth
and rapid industrial development until the late 1980s when the economy began to show
bubbles and burst into recession by the end of the decade. By a comparative world
standard even during the period of energy shortage resulted mainly from the two oil
h k i d h h d ili d d
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Figure 1
Figure 2
GDP growth in Japan and South Korea 1971-98
-5.0
0.0
5.0
10.0
15.0
1971 1973 1975 1977 1979 1981 1983 1985 1987 1989 1991 1993 1995 1997
Annual%
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Following Japans success in industrial development a number of other East Asian
economies, notably Hong Kong, Singapore, South Korea and Taiwan, also succeeded
in realising their economic potential in the past decades.2 Take South Korea. From the
1960s to the 1980s South Korea underwent a spectacular process of industrialisation in
which it raised itself from a poverty-ridden country to a Newly Industrialised Economy
(NIE).3 (See Error: Reference source not found)
To a lesser extent, other Asian and Pacific economies such as Indonesia also initiated
economic reform programmes in the same period. From the mid-1960s Indonesia
embarked on economic reforms under a new administration. The New Order
government was centralised and committed to promoting industrialisation. (Azis 2000;
World Bank 2000) Economic growth was not as high an average figure in the 1960s as
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development strategy and reformed property rights in rural China. At the same time
opening up a number of Special Economic Zones (SEZs) along Chinas east coast to
foreign investment was advocated. Therefore, China was well underway in transition
from a centrally-planned to a market-based economy and intended to follow a kind of
East Asian strategy of industrialisation. And in the 1980s and 1990s Chinas growth
performance was on average much higher than that of Indonesias. (See Error:
Reference source not found)
Figure 3
Annual GDP growth in China and Indonesia 1961-70
15 0
20.0
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Figure 4
Annual GDP growth in China and Indonesia 1971-79
-4
-2
0
2
4
6
8
10
12
1971 1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979
Year
%
IDN CHN
Sources: World Development Indicators 2000, World Bank
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From the mid-1990s, nonetheless, environmental issues became increasingly important
to the analysis of economic development thanks to the 1992 World Conference on
Environment and Development (WECD). During the last decade great amount of work
has been carried out with regards to formulating the concepts and constructing the
frameworks for sustainable development. Equipped with some theoretical framework
and empirical findings, albeit still under test, in this paper we attempt to investigate the
possibilities that may lead large developing economies such as China and Indonesia to
embarking on more sustainable an industrial development path. Section Two reviews
industrialisation in a conventional way using two East Asian economies, Japan and
South Korea, as empirical studies. A hypothetical framework of conventional
industrialisation is proposed to link it with another hypothetical framework for
sustainable industrialisation in Section Three. Section Three then elaborates the factors
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framework of industrialisation can be devised in the context of economic development
and technological change. (Zhang 2000; see also Framework 1 above) In the literature
of development economics key analytical dimensions can be, at the risks of
oversimplification, summarised into three indices, namely, economic, social and
technological. As well documented both Japan and South Korea achieved marked
success in the developments of these three dimensions. South Korea followed the so-
called export-oriented industrialisation (EOI) strategy. Social development and
technological change came along with the continued improvement in export
performance and market expansion. During the rapid growth period from 1962 to 1981
the annual average export growth rate was 38.2 percent. (Zhang 2000: 37)
In a similar vein, the experiences of industrial development in China and Indonesia can
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Following the success of rural economic reform another important issue on top of
Chinas reform agenda is the reform of public enterprises. Nonetheless, it is argued that
public enterprises are not considered to be the obstacles to industrial development.
Public enterprise in South Korea played an important role. As Mason points out, a role
as large, in fact, as is common in developing countries following a socialist pattern.
(Mason in Jones and Sakong 1980: xxix) Privatisation of public enterprise is then not
considered to be the priority of the reform package. What matters is the effectiveness
of government policy in, and the corporate governance of, these enterprises.
Furthermore, learning of entrepreneurship in a competitive market environment is also
critical, should these firms be prepared to survive and grow in the increasing
competitive markets.
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opened up after the initial success of these SEZs. In order to further attract foreign
investment the State Council approved in 1992 more than 300 cities for opening up to
foreign investment. As a result, China attracted as well as utilised in the 1990s large
amounts of foreign capital including FDI and foreign loans. (See Error: Reference
source not found and Error: Reference source not found) Needless to say, a developing
country as large as China needs a heavy amount of investment to induce growth. From
1981 to 1995 the average annual capital investment rate was 28.7 percent of GDP.4
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Table 1 Total investment in China: State and foreign shares of the total (1981-1999)
Total investment
Year % of GDP
Government
sources % of Total
Foreign sources %
of Total
1981 19.8 28.1 3.81982 23.2 22.7 4.91983 24.1 23.8 4.71984 25.6 23.0 3.91985 28.4 16.0 3.61986 30.6 14.6 4.41987 31.7 13.1 4.81988 31.8 9.3 5.9
1989 26.1 8.3 6.61990 24.4 8.7 6.31991 25.9 6.8 5.71992 30.3 4.3 5.81993 37.7 3.7 7.31994 36.6 3.0 9.91995 34.7 3.0 11.21996 33.7 2.7 11.81997 33.5 2.8 10.6
1998 36 2 4 2 9 1
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Indonesian current account balance returned to surplus. (Azis 2000: 5 and see Error:
Reference source not found)
Figure 7
Current account balance in China and Indonesia 1981-98
-15,000
-10,000
-5,000
0
5,000
10,000
15,000
20,000
25,000
30,000
35,000
1981 1983 1985 1987 1989 1991 1993 1995 1997
Y
currentUS$
(millions
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Azis 2000) Therefore, rapid economic growth and development helped improve
significantly the standards of living and welfare of the people as a whole.
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Figure 8
Gross domestic savings in China and Indonesia 1980-98
0
5
10
15
20
25
30
35
40
45
50
1980 1982 1984 1986 1988 1990 1992 1994 1996 1998
Year
(%ofGDP)
IDN CHN
Sources: World Development Indicators 2000, World Bank
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Figure 10
Composition of GDP in Indonesia 1970-98
0.0
5.0
10.0
15.0
20.0
25.0
30.0
35.0
40.0
45.0
50.0
1970 1972 1974 1976 1978 1980 1982 1984 1986 1988 1990 1992 1994 1996 1998
Year
%ofGDP
Agri, VA Ind, VA Serv, etc., VA
S W ld D l I di 2000 W ld B k
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Figure 12
Manufacturing value added in China and Indonesia 1980-98
0
5
10
15
20
25
30
35
40
45
1980 1982 1984 1986 1988 1990 1992 1994 1996 1998
Year
As%ofGDP
IDN CHN
Sources: World Development Indicators 2000, World Bank
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Figure 13
Urban population in China and Indonesia 1980-98
0
5
10
15
20
25
30
35
40
45
1980 1982 1984 1986 1988 1990 1992 1994 1996 1998
Year
As%oftotal
IDN CHN
Sources: World Development Indicators 2000, World Bank
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Figure 15
Illiteracy rate in China and Indonesia 1980-98
0
5
10
15
20
25
30
35
40
1980 1982 1984 1986 1988 1990 1992 1994 1996 1998
Year
%o
fpeopleaged15and
abov
IDN CHN
S ld l di ld k
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Sustainable Industrialisation
According to WCED sustainable development is development that meets the needs of
the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own
needs. (WCED 1987: 43) Although as noted by Holmberg and Sandbrook5, there exist
more than 70 definitions of sustainable development, its essence has become
increasingly clear: the integration of economic, environmental, and social policy.
(OECD 1998: 2) In the 1990s academics and international institutions committed to
sustainable development refined and constructed a number of frameworks. United
Nations Industrial and Development Organization (UNIDO) articulates a framework
entitled Sustainable Industrial Development (SID), which we find most appropriate for
our research. The SID consists of three major components, namely, economic
competitiveness, employment, and environment (3Es).6 Therefore we use terminology
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To unravel the complex features of sustainable development, we ought to ask and
possibly have to answer the following two basic questions.
Question 1 Is economic growth needed to create employment opportunity and
eliminate poverty?
Yes. Although not sufficient but it is necessary to retain economic growth at certain
level to generate employment opportunities and to eliminate poverty. Dasgupta and
Maler argue that [p]overty itself can be a cause of environmental degradation.
(Dasgupta and Maler 1997: 9) Let us look at the Chinese case. At the wake of its recent
economic reform in 1978 China had 80 percent of its population living on incomes of
less than 1 dollar per day--the World Bank minimum poverty line. The Chinese
economy as a whole has grown at an average annual rate of slightly over 9 percent
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alternative energy resources such as biomass, hydro and photovoltaic power
generation, since in the developed economies human resources and technological
capabilities are readily available. Therefore what needed is to provide incentives as
well as create market demand for environment-benign products. While in developing
economies, attention has to be paid more on energy efficiency in the production front
and affordable energy access within the poor communities in tune with the pro-poor
sustainable development policy promoted by international development institutions.
Even among developing economies there is difference between production
composition and energy utilisation. Consequently the environmental impact of
production process needs to be individually addressed.
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Framework 2
Hypothetical MCA model of Sustainable Industrialisation
Economic growth
Social development
Technological change
Environmental protection
In order to analyse the changes in policy making for industrial development in East
Asia a new analytical framework is needed. Therefore, we adopted a framework
developed by one of the authors of this paper to compare sustainable industrialisation
in China and Indonesia. (See Framework 2 above) In comparison with Framework 1 it
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The subject of industrial pollution and environmental protection is not new. In
retrospect, following two air-pollution episodes occurred in Belgium in 1930 and in
Pennsylvania in 1948, smoke and sulphur dioxide concentration in London was
recorded in the mid-1950s on an order of ten times the current air quality standards.
The British government promulgated the British Clean Air Act in 1956 immediately
after the incident.8 In a similar vein, Japan also experienced severe industrial pollution
in the 1950s and the 1960s. An episode of devastating water pollution known as
Minamata disease was reported in 1953. The legacy of the incident left a lasting
memory both within and without Japan.9 (Yamamura 2001) And it is widely
recognised that environmental laws and regulations are among the most stringent in the
world.
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restoration of diplomatic relations with the United States and Japan in 1972, China has
become involved in more international economic affairs. The increasing concern by the
industrialised economies of economic development and environmental protection
culminated in the United Nations Conference on Human Environment held in
Stockholm in 1972. China participated in the conference and learned of the concept of
environmental protection. Thereafter the government began building institutional and
legal systems. The first Basic Law on Environmental Protection was promulgated in
1979 and amended in 1989. This was followed by a series of environmental protection
laws concerning various facets of the environment. In 1984 the National
Environmental Protection Agency (NEPA), an independent government bureau after
the United States Environmental Protection Agency (EPA), was established. A
network of local environmental protection bureaux was also created.
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engaged in light and processing industries that generate excessive industrial pollution,
local governments may relax the regulatory regime in order to protect their local
industry for economic reasons such as employment opportunities and local government
revenues.
As analysed above, China has made great progress in dimensions such as economic
and social development and technological change since the onset of open-door
economic reform in late 1978. However, Chinas state of the environment has been
significantly deteriorating which can be reflected in all sorts of pollution such as water
and urban air pollution. This is not to say that industrial development under the
previous regime had a better record. On the contrary, low efficiency and high waste
rates resulting in environmental degradation were inherent in the central planning
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Figure 16
Industrial CO2 emissions in China and Indonesia 1980-96
0
500
1000
1500
2000
2500
3000
3500
4000
1980 1982 1984 1986 1988 1990 1992 1994 1996
Year
mt
IDN CHN
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Figure 17
Industrial CO2 emissions in China and Indonesia 1980-96
0
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
1980 1982 1984 1986 1988 1990 1992 1994 1996
Year
Askgper1995US$o
fGD
IDN CHN
Sources: World Development Indicators 2000, World Bank
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From the point of view of building institutional capability, the enforcement of
environmental laws and regulations is to be substantially enhanced in the light of the
recent institutional reshuffle of the State Council. A handful of line ministries such as
the Ministry of Machine-Building Industry have been transferred to become national
Bureaux under the jurisdiction of the powerful super-ministry State Economic and
Trade Commission. Another super-ministry, the former State Planning Commission
that specialised in policy making at the macro level, has also been significantly
strengthened. The expansion of its scope of policy making is reflected in the change of
its name from the State Planning Commission to the State Development and Planning
Commission.
The NEPA, although still outside the State Council but only a notch under ministry
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development paths of the two countries under consideration from four perspectives
some lessons from each economy to the other can be drawn as follows.
At the outset it should be pointed out that sustainable industrialisation is a complex
process that requires trade-offs between key factors. Win-win scenarios can only be
found by collecting sufficient data and evidence from detailed empirical research.
Although Indonesia started economic reforms a decade earlier than China did in 1978,
the policy regime was less consistent in addressing the quality of economic growth.
Revenues generated by exploiting natural resources such as oil and forests were not
prudently spent on investment in improving technological capability. With respect to
the management of foreign investment it appears that Indonesian government was
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natural forest. This kind of resource-dependency will remain over the next decade.
(World Bank 2001: 1)
China is challenged by different tasks. Little deterred by the Asian financial crisis,
economic growth has been comparatively higher than many of its neighbouring
economies. In light of this remarkable growth performance China is able to carry out
programme aimed at eliminating poverty. The result would have been sounder had the
issue of inequality been kept in check. Regional disparity is also in rise resulted from
the preferential financial incentives provided to the coast regions during the early years
of reform. Manufacturing and technological capability has been markedly improved.
However, rapid growth and low efficiency, albeit improved, caused the increase in
absolute level of industrial pollution. Although environmental laws and regulations are
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sub-section of natural resource management it includes not only forest resources and
mining, but also biodiversity. Therefore, the issue of sustainable development has to be
analysed according to the characteristics of each region and country. Further research
therefore is desirable in the direction of country-specific and industry-specific analysis.
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Acknowledgement
This paper is partially based on the research done during Dr Zhangs PhD study on the
comparison between China, Japan and South Korea in the context of late
industrialisation and sustainable industrialisation. Further collaboration with Dr Cooray
on sustainable development framework for Indonesia enables us to make a comparison
between these two large developing economies in Asia. We would like to thank
Professor Watanabe, Dr Kondo, Dr Contzen, Dr Palanivel and a number of other
fellows at the IAS for their insightful comments and constructive criticisms.
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Bibliography
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Azis, I and D Roland-Host (2000) Recovery and Growth in Indonesia: Scenarios forSustainable Development, UNU/IAS Project Review Meeting on Indias Sustainable
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Patrick, H and H Rosovsky (eds) (1976) Asias New Giant: How the JapaneseEconomy Works, Washington, DC: The Brookings Institution
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Sakong, Il (ed.) (1987) Macroeconomic Policy and Industrial Development Issues,Seoul: Korea Development Institute
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Williamson, J (2000) Development of the Financial System in Post-Crisis Asia,ADB Institute Working Paper 8, ADB Institute, Tokyo, Japan
World Bank (1993) The East Asian Miracle: Economic Growth and Public Policy ,Oxford UP
World Bank (2000) Greening Industry: New Roles for Communities, Markets, andGovernments, Oxford UP
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Appendices
Social and economic indicators in Indonesia 1961- and 1980-98
Year 1961 1962 1963 1964 1965 1966 1967 1968 1969 1970 1971 1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979GDPgrowth 6.1 1.9 -2.3 3.5 0.9 2.9 1.1 12.0 7.5 8.2 7 7.9 9.8 8.3 6.2 6 8.6 9.2 7.1
Year 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998
GDP growth 8.7 8.1 1.1 8.4 7.2 3.5 6 5.3 6.4 9.1 9 8.9 7.2 7.3 7.5 8.2 7.8 4.7-
13.2CurrentaccountbalanceUS$ bill -0.57 -5.32 -6.34 -1.86 -1.92 -3.91 -2.1 -1.4 -1.11 -2.99 -4.26 -2.78 -2.11 -2.79 -6.43 -7.66 -4.89 3.97Genuinedomesticsavings% of GDP 4 1.8 4 3.6 3.6 4 8.5 14.5 18.8 18.7 17.4 14.9 16.7 17.6 19 16.3 15 16.3 5.9Grossdomestic
savings %of GDP 38 31.7 29 28.7 29.3 28.6 26.3 29.7 31.6 32.8 33.2 31.8 32.1 31.8 32.3 30.6 30.1 31.5 24.1Illiteracyrate adulttotal % 30.7 29.6 28.4 27.3 26.3 25.2 24.1 23.1 22.1 21.2 20.3 19.4 18.6 17.8 17 16.3 15.6 14.9 14.3Urbanpopulation% of total 22.2 23 23.8 24.5 25.3 26.1 27 27.9 28.8 29.7 30.6 31.6 32.6 33.6 34.6 35.6 36.7 37.7 38.8Trade %of GDP 54.4 53.1 49.4 51.7 48.6 43.5 40.7 47.3 45.7 46.5 49.9 50.5 53.8 50.5 50.3 54 52.3 56 97.7MVA % ofGDP 13 12.1 11.9 12.7 14.6 16 16.8 17 19.7 19.7 20.7 21.4 22 22.3 23.3 24.1 25.6 26.8 24.9Inflation,
CPIannual % 18 12.2 9.5 11.8 10.5 4.7 5.8 9.3 8 6.4 7.8 9.4 7.5 9.7 8.5 9.4 8 6.7 57.6CO2 emiindustry 1.3 1.3 1.3 1.3 1.2 1.3 1.2 1.1 1.1 1 1.2 1.1 1.1 1.1 1.1 1.2 1.1 N/A N/A
Sources: compiled from the World Development Indicators 2000, World Bank; as kg per 1995 US$ of GDP
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Appendices
Social and economic indicators in China 1961- and 1980-98
Year 1961 1962 1963 1964 1965 1966 1967 1968 1969 1970 1971 1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979GDPgrowth -27.1 -6.1 10.3 15.8 16.4 8.3 -2.4 -2.7 10.1 14.1 5.7 2.7 8 2.7 6.9 -1.6 5.6 10.2 7.3
Year 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998
GDP growth 6 5.7 9.6 10.9 15.2 12.6 8.5 11.2 10.7 4.1 4 9.2 14.3 13.5 12.8 10.5 9.6 8.8 7.8CurrentaccountbalanceUS$ bill N/A N/A 5.67 4.24 2.03
-11.42 -7.03 0.3 -3.80 -4.32 12.00 13.27 6.40
-11.61 6.91 1.62 7.24 29.72 29.33
Genuinedomesticsavings% of GDP 4.9 -0.9 2 10.3 12.5 11.9 17.3 17.3 17.7 17.2 18.5 20.1 20.8 26.2 30.3 29.4 28 30.2 32Grossdomestic
savings %of GDP 34.8 32.9 34.8 34.6 34.5 33.5 34.7 36.1 35.7 35.3 37.9 38.1 37.7 41.8 43.1 43.1 41.5 42.7 42.6Illiteracyrate adulttotal % 34.5 33.1 31.7 30.4 29.2 28.1 26.9 25.8 24.8 23.9 23 22.2 21.4 20.6 19.9 19.2 18.5 17.8 17.2Urbanpopulation% of total 19.6 20.2 21.1 21.6 23 23 24.5 25.3 25.8 26.2 27.4 26.4 27.2 28 28.9 29.7 30.2 30.7 31.1Trade %of GDP 15.5 16.8 16.2 15.8 18.7 24.2 26.6 27.3 27.2 26.2 31.9 35.5 37.5 35.7 48.8 45.7 40.1 41.6 38.9MVA % ofGDP 40.6 38.7 37.5 36.8 35.7 35.4 35.5 34.4 35 34.5 33 33.4 34.7 36.6 36.9 37.5 37.8 38.2 37.1Inflation,
CPIannual % N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A 7.2 18.7 18.3 3.1 3.5 6.3 14.6 24.2 16.9 8.3 2.8 -0.8CO2 emiindustry 9 8.4 8.2 7.8 7.4 7.1 6.9 6.6 6.4 6.3 6.1 5.8 5.4 4.9 4.7 4.6 4.4 N/A N/A
Sources: compiled from the World Development Indicators 2000, World Bank; as kg per 1995 US$ of GDP