hunting wave hill: a research proposal · no ethnography can ever hope to penetrate beyond the...

Hunting Wave Hill: a Research Proposal

Cultural observers embraced an ethnographic impulse that looked

outward, at worlds beyond their own, as a means of marking the

social coordinates of a self ...

(Neumann: 1996)

No ethnography can ever hope to penetrate beyond the surface of

everyday life.. unless it is informed by the historical imagination—

the imagination that is, of both those who make history and those

who write it.

(Comaroff & Comaroff: 1992)

Name: Charlie Ward

Department: English, Creative Writing and Australian Studies

Supervisor: Ass. Prof. Rick Hosking, Flinders University

Co- Supervisors: Prof. Lynette Russell and Dr. Nathan Hollier (Monash University)

Date: 23 March, 2011.

Word Length: 6,034

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Master of Arts in Creative Writing: Research Proposal

Hunting Wave Hill by Charlie Ward

Contents

1. Abstract……………………….………………………………………………..…………….3

2. Topic Summary…………….………………………………………………..…………….4

3. Research Question ……………………………………………………….………………6

4. Rationale: Creative Work ....................................................................7

„Peoples‟ history‟

The Walk-off and Orality

Subjectivity, Race and Ethics

5. Rationale: Exegesis ............................................................................15

6. Research Methodology .......................................................................18

Auto-ethnography: the self in the text

Oral History: a research method

7. Literature Review and Originality…………………...................................23

8. Structure of Creative Work (Total of 60,000 words)...............................26

9. Elements of the Exegesis (Total of 40,000 words)…………………………………….32

10: Research Plan and Special Considerations.………………………………….34

11: Works Cited..…………………………………………………………………………....35

12. Preliminary Bibliography……………………………………………………………41

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1. Abstract:

The Wave Hill Walk-off, an Indigenous protest by remote Northern Territory Gurindji

pastoral workers in 1966, is widely regarded as one of the key catalysts of the Land

Rights movement in Australia, which in turn formed a key part of a 1970s liberal

Indigenous policy agenda initially titled „self-determination.‟ As a result of the dialectic

between espoused Gurindji goals and government policy implementation, two

residential „communities‟ were formed during this period. The subsequent

development of these communities remains largely unexplored in an academic context

to date.

This research contains two strands. In the creative work of my thesis, I will creatively

represent the factors influencing developments at Wattie Creek from 1966-1986

through a social history interspersed with reflective memoir. In the exegetical

component of the thesis, I will examine the above social history with a view to its

implications for current Indigenous policy and service delivery.

This project is being submitted for consideration in the Faculty’s Doctorate program

due to the requisite scale of the proposed work and its contribution of original

knowledge to the field.

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2. Topic Summary:

On 23 August 1966 Gurindji workers and their families left their work and place of

residence at Wave Hill Station as a statement signifying their rejection of the position

they had occupied in the pastoral industry since European settlement.1 For several

months afterwards, the Gurindji camped next to the local depot of the government

agency responsible for Indigenous welfare. They then re-located to Wattie Creek,

where they began to build homes and work towards providing their own livelihood. In

time the Welfare Settlement location was chosen by government as its preferred site of

housing and service provision for the Gurindji and was re-branded „Kalkaringi.‟ The

Gurindji‟s home of choice on the banks of Wattie Creek was named „Daguragu.‟

After the election of the Whitlam government in 1972, the Gurindji were ostensibly

among the greatest beneficiaries of the new policies of self-determination, and yet

within a few years social dissonance grew significantly and key aspects of their vision,

as they had articulated it, had floundered. The details and causes of this erosion of

both Gurindji and government goals at Daguragu and Kalkaringi are largely

unexamined. The general precepts of „self-determination‟ policy remained

unchallenged throughout the 70s, 80s and 90s. In recent years some orthodoxies of

Indigenous policy have been questioned (Sutton: 2009, Altman & Hinkson: 2010),

though little overall discussion that contextualises the „self-deterministic‟ policy era

1 See Long:1992; Riddett:1997; Atwood: 2000; Bunbury: 2002.

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versus the „assimilative‟ one that preceded it has appeared. By focusing on these topics

at the geographic, cultural and political nexus of Wave Hill, this research represents a

contribution of new knowledge to the field of Indigenous studies.

From 2004-06, I worked for the Gurindji‟s then local government body, and in a sense

was witness to the contemporary outcomes of the Walk-off. My lifelong interests in

social history and Australian identity were inherited from my father Russel Ward, who

was a significant cultural historian. In encountering the dialectical intersection of

these tropes with my passion for Indigenous issues at Wave Hill, as history and in my

lived- experience, both my inherited and personal political and ideological beliefs were

challenged.

It is recognised that even within the scope of a PhD, there may be too many connected

issues— in both methodology and subject— to progress each to the depth that may be

desirable. It is also expected then, that through the research process some elements

will gain precedence over others, and that they will then form the more significant

motifs of the thesis.

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3. Research question:

By closely charting the development of Kalkaringi and Daguragu between 1966 and

1986, including the achievement (or otherwise) of Gurindji Walk-off era goals, and

juxtaposing this with personal reflection, the research asks: „what lessons can be learnt

about the implementation and effectiveness of “self-determination” policies and the

role of non-Indigenous „helpers‟ in the context of Indigenous engagement and

governance in north Australia?‟

Using the formation of the Gurindjis‟ Muramulla Cattle Company as a case study in the

Creative Work, the interplay of mainstream economic, urban-liberal, and Gurindji

ideologies, beliefs, policies and practices will be examined. Lessons arising from this

for current Indigenous policy-makers and non-Indigenous „helpers‟ at Daguragu and

other, similar, remote Indigenous communities will then be explored in the Exegesis.

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4. Rationale: Creative Work

... The more I uncovered about the „local‟, the more I came to see the

best way of explaining the „national‟ was to focus on the „local‟. Through

the history of one area, I could perhaps explain how Australia had

become so deeply divided ...

(McKenna: 2002)

Recent scholarship and public debate has described the profusion and inter-mingling

of nominally non-fictive literary and newly-accepted academic approaches to history,

anthropology, ethnography and life-writing (Clendinnen: 2005, Chang: 2008, Denzin:

2006). I propose to use a blend of these approaches, which will be discussed in more

detail later. Here I shall address the creative non-fictional aspect of the work, and then

the use of an auto-ethnographic approach within this. The use of auto-ethnographic

methods will be explored further in the section on Methodology (p13).

It is appropriate to address the topic using a creative approach for several reasons.

Although the Wave Hill Walk-off is a historic event, it is also a legendary story with a

rich symbolism and historiography. As a popular and emotive act, the Walk-off lends

itself to a „people‟s history‟ approach (See below; p 8). My goal is to tell a story for a

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popular audience, and I am aware that there is a greater readership for such topics if

they are addressed both within an academic environment and beyond it.

It is through the process of attempting to understand my own experiences that I have

been led to pose the research question. The use of the first person at points in a

history of this type is appropriate as without an identified narrative presence, the

inquiry lacks immediacy to the reader.

The creative work distinguishes itself from much in the field by using two of the most

common standards in the genre as departure points from which a third approach is

adduced. Ethnographic memoir and historic non-fiction are two traditionally distinct

genres that would provide the most obvious approaches to the topic. The creative work

will hybridize these.

Within travel, autobiographical and ethnographic writing genres, there exists a long

tradition in the Western canon of ethnographic memoir. The traditional form is that of

the (male) European outsider describing his experience as a witness to, and sometimes

as a participant in, the lives and cultural behaviours of another (usually Indigenous)

race. Post-structuralists such as Mary Pratt (1992) and Edward Said (1978) have

contributed enormously to the deconstruction of this genre through the articulation of

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its dialectics of power, and the processes by which the idealised European rational self

(the „seer/see-er‟) sought self-definition through the construction of the Indigenous

„other‟. The genre has been further complicated by the arrival of „insider‟ and „native‟

ethnographies, as well as a growing stable of „life-writing‟ approaches, which can

utilise any number of auto-ethnographic techniques. Ellis and Bochner identify a total

of forty such, which range from ethnographic memoir to collaborative autobiography

(2000). These developments have contextualised the literary focus on the „other‟ in the

text, if not supplanted it with the shifting subjectivities of the writer/researcher. A

parallel process has been at work in the field of Australian historiography. Greg

Dening (2004), Katrina Schlunke (2005) and Henry Reynold‟s (1999) works include

their own life histories and subjectivities as reference points framing their historical

enquiries.

The depth of description in ethnographic memoir varies, often depending on the

longevity of the author‟s relationships with their subjects, or their proximity of contact,

and can at times border on superficiality. The author‟s inner world of meditation,

conjecture and reflection are often bought to the fore, not as a source of insight on the

topic (as in auto-ethnography), but through the use of the writing process to

comprehend the actions of Indigenous subjects. While I have written much in the way

of first-person memoir describing my time at Kalkaringi with the Gurindji between

2004 and 2006, this genre, on its own, is limited in its scope, relevance, ethical

integrity and literary appeal.

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The other genre which could be harnessed to address the research question is that of

„straight‟ historical non-fiction. With an antecedent such as the Wave Hill Walk-off, it

would be productive to write a history that merely attempts to chronicle its subject. To

do so however, would preclude some of the creative work‟s contemporary relevance,

and create an illusion of separation between the worlds of the writer and the subject.

It is only by combining these approaches and tracing the relationship between the

historic subject and my more contemporary experience that the research accrues

greater relevance and narrative strength than that of either genre. Some historians,

such as Tom Stannage, see this—making explicit the connections between the past and

the present—as essential to their task. Stannage argues that „the historian must re-

open that dialogue between the past and the present. That is the legitimate, indeed

legitimising function of the historian, and extends the range of facts with which the

historian interacts‟ (cited in Nile: 1998). Through reading of the author‟s recent

experience in a composite historic narrative, the reader is able to connect the history

described with the contemporary discourse of Indigenous affairs.

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‘People’s history’:

With little in the way of official or comprehensive historiography on the topic, the

memories of the people involved— or in some cases, their unpublished

correspondence— form a significant repository of information about the topic. This

necessitates the use of oral history, which is in keeping with existing representations of

the Walk-off. By recognising the „ownership‟ of Walk-off history by its participants,

supporters and critics, the creative work will accrue a more vivid, biographic quality;

akin to a „people‟s history‟ approach.2 This approach will not be taken at the expense of

government or other official records (which will also be used extensively), but rather

even in such cases, it attempts to highlight the personalities and ideologies of the

individuals involved in their creation.

Interweaving the recollections of individuals with a narrative describing the larger

movements and trends in which they participated imbues both with context and

colour. It also creates a mechanism whereby historical truisms can be measured by the

experience of those who participated in the events they describe. In the words of

historian Isabelle Bertaux-Wiame, „it is by finding recurrent patterns throughout a

series of life trajectories that we infer the existence of socio structural processes‟, and

discover how „conversely the aggregated practices of isolated actors may eventually

influence macrosocial processes‟ (cited in Barman: 1989).

2 It is recognised that this process is not, despite best intentions, truly democratic and impartial; that

my own socio-political proclivities will inevitably colour the processes of selection and representation.

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The Walk-off and Orality:

It is appropriate to draw on oral sources in addressing the topic for many reasons. The

over-arching practical issue is the fact that there are few personal written records

relating to the topic. Most of my primary sources (from individuals, as opposed to

organisations or departments) on the topic are oral history recordings. The orality of

the Walk-off narrative is mirrored by the fact that the Gurindji are primarily oral,

performative historians (Hokari: 2000a, 2000b, 2002), and two popular songs are the

main means by which the Walk-off story has entered popular knowledge subsequent to

the event.3 Frank Hardy‟s book on the Walk-off, which I address on page 19 in the

Literature Review and Originality section, also used oral recordings to allow some

Gurindji men, (who were unable to write), to tell their own stories.

Reliable record-keeping is also one of the issues that hamper the administration of

remote communities.4 To research my topic is it is necessary to locate and interview

staff members that have worked with the Gurindji through the assimilation, self-

determination and self-management eras of policy, and senior Gurindji leaders, to

develop a collective biographic account. In this way a record of the Gurindjis‟

3 Poor Bugger Me, Gurindji by Ted Egan, 1973, and From Little Things Big Things Grow, by Paul Kelly and Kev

Carmody, 1991. 4 The Victoria River flooded in 1998 and many records of the Daguragu Community Government Council were

destroyed.

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experiences as both subjects and objects of „self-deterministic‟ governance will be

composed.

Subjectivity, Race and Ethics:

The subject matter and the field of enquiry are riven with serious ethical issues that

must be taken into consideration. Contention around issues of intellectual property,

cultural appropriation and confidentiality are often exacerbated in the context of

Australian Indigenous research, due to a history of cultural insensitivity,

misrepresentation and abuse of research privileges (Cowlishaw, 1999).5 Importantly,

the oral history component of the research— some of which will be conducted with

Indigenous interviewees— has been granted Ethical Approval by the Social and

Behavioural Research Ethics Committee (SBREC) of the University (SBREC: Project

number 4770). This ethical approval is for the research aspect of my candidature,

although more complex ethical challenges may arise in writing about contentious

issues in a way that respects the integrity of the informants, the opinions of the writer,

and the historical record.

This task will be ameliorated somewhat. Some of the most dangerous traps of

postcolonial writing will be avoided here: rather than representing the „other‟ (which,

5 In the Gurindji context, an example of this occurred in 1967 when a Welfare Officer was directed to assess the

sanctity of the Gurindjis’ sacred sites. After sharing much detailed and restricted information with him, the Officer

reported that the sites were not sacred. This information was used by the Government as further grounds to refuse

the Gurindji rights to their traditional land. See ‘Sacred Sites: Wave Hill Area’, Report to Director of Welfare

Branch, 29 May 1967, National Archives of Australia (E242). K66/1/1, District Welfare Officer Reports, Wave

Hill Area. Darwin.

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as the author is a European male, would be representing the Indigenous strikers) as

the primary focus of the inquiry, the text will primarily seek to unfold, explore and

understand the behaviours, practices and ideologies of the Gurindji‟s non-Indigenous

interlocutors, be they pastoral employers, activist-supporters, or public servants.6

It is primarily „my‟ side of the intercultural encounter that I am attempting to

understand, in the hope that this may shed further light on the current practices of my

professional field: the Indigenous service industry. As advanced by Commaroff and

Commaroff, „ … the conundrum of similarity and difference is only to be resolved by

turning anthropology on itself, by treating modernity (and postmodernity) as a

problem in historical ethnography‟ (1992:45). Although this approach is complicated

by the fact that distinguishing the „ownership‟ of different narratives is at times

complex in a history of cross-cultural interaction, to attempt to write a history from

the Gurindji‟s point of view would be clearly inappropriate and likely to fail. Although I

will draw on Gurindji oral history, as a non-Indigenous writer I recognise both that the

Gurindji are critical to the story I wish to tell, and that a Gurindji point of view or

subjectivity is out of my reach. It is not my intention, or (without fluency in Gurindji,

Mudbra and Ngarinman languages or anthropological training) within my ability, to

attempt this; that particular project must remain in the preserve of a future work

which will preferably be authored by a Gurindji individual.

6 This direction has also been taken in part because there are many Gurindji accounts of the period on record

(Kijngayari, 1996; Ngumiari, 1970; Daguragu Community Government Council, 2000).

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Notwithstanding the considerations outlined above, the research will broach a range of

difficult issues. The creative work is intended to identify a range of post-Walk-off

outcomes at Kalkaringi and Daguragu, and to look at the causality of these. Where

necessary the dynamics of the changing Gurindji communities will be described in

non-specific terms and no individuals will be named unless they or their family (if they

are deceased) so wishes. It is intended that this will be done in such a way that

responsibility, if it is seen as such, is apportioned to amorphous collectives rather than

individuals and that the principles of Indigenous research identified by the Aboriginal

Institute for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Studies (AIATSIS: Unknown), the

Australian Council for the Arts (ACA: 2007), and the Desert Knowledge Centre for

Cooperative Research (DKCRC: 2008) are observed at all stages of the project.

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5. Rationale: Exegesis

It is intended that the exegesis will be comprised of a complementary, though not

sequential, series of essays. At points in the creative work, issues too oblique, or too

large for consideration in a popularly readable work, will arise. These contain the seeds

of a topic or topics that will be appropriately explored via a more standard academic

treatment. As the creative work is history-based, the exegesis becomes the locus in

which it is possible to explore further the ramifications of each historic topic in the

contemporary context, being primarily that of current Indigenous policy delivery and

governance.

Issues addressed will include the parallel development of neighbouring Wave Hill

(Kalkaringi) and Wattie Creek (Daguragu) as a model for the relations of power and

governance with remote Indigenous people in Australia and the subsequent

institutionalisation of cross-cultural „Wattie Creek‟ relationships in the aboriginal

service industry (and similarly the paradox that the self-determination era

significantly increased the role of government and non-Indigenous professionals in

remote Indigenous life). The vexed question of the causality of the Wave Hill Walk-off

will also be considered; drawing particularly on recent interviews with some strikers

and the scholarship of Minoru Hokari .

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Recent writings from the fields of anthropology (Cowlishaw, Sutton), ethnography and

whiteness studies (Lea, Batty, Kowal), policy (Maddison, Coombs, Griffiths),

economics (Schwab, Sanders, Altman) and journalism (Neil, Rothwell) will inform the

exegesis in conjunction with much of the primary material informing the creative

work. Some quantitative data such as departmental and commissioned reports on

Indigenous health and wellbeing, housing and employment will also be used as

comparative tools.

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6. Research Methodology

There is a complex range of data collection techniques intended in the project. These

range from the use of archival sources, ethnographic practice, the collection of new

oral histories and the use of existing ones, and a range of auto-ethnographic

techniques that include the use of the self as the research subject.

A plenitude of research sources and informants clustered into historically-polarised

groupings generate a diversity of viewpoints on the causality and effects of the Walk-

off. Both the creative work and exegesis therefore attempt to incorporate a multitude

of perspectives on the events in question. The aim of the narrative is also to create and

describe a physical, cultural and authorial space that allows and explains the

dialectical commingling of the ideological, personal entities in the text. This approach

is close to that described by theorist Hayden White as a „contextualist‟ mode of

explanation (1978:65). Paradoxically, the emergence of divergent viewpoints in the

subject matter thereby assists the evolution of an „internal‟ narrative space which

reconciles these to some degree.

The development of a facilitative narrative space is supported by my use of the

communications theory and praxis of „Deep Democracy‟ as developed by post-Jungian

psychologist Arnold Mindell and associates, both in my interviewing and writing

process. Deep Democracy is a form of conflict facilitation (not resolution) that

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attempts to unfold the signals from all sides of a conflict, to identify their core meaning

and create an awareness that is inclusive of all sides of the debate. I have argued

elsewhere that Deep Democracy techniques are transposable to the authorial sphere

and are of particular utility in discussing historical conflicts (Ward: 2010).

Auto-ethnography: the self in history

The key ethnographic theme of the research topic is the experiences and interactions

of non-Indigenous „helpers‟ with the Gurindji and each other. As I work in the remote

Indigenous services sector, I represent a contemporary incarnation of this tradition,

which adds an important dimension to the research. The interaction between a non-

Indigenous author, with all his attendant personal and professional subjectivities—in

the context of contemporary Indigenous affairs—with the descendants of the Gurindji

strikers „problematises‟ past developments and discourses that occurred within that

setting.

This approach fits within the rapidly growing archive of auto-ethnographic approaches

to non-fictional literature that bridge both personal and cultural analysis. According to

Chang, „auto-ethnography shares the story-telling feature with other genres of self-

narrative but transcends mere narration of self to engage in cultural analysis and

interpretation‟ (2008:43). Auto-ethnographic approaches also encourage the

engagement of readers with the text by virtue of their identification with the author‟s

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reflexive mandate: to uncover, explore and finally resolve the idiosyncrasies and

personal dilemmas that emerge through the enquiry. In this sense, the narrative

project of the research is a personal one. A by-line of the enquiry can be stated as

follows: can the history, and historiography, of the Wave Hill Walk-off be resolved in

an ostensibly impartial, non-identified account? Or is it only once the events are

harnessed and engaged with by a storyteller, or an historic actor-recorder, that the

history is vivified, subjectified and hence able to be integrated?

To its proponents (among whom I include myself), the subjectivity of an auto-

ethnographic approach creates a valuable departure point to historiography. It is

possible however that auto-ethnography can overshadow its subject. Chang describes

this as the first danger of using such an approach (ibid). In social accounts that are

saturated by an author‟s personal reflection, the nominal topic is easily overshadowed

with the authorial presence: The Unlucky Australians has been criticised for this

reason (Freeman: 2006). The auto-ethnographic strand of the creative work will

therefore appear as a distinct and infrequently recurring thread, rather than the

centrepiece.

When there is an obvious correlation between firsthand experience and historical

events in the narrative, a „critical incident biographical approach‟ (Béatrice, B. B:

2004) will be adopted. An exploration of such „critical incidents‟ is productively

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included to describe the way that such events elicit information about my own

worldview as a researcher and professional in Indigenous affairs, thus also shedding

light on my journey (parallel to the reader‟s) as a historic guide and narrator. In this

way the sparing use of first-person narrative compliments the main story-theme of the

work. Successful examples of this genre include: Stasiland, by Anna Funder; The

Secret of the Sierra Madre, by W. Wyatt, and in a more auto-ethnographic and post-

structural mode, Bluff Rock, by Kathleen Schlunke and Jonathan Raban‟s Passage to

Juneau. In all these books it is the author‟s fascination with the topic rather than their

personality that is communicated to the reader, and which drives the narrative.

Oral History: a research method

‘A historical ethnography ... must begin by constructing its own archive.’

Comaroff & Comaroff, 1992

The primary research contribution of the project will be the generation of a substantive

Oral History collection on the topic. This will be achieved through conducting

unstructured interviews with a large number of individuals who were present at key

events. This qualitative research will provide a valuable means by which a „living

history‟—or at least a richer, more idiosyncratic and raw addendum— can be generated

to complement primary material drawn from archival sources. Barman acknowledges

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the valuable addition that Oral History can make to existing sources: „Unlike

traditional historical research, limited to materials that happen to exist, oral history

makes it possible to actually bring data into being‟ (1989). The collection of Oral

History is a „two way‟ process that allows the researcher to interact during an

interview, if not with history itself, at least unwittingly with its interpretation. The use

of Oral History as a research method thereby further adduces the role of the researcher

in the historiographic process.7 As Portelli describes the fate of the oral historian: „the

narrator, from outside the narration, is pulled inside and becomes a part of it‟ (1981).

This deeper engagement demands a critical, auto-ethnographic, reflexive approach.

7 The majority of Interviews collected for the project will be donated to the Northern Territory Archives Service

(NTAS) and the Australian Institute of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Studies (AIATSIS).

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7. Literature Review and Originality:

The most cursory Literature Review reveals that the only book written specifically

about the Walk-Off is The Unlucky Australians, by Frank Hardy, which appeared in

1968. The events described in The Unlucky Australians form the foundation and

background to the research topic, which is notable for the lack of detailed

historiography and other scholarship on it. One likely reason for this is that on the

whole the story „on the ground‟ since the 1975 lease handover by the Whitlam

government has not been overly positive. Loyalty to the Gurindji and the climate of

conformity that has permeated the Indigenous affairs sector in the Northern Territory

during the 80s and 90s has also prevented possible commentators from doing so

(Sutton: 2001, Hempel: 2010, Richardson, 2010).

The work of Frank Hardy must be acknowledged regarding the reportage, literature

and success of the Gurindji protest. A successful writer on leftist and nationalist

themes and an Australian exponent of „the New Journalism‟ of the 1960s, his

confrontation of the ethical issues connected with his own subjectivity as an activist in

a cross-cultural context (and the responsibilities entailed in the representation of that)

prove Hardy as an early and advanced poststructuralist in the field of Australian

postcolonial literature. Like Hardy, it is my subjectivity that draws me to the research

topic, and it is this dialectic attraction that animates my research.

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Broadly speaking, there exists a well-established non-Indigenous literature of remote

Aboriginal Australia, to which the creative work would loosely belong. Pseudo-

ethnographic and auto-ethnographic books such as Raft (Goldenberg), Balanda

(Jordan), Sing for me Countryman (Murray) and Someone Else’s Country (Docker)

form contemporary addenda to historic titles such as Faces In the Sun (Holmes) , I,

The Aboriginal, The Lizard Eaters (Lockwood), Life Among the Aborigines (Harney)

and The Vanished People (Idriess). Hardy‟s The Unlucky Australians and the current

work display a hybridised treatment of the themes of this genre.

Academic scholarship has been partial: specific elements of the subject have been

written about in some journal articles, though few use creative non-fiction or auto-

ethnographic technique. Only Lyn Riddett, one of my interviewees, has written briefly

of her experience as a „do-gooder‟ at Wattie Creek (1997). Bain Atwood has

comprehensively addressed the question of Gurindji and non-Indigenous agency in the

strike (2000). Minoru Hokari has examined the Gurindji‟s own narratives about the

Walk-off and the skill of their historians (2000a; 2000b).

A PhD by Tina Jowett (1990) covers the same topic as the proposed work, however

Hunting Wave Hill differs from Jowett‟s thesis and provides a more detailed

treatment of the topic in several important ways: in my opinion Jowett‟s thesis draws

on too narrow a range of archival sources; it does not include the „parallel journeys‟ of

25



people that were at Kalkaringi and Daguragu with the Gurindji; it does not include a

personal narrative; it lacks the reflexivity to examine its own position in relation to the

Walk-off and it does not specifically address the repercussions of its findings for

current Indigenous affairs policy.

The historiographic approach of Hunting Wave Hill is similar to that adopted by

Helen Klaebe, who wrote a „historical biography‟ of the Australian branch of the

Outward Bound organisation drawing primarily on her collection of oral history

interviews. The „Creative Work‟ of her PhD Thesis was published in book form (2005).

26



8. Structure of Creative Work (Total of 60,000 words):

Introduction (5,000 words).

Summary: The Wave Hill Walk-off protest forms the foundation on which the thesis

rests. Although it is unnecessary to describe the event itself in great detail, it is

necessary that the reader is familiar with the facts of the story, to contextualise the rest

of the research. This needs to be done early in the creative work so that the reader is

engaged by the narrative. It is also necessary to introduce the narrator as an agent in

contemporary Indigenous affairs—particularly pertaining to the Wave Hill area—to

support the reader‟s ability to engage with the enquiry and narrative drive of the work.

2006; a car crash I witnessed en route to Wave Hill: bringing together the place,

the Walk-Off, my father and the question of non-Indigenous „support‟;

The Walk-off: event and parable;

Brief account of Wave Hill history and conditions, pre 1966.

Part One: 1967-1971. (20, 000 words).

Summary: After dealing with the Walk-off strike, Part One of the work describes

events as they played out for the Gurindji in the following years. This was a period of

both political conservatism and social change. Support for the Gurindji increased

among the liberal urban set, as well as among union and student groups. At the same

27



time the McMahon coalition government was resistant to calls for action supporting

the Gurindji emanating from within the polity and amongst their own advisors.

Exponents of both positions were present at Wave Hill and Wattie Creek. he

Gurindjis‟ supporters provided both financial and administrative support while the

Government ignored their requests for Land Rights . 1971 is a natural time to

conclude the first part of the creative work as by then the Land Rights debate was near

to resolution and Government support for the Gurindjis‟ cattle enterprise had been

delivered.

Strike incentive and origins;

Pastoralism in the north: a big beef with Vesteys;

Strikers‟ arrival at the Wave Hill Welfare Settlement;

Welfare Branch and the black list;

Frank Hardy and Bill Jeffrey;

What now? Articulating a vision;

Tours and protests: recruiting the South;

Abschol and the Unions: support arrives;

Council of Aboriginal Affairs: Gurindji allies?

The McMahon Government response: intimations of a poisoned chalice;

The formation of the Muramulla Cattle Company;

Growth of the broader debate.

28



Part Two 1972-1975. (20, 000 words):

Summary: The impasse at Wattie Creek was broken with the election of the Whitlam

Government in late 1972 and this forms a natural point to begin the main part of the

work. Immediately the situation at Wattie Creek was changed by the Government‟s

announcement that it would cede land rights to aboriginal groups. Whitlam‟s

government increased Indigenous funding enormously, and public servants at Wave

Hill, as elsewhere, were promptly re-trained and numbers increased. Part Two

explores the effects of these changes on the Gurindji and their supporters. In late 1975

the Gurindji were granted a pastoral lease over a portion of their country and the

Whitlam government was sacked. Almost a decade after the Gurindji‟s protest, they

were again left facing an uncertain future. It was unclear whether the Fraser

Government would deliver Land Rights legislation while the mixed effects of

Whitlam‟s „self-determination‟ and social security policies became entrenched at the

same time.

Whitlam to the rescue? Self -determination;

Settlement Managers to Community Advisors: Governance reprogramming

begins;

Wattie Creek and Wave Hill: too many whitefellas?;

Growing Pains: unemployment benefits, grog and rumours of starvation;

First steps for Muramulla;

The Handover.

29



Part Three: 1976-1986. (10, 000 words)

Summary: In 1976 the Northern Territory Land Rights Act was introduced. The

Gurindji‟s Cattle company was finally established in the form that it would retain until

its demise. Exploring this and the social changes wrought by policies of self-

determination—branded „self-management‟ under the Fraser government— form the

main thrust of the final section. The Gurindji received freehold title over their land in

1983 — sixteen years after their petition for Land Rights to the Governor General. At

the same time their leaders were incapacitated by old age and their cattle operation

was further imperilled by the rigorous conditions of the Brucellosis and Tuberculosis

Eradication Campaign (BTEC) that were imposed on it. By 1985 I will show that the

momentum and vision displayed by the Gurindji had been largely dissipated by time,

erosive policies and the social dynamics of the new „community‟ model of remote

Indigenous life. The Gurindji‟s decision to lease their land to a non- Gurindji manager

(a situation which has lasted to the present day) is a natural point at which to abandon

this exploration of the Gurindjis‟ Walk-off visions. By this time the basic template of

current remote Indigenous life was in place, the Northern Territory Emergency

Response of the Howard and Rudd governments notwithstanding.

Fraser government and self-management;

Abschol leave;

The struggle continues: tenure;

30



End of the road for Muramulla: funding, infrastructure and BTEC (Disease

eradication program);

Generation gap;

Freehold at last;

Vestey‟s withdrawal and subsequent demise;

Fallout of the new policy era.

Epilogue. (5, 000 words):

Summary: In the final part of the creative work I intend to return to its beginning in

a sense and address some issues raised in the body of the work. To achieve this I will

explore the current situation of the Gurindji (somewhat obliquely), and that of their

former masters, the Vestey group. Questions will be posed as to the current status quo

in remote governance in the Northern Territory.

My arrival, 2004: Vincent Lingiari‟s grave marked with a star picket;

40th anniversary: a tale of two hamlets;

Vestey‟s evicted from Venezuela;

The death of Hoppy Mick; the last Walk-off leader.

31



9. Elements of the Exegesis (Five chapters of 8,000 words, comprising a

total of 40,000 words):

The paradoxical role of government: resistance and dependence …

the bureaucratic enablers

Using data drawn from Parts Two and Three of the creative work, this section uses

Wave Hill as a case study to explore the paradox that the self-determination era

significantly increased the role of government in remote Indigenous life. Drawing

on work such as that of Rowse (1998), Kowal (2006, 2008) and Batty (2005 ), the

implications of this co-dependent relationship between systems of governance and

Aboriginal citizens will be explored.

Indigenous people and their non-Indigenous supporters: the

institutionalisation of ‘Wattie Creek’ relationships in the aboriginal

service industry.

Examining the relationships of Gurindji supporters with the Gurindji as an early

instance of the current political partnership between non-Indigenous liberals and a

rights-focused section of urbanised aboriginal professionals, this section examines

32



issues of representation, authenticity and development. This dialectic is explored in

the context of the policy outcomes that characterise organisational and political

reproduction in the Indigenous affairs sector.

The Wave Hill / Daguragu model: A template for the poisoned

chalice of Indigenous affairs.

Representing a number of related events and issues: Daguragu houses: eventually

delivered, but in a different configuration; a school is delivered, but to the wrong

location; a Gurindji shop opens, but not Gurindji controlled; the cattle enterprise:

externally- appointed, culturally ignorant advisors obligatory.

This section will draw from Foucauldian concepts of spatial representations of

power and material ethnography. It explores the failure of successive governments

to accede to, and provide for, Gurindji wishes; to „go the extra mile‟ in both real and

figurative senses towards the Gurindji homeland of Daguragu, and to explore

whether Daguragu itself is symbolic of an authentic expression of Indigenous

sovereignty, and whether this is why its development was not endorsed by the

McMahon, Whitlam, Fraser or Hawke and Keating governments.

33



Lessons from the Gurindji on ‘Self-determination.’

This chapter is a crystallisation of the main theme arising from the creative work

and underlying the other chapters of the exegesis. At Wattie Creek, the Gurindji

leadership clearly understood that the success of their vision was dependent on

their children becoming educated to a degree that would allow them to administer

European-style services and facilities: seemingly a sure alignment between

Indigenous and government goals. „Self-determination‟ was designed with the

Gurindji clearly in mind ( no other group had as clearly and doggedly—or as

publicly— articulated a „self-deterministic‟ vision). This facilitates the exploration

of Daguragu and Kalkaringi history as litmus test of self-determination policy

implementation. In this way the eventual development and entrenchment of the

„self-deterministic‟ ethos—and its success, or otherwise, can be seen as the product

of events at Wattie Creek.

Men of Roper River: a contribution to Indigenous rights

Dexter Daniels‟ role as the primary instigator of the Wave Hill Walk-off is

recognised in existing literature. However, Daniels was one of a clique of men from

the Roper River area who led the Indigenous struggle for Indigenous rights in the

Northern Territory during the 1960s and early 70s. In this chapter I will seek to

contextualise the work and goals of Daniels and other Roper River men, drawing

primarily on oral history collected from their descendants and contemporaries.

34



10: Research Plan and Special Considerations:

Date Semester Activity

Jan-June 2010 Year 1, Sem I Ethics Approval, Annotated Bibliography, Literature

Review, Draft of initial chapter of creative work.

July-Dec 2010 Year 1, Sem II Create research activity database, Oral History

interviewing, archival research.

Write second draft chapter.

Jan-June 2011 Year 2, Sem I Research Proposal and presentation, transfer to PhD,

apply for research funding. Oral History interviews,

July-Dec 2011 Year 2, Sem II Bulk of archival research, Oral History Interviews,

research/conference presentation, continued writing,

draft of initial exegetical chapters, apply for

scholarship.

Jan-June 2012 Year 3, Sem I Progress draft of thesis

July-Dec 2012 Year 3, Sem II Submit draft of thesis

Special Considerations: Funding is required to conduct two parts of the research

required to execute the Project. Oral History interviewing with approximately twenty

interviewees is necessary. The interviewees (whose consent has already been obtained)

live mainly in rural Queensland and New South Wales. Also, a significant body of

archival material required to inform the project is held in Canberra in institutions such

as the National Library of Australia, the Noel Butlin Archive Centre at the Australian

National University, and the National Film and Sound Archive. Funding will be sought

from the University to conduct this research.

35



11: Works Cited:

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AIATSIS.

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Chang, H. (2008). Autoethnography as Method. Walnut Creek, California, Left Coast

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Lea, T. (2008). Bureaucrats and Bleeding Hearts: Indigenous Health in Northern

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12. Preliminary Bibliography:

Audiovisual Material

Brodie, L. (2010). Oral History interview Recorded by Charlie Ward. Oral History

Collection. Darwin, Northern Territory Archives Service. NTRS 3609.

Eames, G. (2010). Oral History interview Recorded by Charlie Ward. Oral History


Fardell, B. (2010). Oral History Interview Recorded by Charlie Ward. Oral History


Harvey, R. B. (1979). Oral History Interview recorded by Daniel Bacon. Oral History


Hempel, R. (2010). Oral History Interview recorded by Charlie Ward. Oral History


Lingiari, V. (1975). Vincent Lingiari interviewed by Ted Egan. Oral History Collection.

Darwin, Northern Territory Archives Service. NTRS 226.

McConvell, P. (2009). Oral History Interview recorded by Charlie Ward. Oral History


Middleton, H. (2009). Oral History Interview recorded by Charlie Ward. Oral History


Oke, R. (2009). Oral History Interview recorded by Charlie Ward. Oral History


Phillips, J. (2010). Oral History Interview recorded by Charlie Ward. Oral History


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History Collection,. Darwin, Northern Territory Archives Service. NTRS 226.

42



Richardson, L. (2010). Oral History Interview recorded by Charlie Ward. Oral History


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Collection. Darwin, Northern Territory Archives Service. NTRS

Thorpe, A. (2010). Oral History Interview recorded by Charlie Ward. Oral History


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(1968). More Gurindji Quit NT Stations. The Australian ??

(1968). Students Will Build with Aboriginals. The Sun.

(1970). Governments Destroying Aboriginal Race. The Australian.

(1971). Claims Gurindji‟s Political Football. Northern Territory News.

(1971). NTA Agronomist Doubts Aboriginal Leases Program. Northern Territory News.

(1975). Some Earth from Wattie Creek. Nation Review.

43



Dearn, A. (1970). Refused Permit to Visit Aborigine. The Advertiser. Adelaide, S.A.

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44



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Riddett, L. A. (1997). "The Strike That Became a Land Rights Movement: a Southern

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Australian Economic Papers 15 (December): 158-170.

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Quarterly, Australian National University, Canberra.

46



Wyatt, W. (1980). The Secret of the Sierra Madre: The Man Who Was B. Traven. New

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