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HONG KONG ENGLISH AUTONOMY AN D CREATIVIT Y

Edited by

Kingsley Bolton

# m *. < p £ m. *t HONG KON G UNIVERSIT Y PRES S

Hong Kong University Pres s 14/F Hin g Wai Centr e 7 Tin Wan Pray a Roa d Aberdeen Hong Kon g

© Hong Kon g Universit y Pres s 200 2

First published 200 2 Reprinted 2004 , 200 5

ISBN 96 2 20 9 553 4

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Chapters 1-12 , 1 5 and 1 6 were firs t publishe d i n th e journal, World Englishes, Vol. 19 , No. 3 . Reproduced her e b y permission o f Blackwel l Publisher s Ltd .

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Contents

List o f Contributor s vi i

Introduction 1

Hong Kon g English : Autonomy an d creativit y Kingsley Bolton

Part I: Languag e in Context 2 7

1 Th e sociolinguistic s o f Hong Kon g and th e spac e fo r 2 9 Hong Kon g Englis h Kingsley Bolton

2 Th e discours e an d attitude s o f English languag e teacher s i n 5 7 Hong Kon g Amy B. M. Tsui and David Bunton

3 Cantonese-Englis h code-switchin g researc h i n Hon g Kong : 7 9 A survey of recent researc h David C. S. Li

4 Th e English-languag e medi a i n Hon g Kon g 10 1 Chan Yuen-ying

Part II: Languag e Form 11 7

5 Toward s a phonology o f Hong Kon g English 11 9 Tony T N. Hung

vi Content s

6 Relativ e clause s i n H o n g Kon g Englis h 14 1

Nikolas Gisborne

7 H o n g Kon g words : Variation an d contex t 16 1

Phil Benson

Part III : Dimension s o f Creativit y 17 1

8 H o n g Kon g writin g an d writin g H o n g Kon g 17 3

Louise Ho

9 Definin g H o n g Kon g poetr y i n English : A n answe r 18 3 from linguistic s

Agnes Lam

10 Writin g betwee n Chines e an d Englis h 19 9

Leung Ping-kwan

11 Fro m Yinglis h t o sado-masticatio n 20 7

Nury Vittachi

12 Writin g th e literatur e o f non-denia l 21 9

XuXi

Part IV : Resource s 23 9

13 Analysin g H o n g Kon g English : Sampl e text s fro m 24 1 the Internat iona l Corpu s o f Englis h

Kingsley Bolton and Gerald Nelson

14 Cultura l imaginatio n an d Englis h i n H o n g Kon g 26 5

Shirley Geok-lin Lim

15 Researchin g H o n g Kon g English : Bibliographica l Source s 28 1

Kingsley Bolton

Part V: Futur e Direction s 29 3

16 Future s fo r H o n g Kon g Englis h 29 5

Kingsley Bolton and Shirley Geok-lin Lim

Index

List of Contributors

Phil Benso n i s an Assistan t Professor i n th e Englis h Centre , th e Universit y o f Hong Kong .

Kingsley Bolto n i s Professo r o f Linguistic s i n th e Departmen t o f English , Stockholm University , and Honorar y Professo r o f English a t the Universit y of Hong Kong .

David Bunto n i s a n Associat e Professo r i n th e Facult y o f Education , th e University o f Hon g Kong .

Chan Yuen-ying is Professor an d Director o f the Journalism an d Media Studie s Centre, th e Universit y o f Hong Kong .

Nikolas Gisborn e i s a Lecture r i n th e Englis h Languag e Department , th e University o f Edinburgh .

Louise H o wa s unti l recentl y a n Associat e Professo r i n th e Departmen t o f English, th e Chines e Universit y o f Hong Kong .

Tong T. N. Hung i s an Associate Professor an d Hea d o f the Language Centre , Hong Kon g Baptis t University .

Agnes Lam i s an Associate Professo r i n th e Englis h Centre , th e Universit y o f Hong Kong .

Leung Ping-kwa n i s Chai r Professo r o f Comparativ e Literatur e i n th e Department o f Chinese , Lingnan University .

David C . S . L i i s a n Associat e Professo r i n th e Departmen t o f Englis h an d Communication, Cit y University of Hong Kong .

viii Lis t o f Contributor s

Shirley Geok-lin Li m i s Honorary Professo r o f English a t the Universit y of H o n g Kong, an d Professo r o f Englis h a t th e Universit y o f California , Sant a Barbara .

Gerald Nelso n i s a Lec ture r i n th e Depa r tmen t o f Englis h Languag e a n d Literature, Universit y Colleg e London .

Amy B . M . Tsu i i s Chai r Professo r an d Directo r o f th e Teacher s o f Englis h L a n g u a g e E d u c a t i o n C e n t r e (TELEC ) i n th e Facult y o f Educa t ion , t h e University o f H o n g Kong .

Nury Vittach i i s a H o n g Kong-base d writer , an d als o a columnis t fo r th e Far Eastern Economic Review.

Xu X i i s a write r base d i n bo t h H o n g Kon g an d Ne w York .

I

Introduction —J Hong Kong English: Autonomy and creativity

Kingsley Bolto n

Background

Hong Kon g i s a n extraordinar y societ y tha t ha s experience d a serie s o f dramatic changes ove r the las t fifty years in almos t all aspects of its economic , social an d politica l life. 1 Immediatel y afte r th e Secon d Worl d War , th e population o f Hon g Kon g explode d a s a resul t o f continuou s wave s o f immigration fro m Guangdon g provinc e an d othe r part s o f China , wit h it s population almos t quadrupling fro m 194 5 to 1951 . Since then , it s populatio n has continued t o increase a t an average rate of one million people per decade , to 3.1 million i n 1961 , 4.1 million i n 1971 , 5.6 million i n 199 1 and t o aroun d 6.7 millio n i n th e yea r 2001 . In th e lat e 1940s , the transfe r o f Shanghaines e industrial expertis e an d capita l helpe d se t u p th e labour-intensiv e low-cos t industries, suc h a s textiles , garment s an d plastics , tha t becam e th e majo r employers in the period up to the mid-1970s. These Shanghai emigres brough t with the m a cosmopolitanis m an d cultura l capita l tha t foun d expressio n i n the fil m industry , music , food an d entertainmen t i n 1950 s Hon g Kong . Th e Shanghainese wer e soo n outnumbere d b y hug e number s o f refuge e immigrants from souther n China , many of whom cam e from smal l towns an d pre-modern agricultura l communities in the Pearl River Delta and Guangdon g province. Thes e immigrant s provide d th e labou r forc e fo r th e low-cos t industries o f th e 1950 s an d 1960s , an d wer e initiall y house d i n extrem e conditions o f discomfor t an d overcrowding .

After th e riots an d socia l disturbance s o f 196 6 an d 1967 , Hon g Kon g underwent anothe r perio d o f rapi d change . I n th e 1970s , MacLehose' s reformist administratio n bega n t o provide a greatly expanded rang e o f socia l services, including public housing, health care , public transport and education . The equivalen t o f th e Britis h 187 0 Education Ac t (providin g fo r elementar y education fo r all ) too k effec t i n Hon g Kon g i n 1974 , an d th e equivalen t o f the Britis h 194 4 Educatio n Ac t (providin g secondar y education ) wen t int o effect i n 1978 . Judge d b y the usua l economi c indicators , Hon g Kon g societ y

2 Kingsle y Bolton

became rich extremel y quickl y i n th e perio d o f it s moder n formation , wit h the pe r capit a GD P rising fro m US$41 0 i n th e 1960 s t o US$23,00 0 b y 1996 , although grea t disparities of wealth continue t o exist. The territory' s separatio n from mainlan d Chin a mean t tha t Hon g Kon g als o began t o develo p it s ow n cultural identity . B y 1971 , a majorit y o f th e populatio n (som e 5 6 percent) , could clai m t o be 'Hon g Kong-born' , an d b y 199 1 this proportion ha d rise n to almos t 6 0 percent. B y the earl y 1980s , it was clear tha t Hon g Kon g peopl e (a ter m tha t firs t appeare d afte r th e 196 7 riots) wer e n o longe r 'sojourners' , but 'Hon g Kon g people' , heung gong ydhn, with thei r ow n distinctiv e cultur e in film , television , music , print-media an d muc h else .

The perio d fro m th e 1960 s t o th e 1990 s als o witnesse d th e ris e o f th e modern Hon g Kong Cantonese language , and it s growing use in a wide rang e of publi c domains , includin g th e civi l service , th e mas s media , an d th e entertainment industry . This also contributed t o the specific characteristic s o f the Hong Kong speech community in the late colonial period. Immigrants an d their childre n fro m th e differen t dialec t area s o f Guangdon g an d Fujia n province quickly adapted thei r speech to meet the norms of urban metropolita n Cantonese in the territory. The use of indigenous dialects, such as Hakka, began to declin e rapidl y a t thi s time . After th e riot s an d disturbance s o f th e 1960s , language rights and the recognition o f Chinese as an official languag e becam e a focus o f intellectua l radicalis m i n th e earl y 1970s , which le d i n tur n t o th e recognition o f 'Chinese ' a s a co-officia l languag e o f governmen t an d la w in 1974. Nevertheless , th e demand s o f parent s i n th e mid-1970 s ensure d tha t English was retained a s a language o f textbooks and a t least at a nominal leve l of instruction i n the vast majority o f secondary schools. The use of Cantones e in this period also began t o expand into many so-called 'high ' domain s of use, including government, th e law courts, and broadcasting. The fact that English occupied th e spac e o f a de jure officia l languag e i n th e territor y allowe d Cantonese t o elaborate it s functions i n Hon g Kon g in ways that were denie d to 'dialects ' i n Guangzho u an d othe r part s o f mainland China , where officia l policy since 194 9 has forcefully promote d th e national language, Putonghua .

The pre-eminenc e o f Cantones e i n th e 1970 s an d 1980 s helpe d foste r among academics and commentators in the media the ideology of Hong Kon g as a 'monocultural' , 'monoethnic' , an d 'monolingual ' society . Th e fac t tha t this ideolog y wa s a t odd s wit h th e earl y histor y o f th e society , a s wel l a s it s contemporary development , seem s to have weighed littl e agains t the force o f such belief. By the 1990s , however, it became clea r that Hong Kong's linguistic profile was changing, and thi s was reflected i n the results of language censuse s and survey s fo r thi s period . Th e number s o f thos e claimin g a reasonabl e command o f Englis h ros e fro m 6. 6 percen t i n 198 3 to aroun d 33. 7 percen t in 199 3 (Bacon-Shone an d Bolton, 1998) . By 2001, the census results indicated that, overall , 43 percent now claim to speak English, 34.1 percent Putonghua , and 96.1 percent Cantonese (HKSA R Government, 2001 : 39). Multilingualism

Hong Kon g English : Autonom y an d creativit y 3

is no t onl y confine d t o thes e languages , a s ther e ar e als o minorit y group s o f Chinese dialec t speakers , a s wel l a s Filipinos , Indonesians , Thais , Japanese , Indians, Malaysians , Parsee s an d other s residen t i n th e territory .

After th e Jo in t Declaratio n o f 198 4 ha d decide d H o n g Kong' s politica l future, th e problematizatio n o f English wa s intensified b y a rang e o f languag e debates i n academi c circle s an d th e media . T h e 'fallin g s tandards ' debat e became a focu s o f commercial , politica l an d ethni c anxieties . Agains t thi s political backdrop , ther e seeme d t o b e littl e spac e fo r a recognit ion o f ' H o n g Kong English ' . I n o the r Asia n societie s suc h a s India , Singapor e a n d th e Philippines, ther e wa s a growin g awarenes s an d occasiona l pr id e i n a loca l variety o f English , a s wel l a s a loca l li teratur e writte n i n tha t variety . A m o n g the genera l H o n g Kon g populat ion , however , ther e wa s a tendenc y t o regar d H o n g Kon g Englis h as , i f no t non-existent , the n a s 'bad ' an d ' incompeten t ' English (Harris , 1989 : 40). Among linguists , thi s attitud e too k differen t forms , as i t wa s media te d b y a mor e sophisticate d an d professiona l approac h tha t described th e Englis h proficienc y profil e o f local speaker s i n term s o f concept s such a s ' e r ro r analysis' , 'approximativ e systems' , ' in te r ference ' , ' t ransfer ' , 'communicative strategies ' an d ' interlanguage' . Identifiabl e languag e contac t p h e n o m e n a include d 'code-mixing' , 'code-switching' , ' languag e al ternat ion ' and 'mixe d code ' , an d linguist s strov e t o describ e an d analys e th e linguistic s of languag e contac t fro m a professionall y m o d e r n perspective . I n spit e o f th e anxieties abou t 'fallin g standards ' an d 'monolingualism' , knowledg e o f Englis h in th e communi t y cont inue d t o spread , a s di d th e us e o f a localize d variet y o f the language ; whic h dre w th e interes t o f journalists i f no t academics . A 198 7 South China Morning Post editoria l noted :

The fac t i s Hongkon g Englis h ha s evolve d int o a n incipien t patois , a n inevitable proces s in an y colonial setting where th e imported tongu e canno t avoid absorbing the characteristics of the vernacular, especiall y one as vibrant as Cantonese (South China Morning Post, 1987a: 28)

In th e 1990s , th e n u m b e r s o f Englis h speaker s increased , particularl y among th e younge r ag e groups . O n e resul t o f th e popularit y o f emigratio n t o Nor th Americ a i n th e lat e 1980 s wa s tha t b y th e mid - an d lat e 1990s , larg e numbers o f H o ng Kon g resident s ha d bee n educate d abroad . A Time magazin e article o f 199 6 note d that , with th e exceptio n o f Filipino domestics , th e 34,00 0 r e s i d e n t A m e r i c a n s t h e n c o n s t i t u t e d t h e l a rges t f o r e ig n c o m m u n i t y , ou tnumber ing th e 27,00 0 British . Th e author s wen t o n t o argu e tha t H o n g Kong's styl e wa s becomin g rapidl y Americanized :

In th e street s .. . th e temp o o f American mas s culture — from hamburger s t o fashion an d T V shows — suits Hong Kong' s fast-trac k lifestyl e lik e n o othe r foreign influence . Hong Kong consumers devour anything American. Disney's new store s pus h everythin g fro m T shirt s t o gol d Micke y Mous e earrings .

4 Kingsle y Bolton

American retailers such as Timberland, Esprit and Toys 'R' Us have sprouted in American-style malls — which are catching on in a society that had always preferred th e small , mom-and-po p store . Cricke t i s out ; basketbal l i s in , overtaking socce r a s th e preferre d spor t amon g teenagers . Th e Nationa l Basketball Association runs a nine-person office in Hong Kong. On television, the Cantonese version o f the NBAs 'Inside Stuff attract s 56 percent o f the young male Chinese audience (Ellio t and Strasser , 1996: 28).

The sam e articl e the n discusse d Chie f Executiv e Designat e Tun g Chee -hwa's intention t o 'revamp ' Hon g Kong' s educatio n syste m along US lines i n order t o promote high-tec h industries , and noted tha t four ou t of six university vice-chancellors polle d ha d America n passports . Th e predictio n tha t Hon g Kong universitie s woul d mov e toward s a n America n unit-credi t syste m ha s proved substantiall y correct , an d thi s chang e no w ha s bee n mad e a t mos t tertiary institution s i n th e territory .

At th e sam e time , just befor e an d afte r th e 199 7 Handover , ther e wa s a rapid growt h i n th e us e o f persona l computer s an d th e Interne t a t al l Hon g Kong universities , an d mos t schools . Hon g Kon g student s hav e becom e computer literat e i n a ver y shor t spac e o f time , an d muc h compute r communication, particularl y websit e us e o n th e Internet , i s conducte d i n English, a s wel l a s e-mail s an d onlin e chat . Whethe r al l thi s i s evidenc e o f increasing 'Americanization ' remain s t o b e seen . Hon g Kong' s culture , lik e its language, has a strong hybrid quality , which finds expression in the interfac e between Englis h an d Chines e s o tha t '[i] n th e ne w bree d o f Hon g Kon g Chinese, the mediation o f languages and cultures is an internal one tha t take s place insid e individua l speaker s a s the y interac t withi n th e hom e speec h community', s o tha t 'th e younge r generatio n o f Hon g Kon g Chines e ar e creating hybri d identitie s fro m a mixe d poo l o f linguisti c an d cultura l resources' (Pennington , 1998 : 28).

The origin s an d developmen t o f Hon g Kon g Englis h

The origin s o f Englis h i n souther n Chin a dat e bac k t o 1637 , when th e firs t British tradin g ships under th e command o f Captain Weddell reached Maca u and Canton . Afte r th e restrictio n b y imperia l decre e o f al l foreig n trad e t o Canton (Guangzhou ) afte r 1755 , thi s por t becam e th e worl d centr e fo r th e tea trade, and a range of other exports including silks and porcelain . The firs t attestations tha t ar e availabl e fo r Chines e speaker s o f Englis h dat e fro m th e 1740s an d ar e cite d b y pidgi n scholar s an d creolist s a s earl y example s o f 'Chinese pidgi n English' . The ter m 'pidgi n English' , however , did no t appea r 1859, and , throughou t th e lat e eighteent h an d earl y nineteent h century , reference wa s typicall y mad e t o th e 'broke n English' , 'jargon' , o r 'mixe d dialect' use d a t Canton . On e earl y glossar y o f suc h jargon fro m Canto n

Hong Kong English: Autonomy and creativity 5

includes suc h item s a s chop ('a sea l o r stamp') , face ('appearanc e i n society , reputation'), hong (' a commercia l establishment') , an d side (' a position , place'), an d i t is interesting t o note tha t thes e words an d expression s ar e stil l in us e i n Hon g Kon g toda y (Morrison , 1834) .

After th e Firs t and Second Opium Wars of 1839-42 and 1856-60 , 'Canton -English' (ye t another ter m for th e jargon spoke n in Guangzhou) sprea d nort h with th e expansio n o f compradore syste m t o Shanghai an d othe r treat y port s throughout th e country . After th e ratification o f the Treaty of Tianjin i n 1862 , numerous othe r 'ports' , includin g inlan d enclaves , were opene d t o Wester n missionaries, merchants, and colonia l officials . B y the turn o f the century , ove r forty Chinese cities had been opened t o Western powers, and a system of treaty-port 'semi-colonialism ' ha d bee n establishe d i n China . By the earl y twentiet h century, however , ther e wa s greatly increase d acces s t o educate d varietie s o f English through mission schools and other sources, and some Chinese speaker s of English develope d a distaste for pidgin . Fo r example , Gree n (1934 ) note d that 'hundred s o f missio n school s hav e fo r year s pas t bee n turnin g ou t thousands o f Chines e who spea k English a t leas t as well a s most non-Englis h peoples; eve n amon g servant s ther e ar e thos e wh o reall y resen t bein g addressed i n pidgin ' (1934 : 331). By 1944, Hall noted th e 'decline ' o f pidgi n English, which he claimed had begun in the 1890s . After th e end of the Secon d World War , an d th e formatio n o f th e PR C i n 1949 , condition s i n th e treat y ports i n mainlan d Chin a change d drastically . Accordin g t o som e accounts , pidgin Englis h continue d t o be spoke n i n Hon g Kon g during th e 1950 s an d 1960s among tradespeopl e an d servants , but most contemporary writers toda y claim tha t Chines e pidgi n Englis h n o longe r exists , even i n HKSAR .

Elsewhere, I have argued tha t characterizations o f Western 'comic ' writers such a s Lelan d (1876 ) playe d a n iconi c rol e i n th e creatio n o f a 'Chines e imaginary' i n Britain and th e USA from th e mid-nineteenth centur y onwards . Leland's 'rhyme s an d stories ' wer e publishe d durin g a n er a o f unequalle d Western expansion into China through th e treaty-por t system, and also durin g a period o f mounting Sinophobi a agains t the 'heathe n Chinee ' i n th e Unite d States. Leland's book, Pidgin English Sing-Song, helped construc t an overtly racist anti-Chinese discours e tha t was spread acros s all classes of society in both th e United State s and Britai n (Bolton , 2000) .

The 'de-pidginization ' o f Englis h i n treaty-por t er a cam e abou t throug h the system of missionary schools that spread across China in the late nineteent h and earl y twentiet h centuries . Th e earlies t o f thes e missionar y school s wer e established i n Sout h China , i n Maca u an d Hon g Kong . Prominen t amongs t these were The Morrison Education Societ y School (opene d a t Macau in 1839 , and transferred t o Hong Kong in 1842) , and the Anglo-Chinese College (whic h moved t o Hon g Kon g from Malacc a in 1843) . Early mission school s i n Hon g Kong include d S t Paul' s Colleg e (1851) , Diocesa n Girls ' Schoo l (1860) , Diocesan Boys ' School (1869) , and S t Joseph's (1876) . Eventually, the colonia l

6 Kingsle y Bolto n

government establishe d th e Centra l Schoo l (1862 ) whic h late r becam e Queen ' s College. Thes e school s playe d a crucia l rol e i n th e histor y o f H o n g Kon g a s a British colony , b y educat in g a comprador e clas s o f merchant s wh o playe d i n the commercia l an d politica l developmen t o f Chin a i n th e lat e Qin g per io d (Smith, 1985) .

It wa s not , however , unti l th e lat e colonia l perio d tha t acces s t o Englis h in H o n g Kon g becam e availabl e throug h a mas s educatio n system . Followin g the 196 7 riots i n th e territory , a n u m b e r o f socia l reform s wer e initiate d b y the colonia l government , includin g th e educationa l reform s o f 197 4 and 1978 , which provide d fo r a syste m o f free , compulsor y pr imar y an d secondar y educat ion. Largel y because o f thes e reforms , th e number s o f English speaker s in t h e t e r r i to r y i n r e c e n t decade s ha s r ise n dramatical ly . I n 1960 , t h e propor t ion o f th e populat io n claimin g t o kno w English wa s estimated a t 9.7% . By 1991 , thi s figur e ha d rise n t o 31.6% , an d b y 199 6 t o 38 .1% , an d b y 200 1 (as noted above ) thi s figure ha d reache d 43% , with 39.8 % of these respondent s identifying themselve s a s speaker s o f Englis h 'a s a n o t h e r l anguage ' (i.e . English-knowing bilinguals) .

Post-colonial Hon g Kon g

At midnigh t o n 3 0 J u ne 1997 , Hon g Kon g cease d t o b e a Britis h colony . T h e Handover ceremon y too k plac e a t th e Conventio n an d Exhibitio n Centr e i n Wanchai , o n th e n o r t h e r n waterfron t o f H o n g Kon g Island . T h e Britis h representatives a t th e ceremon y include d Christophe r Patten , th e las t governo r of H o n g Kong , th e Foreig n Secretar y Robi n Cook , Prim e Ministe r Ton y Blai r and Princ e Charles . Chines e governmen t official s include d Presiden t J i an g Zemin, Prim e Ministe r L i Peng, Vice-Premier Qia n Qichen , People' s Liberatio n Army Genera l Zhan g Wannian , an d Tun g Chee-hwa , th e firs t Chie f Executiv e of th e HKSAR . I n hi s speec h t o th e 40 0 guest s an d assemble d worl d medi a a t the ceremony , Presiden t J iang Zemi n commente d o n th e historica l significanc e of th e event , declarin g i n Pu tonghu a that :

The nationa l fla g o f the People' s Republi c o f China and th e regiona l flag o f the Hon g Kon g Specia l Administrativ e Regio n o f th e People' s Republi c o f China hav e no w solemnly rise n ove r thi s land. The retur n o f Hong Kon g t o the motherlan d afte r goin g throug h a centur y o f vicissitude s indicate s tha t from no w on, th e Hon g Kon g compatriots hav e become tru e master s o f thi s Chinese land and tha t Hong Kong has now entered a new era of developmen t (Matheson, 1997 : 3).

J i ang Zemi n conclude d hi s speec h b y re-statin g th e commitmen t o f th e PRC (People ' s Republ i c o f China ) gove rnmen t t o th e ' o n e country , tw o systems' concept , wit h it s promis e o f ' a hig h degre e o f au tonomy ' fo r th e


executive, legislative and judicial branches o f the Hon g Kong government. At the en d o f th e ceremony , i n th e word s o f th e South China Morning Post, 'the two groups o f principal official s stood , shook hand s an d descende d fro m th e stage int o history ' (Matheson , 1997 : 3).

Some fiv e year s on , Hon g Kong' s histor y ha s bee n les s politica l tha n economic. By 1998, the recessio n tha t hi t othe r Asian economie s ha d begu n to bit e Hon g Kon g an d th e followin g thre e year s hav e see n unprecedente d budget deficits , increasin g unemployment , an d th e halvin g o f residentia l property values . Ironically , i n th e year s befor e 1997 , a favourit e trop e o f journalists and other commentators had hinged on the nature o f the transition , and whethe r Hon g Kong' s econom y an d lifestyl e woul d 'tak e over ' th e mainland, rathe r tha n th e reverse . I n th e event , sinc e 1997 , mos t economi c indicators fo r th e territor y hav e plunge d whil e thos e o f th e PRC , led b y th e resurgent financial powerhous e of Shanghai, have risen sharply. On 1 2 October 2001, th e World Trad e Organizatio n grante d ful l entr y t o Chin a a s an equa l member o f the world's leading capitalist trade organization. As capitalism 'wit h Chinese characteristics ' spread s throughou t mainlan d China , a numbe r o f commentators, both loca l and international , have voiced concerns tha t Hon g Kong's positio n a s a leadin g busines s an d financia l centr e migh t soo n b e superseded b y Shanghai .

As China' s busines s an d tradin g communitie s adap t t o internationa l markets, th e popularit y o f Englis h i n th e PR C seem s t o hav e reache d a ne w high with government policy-makers, educationalists, and th e Chinese public . Last year , th e governmen t introduce d plan s t o begi n teachin g Englis h fro m the firs t yea r o f primar y school s acros s th e whol e nation . I n majo r Chines e cities today, such as Beijing and Shanghai there are now campaigns to promot e English among police, restaurant staff, taxi-drivers , and other service personne l in anticipation o f an influx o f businessmen an d tourist s in th e nex t few years. Beijing wil l be hostin g th e 200 8 Olympic Games , and, i n th e mind s o f many , English seems inextricably linked t o the nation' s continued economi c growt h and th e continuatio n o f th e 'Ope n Door ' polic y toward s th e Wes t tha t wa s introduced b y Deng Xiaoping i n th e lat e 1970 s (Bolton , 2002) .

Hong Kong' s reunificatio n wit h mainlan d Chin a sinc e 199 7 has raise d a number o f issue s relate d t o th e economic , politica l an d socia l developmen t of the HKSAR, but linguistic issues obviously are present in this process as well. The Basi c Law of Hong Kon g broadly stipulate d tha t th e Hon g Kon g way of life woul d remai n largel y unaltere d throug h a syste m o f 'on e country , tw o systems' fo r a perio d o f 5 0 years , bu t th e 'convergence ' o f th e HKSA R with the People's Republic has already begun. Since the economic recession bega n to bit e i n 1998 , Hong Kon g ha s begu n t o re-evaluat e it s cultura l identit y a s well a s it s economi c fundamentals . Despit e th e ofte n mixe d message s o f government spi n doctors , par t o f Hon g Kong' s postcolonia l P R messag e t o the internationa l busines s communit y ha s bee n it s clai m t o 'world-class '

8 Kingsle y Bolton

cosmopolitanism. I n hi s October 199 9 Policy Address, entitled 'Qualit y People Quality Home' , M r Tun g Chee-hwa , th e HKSAR' s Chie f Executive , launche d the re-branding of Hong Kong as a 'world-class city', asserting that 'Hong Kong should no t onl y b e a majo r Chines e city , bu t coul d becom e th e mos t cosmopolitan cit y in Asia , enjoyin g a statu s comparabl e t o tha t o f Ne w York in Nort h Americ a an d Londo n i n Europe' . A s par t o f thi s polic y statemen t Tung also announced ' a territory-wide publicit y campaign t o promote th e us e of English ' t o hal t ' a declin e i n th e Englis h standard s o f ou r younge r generation sinc e th e earl y 1990's ' (HKSA R Government , 1999) .

English sinc e th e Handove r

Before 1997 , ther e wa s speculatio n tha t th e chang e o f sovereignt y i n Hon g Kong would lead t o a reduced rol e for English in the HKSAR, and th e paralle l promotion o f Chines e i n variou s domain s o f society , includin g government , the law , an d education . I n reality , th e change s tha t hav e take n plac e i n th e last five year s o r s o have bee n les s dramatic tha n man y previously imagined .

In government , th e officia l lin e o f the governmen t ha s been t o pursue a 'trilingual, biliterate ' languag e polic y that recognize s Cantonese , Putonghua , and Englis h a s spoken languages , and written Chines e an d Englis h a s written languages. However , withi n th e governmen t generally , an d withi n th e Legislative Counci l i n particular , ther e ha s been a marked shif t fro m Englis h to Cantones e sinc e th e Handover . Th e shif t toward s Cantones e wa s alread y quite noticeable b y the early 1990s . Yau (1997 : 44-5), for example , notes tha t in 1995 , ther e wer e alread y quit e significan t number s o f Legc o councillor s using 'onl y Cantonese' , i.e . 53 % of non-directl y electe d members , an d 89 % of directl y electe d members . Smalle r percentage s o f both group s als o opte d to us e 'bot h Englis h an d Cantonese' . I t i s signficant tha t n o directl y electe d members i n he r dat a chos e t o us e 'Englis h only' , compare d t o 34 % of thos e members wh o were non-directl y elected . Sinc e 1997 , English i s rarely hear d in Legco , althoug h som e non-Chines e civi l servant s continu e t o presen t information i n English , an d som e Chines e official s an d legislator s d o occasionally op t fo r Englis h instea d o f Cantonese .

Within th e civi l service , th e 'localization ' polic y o f th e Hon g Kon g government i n the 1990 s led to a decrease in th e numbers o f 'expatriate ' civi l servants (i.e . non-Chinese governmen t officers , o n 'oversea s terms') . In 1999 , it was reported tha t the numbers of such staff had fallen fro m 1,80 7 in 199 5 to 778, out of a total civil service workforce o f 188,000. As a result of such changin g demographics an d th e change d politica l statu s o f th e HKSAR , i t i s perhap s now mor e commo n t o conduc t interna l meeting s i n Cantones e tha n i n th e past. Bu t thi s i s b y n o mean s alway s th e case , an d whateve r th e choic e o f language a t the spoke n level , English stil l appears t o be firmly entrenche d a s


the written language o f th e civi l service , an d a t presen t Englis h remain s th e dominant language of written records ('th e files') . At the spoken level , a good deal o f Cantonese-Englis h code-mixin g (se e Li , thi s volume ) take s plac e i n many government departments , despite th e effort s o f the 'Officia l Language s Agency' whose stated mission foregrounds 'promotin g wider and more effectiv e use o f Chines e within th e civi l service' , an d 'settin g th e standard s fo r officia l writing in Chinese and monitoring it s use' (HKSA R Government, 2000) .

In th e domain o f law, various changes took place in the runup t o 1997 . In 1986, the Hong Kong government launched th e 'Bilingua l Laws Project', an d since the n a larg e proportio n o f th e writte n law s o f Hon g Kon g hav e bee n translated int o Chinese . Fro m th e lat e 1980 s t o th e mid-1990s , variou s amendments t o the Officia l Language s Ordinanc e hav e permitted th e us e o f spoken Chines e int o the higher courts . In December 1995 , the firs t civi l High Court case was heard in Putonghua, and in August 1997 the first criminal Hig h Court case was conducted i n Cantonese (Cheung , 1997) . Previously, before th e late 1980s , so-calle d 'expatriate ' lawyer s fro m th e UK , Australia , an d Ne w Zealand were heavil y represented i n th e highe r rank s of the lega l profession , and a syste m o f cour t interpreter s wa s available t o manag e th e negotiatio n between English , Chinese , and othe r language s suc h a s Vietnamese, Filipino , etc. I n th e las t te n year s o r so , increasin g number s o f 'local ' Hon g Kon g Chinese hav e bee n appointe d a s barrister s an d judges , but , i n spit e o f increasing flexibilit y toward s th e us e o f varieties o f spoke n Chinese , spoke n English i s stil l used , particularl y i n th e highe r court s o f th e HKSAR , an d English seem s to have retained it s de facto status as the the dominan t languag e of court record s an d almos t al l important lega l documents . Given th e rol e o f the la w courts i n bolsterin g th e HKSAR' s reputation a s a centr e fo r regiona l and internationa l business , an d th e importanc e o f contractua l la w t o th e international busines s community , i t i s likely tha t th e languag e wil l retain it s importance i n th e system of law for th e foreseeable future .

Within education , th e majo r chang e i n secondar y education occurre d i n March 1997 , when th e governmen t announce d a new 'fir m guidance ' polic y of requiring th e majorit y o f secondary school s t o teach throug h th e 'mothe r tongue', Cantonese . According to this , only 100 secondary schools (som e 22% of th e tota l o f 460 ) woul d b e allowe d t o us e Englis h a s a teachin g medium , with stif f penaltie s prescribe d fo r schoo l principal s wh o di d no t compl y with the governmen t directiv e (Kwok , 1997) . Later the figure o f 10 0 was amende d to 114 , afte r application s fro m a numbe r o f school s t o retai n Englis h wer e approved. Sinc e then , however , i t seem s tha t th e governmen t polic y o n thi s issue ha s relaxe d somewhat , an d significan t number s o f school s ar e no w continuing Englis h i n th e uppe r form s o f secondary schools . A recent repor t from Hu i (2001 ) claim s that 'a s many as 134 out o f the 29 4 Chinese-mediu m secondary school s i n Hon g Kon g are no w teaching eithe r al l o r som e o f thi s year's Form Fou r student s i n English' , an d the n goe s on t o explai n that :

10 Kingsle y Bolto n

These student s ar e th e firs t grou p affecte d b y th e Government' s "mothe r tongue" policy, introduced thre e years ago when 22 3 secondary schools were forced t o adop t Chines e a s the mediu m o f instruction . Man y principals sai d that th e decisio n wa s mad e becaus e student s educate d i n Chinese-mediu m schools neede d t o b e proficien t i n Englis h bot h t o succee d i n th e tertiar y education syste m an d t o mee t society' s expectation s (Hui , 2001 : 2).

The apparen t confusio n i n governmen t circle s o n a languag e polic y fo r H o n g Kong' s publi c school s ha s bee n matche d b y contestin g view s a m o n g educationalists o n th e sam e issue . I n Apri l 2000 , Professo r Chen g Kai-ming , a p rominen t educationalist , too k issu e wit h th e us e o f Cantones e a s a teachin g med ium, arguin g tha t Cantones e ha d n o us e outsid e souther n Chin a an d Chinese immigran t communit ie s worldwide , an d tha t 'Cantones e i s leadin g us nowhere ' (Tacey , 2000 : 9) . Cheng' s suggestio n t o p romot e th e wide r us e of Putonghua , i n preferenc e t o Cantonese , wa s recentl y echoe d b y Michae l Tien Puk-sun , a p rominent businessma n an d th e chai r o f a government think -tank o n languag e policy , wh o suggeste d tha t 'al l secondar y schoo l student s should b e taugh t i n Englis h an d Putonghu a i n th e futur e t o mak e Hon g Kon g a trilingua l city' :

Mr Tien sai d English was the ke y language i n commerce an d Putonghu a was becoming mor e importan t i n th e ligh t o f economi c integratio n wit h th e mainland. Mos t student s an d teacher s wer e no t read y fo r th e switc h an d i t might no t b e achievabl e eve n b y 2010 . H e sai d i t was essentia l t o creat e a n English-speaking environment i n secondary schools (cite d in Cheung and Ng , 2001).

Ironically perhaps , a t a tim e whe n H o n g Kon g continue s t o debat e th e issue o f th e teachin g med iu m fo r schools , i t ha s als o bee n announce d tha t t h e HKSAR' s n e i g h b o u r s i n G u a n g d o n g schoo l s hav e no w b e g u n t o exper iment wit h th e us e o f Englis h a s th e med iu m o f instructio n i n senio r secondary schools , in a move 't o equi p Guangdon g student s in urba n an d Pear l Delta area s wit h th e sam e comman d o f Englis h a s thei r counterpart s i n H o n g Kong an d o the r Southeas t Asia n countrie s b y 2005 ' (Yow , 2001 : 2) . Bac k i n the HKSAR , th e curren t debate s o n languag e i n educatio n remai n unresolved , a l though a t h o r o u g h revie w o f languag e polic y ha s b e e n slate d fo r 200 3 (Cheung an d Ng , ibid.J .

In o the r domains , suc h a s medi a an d employment , th e rol e o f Englis h has als o bee n th e subjec t o f scrutiny an d criticism . Chan' s surve y o f th e medi a (this v o l u m e ) h igh l igh t s a n u m b e r o f l imi ta t ion s o n Engl i sh- languag e newspapers an d pr in t media , includin g thei r limite d circulatio n withi n H o n g Kong's Chines e community . I n th e las t yea r o r so , th e genera l situatio n ha s deter iorated stil l further . I n Septembe r 2001 , 14 0 employee s wer e suddenl y dismissed fro m th e Hong Kong iMail, inc lud in g man y o f th e newspaper ' s in te rna t iona l staff . Overnight , th e tabloi d wa s t ransforme d fro m a feisty ,

Hong Kong English: Autonomy and creativity 1 1

irreverent rival of the South China Morning Post to a somewhat unreadable diges t of loca l an d 'Greate r China ' busines s news . I n Novembe r 2001 , Asiaweek magazine wa s shu t dow n b y it s paren t company , Tim e Inc. , o n ground s o f dwindling profitability . Thi s no w leaves th e South China Morning Post with a n uncontested positio n a s th e leadin g voic e o f HKSA R journalism. Th e Post management now calculates that around 5 0 percent of its readers are bilingua l Chinese, an d the y are very much concerne d t o increase thei r appea l t o suc h an readershi p i n future .

In the electronic media, English continues to find a place in local television and radi o stations , despit e th e limite d siz e o f audiences , bu t th e variet y o f satellite televisio n station s o n offe r i s surprisingl y man y fewe r i n othe r supposedly les s develope d Asia n societie s suc h a s th e Philippines . A t th e cinema, b y contrast , ther e ha s bee n a marke d increas e i n th e popularit y o f English-language films, particularly Hollywood movies (subtitle d i n Chinese) , since th e heyda y o f th e Cantones e cinem a i n th e 1980s . Interne t usag e ha s also grown rapidly in the last few years. By June 2001 , it was claimed tha t Hon g Kong, South Kore a an d Singapor e were leadin g th e Asian regio n i n term s o f home Interne t usage, with 58% of Hongkongers regularl y surfing th e Interne t from hom e computers , compare d wit h 5 7 percen t i n Kore a an d 5 6 percen t in Singapor e (Zajc , 2001) . Popular loca l Interne t site s include suc h Chinese -language webpage s a s Apple Daily, Netvigator, HongKong.com, althoug h Englis h sites suc h a s the internationa l Geocities.com, an d Microsoft.com and th e locally -based Icered.com also enjoy a measure of popularity. At the same time, however , other figure s pu t th e degre e o f 'Interne t penetration ' i n th e HKSA R a t 4 3 percent o f th e adul t population , compare d wit h 5 1 percent fo r Sout h Kore a and 4 8 percen t fo r Singapor e (Chiu , 2001 : 8). Nevertheless , man y youn g people i n th e HKSA R increasingl y sur f th e Interne t i n bot h Chines e an d English. A t university , man y student s favou r English-languag e emai l i n preference t o Chinese, not least because of the relative ease of communicatio n in typin g Englis h emails , compare d wit h inputtin g Chines e characters . Fo r recreation, man y student s no w sur f th e We b bilinguall y an d multiculturally , accessing popular entertainmen t sites , music, film sites , and othe r Web page s in bot h Chines e an d English .

In persona l domain s suc h a s family, friends , socia l activities , etc. , the us e of spoken Englis h i s typically superseded b y Cantonese o r 'mixe d code' , when Hong Kon g Chines e tal k t o on e another . Bu t a t th e sam e time , ther e i s als o evidence tha t th e HKSA R i s becomin g increasingl y multilingua l an d multicultural, i n a variety of ways. Patterns o f emigration t o English-speakin g countries in th e lat e 1980 s and earl y 1990s , coupled th e increased popularit y of oversea s universities , hav e helpe d creat e a younge r generatio n wit h a n international outlook . 'Returnee ' childre n now account for 70 % of the studen t population i n the English School s Foundation (ESF) , which previously mainl y taught th e children o f British families residen t in Hong Kong . Even th e 'stay -

http://HongKong.comhttp://Geocities.comhttp://Microsoft.comhttp://Icered.com

12 Kingsle y Bolton

at-home' student s who for m th e majorit y o f th e studen t populatio n i n Hon g Kong hav e becom e increasingl y cosmopolita n ove r th e las t decade , an d tha t internationalism ha s been negotiate d partl y through Englis h and increasingl y through electroni c medi a suc h a s th e Internet , wit h whic h youn g peopl e i n Hong Kon g ar e s o skilful .

Precisely how much Englis h Hong Kong people encounter in the persona l domain depend s on a wide variety of factors, including social class, educational level, an d age . Th e elit e (sociologically , 'capitalist' ) clas s i n Hon g Kon g ha s long been multicultural , and for thei r children an overseas education ha s been the nor m fo r almos t three decades . In local 'dynastic ' families tha t own bank s and majo r Hon g Kong companies , a degree o f intermarriage with European s and American s ha s becom e increasingl y acceptabl e i n th e las t four decades . This i s also increasingly tru e o f other socia l classe s in th e communit y a s well, to th e exten t tha t so-calle d 'mixe d marriages ' ar e b y no mean s uncommon . In suc h families , oversea s education , travel , cosmopolitanism, an d fluenc y i n a numbe r o f languages i s the norm .

In many 'ordinary ' familie s in Hong Kong, English is encountered a t home on a daily basis in a number o f different ways . Children o f all ages devote hour s of homewor k t o th e stud y o f th e language , wit h olde r brother s an d sister s teaching th e language t o their siblings . A large proportion o f undergraduate s at th e Universit y o f Hong Kon g and othe r universitie s hav e part-tim e jobs a s English tutors , an d parent s themselve s ofte n teac h thei r childre n simpl e conversational skills . I n addition , ther e ar e no w aroun d 160,00 0 Filipin a domestic helper s o r 'amahs ' workin g i n th e territory , wh o ofte n mainl y us e English an d who function a s unofficial tutor s with children . Give n tha t Hon g Kong households numbered 1. 8 million in 1996 , the indication i s that English-speaking Filipinas are residen t in over 11 % o f households. In the 199 3 survey referred t o earlier , a tota l o f 26.9 % o f the sampl e reporte d speakin g Englis h with 'foreig n friends' , whil e 57 % o f th e sampl e state d tha t the y ha d clos e relatives i n a n English-speakin g country .

Many o f th e lower-middl e clas s an d working-clas s childre n a t loca l universities have parents who emigrated from mainlan d Chin a to Hong Kon g twenty or thirt y years ago, and hav e little or no knowledge English themselves . In suc h familie s th e childre n ofte n hav e littl e chanc e t o spea k English , bu t when the y graduate fro m universit y and begi n work in th e business sector , as the majorit y increasingl y do , they find a n immediat e us e for spoke n English . This i s particularl y th e cas e i f the y manag e t o secur e a job i n on e o f th e international companie s base d i n th e territory , fo r who m s o man y student s aspire t o wor k o n graduation . I n suc h companies , ther e i s frequentl y a n immediate contex t for th e us e o f spoken English , often wit h colleague s fro m other Asia n societie s a s well a s from Hon g Kong . Spoke n Englis h als o serve s as a lingu a franc a betwee n som e Hon g Kon g Cantones e speaker s an d Putonghua speaker s from mainlan d China , particularly in the professional an d

Hong Kon g English : Autonom y an d creativit y 1 3

academic sector s o f society . The fashionabl e restauran t an d ba r area s popula r a m o n g youn g Hongkonger s attrac t residen t Britis h an d Amer ica n youths , e thnic Chines e fro m loca l internationa l schools , re turne e kid s from Canadia n and U S universitie s a s well a s larg e number s o f 'local ' youn g people , creatin g a multicultura l socia l mi x i n th e socia l domai n wa s almos t unknow n twent y years ago . Thu s today , th e complet e rang e o f purpose s tha t youn g peopl e 'need ' Englis h fo r ma y range fro m wor k t o socia l life , and fro m academi c stud y to en te r ta inmen t an d recreation .

Since 1997 , a n u m b e r o f compet in g an d ofte n contradictor y t rend s hav e emerged i n th e sociolinguistic s o f Hong Kon g society . Officia l languag e policie s p romot ing th e increase d us e o f th e 'mothe r tongue ' hav e bee n accompanie d by a rang e o f anxietie s concernin g bot h th e futur e statu s o f Cantones e a s wel l as th e cont inue d us e o f Englis h withi n th e HKSAR . Th e blurr in g o f linguisti c -concerns wit h politica l worrie s als o seem s t o b e a recur ren t them e i n suc h discussions. Fo r example , N g (2001 ) recentl y p e n n e d a scathin g assessmen t of governmen t policie s (enti t le d 'Cosmopol i tanis m a t risk' ) i n whic h sh e equated recen t linguisti c t rend s wit h a growin g ethni c nationalism :

A few years ago , the street s o f Centra l teeme d wit h peopl e o f every race an d colour. Now , th e crow d i s almost uniforml y Chines e an d local . Bilingualis m used t o be th e rul e i n stree t sign s and publi c notices , no w the y often ar e i n Chinese only . Although th e media has always consisted o f more Chinese tha n English, now a non-Chinese speake r migh t stay unaware o f even majo r news . [...] I n th e Legislativ e Council , Englis h speeche s ar e give n littl e coverage . Subtly but certainly , non-Chinese-speaking peopl e find th e Chines e speaker s around the m less prepared t o make allowance for thei r disability . Their area s of activit y an d awarenes s hav e diminished . Barrister s wh o hav e n o Chines e more frequently fin d themselve s ou t o f work. Patriotism an d nationalis m ar e the prerequisit e fo r politica l advancement . Onl y Chines e foo d i s politicall y correct for officia l functions . Th e best people swear by Chinese medicine . Th e only jarring not e i s that mos t senio r civi l servants (al l of whom ar e Chinese ) send thei r childre n t o Britain an d th e U S to be educate d (Ng , 2001 : 16)

Ng goe s o n t o argu e equat e suc h trend s wit h th e increasin g sinicizatio n of H o n g Kong , a s wel l a s concern s abou t th e cont inue d au tonom y o f th e HKSAR, culturall y and politically , notin g tha t 'Th e SA R Government i s to mov e towards greate r concentrat io n o f powe r i n th e hand s o f a fe w senio r officials , and powe r i s t o b e exercise d personall y an d directly , i n imitatio n o f Beijing ' (Ng, 2001 : 16) . Ng' s measure d ye t pessimisti c conclusio n i s that :

The determinatio n t o cleans e Hon g Kon g o f it s colonia l pas t an d it s multiculturalism, an d striv e for a stronger an d pure r Chines e identit y will d o Hong Kon g n o good . No r doe s Hon g Kong' s situatio n requir e suc h fundamental ethni c cleansing, even if pervasive economic hardship is making people see m stuc k in pessimism . Hong Kong' s fundamental institution s an d values ar e sound . The y hav e mad e Hon g Kon g prosperous . China' s recen t


success is a story of how the leadership succeeded i n steering the nation away from ol d habit s int o a moder n societ y - suc h a s Hon g Kong . [... ] T o marginalise wha t i s non-Chines e wil l no t mak e th e SA R a jewel o f th e ascending China . I t will only strip Hong Kong of its cosmopolitan natur e an d expose it s raw centre a s no more tha n second-rat e an d provincia l (Ng , ibid.).

Such concern s perhap s catc h th e m o o d o f H o n g Kon g a t th e time o f writing . With th e HKSA R stuck i n th e economi c doldrum s fro m earl y 1998 , with budge t deficits, salar y cuts , an d lo w level s o f 'confidence ' i n th e community , politica l and economi c anxietie s fin d expressio n i n a rang e o f discourses , includin g those o n language . I n thi s context , i t is perhaps usefu l t o conside r Hon g Kong' s own 'complain t tradition ' i n languag e issues , a traditio n tha t mirror s discourse s in Britai n a n d o t h e r societie s wher e ' languag e issues ' ofte n instant iat e a displacement o f o the r concerns , particularl y politica l an d socia l anxietie s o f various kind s (Milro y a n d Milroy , 1985) .

The Hon g Kon g complain t traditio n

T h e express io n o f polit ica l a n d socia l concern s i n commenta r i e s o n loca l language issue s i s hardly new . O ne obviou s exampl e o f thi s is the discours e o n 'falling s tandards ' tha t ha s permeate d debate s abou t languag e fo r a t leas t th e last thirt y years . As early a s th e 1970s , a n u m b e r o f article s appeare d detailin g the weaknesse s a n d shortcoming s o f H o ng Kon g student s i n learnin g English . (Kwok and Chan , 1972 , Kwok and Chan , 1975) . Around th e sam e time, Hun te r (1974) repor te d tha t ther e wa s muc h discussio n abou t ' th e poo r standar d o f Engl i sh s p o k e n a n d wr i t t e n i n H o n g Kon g b y non-nat iv e speake r s ' , a n d suggested tha t th e p rob le m coul d b e see n a s symptomatic o f th e gul f betwee n the Chinese-speakin g an d English-speakin g communit ie s (1974 : 15) . Th e us e of 'ba d English ' coul d thu s b e see n a s ' a successfu l compromis e betwee n th e twin necessitie s o f communicat ing wit h ano the r communit y an d o f remainin g an acceptabl e m e m b e r o f one's own ' an d a way of ' informin g one' s interlocuto r that on e i s not tryin g t o becom e accepte d b y his community ' (1974 : 17) .

In th e earl y 1980 s o n e loca l l inguis t descr ibe d s tuden t s a s ' cu l tura l e u n u c h s ' wh o wer e ' semil ingual ' i n Englis h a n d Chines e (T'sou , 1985) . A n o t h e r (Gibbons , 1984 ) l amente d th e lo w standard s o f proficiency , a n d endorsed Lord' s (1974 ) earlie r blisterin g appraisa l o f students a t the Universit y of H o n g Kong :

For the majorit y o f students entering the University of Hong Kong English i s not a viabl e mean s o f communicatio n a t all . About a fift h o f the m canno t make themselve s understood i n English, and thei r comprehension o f spoken English i s poor i n th e extreme . Fe w students ca n writ e Englis h whic h i s no t bizarre (Lord , 1974 , cited i n Gibbons , 1984: 66).


T h e debat e o n 'low ' o r 'falling ' standard s o f English ha s thu s ru n fro m a t leas t the mid-1970 s t o th e present , a l thoug h i t probabl y reache d a pea k i n th e lat e 1980s, when a South China Morning Post editoria l declare d tha t ' [ t ] h e declin e in th e s tandar d o f spoke n an d writte n Englis h i n recen t decade s i s obviou s and measurable , an d effort s b y th e Governmen t an d th e tertiar y educat io n institutions hav e bee n insufficien t t o sto p th e slide ' (South China Morning Post, 1989: 18) . T h e debat e wa s no t confine d t o academics , bu t wa s rehearse d an d expressed i n th e broadcas t med i a an d th e loca l press , wit h editorial s o n language policy , feature articles , news report s an d letter s t o th e edito r regularl y appear ing i n th e South China Morning Post. Many o f th e argument s als o tu rne d on th e cho ic e o f l anguag e fo r school s be twee n English , Can tones e a n d Pu tonghua but , a s Lin (1997 ) notes , on e o f th e stronges t a rgument s i n favou r of Englis h wa s economic , expresse d th roug h a n identificatio n o f Englis h wit h business, t rad e an d prosperity . O n e 198 6 editoria l i n th e South China Morning Post mad e th e cas e fo r Englis h thus :

English i s pre-eminently th e languag e o f internationa l trade , whic h is , an d for th e foreseeabl e futur e wil l remain , Hongkong' s raiso n d'etre . Ther e ar e indications tha t the territory' s role in world commerce , far from diminishin g as 199 7 approaches , wil l increase i n importance . Southeas t an d Eas t Asia i s widely seen a s the growth area of the future an d we are ideally placed t o tak e advantage of this. Hongkong, as a stable and sophisticated oasis , is the obviou s choice o f an y oversea s compan y wishin g t o participat e i n th e boo m year s ahead. Th e widesprea d us e o f English i s an obviou s adde d attractio n (South China Morning Post, 1986a : 10) .

A second editoria l appeare d i n th e sam e newspape r som e tw o months late r expressing concer n abou t th e possibl e effect s o n busines s an d financ e o f th e p romot ion o f Cantonese :

It is honourable fo r th e peopl e o f Hongkong t o feel a sense o f 'nationalism ' as we move towards 1997 and the change of sovereignty which will again mak e the territor y par t o f China .. . Cantones e i s and shoul d alway s be th e mothe r tongue o f Hongkong . Ther e i s no disput e i n this . But i t i s a fac t o f lif e tha t Hongkong ha s grown t o become a world leade r i n trad e an d financ e o n th e back o f an d assiste d b y th e Englis h languag e .. . I t canno t b e dispute d tha t the internationa l languag e i n trad e an d commerc e an d a plethor a o f othe r interactions is English. And so it should be in Hongkong (South China Morning Post, 1987b: 8).

T h e referenc e t o nationalis m i n th e editoria l als o po in te d t o a n o t h e r strand i n thi s debate , which wa s overtl y political . I n fact , som e mon th s earlier , the Post h a d publ ishe d ano the r editoria l i n respons e t o a warnin g fro m a Chinese Educat io n Ministr y officia l (M r Yan g Xun ) tha t th e p romot io n o f Cantonese a s th e teachin g med iu m ra n agains t th e grai n o f mainlan d polic y


and woul d b e ' a ste p backwar d fo r Hongkong ' . Th e Post's respons e i n thos e pre-Tianmanen day s wa s t o endors e suc h concerns :

Mr Yang ha s mad e a n importan t point . W e would recommen d a fres h loo k at th e subject . Putonghu a an d Englis h ar e th e language s whic h Hongkon g should b e stressing . Englis h has , becaus e o f it s adaptability , subtlet y an d richness, plu s historica l accident , becom e th e languag e o f internationa l contact. Hongkong' s statu s a s a centr e o f world trad e mus t b e maintained , and ou r childre n mus t lear n Englis h t o prepar e the m fo r th e rol e the y wil l one da y assume . Putonghu a i s th e officia l languag e o f th e natio n t o whic h Hongkong will be irrevocably joined afte r 1997. Our children will also become citizens of China, and shoul d speak the language o f their compatriot s a s well as English (South China Morning Post, 1986b: 16) .

The politica l wa s to tak e a numbe r o f othe r form s i n th e languag e debate s of th e era . O n e new s repor t eve n suggeste d tha t man y schoolchildre n wer e beginning t o lose th e motivatio n t o study English becaus e ther e wa s ' a differen t political a tmospher e wit h Hongkon g comin g u n d e r Chines e rule ' (Lau , 1986 : 4) . Te n year s later , th e politic s o f Englis h too k a ne w tur n whe n significan t numbers o f th e Chines e busines s an d politica l elit e starte d t o ' d rop ' th e us e of English firs t name s i n favou r o f thei r Chines e give n names . O n e p rominen t civil servan t explaine d hi s decisio n b y saying T do no t hav e a Christia n name , because I am no t an d hav e neve r bee n a Christian' , addin g tha t T have alway s been a n atheis t an d th e nam e "Brian " is , i n fact , a p roduc t o f colonialism ' (South China Morning Post, 1996 : 11) .

From a n empirica l perspective , ver y littl e har d researc h wa s conduc te d on th e issu e o f 'falling ' languag e standard s dur in g thes e years , an d wha t wa s done wa s inconclusive a t best . Kin g (1987 ) reporte d o n th e result s o f th e H o n g Kong Examination s Authority' s (HKEA ) Englis h languag e examinatio n fo r th e years 198 4 and 1986 . After analysin g a substantia l n u m b e r o f statistic s relatin g to 15,00 0 students , hi s conclusio n wa s tha t ther e wa s no 'convincin g evidenc e to sugges t tha t th e Englis h standar d o f th e bes t student s comin g th roug h th e Hongkong syste m ha s deteriorate d i n recen t years ' (King , 1987 : 17) . However , he wen t o n t o ad d t h a t ' [i ] t i s clea r tha t th e whol e o f th e secondar y syste m i s be ing seriousl y affecte d b y th e presenc e o f larg e number s o f student s whos e English languag e standard s ar e quit e inadequat e t o cop e wit h a n educat io n in th e med iu m o f English ' (ibid) , which suggeste d tha t th e roo t caus e o f suc h percept ions wa s th e rapi d expansio n o f th e educationa l system . J o h n s on an d Cheung researche d level s o f readin g literac y i n th e mid-1990 s a s par t o f th e International Associatio n fo r th e Evaluatio n o f Educational Achievemen t (IEA ) World Literac y Project . The i r result s showe d goo d level s o f a t t a inmen t i n Chinese-language readin g proficiency , bu t relativel y poo r level s o f proficienc y in Englis h literacy , al thoug h th e researc h repor t suggest s tha t thi s resul t migh t be influence d b y th e qualit y o f school s a s muc h a s th e choic e o f language , a s


' [g ]ood school s p roduc e goo d result s i n bot h Chines e an d Englis h an d poo r schools ar e equall y cons is ten t i n p r o d u c i n g p o o r resul ts ' ( Johnso n a n d Cheung, 1995 : 10) .

As ha s b e e n show n i n man y o the r societies , ideologie s abou t 'fallin g standards ' ar e ofte n relate d t o o the r factors , includin g socia l clas s divisions . Romaine (1994 ) suggest s tha t ' [ s ] t andard s o f languag e us e a n d s tandar d languages ar e essentiall y arbitrar y convention s whic h ca n b e learne d onl y b y going t o school ' , an d tha t ' [ t ]h i s i s precisel y wh y the y ar e s o effectiv e i n maintaining barrier s betwee n groups ' (1994 : 202) . Sh e als o point s ou t tha t such debate s hav e existe d i n Britai n sinc e th e fifteent h century , an d cont inu e to th e presen t day , eve n a t Oxfor d University . I n th e H o n g Kon g context , on e plausible inferenc e wit h referenc e t o thes e 'languag e standards ' debate s i s that , in larg e part , the y were a reactio n t o th e rapi d an d unpreceden te d expansio n of education , a s wel l a s th e pac e o f politica l an d socia l chang e i n th e societ y at large . Thes e ideologie s con t inue d t o b e voice d wit h varyin g degree s o f ampli tude u p t o th e 199 7 Handove r (Boyle , 1997) , bu t no w see m t o hav e unde rgone a definit e reviva l sinc e H o n g Kon g entere d a n economi c s lum p in 1998 .

In Marc h 1998 , for example , a South China Morning Post editorial wit h th e rubric 'Standard s o f English ' gav e a dismal assessmen t o f the Englis h o f HKSA R university students :

The poo r standar d o f Englis h amon g student s i n Hon g Kon g wil l continu e to cause concern unti l the right questions are asked. Years of English-languag e education ha s faile d t o produc e a bilingua l society . Pupil s ofte n leav e secondary education with only rudimentary knowledge of the tongue in which they were taught . I t is surprising tha t so many go on t o higher educatio n wit h English a s the mediu m o f instruction, an d emerg e with a degree. [... ] Hon g Kong's educational institutions are failing t o produce th e goods (South China Morning Post, 1998: 18) .

By 2000 , variou s government-backe d campaign s ha d begu n t o rais e th e s t andard o f Englis h i n busines s a n d professiona l sector s i n th e HKSAR , including th e Workplace English Campaign, whic h bega n i n Marc h 200 0 b y focusing o n upgradin g th e Englis h skill s of relatively jun ior staf f i n H o n g Kon g businesses, i.e . secretaries , clerks , frontline servic e personnel , receptionists , an d te lephone operators , wh o collectivel y accoun t fo r a roun d a thir d o f th e wor k force. Th e schem e receive d substantia l financia l backin g fro m th e Depar tmen t of Educatio n a n d Manpower , wh o wer e als o concerne d t o 'benchmark ' level s of a t t a i n m e n t fo r higher- leve l employee s suc h a s c o m p u t e r o p e r a t o r s , engineer ing technicians , la w clerks, and nurse s (a s well a s schoolteachers wh o have bee n targete d i n a separat e an d paralle l campaign) . Th e chai rma n o f the government' s Workplace English Campaign, Michae l Tien , identifie d th e issu e as crucia l t o th e HKSAR' s future :


Hong Kong is at risk of being perceived as just another "mainlan d city " unless standards o f writte n an d spoke n Englis h ar e no t improved , a loca l businessman says . English i s essentia l fo r th e futur e o f Hon g Kon g an d th e SAR mus t improv e th e languag e skill s o f it s workforc e t o b e globall y competitive. [... ] H e said the las t 10 or so years had see n a decline in Englis h standards, perhap s reflectin g th e politica l shif t toward s th e mainland . Th e perception i n th e busines s worl d i s tha t othe r Asia n capital s ar e stealin g a march o n Hon g Kong . "We're no t makin g Hon g Kon g user-friendly enoug h to attrac t foreig n businessmen . W e mus t mak e Hon g Kon g th e firs t choic e location o f corporat e executive s an d businessme n i n Asia, " M r Tie n said . (Regan, 2000 : 23)

An examinat io n o f th e record , a s no ted above , throw s som e doub t o n th e reality o f a 'decl ine ' i n Englis h standard s i n H o n g Kon g i n th e las t te n year s or so , a s i t i s clea r tha t th e discours e o n lo w standard s goe s bac k a t leas t t o the 1970s . An alternativ e explanatio n i s that th e demand s o f a rapidl y changin g economy hav e vastl y increased expectation s o f th e qualit y o f Englis h required , even fro m relativel y low-leve l employees , particularl y i n compariso n wit h tha t found i n suc h Asia n societie s a s Singapor e an d th e Phil ippine s wher e th e sociolinguistic dynamic s o f societ y ar e ver y different . Whic h receive s suppor t from report s tha t i n th e HKSAR , th e ' deman d fo r goo d Englis h speaker s wa s now o u t s t r i p p i n g supply ' (Gould , 2002 : 1) . W h e t h e r th e g o v e r n m e n t ' s Workplace English Campaign wil l be j u d g ed a succes s remain s t o b e seen , but , i f no th ing els e suc h debate s a t leas t testif y t o th e ra w tenacit y o f a complain t t radi t ion tha t surface s continuall y i n th e expressio n o f ideologie s o n th e decline i n ' languag e standards ' . Whethe r thi s cultur e o f complain t actuall y improves th e cl imat e fo r languag e educa t io n i n th e communi t y i s agai n debatable. O n e impor tan t them e o f th e presen t volum e i s tha t a paradig m shift, especiall y a t a n attitudina l an d ideologica l level , i s lon g overdu e i n th e community.

Hong Kon g English : Autonomy an d creativit y

In th e las t twent y year s o r s o ther e ha s bee n a forcefu l a t temp t b y academic s from a n u m b e r o f differen t countrie s t o promot e a non-Eurocentr ic (o r 'non -Americentr ic ' ) approac h t o th e discussio n worl d Englishe s (o r ' internat iona l varieties o f English') , an d thi s 'paradig m shift ' i n th e academi c worl d ha s bee n seen i n th e publication s o f journals lik e English Today, English World-Wide, an d World Englishes. Bra j B . Kachru, th e co-edito r o f World Englishes, ha s argue d fo r a mode l o f globa l English , i n term s o f ' thre e concentri c circles' , the inner circle (societies suc h a s Britain, th e USA , Australia, Ne w Zealand , etc . where Englis h is the 'firs t language ' o f a majorit y o f th e populat ion) , the outer circle (societies such a s India , th e Philippines , etc . wher e Englis h ha s th e statu s o f a ' secon d


language') an d the extending (or 'expanding') circle (societies suc h a s Chin a o r J apan wher e Englis h ha s th e statu s o f a 'foreig n language ' ) .

In p ioneer in g a pluricentri c approac h t o th e stud y o f worl d Englishes , Kachru ha s challenge d a rang e o f previousl y o r thodo x approache s t o Englis h wor ldwide , pa r t i cu l a r l y t h o s e t h a t sa w t h e ' n e w E n g l i s h e s ' o f Asi a a s linguistically an d culturall y dependen t o n th e authorit y o f such native-speake r norms a s Britis h o r America n English . I n a recen t paper , Kachr u describe s the sprea d o f Englis h i n Asia , not in g tha t a t present :

• Tha t th e estimate d tota l English-usin g populatio n o f Asia adds u p t o 35 0 million ou t o f an estimate d populatio n o f S\ billion ;

• Tha t India , i n th e Oute r Circle , is the thir d larges t English-using countr y after th e US A and th e UK ;

• Tha t Englis h i s th e mai n mediu m i n deman d fo r acquisitio n o f bilingualism/multilingualism i n th e whole Asian region ;

• Tha t i n part s o f Asi a (e.g. , i n Singapore ) Englis h i s graduall y acquirin g the statu s o f th e dominan t languag e o r th e first language — whatever we mean b y that ter m (Kachru , 1997 : 7)

Kachru argue s fo r th e acceptanc e an d utilizatio n o f Englis h a s a n Asia n language, an d th e acculturatio n o f Englis h t o sociolinguisti c realities , a s wel l as th e imaginat iv e needs , o f Asia n societie s suc h a s India , Malaysia , th e Philippines an d Singapore . T h e worl d Englishe s approac h t o Asia n varietie s of Englis h thu s raise s a n u m b e r o f question s fo r H o n g Kong . I n th e cas e o f H o n g Kong , t h e ex is tenc e o f ' H o n g Kon g Engl i sh ' , ha s rece ive d li t t l e recognit ion, despit e th e lon g an d rich histor y o f th e Englis h languag e i n th e South Chin a context .

Some year s ago , Llamzon (1986 ) wrot e o n th e 'lif e cycle ' o f ne w Englishe s in a pape r whic h at tempt s t o identif y an d describ e th e developmenta l stage s of 'oute r circle ' Englishes . Th e me tapho r o f a lif e cycl e fo r Asia n Englishe s is an interestin g one , an d on e speculatio n tha t migh t aris e fro m a compariso n of H o n g Kon g an d Phil ippin e Englis h i s tha t th e tw o varietie s ar e locate d a t different point s i n suc h a cycle . Th e iron y i n H o n g Kon g seem s t o b e tha t at just tha t time whe n th e governmen t ha s fel t move d t o restric t th e us e o f English i n som e officia l domains , bilingualis m i n Englis h amo n g th e genera l populat ion ha s reache d it s highes t poin t ever . A s Bacon-Shon e an d Bolto n (1998) pu t it , the curren t situatio n i s that 'no t onl y ar e mor e an d mor e peopl e speaking English , bu t als o tha t the y ar e doin g s o with varying degree s o f ability' , in othe r words , 'mor e peopl e tha n eve r are speakin g "good " English , an d mor e people tha n eve r ar e speakin g "bad " English ' (1998 : 84) . I n it s ow n specifi c post-colonial moment , H o n g Kon g Englis h thu s seem s caugh t o n a cus p o f bo th 'expansion ' an d 'restriction ' (Llamzon , 1986 : 101-2) . I n thi s context , the not io n o f ' autonomy ' refer s no t onl y t o issue s o f linguisti c descriptio n with referenc e t o feature s o f accen t an d vocabulary , bu t als o t o th e histor y

20 Kingsle y Bolton

of th e variety , a s wel l a s th e existenc e an d vitalit y o f creativ e writin g i n th e HKSAR.

This volume i s divided int o five Parts , 'Languag e i n Context' , 'Languag e Form', 'Dimension s o f Creativity', 'Resources' , and 'Futur e Directions' . Part I includes fou r chapter s tha t discus s a variety o f issue s relate d t o th e specific s of th e Hon g Kon g sociolinguisti c context . Bolton' s chapte r o n th e sociolinguistics of English in Hong Kong gives an overview of the sociopolitica l background i n th e lat e colonia l period , an d the n proceed s t o mak e th e cas e for the recognition o f Hong Kong English in terms of both distinctive linguisti c features an d th e growing literary creativity of the variety. The following chapte r from Tsu i and Bunto n present s a detailed accoun t of an investigation int o th e normative attitude s o f English-languag e teacher s i n Hon g Kon g secondar y schools. Th e result s o f thei r researc h indicat e tha t a t presen t ther e i s littl e support fo r a notion o f 'Hon g Kon g English' fro m practisin g schoolteachers , and tha t targe t model o f English adopted b y teachers is clearly exonormative , usually as represented b y British dictionaries and grammars and othe r source s of 'Standar d English' . Li' s chapte r o n Cantonese-Englis h code-switchin g presents a broad surve y of research i n thi s area ove r th e las t twenty-five year s or so . I n hi s analysi s o f th e motivation s fo r suc h languag e switchin g (an d 'mixing') i n th e written discours e o f the Chinese press , Li posits four context -specific motivations , i.e . euphemism , specificity , bilingua l punning , an d th e 'principle o f economy' . Chan' s chapte r o n th e English-languag e medi a i s written primaril y from th e perspective o f a professional newspape r writer no w working in th e field o f journalism education . Chan provides a comprehensiv e survey of the English media in print journalism, radio , and television , and the n goes o n t o argu e th e cas e fo r th e trainin g o f a ne w typ e o f bilingua l medi a professional wh o ca n contes t th e assumption s an d biase s i n th e English -language new s coverage o f Hong Kon g an d China .

Part II, entitled 'Languag e Form' , details research o n the linguistic aspect s of th e descriptio n o f Hon g Kon g English . Hung' s chapte r review s previou s research o n th e phonolog y o f Hon g Kon g Englis h (HKE) , an d als o report s on hi s own origina l researc h o n th e Hon g Kon g accent . Hung' s stud y o f th e speech form s o f a group o f university students suggest s tha t th e typica l Hon g Kong speake r operate s wit h a smalle r se t o f vowe l an d consonan t contrast s than i n 'native ' varieties of English. Hung postulates an underlying phonemi c system fo r HKE , an d als o describe s a numbe r o f allophoni c variations . Gisborne's chapte r discusse s relativ e clause s i n Hon g Kon g English , an d discusses a numbe r o f issues concernin g th e morphosyntacti c featur e syste m of the variety, with particular referenc e t o relative constructions i n Cantonese . Benson's chapte r o n Hon g Kon g words deal s with th e distinctiv e vocabular y of Hon g Kon g English . I n hi s discussio n o f this , Benson focuse s o n pattern s of semanti c an d pragmati c relationship s interna l t o the variety , as well as th e sociocultural contex t i n which a localized vocabulary i s used .

Hong Kong English: Autonomy and creativity 2 1

Part II I focuses o n 'dimension s o f creativity ' i n Hon g Kon g Englis h wit h specific referenc e t o literar y productio n i n th e HKSAR . Th e fiv e author s i n this sectio n ar e al l themselve s creativ e writer s an d writ e with som e authorit y on thi s topic . Louis e Ho' s contributio n consider s Hon g Kon g ('essentiall y a cosmopolitan cit y with a rock-har d Chines e core' ) a s a sit e fo r work s o f th e imagination, especiall y poetry. The chapte r includes the work of young Hon g Kong poets, as well as four poems from H o herself. Agnes Lam's chapter tackle s the issu e o f definin g 'Hon g Kon g poetry ' fro m a numbe r o f perspectives , interrogates both notion s o f 'poetry ' an d 'Hon g Kong' , and suggest s tha t th e sociolinguistic concep t of 'speech community ' ma y be of relevance in framin g an adequat e definition . Tw o poem s b y La m ar e appende d t o thi s chapter . Leung Ping-kwa n consider s th e tas k of writing poetry 'between ' Chines e an d English, describing the difficulties an d excitements of negotiating between tw o languages an d tw o culture s wit h referenc e t o hi s poem , ' A Leaf o f Passage' . This poem draw s on the mythology of the Haida Gwaii , native Americans fro m British Columbi a a s wel l a s th e experience s o f contemporar y Hon g Kon g 'astronaut' father s wh o shuttl e betwee n th e HKSA R an d Vancouver . I n th e following chapter , Nur y Vittachi, an acclaime d columnis t and writer o f comi c Hong Kong fiction, explore s the humorous dimensions of 'Chinglish' , a broad form o f Hon g Kon g Englis h tha t migh t wel l b e dubbe d 'basilectal ' b y th e technical linguist . I n hi s contribution, Vittachi affectionately satirize s a rang e of colloquial style s of this variety, including bar gir l patois and taxi-drive r talk . In th e fina l chapte r o f this section, Hong Kon g novelist Xu Xi describes bot h her evolutio n a s a Hong Kong writer, and th e schizophreni c identit y of Hon g Kong itself , a cit y 'neithe r bot h Chines e no r Western' . Thi s chapte r als o includes a n excerp t fro m X u Xi' s recen t (2001 ) nove l o f Hon g Kon g lif e i n the 1990s , The Unwalled City.

Part I V o f th e boo k carrie s th e rubri c 'Resources ' an d comprise s thre e chapters intende d t o indicat e furthe r resource s fo r thos e intereste d bot h i n the linguisti c an d literar y aspect s o f Hon g Kon g English . Th e chapte r fro m Bolton an d Nelso n dealin g with th e Internationa l Corpu s o f Englis h projec t in Hong Kong (HK-ICE ) include s examples o f a range o f non-literary text s in Hong Kon g English , includin g a business talk , popula r writing , business an d social letters , a broadcast talk , broadcas t news , a Legco (Legislativ e Council ) debate, an d a n informa l conversation . Th e followin g chapte r fro m Shirle y Geok-lin Li m discusse s th e potentia l o f creativ e writin g i n Englis h fo r developing th e 'cultura l imagination ' o f HKSA R universit y students . Li m recounts insights from he r ow n experience o f teaching creative writing at th e University o f Hong Kon g an d present s a number o f poems an d shor t storie s authored b y her students , providin g a n invaluabl e guid e t o th e wor k o f ne w voices i n Hon g Kon g Englis h literar y production . Th e fina l sectio n i n thi s chapter i s a guid e t o bibliographica l resource s an d th e academi c literatur e on Englis h i n Hon g Kong . Par t V comprises a singl e essa y from Bolto n an d


Lim o n possibl e 'futures ' fo r H o n g Kon g English , whic h review s a n u m b e r o f issues, l inguist i c a n d literary , re la t in g t o th e t heme s o f ' a u t o n o m y ' a n d 'creativity ' . Thi s fina l c h a p t e r expresse s th e h o p e tha t a p a r a d i g m shif t establishing a ne w discours e fo r ' H o n g Kon g English ' wil l he l p creat e th e cultural spac e fo r a revitalize d atti tud e t o th e teachin g o f Englis h a s wel l a s for th e creativ e potentia l o f Englis h an d Englishe s i n th e HKSAR .

Tha t th e potentia l fo r suc h literar y creativit y i s present i n H o n g Kon g ha s been witnesse d b y a serie s o f literar y initiative s i n th e las t few years , includin g the establishmen t o f th e H o n g Kon g Literar y Festiva l (no w movin g int o it s t h i r d y e a r ) , a s wel l a s t h e se t t in g u p o f a n u m b e r o f creat iv e wr i t in g p r o g r a m m e s a t loca l universities . A ne w antholog y o f H o n g Kon g writ in g s p a n n i n g fiv e decades , calle d City Voices will b e pub l i she d late r thi s yea r ( Ingham an d Xu , 2002) . I n ano the r development , Shirle y Li m ( togethe r wit h Page Richard s from th e Universit y o f H o ng Kong ) ha s also been a drivin g forc e in th e 'Movin g Poetry ' projec t t o teac h creativ e writin g i n H o n g Kon g primar y and secondar y schools . T h e qualit y o f th e contribution s i n th e firs t volum e o f such poem s t o com e ou t o f thi s projec t challenge s th e pessimis m o f complain t (Lim an d Richards , 2001) . When a ten-year-ol d H o n g Kon g Chines e boy 2 ca n p roduce a p o e m tha t run s Among the creatures of the deep,/ I saw a goose,/ in metallic grey,/ diving in the abyss,/ stealthily, neck straight./ somethin g unexpec te d h a p p e n s , r e m i n d i n g u s o f th e powe r o f b o t h i m a g i n a t i o n a n d l i te rar y expression. I f the challeng e o f a paradigm shif t i s somehow t o chang e a cultur e of complain t t o on e o f confidence , th e childre n are our future . T h e o the r hal f of th e equat ion , w e ma y recall , i s t o teac h the m well .

Notes

1. Th e edito r woul d lik e t o than k al l th e contributor s t o thi s boo k fo r thei r encouragement an d suppor t i n bringing these papers togethe r in this volume. H e would also like to thank Susanna Chow, Emily Lee, Zoe Law, Ian Lok, and Michell e Woo fo r thei r hel p i n formattin g thi s book , an d checkin g th e text . Al l errors , o f course, remai n th e editor's . Thi s volum e i s th e firs t i n a ne w serie s fro m Hon g Kong University Press entitled Asian Englishes Today. The edito r i s very grateful t o Hong Universit y Pres s fo r thei r belie f i n thi s projec t an d thei r soli d suppor t throughout. H e would also like to thank th e members o f the Asian Englishes Today editorial board, which comprises M.L.A. Bautista (D e La Salle, Philippines), Susa n Butler (Macquari e Dictionary), Braj Kachru (Universit y of Illinois), Yamuna Kachru (University o f Illinois) , Shirle y Geok-li n Li m (Universit y o f Californi a a t Sant a Barbara), Tom McArthur (edito r of English Today), Larry Smith (co-edito r of World Englishes), Ann e Paki r (Nationa l Universit y o f Singapore) , an d Yasukat a Yan o (Waseda University). I wish to thank my colleague Page Richards and th e reviewe r appointed b y Hong Kong University Press for thei r very helpful comment s o n thi s introduction. Man y als o thank s t o Can d Lau , wh o di d wonder s wit h th e cove r design. Thi s volum e ha s bee n supporte d b y a gran t fro m th e Researc h Grant s


Council o f th e Hon g Kon g Specia l Administrativ e Region , Chin a (Projec t No . HKU/7174/00H).

2. Th e writer of this poem i s Justin H o Ching , who wrote i t while a Primary 5 student at S t Paul' s Co-educationa l Primar y School .

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