1

Tyler Michael Howard

March 20, 2013

HIST 475

Dr. Hoefferle

Communism in the Charlotte Metro Area

The issue of Communism has always been one of great debate. Many considered

Communism to be a threat to American capitalism while others seen Communism as a savior for

equality and blue collared workers. This research project looks at the history of the North

Carolina Communist Party in the Charlotte Metro area. According to secondary sources wrote on

the history of the American Communist Party (Draper, Klehr, Taylor) The American Communist

Party was one of the most radical organizations of its time and North Carolina was a leader for

Communism spreading into the Southern United States. Looking at Communist supported

newspapers (Southern Worker, Workers Age, Daily Worker, and The Militant) as well as local

Anti-Communist views (The Charlotte Observer) show there was a prevalent Communist

influence in Charlotte. Charlotte was a hotbed of Communist activity for a brief period in the

1930’s into the early 1940’s, but it quickly declined because of anticommunist pressure and

internal disagreements.

Communism has been entrenched in the United States for almost a century. According to

Theodore Draper, a historian and author breaks down the early workings of American

Communism in the book The Roots of American Communism. The American Communist Party

got its start in the early 1920s from the October Revolution that occurred in Russia in 1917.1 The

1 Theodore Draper, The Roots of American Communism. (New York, 1957) pgs. 135-138

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American Communist Party originated in New York, but during the late 1920s and early 1930s,

it began to move into the Southern half of the United States.2 Draper focuses on the American

Communist Party’s relationship to the Soviet Union. The Comintern held documents, letters,

and other sources of information tying CPSU and CPUSA together which were held in Russia

for storage. Draper goes into great detail over the propaganda that the American Communist

Party distributed to the public. The Daily Worker was the primary source of media to the public

for party information. The newspaper, based in New York publicized information about the

American Communist Party on a national level. The Daily Worker also reached out on a

regional level to Northern as well as Southern States, including Charlotte and Monroe, North

Carolina. Draper goes into detail about the secrecy of the CPUSA as well as integration of races

in the South.3 Integrating the white working class with African American sharecroppers was a

key for the American Communist Party to achieve full effectiveness in the South. This North

Carolina was selected as one of the prominent southern states for Communism. North Carolina

was the capital of the American textile industry with the Piedmont area as its core.4 Charlotte

was not only the biggest metropolitan city in the state and was located in the center of the state

making it easily accessible through travel. Draper does well in examining the Communist Party

on a national level and explains the relationship of the American Communist Party with the

Soviet Union from a top down approach. Draper’s book does little to revel about the Communist

Party within Charlotte, North Carolina.

Harvey Klehr professor of history at Emory University takes a look at what the purpose

was of the American Communist Party and the struggles they went through in establishing

operations on American soil during the 1940s and 1950s. Klehr explains the objectives of the 2 Theodore Draper, The Roots of American Communism. (New York, 1957) pgs. 153-1743 Theodore Draper, The Roots of American Communism. (New York, 1957) pgs. 207-2134 Gregory S. Taylor, The History of the North Carolina Communist Party. (University of South Carolina Press, 2009)

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CPUSA and what they aimed to accomplish on a local, regional, and national scale. In his

research Klehr sheds light onto the mysterious workings of American Communism and

underground labor organizing. The American Communist Party is forced to go underground due

to investigations by the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) and to the ongoing effects of the

Cold War.5 Support for the party all but disappeared with the coming of the Cold War and a

spike in American Patriotism. Communism was seen as sleeping with the enemy by many

Americans because of the ongoing Cold War conflict. Klehr focuses on documents shared

between the CPUSA and CPSU from the newly opened Comintern in Moscow.6 These

documents show that the Soviet Union guided the American Communist Party in much of their

decision making. While Klehr details Communist underground activity throughout the United

States, Klehr does not focus regionally on North Carolina or go into detail on Communism in

Charlotte.

William Foster was the National Chairman of the American Communist Party following

WWII in 1946.7 He was tried for trying to overthrow the United States Government because of

his association with the American Communist Party from 1922 to 1923. He is portrayed in the

trial by the prosecution as a radical training the working class of America to hate their

employers. Foster is seen as planning a Red Revolution similar to that of Vladimir Lenin in the

October Revolution in Russia. What this trial shows is a consensus of how the American

Communist Party is viewed; a radical leftist group seeking a violent overthrow of the American

Government. Capitalism versus Communism was on the main stage. Foster can be seen as the

last figurehead for the American Communist Party. He attempted to fully integrate the South.

William Z. Foster was loved and hated by many of his comrades. Junius Scales, who was a 5 Harvey Klehr, The Secret World of American Communism. (New York, 1995) pgs. 195-1986 Harvey Klehr, The Secret World of American Communism. (New York, 1995) pgs 207-2127 Minor, Robert. "The Trial of William Z. Foster." The Liberator, sec. v.6 no.4, April 1923.

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prominent North Carolina Communist Party member quotes Foster in an interview saying “he

was twice as dangerous as the textbook Communist.”8 The trial was very similar to the trial of

Junius Scales in Charlotte in the fact that the verdict was overwhelmingly against the

Communists. This shows a connection between national views and Charlotte views of Anti-

Communism.

Alex Bittleman was a leading American Communist Party member acting under William

Foster. In his pamphlet The Party and the People’s Front, Bittelman outlines what he believes

will help build the Party into an effective leader for the working class. In the pamphlet,

Bittelman not only looks at Capitalism as an enemy, but more specifically the Republican Party.

Democrats have begun to take a more progressive approach with the response to WWII.

Browder and Bittelman share similar views on the direction of the party. Both believe in a level

of cooperation with the government in regards to the Fascists and war; however, the principles of

the party remained potent.9 Bittelman acted under the Foster administration but sought to abide

by Browder’s ideologies. Foster and Browder had different paths for American Communism.

This shows the beginnings of party divisions. Bittelman talks of party movement and mass

growth in conjunction with the spread of Communism by way of propaganda and cooperation

with other Progressive parties.10

In regards to North Carolina, Communists followed the approach laid out by Bittleman.

Communists aligned themselves with American Federation of Labor (A.F.L), Congress of

Industrial Workers (C.I.O), and National Textile Workers Union (N.T.W.U) to gain progressive

support and appeal to the factory workers concentrated in the state. Meetings with these

8 Scales Junius, interview by Robert Kortstad, "Junius Scales Interview," Southern Oral History Collection, Record, May 2, 1987:1-79 Bittleman, Alex, The Party and the Peoples Front, (1937)10 Bittleman, Alex, The Party and the Peoples Front, (1937)

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organizations occurred in Charlotte with the NTWU having headquarters based out of Charlotte.

The divisions in party direction became apparent with the close of WWII.

John Gates was a renowned American Communist Journalist and former editor of The

Daily Worker. In his pamphlet titled On Guard Against Browderism Titoism Trotskyism, Gates

talks about the influence of former American Communist Party chairmen Earl Browder had went

against the good of the party and became tied to American imperialism. “Browderism” had

begun to affect other Communist Party members throughout the states including in Charlotte

according to Gates. Browder had begun to try and separate the CPUSA away from the Soviet

Union. Browder had labeled Stalin a danger to Communism and the goals of a Communist

social world. Gates stated that Browder goes as far as blaming the Korean conflict and Chinese

aggression on Stalin and the Soviet influence. 11 Gates sites that Browder had gone against all

that Communism stands for and had attempted to lead the party into a merger with the

imperialistic capitalist powers. In the pamphlet, Gates goes on to say that Browder has

undermined his fellow comrades in acting as a “stool-pigeon”12 for the capitalists on Wall Street

in trials such as Frederick vs. Field. There is talk of the faction between Earl Browder and his

eventual successor William Z. Foster. Browder proclaimed that Foster was allegedly put into

power as National Party Chairman by European Communist leaders. Gates stated that it was in

the full interest of the American Communist Party and its members. A key issue that is brought

up once again is the issue of “The Negro Question”13. This issue is of upmost importance to

Charlotte because it raises questions of success of the CPUSA in North Carolina and the

Southern United States. Gates says Browder avoids the issue of integration within the Party.

Gates goes on to describe how Browder believes that African Americans have “integrated into 11 Gates, John. On Guard against Browderism Titoism Trotskyism. (1951)12 Gates, John. On Guard against Browderism Titoism Trotskyism. (1951) pg.713 Gates, John. On Guard against Browderism Titoism Trotskyism. (1951) pg. 8

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American life and have been freed of feudal survival.”14 Gates points toward the American

South and cites segregation, lower wages, and uneven land distribution as a counter to Browder’s

views. Seeing from the letters to the editor in The Southern Worker, this conclusion by Gates

can be seen as fact. The pamphlet backs up the argument that the divisions amongst the

members of the CPUSA led to its eventual demise. The Party members were divided on the

issues of integration and relation to the Soviet Union. Gates cites that there is disloyalty amongst

the comrades without naming names other than Earl Browder. This pamphlet describes the

issues that occurred in Charlotte during the late 1940s and into the 1950s. Scales makes note of

several of these issues in his interview with Kortstad. The question of integrating is one that

burdened the Communists in Charlotte. The recruitment of African Americans was seen to be

necessary for the growth of the party; however, their role in the party was one of question.

Other historians have written histories of the American Communist Party in specific

southern states. For example, Robin Kelley, a historian at UCLA focuses on Communism in the

state of Alabama. Kelley’s book Hammer and Hoe: Alabama Communists During the Great

Depression takes a look at Communism within the state of Alabama. Alabama for much of the

20th century was a center of racial segregation, but the Communists were able to use segregation

as a tool to recruit many African Americans into the party.15 There was also a large immigrant

population within the state because of the need of sharecroppers for farming. The reason that the

Communists in Alabama were able to succeed was because of their ability to take action and

protest. Communists were able to unite their goals with many of the poor whites as well as

oppressed blacks and form strong coalitions to take on capitalist oppression as well the issue of

14 Gates, John. On Guard against Browderism Titoism Trotskyism. (1951) pgs. 14-1515 Kelley, Robin D. G. Hammer and Hoe: Alabama Communists During the Great Depression. University of North Carolina Press, 1990.

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race.16 The party was able to establish relationships with many left-wing radical liberals as well

as the younger population of Alabama.17 Being able to unite under one common goal was rare

for the CPUSA; especially being able to align liberal, whites, and blacks all together. This could

be considered to be one of the shining moments of the American Communist Party’s success in

the Deep South. Communists in Charlotte used many of the same tactics that were employed to

recruiting African Americans into the party. While Charlotte was not as racially segregated as

Alabama, Charlotte did face many of the same obstacles and stiff opposition from Anti-

Communists.18

In the essay Mobilizing the Reserve Army: The Communist Party and the Unemployed in

Atlanta, 1929–1934, historian James Lorence goes into detail about the Communist Party in

Atlanta during the Great Depression and through the 1940s. Lorence emphasizes integrating

blacks and whites together. The focus of the Communist Party was the tenants and shantytowns

of Atlanta being able to unite a force of impoverished blacks together with poor whites working

in the factories.19 The CPUSA believed that if they were able to integrate the two together, then

they would have enough power to take over in the city. The Communists were unable to attain

these goals because of the inability to fight through the issue of segregation with many of the

white factory workers as well as other pressing issues occurring in different areas of the United

States. The issue of white chauvinism was apparent in Atlanta with fear of white workers being

replaced by blacks for cheaper wages.

16 Kelley, Robin D. G. Hammer and Hoe: Alabama Communists During the Great Depression. University of North Carolina Press, 1990.17 Kelley, Robin D. G. Hammer and Hoe: Alabama Communists During the Great Depression. University of North Carolina Press, 1990.18 Gregory S. Taylor, The History of the North Carolina Communist Party. (University of South Carolina Press, 2009)19 James J. Lorence, Radicalism in the South Since Reconstruction: Mobilizing the Reserve Army: Communist Party and the Unemployed in Atlanta, 1929.” (New York, 2006)pgs 50-51

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The cities of Charlotte and Atlanta were two major foundations from incorporating the

Communist Party into the South. Both cities were major industrial hubs for factory workers and

textile production. Communists in North Carolina worked in conjunction with Atlanta regarding

recruiting, unemployment, and the trial of Angelo Herndon.20 Prominent NCCP members such as

Paul Crouch were involved in working on the Angel Herndon trial. Fighting for the freedom and

equality of workers was what the Communist sought to achieve in the Angel Herndon trial and to

show that Herndon was falsely convicted by the capitalist system. Charlotte experienced the

same obstacles that Atlanta did with stiff Anti-Communist opposition and the issue of

segregation.

Gregory Taylor, a professor of history at Chowan University focuses on the regional

North Carolina Communist Party in his book The History of the North Carolina Communist

Party.21 Taylor goes into great detail of how the North Carolina Communist Party (NCCP)

operated. His book specifically looks at the reasons why the American Communist Party wanted

to establish itself in the state of North Carolina. Gregory includes the Loray Mill Strike, the

Kissing Case, as well as other cases dealing with labor strikes.22 Taylor explains how the process

that the North Carolina Communist Party tried to unite both the white and black working class

behind labor unions and were quite successful in Charlotte and Winston Salem, North Carolina.23

Both cities laid the fundamental foundation for spreading Communism into the Southern United

States.

20 James J. Lorence, Radicalism in the South Since Reconstruction: Mobilizing the Reserve Army: Communist Party and the Unemployed in Atlanta, 1929.” (New York, 2006)21 Gregory S. Taylor, The History of the North Carolina Communist Party. (University of South Carolina Press, 2009)22 Gregory S. Taylor, The History of the North Carolina Communist Party. (University of South Carolina Press, 2009) pgs. 66-6923 Gregory S. Taylor, The History of the North Carolina Communist Party. (University of South Carolina Press, 2009) pgs. 49-52

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Taylor goes into great detail about the NCCP’s inability to attract the workers of North

Carolina. The NCCP reached out to workers who were underpaid and overworked by their

superiors. Charlotte was home to many court cases involving Communist Party members. This

gave notoriety to the region. Court cases in the Charlotte area show that the Communist defense

teams were more concerned with spreading the ideology of the party than defending accused

members.24 Taylor argues that the issue of religion was one of the major drawbacks for the

NCCP as well as the CPUSA as a whole. Many Communists claimed to be atheist and this did25

not go over well with much of the population of the South, who were predominantly Southern

Baptist. Charlotte was and still is a deeply Christian conservative city. The NCCP, like the

CPUSA, also had contact with the Soviet Union. North Carolina Communists modeled

themselves after the CPSU; but also wanted some form of individuality. For example, the NCCP

protested lynching and Jim Crow Laws, and demanded equal representation for whites, blacks,

and other minorities such as women.26 Taylor’s book shows the impact of Communism not only

within North Carolina, but also major metropolitan cities within the state. While Taylor does

mention Charlotte as a base for activity by the NCCP, he does not devote great detail into the

city of Charlotte, but rather the NCCP and its effects on the state of North Carolina as a whole.

Newspapers and pamphlets were primary sources of Communist Party information. The

Southern Worker is a newspaper that was published by the CPUSA for the Southeastern United

States published from 1930 up into 1938. The Southern Worker can be seen by many as the most

effective tool used by the American Communist Party in its quest to reach out to the public

24 Gregory S. Taylor, The History of the North Carolina Communist Party. (University of South Carolina Press, 2009) pgs 42-4825 Gregory S. Taylor, The History of the North Carolina Communist Party. (University of South Carolina Press, 2009) pgs 50-5526 Gregory S. Taylor, The History of the North Carolina Communist Party. (University of South Carolina Press, 2009) pgs.125-132

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forum of the South. One of the main focuses of The Southern Worker was to spread the

Communist ideology as well as make negative comments on the spread of American

capitalism.27 In reference to North Carolina, the paper focused on the trial of the Loray Mills

Strike in 1929 up into the 1930. The trial took place in Charlotte which brought added publicity

to the region. The Southern Worker also noted events that involved the Communist Party in the

Charlotte area. For example the National Textile Workers Union coming to hold a meeting on

14th street in North Charlotte in 1931.28 The CPUSA believed that it was paramount for

individuals to follow the principles of Communism in order to be a “textbook Communist.”29

This quote was used by Junius Scales, who was the head regional organizer in the Charlotte

Metro area to describe prominent members such William Foster. With Scales being a leader of

the North Carolina Communist Party disagreements were held between the National CPUSA and

organizers such as Scales in Charlotte. This would foreshadow events that would transpire later

into the 1950 s with the crumbling of NCCP and CPUSA.

Charlotte was mentioned frequently in The Southern Worker. The paper covered the

entire state of North Carolina, but Charlotte is a primary focus for the paper. In the paper,

meetings are documented with Communist Party members and NTWU organizers headquartered

in Charlotte. 30 Prominent NCCP members such as Fred Beal, Paul Crouch and Junius Scales

were featured in the paper. Fred Beal was a head NTWU organizer who came to Charlotte from

New York to organize workers for strike in the Loray Mill in Gastonia. Beal played a key role in

organizing workers into unions in Charlotte and surrounding areas. Paul Crouch wrote many

27 Jack, London. "The Iron Heel." The Daily Worker, 1934.28 The Southern Worker, V.2, No.2 (1931)29 Scales Junius, interview by Robert Kortstad, "Junius Scales Interview," Southern Oral History Collection, Record, May 2, 1987:1-7.30 Crouch, Paul. “Textiles Strike Again” The Southern Worker (1936)

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stories for the paper, including articles on the rise of the textile unions in Charlotte.31 The paper

showed the progressive steps that the party was making within the Charlotte Area. The Southern

Workers shows that progress was made within North Carolina and Charlotte in the 1930s. An

article from the paper details 3,000 workers pushing back Charlotte Mecklenburg Police in the

streets trying to break up a meeting.32 Communist party members ran for election for county

seats on city council. 33 The Southern Worker detailed progress made by the Communists in

Charlotte as well as other areas of North Carolina. The Southern Worker shows that Charlotte

indeed had a Communist presence in the late 1920s and throughout the 1930s.

In conjunction with The Southern Worker, there was a letters to the editor section in

which subscribers could list their grievances to the writers of the paper. There were a few letters

sent in from Communist members in Charlotte detailing working and living conditions in the

area in the 1930s. The letters goes into detail about the rent strikes going on in the early 1930s

by unemployed workers who struggled to survive because of the Great Depression and

struggling economy.34 Landlords were described as coming to homes and ripping off doors and

boarding up windows.35 The woman writing the letter happened to be African American which

shows the racial segregation boundary within the city. According to the woman, who remained

anonymous, The Southern Worker gave her the strength to fight back against the landlord to

keep what was rightfully hers. These workers were forced to improvise doing menial work in

order to sustain a living. Organizations such as the National Textile Workers Union and Trade

Union Unity League offered workers hope that the Communists would bring relief to the

31 The Southern Worker, V.1, No.2 (1930)32 The Southern Worker, V.1, No.3 (1930)33 The Southern Worker, V.5, No.12 (1937)34 “Resists and Wins Against Her Eviction” The Southern Worker Letters to the Editor (1931)35 “Resists and Wins Against Her Eviction” The Southern Worker Letters to the Editor (1931)

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working class and unemployed around Charlotte. Through the turmoil, the African American

women wished for freedom of oppression for black and white workers.36

Another Letter to the Editor from The Southern Worker shows the living conditions in

Charlotte from a Southern Worker correspondent. The correspondent looks at life for

unemployed workers forced to farm because unemployment during the early 1930s. Many

unemployed workers such as the family described in the letter were left with rent that was

impossible to pay while being unemployed. Rent prices were not the only concern as many

families struggled to feed their children.37 While the father and sons plowed the fields, the wife

was forced to pick blackberries for the evening supper. Without work in the mills and factories

in Charlotte, life was hard for the unemployed. The family’s housing was poor as it leaked when

it rained making for below standard living conditions.38 The wife proclaimed that this was the

sorriest place she had seen in North Carolina showing the terrible living conditions in Charlotte

which many were subjected to live.39 Workers were ready for reform and sought refuge under

the banner of equality that the Communists proclaimed within Charlotte.

The Militant was a left-wing Communist paper based out New York that covered North

Carolina and the Southern United States. The paper wrote from a more radical perspective than

that of The Southern Worker but gave detailed information to the public on Communist Party

activity regionally. Charlotte was mentioned frequently in The Militant. The paper described the

moving in of the American Federation of Labor into Charlotte as a potential disaster.40 Cities

such as Charlotte and Salisbury were holding AFL meetings to promote social insurances and

36 “50 Year-Old Negro Woman Set for Fight” The Southern Worker Letters to the Editor (1931)37 “Farmer Takes Place of Mule at Plow” The Southern Worker Letters to the Editior (1931)38 “Farmer Takes Place of Mule at Plow” The Southern Worker Letters to the Editior (1931)39 “Farmer Takes Place of Mule at Plow” The Southern Worker Letters to the Editior (1931)40 The Militant (1932)

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organize the wage earners of the South.41 With the entrance of the AFL into Charlotte,

differences became apparent among Communists in the area. The AFL represented blue-collared

white factory workers with less attention paid to African Americans. Writers for The Militant

such as Jay Lovestone criticized the AFL saying it was a group made up of bureaucrats

employing the laws of capitalism amongst the working class.42 The Militant was critical of the

direction of the Communist Party during the 1930s and into the 1940s believing the Party was

drifting away from original ideals. With the start of WWII, unemployment declined forcing

Communists to look for other means of protest such as racial equality.

The NCCP faced considerable opposition from Anti-Communists in the form of The

Charlotte Observer. The Charlotte Observer a newspaper based in Charlotte was one of the

leaders in covering Communist Party activity in the Carolinas. The newspaper focused on the

trails such as the Loray Mill Strike trial of 1929 and General Textile strike trial of 1934 dealing

with Communist Party members. Textile mill strikes and labor union organizing were also

covered extensively within the city.43 The Observer stayed on top of Communist activity that

was going on throughout the area amplifying Communists as enemies of the state. The paper

was the main source of information within the Charlotte region and the Observer takes a strong

conservative stance. The Communist Party seen Republicans as “Fascist” in the words of

William Z. Foster44. Such phrases as “Commy Bastards” and “traitors” could be found in some

instances.45 The Charlotte Observer also reached out to the surrounding rural counties which

were comprised of poor, working class farmers and mill workers. With the popularity of The

Charlotte Observer, the North Carolina Communists were unable to overthrow conservative

41 “A.F.ofL. Opens up in the South” The Militant (1930)42 “A.F.ofL. Opens up in the South” The Militant (1930)43 “The Reds Say,” The Charlotte Observer (1931)44 William Foster, "Party Building and Political Leadership," Workers Library Publishers (1937): 45-62,45 “The Reds Say,” The Charlotte Observer (1931)

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views with their propaganda. The Charlotte Observer mentioned the Communists gaining

momentum in Charlotte. 46 The Charlotte Observer exaggerated the ability of the Communists

in Charlotte and writes on the idea of the hostile takeover of the nation by radical Communists.

With the paper being the main source of news for the people of Mecklenburg County and the

surrounding counties, the paper’s stories were generally believed to be true by much of the

population. The coming of the Cold War in the late 1940s only amplified the paper and its

thoughts.

Communism appealed to many African Americans in North Carolina from the 1930s

into the late 1940s. James W. Ford was a leading American Communist Party member, and the

first African American to ever appear on the presidential ticket running alongside William Foster

for Vice President in 1932, 1936, and 1940. Ford was influential in helping to recruit African

Americans into the CPUSA from the North and South. In his pamphlet, Developing Negro

Community Leaders, Ford talks about how Communist ideology has helped lift African

Americans from the depths of oppression. Ford urged the CPUSA to assimilate African

American women into leadership positions within the party and solve the problem of “the negro

question.”47 The question pertains to addressing African Americans and their role within the

Communist Party. This question dealt especially with Southern states such as North Carolina

where black and white integration was essential to the Communists success. In Charlotte,

integration was key with workers to gain support for labor unions. With the National Textile

Workers Union and American Federation of Labor both pushing for more workers, it was

paramount for the Communist to integrate within the city to gain more popular support for the

party.

46 “Cops Must Admit Reds Growing in Charlotte Area,” The Charlotte Observer (1931)47 Ford, James. Developing the Negro Communist Leader. (1937)

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Ford believed that women were essential in providing new recruiting outlets within

communities. He cites the successes of women organizers in healthcare and education. Women

were widely used as organizers for the Party in Charlotte.48 Moranda Smith and Velma Barfield

were two women who were active in the recruiting of women and minorities in the Charlotte

area. Both of these women campaigned strongly against inequality and male chauvinism.49

Ford states that the problem of the African American people is the lack of knowledge. He states

that vocational training schools should be constructed in order for African Americans to better

understand the roots of Communism. Ford was a well known figure in North Carolina. During

his running on the ticket as vice president through 1936-1944, Ford made stops in North Carolina

including in Charlotte. Ford aimed to better integrate the minority into the party within North

Carolina and Charlotte. Ford was unable to fully conquer the obstacle of male chauvinism in the

Charlotte and North Carolina. This predicates the future decline of Communism in Charlotte in

the late 1940s and into the 1950s.

Junius Scales was a regional party organizer in the Charlotte Metro and Triad areas of

North Carolina. Scales was one of the key figures promoting Communism within Charlotte.

The interviews give insight onto what was going on into Communist Party around the major

metropolitan cities in North Carolina. Scales looks at the North Carolina Communist Party and

its activities that were going on in cities such as Winston-Salem, Charlotte, Greensboro, and

Asheville after WWII and into the late 1940s before the beginnings of the Cold War conflict. In

an interview conducted by Robert Korstad, Scales breaks down the Party into specific

committees located in different regions. Within the committees, Scales describes the role of

48 Scales Junius, interview by Robert Kortstad, "Junius Scales Interview," Southern Oral History Collection, Record, May 2, 1987:349 Scales Junius, interview by Robert Kortstad, "Junius Scales Interview," Southern Oral History Collection, Record, May 2, 1987:pgs3-5

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trade union workers and minorities working together.50 Committees were broken down into

eight to ten members and had diversity among its members. Scales says that in Charlotte, there

were over 200 official members that gathered together.51 Women were very influential within

the Charlotte region, as they helped to gain support for the minorities and related with the masses

of the working class oppressed. Moranda Smith and Velma Barfield were two major organizers

for the Communist Party in Charlotte. Women were politically active within the area and were

used for organizing movements and recruiting.52 While there was activity going on within

Charlotte, there was more activity going on in Winston-Salem with unionizing the R.J. Reynolds

workers.

In another interview conducted by Robert Korstad, three Communist Party members from

the Charlotte area are interviewed in Bernard Friedland, Junius Scales, and Karl Korstad. The

interview gives insight into Communist Party activity within the Charlotte area during the 1940s.

Friedland and Korstad were both organizers and associates of Scales, who was a head organizer

within the Charlotte region. Scales speaks about his involvement in WWII and how Bart Logan

took over as the district organizer during the war.53 Communist volunteers in WWII were

common because of the involvement of Fascist nations such as Germany and Italy which

American Communists deemed as enemies to Communist ideals. The involvement of the Soviet

Union on the side of the Allies made Communists such as Scales from the Charlotte area

volunteer to support their comrades. Communists who stayed out of service were in charge of

50 Scales Junius, interview by Robert Kortstad, "Junius Scales Interview," Southern Oral History Collection, Record, May 2, 1987:1-751 Scales Junius, interview by Robert Kortstad, "Junius Scales Interview," Southern Oral History Collection, Record, May 2, 1987:1-752 Scales Junius, interview by Robert Kortstad, "Junius Scales Interview," Southern Oral History Collection, Record, May 2, 1987:1-753 “Interview with Bernard Friedland, Junius Scales, and Karl Korstad” by Robert Korstad. Southern Oral History Collection, Record, April 14, 1986: pg 2

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handling the domestic affairs of the Party. Friedland and Korstad in working with Logan raised

support for the Party in the form of women and students.54 The war sent many working class

men into the armed service, leaving the local Communists with little to recruit from. Friedland

talked about the issues with the trade unions and organizing within the region. Because the war

had brought employment to the Charlotte areas textile mills and factories, unions struggled to

organize workers. With Logan enlisting in the army in 1943, Alice Burke was named the

organizer in the district.55 Burke was from Virginia and had little experience in North Carolina

and was unfamiliar with labor organizing within the Charlotte region. Many outsiders began

coming to Charlotte from states such as Virginia and New York to organize and maintain

Communist Party stability. With organizers such as Alice Burke and Gene Morse being

involved in their own state affairs, the Charlotte region was left without a district organizer for

several months until Scales arrival back from WWII in 1946.56 Scales notes the issue of

comrades such as Chick showing male chauvinism toward women such as Burke for holding

important local party positions within the Charlotte region. Anne Matthews who was a secretary

for the Party turned in over 100 Communist Party names to the FBI within the region.57

Matthews outlined the structure of the Communist Party and how it was broken down from the

National Party down to regional and district organizing in areas such as Charlotte. This

foreshadowed the events that would come with Operation SOLO put into action by the FBI.

54 “Interview with Bernard Friedland, Junius Scales, and Karl Korstad” by Robert Korstad. Southern Oral History Collection, Record, April 14, 1986: pgs. 2-355 “Interview with Bernard Friedland, Junius Scales, and Karl Korstad” by Robert Korstad. Southern Oral History Collection, Record, April 14, 1986: pgs 6-756 “Interview with Bernard Friedland, Junius Scales, and Karl Korstad” by Robert Korstad. Southern Oral History Collection, Record, April 14, 1986: pgs. 8-957 “Interview with Bernard Friedland, Junius Scales, and Karl Korstad” by Robert Korstad. Southern Oral History Collection, Record, April 14, 1986: pgs. 11-13

18

The end of the Communist era was brought about by Operation SOLO. Operation SOLO

was initiated by the FBI in order to infiltrate the American Communist Party and tracked its

relationship with other Communist nations; primarily the Soviet Union. Specific documents

show the relationship between the CPUSA and the CPSU. The CPUSA had been infiltrated by

the FBI and the American was made aware of meetings in Moscow as well as China.58

Prominent Communist Party members such as William Foster and Eugene Dennis were carefully

observed by the government.59 The main goal of the FBI in the SOLO operation was to

determine what the Soviet Union was advising the CPUSA to do. It had become apparent that

the CPUSA did as they were authorized by the Soviet Union.60 Letters and documents were

intercepted by informants and given to the FBI. This operation succeeded in infiltrating the once

obscure American Communist Party and learning of its whereabouts. It confirmed suspicion that

the CPUSA was acting under the supervision of the Soviet Union. Paul Crouch, who was one of

the founding members of the North Carolina Communist Party, was an informant for the FBI.61

He gave the whereabouts of Communist leaders and meetings that were held in North Carolina.

Not only was the FBI able to infiltrate the national party, but also the party on a regional level.

This brought the question of trust of many of the comrades within NC.62 Communism within NC

was all but shut down.

58 Operation SOLO Files, FBI Vault Records, http://us.archives.org/5items/FbiSoloFiles-Mar1958ToAug1960

59 Operation SOLO Files, FBI Vault Records, http://us.archives.org/5items/FbiSoloFiles-Mar1958ToAug1960

60 Operation SOLO Files, FBI Vault Records, http://us.archives.org/5items/FbiSoloFiles-Mar1958ToAug1960

61 Operation SOLO Files, FBI Vault Records, http://us.archives.org/5items/FbiSoloFiles-Mar1958ToAug1960

62 Operation SOLO Files, FBI Vault Records, http://us.archives.org/5items/FbiSoloFiles-Mar1958ToAug1960

19

In conclusion to primary and secondary research of Communism in Charlotte, it is

apparent that Communism was on the rise early into the 1920-1930. The failure of Capitalism to

bring relief to the working class was an issue Communists were able to take advantage of in the

Charlotte area. The wide surplus of textile mills with the accessibility to large populations made

trade unions and labor organizing possible. Communists in Charlotte during the 1930s were able

to hold meetings and address the issues of unemployment, racial integration, and elections for

office within the region. This allowed the party to gain momentum in Charlotte. Police were

unable to suppress workers rallied by members for striking purposes. Evidence shows that the

Communist Party was at its peak in Charlotte during the 1930s. With the coming of the 1940s

and after WWII, the party began to lose steam in Charlotte. A profound stance in Conservative

Anti-Communist policies in Charlotte led to the lack of support for Communism. With the lack

of popular support brought disagreements to the surface within the Party especially between

national leaders and regional leaders in Charlotte. The evidence of white male chauvinism rears

its head, further dividing and segregating the party into the late 1940s. The Cold War further

divided the Party; and a decline in popular support within the region became apparent. This led

to eventual defection and infiltration into the once secretive Communist Circle within Charlotte

as the case of Paul Crouch. Communism was unable to keep any influence in the Charlotte area

once these disagreements tore the Communist Party apart.

20

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22

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