Hierarchy and Gender in Moroccan Islamic Culture

Purpose

My ethnography project is an attempt to learn more about the Moroccan Islamic

culture and an attempt to explore some missiological implications arising from the study. For

the purposes of this paper, I will refer to the person interviewed as “Aarif” in order to protect

identity and not cause any discomfiture.

Introduction of Aarif and His Family

Aarif is from Marrakesh, a centrally located city within the Kingdom of Morocco.

Morocco is located in Northern Africa with the North Atlantic Ocean on its west coast and

the Mediterranean Sea on the north. To the south lies Western Sahara and to the east is

Algeria. The Kingdom of Morocco is a constitutional monarchy with a population of nearly

35 million and is reported to be 98.7% Muslim.1 The official language is Arabic, but there are

other Berber dialects. Morocco was once a French Colony; therefore, French is used in the

areas of business and politics.2

Aarif is Muslim and a member of one of the three Berber groups of Morocco: Tarifit,

Tashelhit, and Tamazight. According to Aarif the different groups are delineated by their

relationship to the Atlas Mountain range. The Tarifit live to the north near the capital city of

Rabat; the Tashelhit live in the central region near Marakesh; and the Tamazight to the south

toward the Western Sahara. Aarif is a member of the Tashelhit ethnic group. Given the

variety of ways to “label” ones self I inquired of Aarif as to how he labels himself.

Me: In what order would you describe yourself - Berber, Moroccan and Muslim or some

other way?

Aarif: Muslim, Moroccan and then Berber.

1 U.S. Department of State. 2011. Morocco. Accessed 23 November 2011; available

from http://www.state.gov/r/pa/ei/bgn/5431.htm#profile 2 Ibid

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Aarif is the “middle” child of a large family (at least by Western standards) having

seven siblings. His parents met while Aarif’s father was in the employ of his future wife’s

father. The courtship was not long, by Western standards, and the two were married and

began their family. As a child, Aarif completed primary and secondary school and went on to

study English and linguistics at the university level. After his university training, Aarif

worked as an English teacher in a Moroccan secondary school. His interest in linguistics led

him to apply for and receive a Fulbright Scholarship. He is attending Missouri State

University in Springfield, Missouri where he is earning a Master of Arts in Teaching English

to Speakers of other Languages (TESOL). He is also employed as a graduate assistant and

teaches undergraduate English courses. His goal is to return to Morocco and continue

teaching English.

It was abundantly clear that Aarif’s mother had considerable influence in his, and his

male siblings, career decisions. Both parents had been educated but at different levels. The

father did not attend a “formal” school but learned to read and write by attending school at

the mosque. Currently a local municipality employs Aarif’s father. The mother, however, is a

schoolteacher who completed primary and secondary studies. Her career choice seems to

have carried weight in the family because three of the four sons have chosen to be teachers.

Another of the sons has chosen to be a nurse. Aarif explained this was not a typical choice for

males within Moroccan culture. Interestingly, the daughters have not chosen to follow their

mother in her career. One sister is studying biology at university level, another is a stay-at-

home mother and another sister works outside the home (Aarif did not disclose the vocation

of the last sister).

Aarif asserted that Moroccan men and women have equal opportunity to pursue

education to whatever level they desire. He also asserted the broader Moroccan culture

expected young men and women to pursue education as ability allows. Furthermore, the

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younger generations, having had more educational opportunity, were also expected to enter

the workforce. Nonetheless, within Aarif’s family it seems the male members have taken

advantage of higher education. Aarif is the only member of the family to leave Morocco in

order to take his education to an advanced level. The conversation concerning his family,

educational opportunities and the parent’s courtship lead our conversation toward Aarif’s

view of courtship and marriage.

Summary of Courtship and Wedding Practices; the Social Community and Celebration

of Marriage and Childbirth; and an Analysis of the Meaning of Marriage

Summary of Courtship and Wedding Practices

Aarif was timid as he explained the process of moving from initial attraction to

courtship and to marriage. His timidity was not because he was afraid of revealing some

secret but a general modesty regarding such ethereal subjects as love. I have diagrammed his

description of the courtship process below.

One may notice the male and not the female usually initiates the courtship process.

However, the female can choose not to accept the advances of the male. Neither the male or

female genitor arranges the marriage. The diagram shows, however, the female’s father does

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play a decisive role. There is no official practice of class endogamy, endogamy or

hypergamy. There is, nonetheless, a communal aspect to the arranging of marriages. The

Moroccan’s do not practice giving a dowry or bridewealth, but the families are heavily

involved in legitimizing the engagement. Aarif asserts that monogamy is the norm in the

broader culture but is practiced by certain ethnic groups and is legitimate under Islam. Recent

divorce laws requiring a husband to divide assets with his wife/wives has greatly curtailed the

practice.

The Social Community and Celebration of Marriage and Childbirth

Me: What is more important to you, the community or your individuality?

Aarif: The community is what determines happiness for the individual; the individual does

not determine the community’s happiness.

In our conversation, the idea of the community came up over and over again. Not only

was the community assumed to be a part of weddings and births, but also, funerals. The

community seemed to act as an extended family member. It does appear the community is

considered over the individual but that all individuals are expected to contribute and

participate in it. Thus, Morocco would be classified as a high group-high grid culture. The

participation of the community includes being witness to weddings and births, this may

indicate tacit approval of marriage and validate the entrance of a child into the community.

The wedding is a time for the whole community to celebrate. Two days prior to the

actual ceremony the bride would begin receiving guests into her parents home for the first of

two wedding events. Typically there is a wedding held at the parents home and then one at

the home of the groom. Prior to the first wedding event the bride will make an offering of

one-half of her gifts to her mother. Aarif stated this is a matter of respect and honor for the

mother who is giving away her daughter. Each wedding celebration is filled with singing and

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dancing and eating. The broader community plays a fundamental role in celebrating the

joining of the man and woman.

Aarif emphasized how the wedding was an event geared to include the whole

community. The practice of having two wedding events ensures that as many community

members as possible can participate. The community had already shared in other celebrations

in the life of the bride and groom. When a male child has reached seven days old; the

community gathers to celebrate his circumcision and a sheep are slaughtered by the father.

The female children are not circumcised, but a seven-day celebration is also conducted and a

sheep is slaughtered.

An Analysis of the Meaning of Marriage

The practice of having the two weddings speaks of how the community and parents

will continue to play a role in the newly formed union. Each family member, and agreeable

community member has had a part in the celebration. As such, this is a public welcoming of

the couple into another aspect of society. In the end, the wedding practice seems to portray an

honor for family, for women and for the community. The father’s role in the life of his

daughter is significantly reduced once she is married. The husband now assumes the role of

the father and as the authoritative figure. All the same, the collectivist nature of the

community never ceases to influence what is expected of the new couple. In other words,

what is good for the collective is good for the couple.

The Moroccans employ a neolocal paradigm unless the new couple has extenuating

financial circumstances. If there is an economic disadvantage, then, a perilocal arrangement

is considered normative. Typically, however, the couple is free to choose where they will live

after the wedding; but strong ties still exist with the larger family. Because the couple usually

lives apart from either family group, they are expected to put their skills and education to use

and be gainfully employed. They are also expected to have children.

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Marriage seems to be both a breaking away and a joining to something else. The

couple breaks away from their parents in order to join the collective society in a different

role. They are no longer children but adult members of the group. They will participate in

furthering the community by bringing their own children into it and joining them to the

collective through community celebration. Because the couple can choose their postmarital

residence they have some independence and individualism, but they are always socially

subject to the larger group. The family dynamic of space and gender role assignments

illustrates these communal characteristics.

Hierarchy and Gender Role Assignment as Illustrated in Household Space

The discussion concerning household space and gender roles within the family was

quite enlightening.

Me: Are any rooms in your home set aside or exclusive to a particular gender?

Aarif: No.

Aarif began to draw a sketch of a room in his home. He drew a rectangular living

room surrounded on three sides with built in seating typically covered with mattresses and

pillows. Then, sketching some symbols, he demarcated areas where the television and table

were located. Next he marked the places his parents preferred to sit. Aarif went on to explain

there was not an “official” rule about seating arrangements, but respect dictated the parents

got their choice, especially the father. Considering this information, Aarif and I began talking

about the role of the father in the home.

Me: How does your family view the role of your father?

Aarif: The father is “king” of the home.

Aarif explained this term did not mean he was the absolute authority or ruler. Instead,

it was a term of respect and endearment pointing to the father’s position as the leader of the

house. Leading the home consisted of having a vision for what was best for the family and

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then carrying it out. The vision entails any projects required to maintain the physical structure

of the home, as well as, the welfare of the family. Further discussion led to questions about

whether or not this meant the father directed or controlled the family resources.

Me: Who controls the finances and other material resources in the home?

Aarif: The father. He decides what needs to be done to maintain the house, keep things

running and how others in the family will contribute to the overall plan.

Basically the family resources came from the parents, as well as, those siblings who

were employed and living in the home. If a need arose in the home requiring more financial

resources than the parents could afford, the father would expect others to help. Aarif spoke of

an instance where the family water well needed to be deepened. The cost of this process was

much greater than the parents could afford, subsequently the family met and divided the cost

among its working members. Large expenses like this were not the only example of the father

directing of resources.

The employed family members living in the home were also expected to carry a

portion of the daily living expenses. Aarif explained the father would assign each wage earner

his or her part of the expenses. One member would be responsible for electricity and phone,

another the vegetables, and another the required meat. Participation in supporting the family

was not based on gender but shared among working family members.

Another example of how resources are directed by the father is seen in the care of

aging parents. When the father (or mother) has reached an age where they can no longer care

for themselves the family is expected to care for them. Often family members would move

back into the family home in order to do this. However, if the case warrants, the parents will

move into the home of one of the children, or divide time between several homes. Once

entering the home, the females of the host family would care for the aged parents. Thusly, in

a passive way, the aged father (or the aged mother) is directing the resources of their

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children. Aarif explained that caring for aged parents is assumed and right, he then quoted

from the Koran:

“And your Lord has commanded that you shall not serve (any) but Him, and goodness to your parents. If either or both of them reach old age with you, say not to them (so much as) "Ugh" nor chide them, and speak to them a generous word” (The Children of Israel, 17.23).3

Me: Do you think any of the family members resent or feel forced to contribute to the upkeep

and administration of the home?

Aarif: No! This is what is expected and what we will do. It’s just the way things are done.

The discussion about the family home, and how its members contribute, led us to

questions about which family members performed domestic chores. Gender roles are

assigned and affirmed to the children by the parents and, to a large extent, by community

norms. Female members carry out most duties required “inside” the house, such as, cooking

and cleaning. Male members are responsible for chores “outside” the house.

Aarif described the male responsibilities as those requiring “muscle.” This meant

from time to time the men would work “inside” the home but only to accomplish some sort of

repair or to move something heavy. Men were allowed in the kitchen but were not necessarily

able to cook a whole meal. If the women were busy, the men could make tea or coffee. Also,

there might be an occasion where the male family members would be asked to move a heavy

pot. In the end, “physical” chores were expected of the men while the lighter less “physical”

duties of the household were reserved for women.

The characteristics of a high power distance collective are clearly demonstrated in the

examples above. The father, though benevolent, is to be respected as the final authority in

3 The Koran. 1983. The Children of Israel. Accessed 18 November 2011; available

from http://quod.lib.umich.edu/cgi/k/koran/koranidx?type=simple&q1=chide+them&size=First+100

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matters concerning the home and family. The family unit, like a microcosm of the

community, exemplifies the core value of the hierarchy: the whole is more important than the

individual. As such, certain rules and social norms have to be put in place in order to regulate

the continuation of the group. In the Moroccan community, these standards are delineated

through a patriarchal hierarchy.

Comparison to Lecture Concerning Afghanistan Islamic Culture

There are not many similarities between what I have learned from Aarif and the

lecture presented about Afghanistan culture by career missionaries. The Moroccan Islamic

culture appears to be much more open to women than other Islamic cultures. Women work

outside the home; they have educational opportunities and women can participate in the

political process. Even so, it appears from the ethnography interviews conducted that politics

is still considered the realm of males.

Patriarchy seems to be the norm for both societies, but there seems to be a difference

in how supremacy is displayed. That is, the Afghanistan Islamic culture subordinates women

through various methods of fear and domination. In particular, Afghanistan men practice

polygamy especially in cases where the current wife does not produce children or if the

children are all girls.4 Because women are dependent on men for care and resources, taking

another wife puts the other in jeopardy. The general consensus among Afghanistan Islamic

culture is that men are smarter than women. If a woman demonstrates superior aptitude for

anything, she is considered to have brought shame on the man.5 Therefore, the woman,

though possibly more intelligent, cannot openly display her talent/skill for fear of being out

of favor in the community. The result is a patriarchal vertical hierarchy with a high power

distance that is maintained by fear and dominance.

4 David Leatherberry. “Gender Roles In Afghanistan Islamic Culture.” Lecture,

Gender, Culture and Cross Cultural Ministry, Assemblies of God Theological Seminary, Springfield, MO, November 15, 2011.

5 Ibid.

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The Moroccan Islamic culture is also a high power distance culture like Afghanistan.

Yet, there seems to be some egalitarian leanings. For instance, the Afghanistan Islamic

culture rejoices at the birth of a boy but when a girl is born there will a time of mourning.

Contrarily, the Moroccan Islamic culture celebrates the birth of both boys and girls with the

community. Moroccan families do not arrange marriages for their sons or daughters, unlike

the Afghani culture.6 There are a number of dissimilar practices between the two Islamic

cultures, most of which focus on the liberty (or lack of) for women. The lesson learned from

this comparison speaks to the necessity of not placing a “one size fits all” frame around an

Islamic culture. The missiological importance of this lesson cannot be overlooked if cross-

cultural missionaries are to engage Moroccan Islamic culture with the gospel of Jesus Christ.

Missiological Implications for Cross-Cultural Workers

A Reflection of the Theology of Gender for the Cross Cultural Worker

The cross-cultural worker will be required to have a working theology of gender upon

entering Morocco. If that missionary comes from a largely egalitarian or low power distance

culture, he or she may struggle to adapt to the hierarchy of this culture. The worker must

constantly keep in mind the truth that humanity is fallen. As such, the cooperation intended

by God between genders is terribly marred. The worker must also remember the patriarchal

hierarchy is the norm within the host culture. Therefore, attempts to introduce a new way of

life should be done with care, grace and only at the prompting of the Holy Spirit.

Prior to entering the country the cross-cultural worker should be required to identify

his or her own gender bias. This exercise will raise the workers theology of gender (or lack

thereof) to the forefront. Awareness of personal assumptions about gender prior to entering

the field will, hopefully, awake the worker to the need for grace.

6 Leatherberry, “Gender Roles In Afghanistan Islamic Culture.”

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The cross-cultural worker will have to accept that he or she will be required to live

differently than their home culture. The previous statement seems rudimentary to cross-

cultural work and should go without saying. However, when entering another culture, there is

a strong temptation to hold onto what one knows, especially when confronted with drastic

changes. The public behavior of the cross-cultural worker is paramount in his or her ability to

share the gospel. Thus, the worker is required to be able to live as closely as she or he can to

the culture, without surrendering biblical principles.7

The Challenges Possibly Faced by the Cross Cultural Worker

The challenges to the cross-cultural worker will be varied and many. One foremost

challenge will be whether or not the worker should be married. Given the characteristics of

the Moroccan culture it would be beneficial for the missionary to be married. The married

couple will also have to predetermine (as much as possible) how entering this culture will

affect the dynamics of their relationship. It would behoove the couple to establish a solid

network of accountability partners. The partners will assist the couple in effectively handling

changes to their attitude and marriage as they become more and more entrenched in the host

culture. It may also prove beneficial for this couple to have children. However, the added

dimension of children requires another level of accountability to help navigate parenting

approaches in light of the host culture.

A second challenge will be in how the cross-cultural worker will develop ministry

teams. The team will most likely need to be led by a male who is willing to make decisions.

The decisions, however, need not be made autocratically. The leader of the team should be

expected to have vision but also engage other members for input. In the end, the leader must

be perceived as having made the final decision about ministry strategy. The implication is

7 Leatherberry, “Gender Roles In Afghanistan Islamic Culture.”

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that the team leader should be recognized as one who knows what needs to be done, engages

his members for input, and then directs resources accordingly.

The cross-cultural worker must continually examine her or his motives for

introducing change into the culture. They will need to assess their own bias, compare it

against biblical principles and the host cultures values. Consequently, patience and adamant

determination to make long-term investment in the culture is essential to success. That said,

the missionary unit and the sending board must develop a “theology of success.” The parties

involved have to outline the parameters of what it will mean to have had success within the

host culture. Failure to define these terms will lead to frustration for the missionary unit and

mistrust from the sending body. If, however, expectations are prayerfully delineated prior to

leaving for the field, and are consistently reviewed in light of cultural revelation, instance of

frustration and mistrust can be kept to a minimum.

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Bibliography

Leatherberry, David. “Gender Roles In Afghanistan Islamic Culture.” Lecture, Gender,

Culture and Cross Cultural Ministry, Assemblies of God Theological Seminary,

Springfield, MO, November 15, 2011.

The Koran. 1983. The Children of Israel. Accessed 18 November 2011; available from

http://quod.lib.umich.edu/cgi/k/koran/koranidx?type=simple&q1=chide+them&size=

First+100

U.S. Department of State. 2011. Morocco. Accessed 23 November 2011; available from

http://www.state.gov/r/pa/ei/bgn/5431.htm#profile