GRAHAM,CHRISTOPHERALAN.,Ph.D.FaithandFamilyintheAntebellumPiedmontSouth.(2013)DirectedbyDr.CharlesC.Bolton.313pp. ThisdissertationexaminestheculturalandreligiousdynamicsoftheNorth

CarolinaPiedmont’snon‐plantersocialorder.Ilookindepthatthemodernizing

elementsofantebellumreligion,particularlythesensibilityofliberalitythat

accompaniedinstitutionaldevelopment,howchurchdisciplinaryprocedures

adaptedtochangingsocialreality,andtheformationofmiddleclassstylenuclear

familiesundertheaegisofevangelicalprescription.Inadditiontousing

denominationalrecords,IutilizefourdiariesofordinaryPiedmontresidentsin

extendedexplorationsofhowindividualsenactedintheirprivatelivesthepublic

lessonsofevangelicalism.Iconcludethatanevangelicalethicdevelopedthatexisted

alongsidethedominantplanterideology,andthatethicformedthebasisforboth

unity,anddissent,inthelateantebellumperiod.

FAITHANDFAMILYINTHEANTEBELLUMPIEDMONTSOUTH

by

ChristopherAlanGraham

ADissertationSubmittedtotheFacultyofTheGraduateSchoolat

TheUniversityofNorthCarolinaatGreensboroinPartialFulfillment

oftheRequirementsfortheDegreeDoctorofPhilosophy

Greensboro2013

Approvedby

___________________________________CommitteeChair

ii

ToMom,whomadeallthishappen,andthememoryofmyfather.

iii

APPROVALPAGE

ThisdissertationwrittenbyChristopherAlanGrahamhasbeenapprovedby

thefollowingcommitteeofTheFacultyoftheGraduateSchoolatTheUniversityof

NorthCarolinaatGreensboro

CommitteeChair__________________________________________

CommitteeMembers__________________________________________

_________________________________________

_________________________________________

______________________________________DateofAcceptancebyCommittee

___________________________________DateofFinalOralExamination

iv

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Thisbriefacknowledgementcanhardlyexpressmygratitudetothemany

peoplewhoinvestedtime,interest,support,andforbearanceinthisproject.Ihopea

quickmentionwillsufficefornow.

AttheUniversityofNorthCarolinaatGreensboro,CharlesC.Bolton,Mark

Elliot,GregO’Brien,andPhyllisW.Hunterhaveallbournewithpatienceandgood

humormyamateur’senthusiasmwhileofferingmomentsofcriticismandguidance

tokeepmemovingforwardanddoinggoodhistoryatthesametime.RickBarton,

BenjaminFilene,andespeciallyRobertM.Calhoonhavealsobeengenerouswith

theirtimeandadvice.LaurieParhamO’Neill,DawnAvolio,andKristinaWrighthave

beennothinglessthanperfectinmakingthisprocessaspainlessaspossible.Thanks

alsotoValeriaCavinessintheGraduateSchoolatUNC‐Greensborowhosteppedin

withsomelast‐minuteheroics.

Mycolleaguesandfriendsatschoolhaveshapednotjustthisdissertationbut

myentirelifeforthelastsixyears.Ihopetocountthemamongmyfriendshereafter

andlookforwardtotheirowncontributionstothefield.TheyincludeTherese

Strohmer,JohnJamesKaiser,KatrinDeihl,JamesFindley,SarahGates,Keri

Peterson,SusanThomas,JosephS.Moore,PaigeMeszaros,TheresaCampbell,

JacquelineW.Spruill,MaggyWilliams,andChristineFlood.

v

ElsewhereintheacademyIhavebenefittedfromthecompanionshipand

guidanceoffriendsandmentors.JamesJ.Broomall,GregJones,andBartonPriceare

peersandteachersIlookupto.JohnDavidSmith,JaneTurnerCenser,andVictoria

E.Bynumdeservespecialmentionforthemanyyearsofadviceandsupportthey

havesounselfishlyoffered.Also,thanksareowedtoAlBaldwinofCarrboro,North

Carolina,andhisextendedfamilyforpermissiontoquotefromtheCarolineLilly

DiaryandAccountBook.

Iamblessedwithacircleoffriendsoutsideofschoolwhoareallexcellent

scholarsandhaveprovenvaluablesoundingboardsformyideasand

encouragementsformyaspirations.ToErnestA.Dollar,LeslieM.Kesler,JimKnight,

CharlesLeCount,JeffCurrie,AlexChristopherMeekins,DavidSouthern,andallthe

membersoftheNSRandtheEnoWillFree&EasySociety,Isay,LooseMorals!I

wouldberemissifIdidnotincludenotesofgratitudetoMarkTwainandBruce

Cattonforsettingmeoffinthefirstplace.

ToLizzie,whodideverythingpossibletotearmeawayfromthiswork:I

wishwecouldgooutsiderightnowandrangethecountrysidetogethersearching

forthehomesandgravesofthepeopleinthisstudy.

Nooneknowsthisprojectmore,andhasdonemoretomakeitbetter,than

MiriamFarris.Ilookforwardtomanymoreyearsandmanymoremilesonthetrail

talkingthesethingsover.Ironsharpensiron.

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TABLEOFCONTENTS

Page

CHAPTER I.INTRODUCTION:FAITHANDFAMILY INTHENORTHCAROLINAPIEDMONT....................................................................1 II.ANXIETYANDLIBERALITY:THERELIGIOUSLANDSCAPEOF THEPOST‐REVIVALPIEDMONT................................................................................33 MaryDavisBrown’sPersistence........................................................................40 CarolineLilly’sAnxiety...........................................................................................45 DomesticandForeignMissions..........................................................................53 MissiontotheSlaves................................................................................................60 Schools...........................................................................................................................65 CarolineLilly’sVocation.........................................................................................80 SundaySchools...........................................................................................................84 MaryDavisBrown’sFamilyCircle.....................................................................93 AVarietyofPlaces..................................................................................................103 III.DISCIPLINEANDTHEEVANGELICALSENSIBILITY............................................109 TheBlackwoodBaptistCases...........................................................................120 TheBrownCreekBaptistCases.......................................................................124 TheBackCreekandDeepRiverFriendsCases.........................................126 TheIronyofOrthodoxyandChange..............................................................131 TheWesleyanEpisode.........................................................................................143 TheTemperanceReformation..........................................................................151 IndirectInfluence...................................................................................................160 IV.THEPRIVATEFACEOFDISCIPLINE...........................................................................162 JohnFlintoff’sCompetency................................................................................163 StrongThomasson’sBalancingAct.................................................................177 EasedbyDiscipline................................................................................................189

vii

V.DOMESTICFELICITYINTHEPIEDMONT................................................................191 TextualModels........................................................................................................197 Deems’sPrescription............................................................................................212 “HowtoTreataWife”...........................................................................................218 VI.FAMILYLIFEINTHELILLYANDTHOMASSONHOUSEHOLDS......................224 CarolineandJamesLilly......................................................................................224 StrongandMollieThomasson..........................................................................248 Middle‐ClassBehaviorintheRuralSouth...................................................263 VII.EPILOGUE................................................................................................................................267 EvangelicalsintheSecessionCrisisandWar..............................................267 ChurchesatWar......................................................................................................270 BryanTyson’sObjections....................................................................................280 MaryBethell’sFamily...........................................................................................285 Brown,Flintoff,Thomasson,andLillyatWar............................................289BIBLIOGRAPHY......................................................................................................................................294

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CHAPTERI

INTRODUCTION:FAITHANDFAMILYINTHENORTHCAROLINAPIEDMONT

StrongThomassondidnotcareforAnnBenbow’spoetry.Hemockeditas

“oneofthewondersoftheworld,viz.apoem(orsomethingelse).”SomelinesAnn

Benbowhadcomposeduponthedeathofherdaughter‐in‐lawhadcirculated

aroundYadkinville.Hefaithfullytranscribedasample,

Shedecesedonthefirstmonththe5day ShefellasleepinJesus’armes, Andherspirittookitsflightintheralmes, Whohassaidhewouldgatherhislames Withhisarmesandcarytheminhisbosum.Thetwenty‐six‐year‐oldThomasson,fullofyouthfulconfidence,wrotehisreaction,

“Hem.Ha!Ha!Ha!IthinkAnnwillhavetoscrewuphermachineandtryagain.”Ann

BenbowwasnotanotheryouthbutaQuakermatriarchlocallyrenownedand

respectedforbeingaphysicianandminister.1StrongdidnotprivatelylaughatAnn

1PaulD.Escott,ed.NorthCarolinaYeoman:TheDiaryofBasilArmstrongThomasson,1853‐1862(Athens:UniversityofGeorgiaPress,1995),83.AnnMendenhallBenbowwasaQuakerministerdispatchedwithherhusbandfromtheNewGardensettlementinGuilfordtoreviveQuakerinterestsinYadkinCounty.SeeFrancisC.Anscombe,IHaveCalledYouFriends:TheStoryofQuakerisminNorthCarolina(Boston:TheChristopherPublishingHouse,1959),336.Atthetimeofthisentry,StrongworkedasaclerkinastoreownedbyamemberoftheBenbowfamilyinYadkin,thoughtheconnectionbetweentheproprietorandAnnisunknown.

2

Benbowforherpublicstature,orherwomanhood,butbecausehegenuinely

despisedthequalityofherpoetry.Buthewasnotabovecomposinghisowndoggrel,

MollieandI,inease,

Havespentthedayinre[a]ding, Savewhatwasspentinwriting, Andin—eatingourpeas.Indeed,Strong,aMethodistfrequentlyattendedQuakermeetingsandatleaston

oneoccasionheardBenbowpreach.“Shegaveus,”henoted,“asIthink,verygood

advice.”Hedidnotthinkillofawomanpreacher.2Nordidhethinkthatwomen

shouldremainhiddenbehindthepoliticalauthorityofmen.Atatemperance

meeting,Stronglamentedthelackofenthusiasmshowedbylocalladies.Henoted,

“howstrangeitisthattheladieswillnotgoforwardandengageinthisgreat

reformationwithmightandmain,andatonceputdowntheliquortrafficwhenthey

mightsoeasilydoit.”3

StrongThomassonownednoslaves,verylittleland,anddevotedhislifeto

farming,teaching,andChristianity.Thesebriefglimpsesofferedbyhisdiaryreveal

anunexpectedsoutherner.Hedidnotaspiretowealth,reputation,orhonor.He

cultivatedaninterestinliteratureandwriting—asthecontentsofhispoem

suggest—andafirmconvictionthatdevotiontoChristrequiredthathestayathome

withhiswifeMollieinSundayreveriesofquietstudy.Indeed,StrongThomasson

2Escott,ed.,NorthCarolinaYeoman,121,280.3Escott,ed.,NorthCarolinaYeoman,68‐69.

3

wasnotthesouthernerdescribedbymosthistorians:aruralmanenmeshedin

maintaininghisplaceinnetworksofpower,interestedonlyinpersonal

independenceandtheviolentdefenseofit.4He,likemanyotherordinary

southernersconfoundourexpectationsandallowustopeerintoanunder‐

examinedworldwhereevangelicalandsocialforcescollidedandcombinedto

createnewformsoffaithandfamily.

Mycuriosityaboutthesocialpowerofordinarywhiteevangelicalsinthe

slaveholder‐dominatedSouthhasdriventhisinquiry.Thisdissertationexaminesthe

livesofordinarywhitepeople,longdominatedinthehistoriographybydistinctions

ofclass,race,andgender.Denominationalrecordsarethebasisofmysurveyofthe

religiouslandscapeofthePiedmontbutthediariesoffourindividualsofferthemost

compellinginsightsintohowdeeplyanevangelicalethosshapedtheculturaland

sociallifeoftheantebellumPiedmontSouth.Iwillarguethattheevangelicalethos

ofordinaryantebellumPiedmontersdifferedfroma“planterideology,”5inthat

4Thesecharacteristicsareusuallyattributedbyhistorianstowealthyslaveownersandthemarginalizedpoor.SeeforinstanceDrewGilpinFaust,JamesHenryHammondandtheOldSouth:ADesignforMastery(BatonRouge:LouisianaStateUniversityPress,1982),BertramWyatt‐Brown,SouthernHonor:EthicsandBehaviorintehOldSouth(NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,25thanniversaryedition,2007),andCraigThompsonFriendandLorriGlover,eds.,SouthernManhood:PerspectivesonMasculinityintheSouth(Athens:TheUniversityofGeorgiaPress,2004),andCharlesC.BoltonandScottP.Culclasure,TheConfessionsofEdwardIsham:APoorWhiteLifeoftheOldSouth(Athens:TheUniversityofGeorgiaPress,1998).5Iwillusetheterm“planterideology”and“planterethos”interchangeablytodescribethewebsofsocialandgendermoresthatsupportedthepoliticalandculturalpoweroftheplanterclass.Thisincludes,particularly,codesofhonor,paternalism,sexualcontrol,andviolence.TheplanterideologyhasbeendescribedbyBertramWyatt‐Brown,SouthernHonor,EugeneD.GenoveseandElizabethFox‐Genovese,FatalSelf‐Deception:SlaveholdingPaternalismintheOldSouth(NewYork:CambridgeUniversityPress,2011),DrewGilpinFaust,JamesHenryHammondandtheOldSouth,andStephanie

4

dominanceofgenderedandracialminoritiesdidnotprimarilydefineit.Norwasit

confinedtoaparticularsocialoreconomicclass.TheevangelicalethosishowI

describeasensibilitythatgeneratedasocialenvironmentforpublicandpersonal

improvement,adisciplinethatinsisteduponpeaceandharmonyinpublic

relationships,andthemostcontemporaryconceptionsofnuclearfamilystructures.

Whereascurrentscholarshipexploresculturethroughthediscursiverepresentation

ofgenderedspheres,racialcategoriesandeconomicclassesmyinitialreadingofthe

sourcessuggeststheprimaryrealityforordinarywhitepeoplelayinhow

evangelicalreligiondefinedtheireverydayexperiences.6Religionprioritizedfaith

andfamilyaboveallelse.Faithandfamily,notgenderandrace,Iwillargue,are

defaultdispositionsbywhichordinarywhitesinterpretedtheirlivesand

experiencesinachangingsociety.

Thistopicofcommonwhites’worldviews—andthecountlesswaysto

interrogatethem—isfartoolargeforonestudy.Indeed,manygenerationsof

historianshavecontemplatedtheproblemofsmallslaveholdersandnon‐

slaveholdersinasocietydominatedbyplanters.7Toaddressthe“worldview”ofa

groupofpeopleismonumentallycomplex,andallmannerofhistorical

McCurry,MastersofSmallWorlds:YeomanHouseholds,GenderRelations,andthePoliticalCultureoftheAntebellumSouthCarolinaLowCountry(NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,1995).6McCurry,MastersofSmallWorlds,andPaulD.Escott,ManyExcellentPeople:PowerandPrivilegeinNorthCarolina,1850‐1900(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,1988).7AusefulandrecentsummaryoftheliteraturemaybefoundinCharlesC.Bolton,“Planters,PlainFolk,andPoorWhitesintheOldSouth,”inTheBlackwellCompaniontotheCivilWarandReconstruction,ed.,LacyK.Ford(Malden,Ma.:BlackwellPublishers,2005).

5

methodologieshavebeendeployedtotheproblem.8Forthesakeofmanageability,I

havelimitedmystudytotheculturalworldviewofsomesoutherners:evangelicals

intheNorthCarolinapiedmont.Thus,thisisadmittedlynotacomprehensiveview

ofordinarypeople,theirworld,theirpolitics,andtheirlabors.Yetitdoesoffer,in

thefocusonevangelicalism,anessentialcomponentofthatworldviewthathas,

interestingly,notbeenwellcoveredbyhistorians,andmaybeappliedtowhite

southernersmorebroadlyacrosseconomicconditionsandgeographicspaces.While

Idonotaddressthepoliticaloreconomicviewsofordinarysouthernersinthe

antebellumyears,thosequestionsthatinitiallyanimatedthisprojectstillremain.

Churchgrowth,thestatusofpersonalbelief,religiousdiscipline,andcompanionate

marriagesallpointtothecentralityofreligiouscultureinthelivesofnon‐planters,

themenwhoultimatelyvotedforsecessionandservedintheranksofConfederate

armies.Ihope,bytheend,tousethisperspectivetoofferanewlookontheproblem

ofordinarywhitepeopleintheSouthandtheCivilWar.

Ineedtodiscussmyapproachestoavarietyofanalyticalcategoriesthat

undergirdthisdissertation.First:thelocation.Thisdissertationissetamong

ordinarywhitepeopleintheNorthCarolinapiedmont.Approximately275,000

whiteandblackpeoplelivedinthePiedmontinthelastthreedecadesofthe

8SeeforexamplethediscussioninDarrettB.RutmanwithAnitaH.Rutman,SmallWorlds,LargeQuestions:ExplorationsinEarlyAmericanSocialHistory,1600‐1850(Charlottesville:UniversityPressofVirginia,1994),chapter2.

6

antebellumyears.9ThesouthernPiedmontisthatplacebetweenthefalllineandthe

AppalachianMountains.Itisnotedforbeinghillyandcutwithocean‐boundrivers

andstreams,butnotmountainous.10Theculturallandscapeknowntogeographers

astheAtlanticLowlandandtohistoriansasthePiedmontisformedbya

combinationofgeographicandhistoricaldevelopmentpatterns.Europeantrade

andsettlementoutsidetheChesapeakeandCharlesTowncoastalplainsbeganin

theearlyeighteenthcentury.Whileplantersandotheraristocratscontrolledland

distributionandlocalgovernance,themajorityofthePiedmontpopulationflooded

infromcentralPennsylvaniaandVirginiaafterthe1740sinapatchworkof

religiousandethnicdiversity.Isolation,religiousfervor,andpoliticalinstability

markedtheColonialandRevolutionaryexperienceofthebackcountry,butbythe

nineteenthcentury,theregionwaslargelysettledascommercialinroadswendedup

therivers,plankroads,andrailroadsoftheregion.11Soiltypesandmarketaccess

9SixthCensusoftheUnitedStates,1840,SeventhCensusoftheUnitedStates,1850,andEighthCensusoftheUnitedStates,1860.10RichardPillsbury,ed.,TheNewEncyclopediaofSouthernCultureVolume2:Geography(ChapelHill:TheUniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,2006),15‐16,and192‐193.Icountthefollowingcountiesasconstitutingthepiedmont:Surry,Stokes,Rockingham,Caswell,Orange,Alamance,Guilford,Forsyth,Yadkin,Wilkes,Caldwell,Alexander,Iredell,Davie,Rowan,Davidson,Randolph,Chatham,Montgomery,Stanly,Cabarrus,Catawba,Burke,Rutherford,Cleveland,Lincoln,Gaston,Mecklenburg,Union,andAnson.Foranenvironmentalhistoryoftheregion,seeTimothySilver,ANewFaceontheCountryside:Indians,Colonists,andSlavesintheSouthAtlanticForests,1500‐1800(NewYork:CambridgeUniversityPress,1990).11MyviewofthesettlementofthePiedmontanditspenetrationofmarketsisinformedchieflybyA.RogerEkirch,PoorCarolina:PoliticsandSocietyinColonialNorthCarolina,1729‐1776(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,1981),MarjoleineKars,BreakingLooseTogether:TheRegulatorRebellioninPre‐RevolutionaryNorthCarolina(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,2001)andAnnSmartMartin,BuyingintotheWorldofGoods:EarlyConsumersinBackcountryVirginia(Baltimore:TheJohnsHopkinsUniversityPress,2008).

7

didindeedencouragethespreadofplantationslaveryintothePiedmont,butan

overwhelmingnumberofsmallfarmsandlowratesofslaveholdingmarkedthe

region.AllenTulloshascalledthePiedmont“theheartlandoftheantebellum

Southernyeomanry,”or“middlingagriculturalists.”12PaulEscott’ssampleof

Caldwell,Randolph,andAlamancecountiesrevealthatover50percentof

landownersowned100orfeweracresandthatslaveownersnumberedonly

between11percentand16percentoftotalwhitepopulations.Ofthose

slaveowners,mostownedundertenpeople.13Theseseemessentialpreconditions

fortheflourishingofanon‐planterworldview.

Historianshaveidentifiedaparticularlyrobustnon‐planterideologyinthe

NorthCarolinaPiedmont.PaulEscott,inManyExcellentPeople(1985),writesofan

“elite”andayeomanrylockedinperpetualclassstruggle,the“commonfolk”forever

resentful,dedicatedtodemocraticegalitarianism,andalwaysonthevergeof

formingabi‐racialcoalitiontoattackthe“squirearchy,”localgentryentrenchedby

anundemocraticselectionprocessincountygovernment.14VictoriaBynum,in

UnrulyWomen(1993),describesthe“religiousandethnicdiversityandnascent

entrepreneurialoutlookoftheWhigplanterclass[that]gaverisetoasocialethos

distinctfromthatoftheeasternDemocraticplanterclass,”attributablenotonlyto

12AllenTullos,HabitsofIndustry:WhiteCultureandtheTransformationoftheCarolinaPiedmont(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,2008),4.13Escott,ManyExcellentPeople,13‐14,16‐17.14PaulD.Escott,ManyExcellentPeople,xvii.

8

diversereligiousbackgroundsbutthehighconcentrationofnonslaveholding

yeomen.AccordingtoBynun,“Whignewspapereditorstendedtocelebratethe

hardworkingfarmerandfarmwifeasthesocialequals(ifnotsuperiors)ofthe

easternaristocraticplanterandmistress.”Bynum’speopleexpressedanabolitionist

andanti‐planterbentwithanoutbreakofWesleyanMethodismintheearly1850s.15

DavidBrown,too,inhisrecentbiographyofHintonRowanHelper,SouthernOutcast

(2006),positsa“particularsocioeconomicsituation”foundintheNorthCarolina

PiedmontofHelper’syouth.Heattributestheconflictbetweennonslaveholders,

yeoman(heisnotclearonhisterms)andplantersastheresultofpoliticaltension

betweenthewesternandeasternpartsofthestate,acommonexplanationdating

fromhistoriansJ.CarlyleSittersonandGuionGriffisJohnsonofthemid‐twentieth

century.16Thepoliticalimplicationsofthisnon‐planterideologylieinthehesitancy

ofPiedmontregionstoembracesecessionin1861andsubsequentdisaffectionfrom

theConfederacy.17Yetthefactthatpiedmontersdidnotactuallycreatean

antislaverymovement,successfullyopposesecession,orcombinetofightthe

Confederacyhasmadehistorians’conclusionsambivalent;nascentclassidentity

15VictoriaBynum,UnrulyWomen:ThePoliticsofSocialandSexualControlintheOldSouth(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,1992),quotesonpage8.16DavidBrown,SouthernOutcast:HintonRowanHelperandtheImpendingCrisisoftheSouth(BatonRouge:LouisianaStateUniversityPress,2006),83,seeChapter4forhisanalysisofthepoliticalsituation.J.CarlyleSitterson,TheSecessionMovementinNorthCarolina(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,1939),andGuionGriffisJohnson,Ante‐BellumNorthCarolina:ASocialHistory(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,1937).17SeeforinstanceDanielW.Crofts,ReluctantConfederates:UpperSouthUnionistsintheSecessionCrisis(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,1989).

9

failedtocoalesceintofull‐fledgedclassformation.Associalhistorytendstolookout

foroppositionaltendencies,thefewtracesthathavebeenobserveddonotamount

toconvincingorcomprehensiveexplanationsforapparentandactualdifferences.

Ilooktoevangelicalreligiontoaccountforthosedifferences.Imustbegin

withadiscussionofhowscholarshiponsouthernreligion,Americanclass,and

culture,haveshapedmyapproach.Thechieffocusofantebellumsouthernreligion

historiographyhasbeensouthernevangelicalism’stransitionfromradicalisminthe

lateeighteenthcenturytoconservatismbythe1820sandhowpowerfulelites

utilizedreligiontoorientthecurrentsoftheslavepower.18Thiscynicalturnplaced

southernevangelicalsinsupportofslaveryandpatriarchyandchanneledreligious

fervorintothesalvationofone’sownsoulandawayfromreformistcritiquesofa

systemthatcountenancedslavery,drunkenness,depravity,andanunequalsocial

hierarchy.Thishistoriographyanalyzesreligionasaservanttothesecularslave

power,abulwarkofresistancetoculturalchange,andabastionagainst

18ChristineLeighHeyrman,SouthernCross:TheBeginningsoftheBibleBelt(NewYork:AlfredA.Knopf,1997),DonaldG.Mathews,ReligionintheOldSouth(Chicago:UniversityofChicagoPress,1977),WilliamG.McLoughlin,ReligionandReform:AnEssayonReligionandSocialChangeinAmerica,1607‐1977(Chicago:UniversityofChicagoPress,1978),RhysIsaac,TheTransformationofVirginia,1740‐1790(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,1982),andJohnB.Boles,TheGreatRevival,1787‐1805:TheOriginsoftheSouthernEvangelicalMind(Lexington:UniversityofKentuckyPress,1972).Othershavetakenexceptiontothis“declension”narrative.CharlesIrons,forinstance,foundthatVirginiaBaptistsandMethodists,insteadofpursuingaradicalracialagendaintheeighteenthcentury,“shuntedthedivisivedebateoveremancipationtothecivilsphere.”StephanieMcCurryhasalsoinsistedthatherSouthCaroliniansveryearlyrejectedMethodism’segalitarianimpulseoftheGreatAwakening,eventuallyimprintingtheirexistingsocialhierarchiesonchurchinstitutions.CharlesF.Irons,TheOriginsofProslaveryChristianity:WhiteandBlackEvangelicalsinColonialandAntebellumVirginia(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,2008),96.StephanieMcCurry,MastersofSmallWorlds,130‐170.

10

modernity.19“Thepremoderncharacterofslavery,”writesBethBartonSchweiger,

“hasbeensooftenlinkedtorevivalreligionthatithasbecomeakintoageological

formationintheliterature.”20

Schweigersuggestsnewdirections.Southernevangelicalismcanbeviewed

asfosteringbothindividualismandmoremoderncommunalinstitutions.“Itmay

nowstandasExhibitAindefenseofanemergingunderstandingthatstressesthe

compatibilityofmodernitywithpersistent,andevengrowing,religiosity,”she

writes.Revivalsandreligionmaybeviewedasexpressionsofmodernismthat

“pressedconvertsforward,demandingtheprogressofthesoulinapowerful

affirmationofAmericanmaterialprogress.”Theecclesiasticaldialogueover

“nostalgia,”takenbyhistoriansasevidenceofconservativepositioning,slyly

shieldedtheenactmentofinnovations.Schweigerdiscouragescategorizationof

religiousindividualismandcommunalismasbattlesbetweenpremodernismand

modernism,orsubsistenceversusmarkets.Individualismandcommunalismmeton

areligiousplaneandadaptedtotheworldchangedbyslaveryandmarkets.21Inthis

19SeeparticularlyBoles,TheGreatRevival,andJeanE.Friedman,TheEnclosedGarden:WomenandCommunityintheEvangelicalSouth(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,1985),andC.C.Goen,BrokenChurches,BrokenNation:DenominationalSchismsandtheComingoftheCivilWar(Atlanta:MercerUniversityPress,1997).20BethBartonSchweiger,“MaxWeberinMountAiryOr,RevivalsandSocialTheoryintheEarlySouth,”inReligionintheAmericanSouth,ed.,DonaldMathewsandBethBartonSchweiger(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,2004),33.21Ibid.

11

study,Iwillinterpretfaithpracticesasexpressionsofprogressive,ifnotmodern,

tendencies.

Schweiger’swarningaboutfalsedichotomiesismostrelevantinthestudyof

religiouswomen.ScottStephanandFrederickBodehaveexploredthe“vast

territoryinbetween”submissionandresistanceintowhichhistorianshaveplaced

Southernwomen’sreligiousexperience.22InRedeemingtheSouthernFamily(2008)

StephanfoundthatwithintheprescriptionsofpatriarchyinSouthernhouseholds,

womenwieldedconsiderablepowerasmoralexemplarsandorganizational

stalwarts.Bodenotedthat“muchoftheevidenceforwomen’sinitiativeswas

obscuredbyareligiousdiscoursethataffirmedtheirdeferenceandsubordinationto

menandhidtherealityofcooperationamongwomen,aswellasbetweenmenand

women,behindaveiloffemalehelplessness.”23Thus,thedichotomybetween

authorityandsubmissionismisleading.AsStephanargues,“neitherevangelical

womennorChristianslavesbeganarevolution,butthisfactdoesnotbegintotell

thestoryoftheirlives.Socialprotestisfartoobluntaninstrumentbywhichto

22Despitethepositioninginthissentence,thisisSchweiger’sphrase.23FrederickA.Bode,“ACommonSphere:WhiteEvangelicalsandGenderinAntebellumGeorgia,”TheGeorgiaHistoricalQuarterly74(Winter1995):785.Seealso“TheFormationofEvangelicalCommunitiesinMiddleGeorgia:TwiggsCounty,1820‐1861,”TheJournalofSouthernHistory60(November1994):711‐748.

12

measureliberationandchangeamongChristiansintheslaveSouth.”24Practice,

ratherthanprotest,willthusbeafocusofthisdissertation.

IintendtobuildonSchweiger,Bode,andStephanbyfurtherexploringthe

waysmenandwomenusedtheologicalconvictiontogiveordertotheirlives

together.Todothis,Iwillgooutsidetherealmofsermons,theologicalinjunction,

andclericalfamiliesintowhatDavidHallandRobertOrsihavecalled“lived

religion.”25Iwillcarrytheinvestigationofreligiousconvictioninto(traditionally)

non‐religiousterritoryandsuggestextra‐congregationallocationsformen’sand

women’sreligiousadjustmentstosocietalchange—thehouseholdandinthe

companyofothers.Menandwomenbothchanneledanxietyaboutidlenessandsin

intovocationalfulfillment.Thatmeant,inthefirsthalfothenineteenthcenturyin

America,definingfulfillmentinanenvironmentofmaterialplenty,commercial

dislocation,andpoliticaluncertainty.ThatProtestantsdidsoisnosurprise.How

theydidsoinaslavesocietythatexaltedleisure,andsupposedlyprivilegedthe

afterlifeoverthepresentlife,hasyettobefullyexplored.

24ScottStephan,RedeemingtheSouthernFamily:EvangelicalWomenandDomesticDevotionintheAntebellumSouth(Athens:UniversityofGeorgiaPress,2008).25“Livedreligion”isthestudyofhowfaithisenactedindailyroutines.Scholarsoflivedreligiondonotviewreligionascomposedof“elite”and“popular”branches,confinedtodenominationaldebates,orusedasabalmforsecularirritations.That“vocabulary,”asOrsinotes,“encodes…dualism,reifiesdiscretesegmentsofexperience,anderectsboundariesthatdonotexistintherealworldthatbelietheproteannatureofreligiousactivity.”Instead,thestudyofreligionmustmove“towardastudyofhowparticularpeople,inparticularplacesandtimes,livein,with,through,andagainstthereligiousidiomsavailabletotheminculture—alltheidioms,including(oftenenough)thosenotexplicitlytheir“own.””RobertOrsi,“EverydayMiracles:TheStudyofLivedReligion,”inLivedReligioninAmerica:TowardaHistoryofPractice,ed.,DavidD.Hall(Princeton:PrincetonUniversityPress,1997),quotesonpage11.

13

Myassumptionsaboutthelivesofcommonwhitesouthernersareabit

differentfromthosethatinformmostsocialhistoriesoftheregionandperiod.Iam

skepticalthatcultureisalwaysadirectreflectionofstrugglesoverpowerbasedin

representationsofthe“objects”ofrace,class,andgender.26Myworkwillfollow

DanielWickberg’sdescriptionofcultureas“theconditionofbeingandactionrather

thanprimarilyaninstrumentorobjectofaction.”Iwill,forthemoment,decouple

culturefrompowerinmyanalysis.IdothisbecauseIbelievemysubjectsnotonly

placedreligiousconcernsbeforeproslaverypolitics,genderedpower,andeconomic

decisions,butbecausemysubjectsvaluedthenon‐confrontationalandsocially

unifyingaspectsthosereligiousconcernsaddressed.Irefertothisorderingas

“prioritizing.”Myanalysisexamineshowordinarypeople“prioritized”thoughtsand

actionsintheirlives.Thus,Iassumethatmanypeopleplacedtheimperativeof

religiousandfamilialexperiencebeforetheimperativeofrepresentinggendered

andracialpower.27Thisisnottosaythatracialandgendereddifferencesdidnot

mattertomysubjects.Onthecontrary,thosedifferencesmatteredagreatdealas

26ThisparagraphisdrawnfromDanielWickberg,“WhatIstheHistoryofSensibilities?OnCulturalHistories,OldandNew,”AmericanHistoricalReview(June2007):661‐684.Henotes,“theoverwhelmingfocusoninstrumentalizingcultureasatoolofpowerinsomeofthedominantformsofculturalhistoryfindsnoroomforthoseelementsofculturethatcannotbeimplicatedinpowerrelations.Cultureisnotpower,norispowertheonlyorthemostimportantelementinculture.Powerisbutonedimensionofculture…Itisanimpoverishedvisionofhumanlifethatinsistsonturningpeople’swholewaysofexperiencing,perceiving,andfeelingintoexpressionsofonedimensionofhumanlife.”27Or,asStephannotes,“neitherevangelicalwomennorChristianslavesbeganarevolution,butthisfactdoesnotbegintotellthestoryoftheirlives.SocialprotestisfartoobluntaninstrumentbywhichtomeasureliberationandchangeamongChristiansintheslaveSouth.”Stephan,RedeemingtheSouthernFamily,6.

14

theburgeoningmiddleclassbuiltsocialdistinctions,ratherthanbrokethemdown.

Itismeanttosuggestthatsignificantpartsofpeoples’liveswerenotsubjectto

strugglesforsocialandpoliticalpower.Myanalysishewesclosertoculturalstudies

whereinobjectsarenotplacedincontentionwithoneanotherbutreactfluidlyto

negotiationandadaptation.

Theevangelicalethosanditsadherentsdidnotconsciouslyopposethe

planterideology.Infact,bothcodessharedmoreassumptionsthannot.Yetinthe

developmentofanevangelicalmiddleclassconsciencetheplanteroftenstoodasthe

examplebywhichreligiouspeopledefinedthemselvesagainst.Planterideologyand

culturehasbeenthecentralsubjectofhistorians’queriesforgenerations.From

EugeneGenoveseandElizabethFox‐GenovesetoStephanieMcCurryandEdward

Baptist,historianshavedescribedplanterideologyasaconservativeforcedevised

tomaintainthehierarchicalpowerofwhitementhroughthesubjugationofwomen

andnon‐whites.28BertramWyatt‐Brownhaselaboratedonthehonorculturethat

wenthand‐in‐handwithplanterandpro‐slaveryideologies.Wyatt‐Brown’sprickly

southernersbasedtheirbehaviorentirelyonpublicperception.Howonebehaved,

orwastreated,inpublicreflectedhonor,status,andpower.Planters,particularly

28EugeneD.Genovese,TheWorldTheSlaveholdersMade:TwoEssaysinInterpretation(NewYork:PantheonBooks,1969),ElizabethFox‐Genovese,WithinthePlantationHousehold:BlackandWhiteWomenoftheOldSouth(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,1988),McCurry,MastersofSmallWorlds,andConfederateReckoning:PowerandPoliticsintheCivilWarSouth(Cambridge:HarvardUniversityPress,2010),andEdwardE.Baptist,CreatinganOldSouth:MiddleFlorida’sPlantationFrontierBeforetheCivilWar(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,2002).

15

men,utilizedbruteviolencetoavengebreechesoforslightstothatreputation.29

Theseethics,whichIwillrefertoas“planterideology,”werethedominantethicsof

thesocialandpoliticalclassesoftheslave.

Iusetheterms“non‐planter”and“ordinarywhitepeople”herecarefully.In

thehistoriographyofsouthernpeople,historianshavedefinedplantersnarrowly,to

essentiallymeanwhitemenandtheirfamiliesholdingtwentyormoreslaves.In

contrast,“common”whitesaredefinedvariouslyasthoseholdingfewerthantwenty

slaves,holdingnoslaves,artisans,orthoseowningnolandatall.30Here,by“non‐

planter”Imeantorefertothosepeoplewhodidnotadheretoa“planterideology,”

regardlessofpropertyownership.Theevangelicalethosresidedamongandacross

classesasvariouslydefinedbutfoundfirmlodgmentamongthatgroupwethinkof

asnon‐planters.31Thus,myinquiriesareofthepeoplehistorianshavereferredtoas

“plainfolk,”“commonwhites,”“yeomen,”and“countrymen.”

29BertramWyatt‐Brown,SouthernHonor:EthicsandBehaviorintheOldSouth(NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,1982),andTheShapingofSouthernCulture:Honor,GraceandWar,1760s‐1890s(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,2001).IshouldnotethatWyatt‐Brown’sexaminationofthehonorculturedoesindeeddealeffectivelywiththe“grace”ofreligion.30SamHyde,"PlainFolkReconsidered:HistoriographicalAmbiguityinSearchofDefinition,"JournalofSouthernHistory71(November2005):803‐830.31JaneTurnerCenserandJanLewishavefoundthesecharacteristicsfirmlyimplantedamongtheplanterclassinNorthCarolinaandVirginia.JaneTurnerCenser,NorthCarolinaPlantersandTheirChildren,1800‐1860(BatonRouge:LouisianaStateUniversityPress,1984),andJanE.Lewis,ThePursuitofHappiness:FamilyandValuesinJefferson’sVirginia(NewYork:CambridgeUniversityPress,1983).CynthiaA.Kiernertracksthe“revolutionarybacklash”againstpublic‐mindedwomenandtheevolutionofgender‐definedrolesforwomeninthehousehold.BeyondtheHousehold:Women’sPlaceintheEarlySouth,1700‐1835(Cornell:CornellUniversityPress,1998).

16

Archivalrepositoriesarefilledwiththemanuscriptrecordsofnon‐elite

peopleinthepiedmont.ThatIuseonlyfourdiariesrequiressomeexplanationofmy

criteriaforchoosingmysubjects.Iexcludedplanters,or,peoplewhoownedmore

thantwentyslaves,orwhosepropertyexceeded$10,000.Thus,familiarPiedmont

voiceslikeMaryJeffreysBethellandtheLenoirandAveryfamiliesarelargely

absent.Iincludedpeoplewhomightbeconsidered“self‐working.”32Ilookedfor

thosewhofarmedandtoiledintheirownfields,cleanedtheirownkitchens,and

threadedtheirownneedles,evenifside‐by‐sidewithenslavedpeople,andthus

sharedtheexperienceoflaborcommontomostNorthCarolinians.Ialsoexcluded

politiciansandclergy,forthesakeoffocusingonamorehistoricallyneglected,and

non‐exceptional,group.ToexamineinteriorliveswithanydepthalsorequiredthatI

considertheuseofdiariesthatcontainguardedthoughts,self‐scrutiny,and

imaginativemusings.Tofullyexaminethepersonalitiesrevealedindiariesrequired

thatthesejournalscovermorethanafewyearsinduration,thusfragmentary

diarieslikethatofQuakerfarmerThomasHuntareconsideredbutnotfeatured.33

Asthisdissertationdocumentsthelivesofevangelicals,Ihavealsonotconsidered

conscientiouslynon‐religiouspeople.Unfortunately,thismeansthattwocolorful

roustabouts,EdwardIshamandWilliamThomasPrestwood,donotreceive

32CarlOsthaus,“TheWorkEthicofthePlainFolk:LaborandReligionintheOldSouth,”JournalofSouthernHistory70(November2004):745‐782.33Hunt’sdiaryislocatedintheEmsleyBurgessandThomasH.HuntPapers,SouthernHistoricalCollection,WilsonLibrary,UniversityofNorthCarolinaatChapelHill.

17

consideration.34Finally,threeofmysubjectslivedintheNorthCarolinapiedmont,

whileone,MaryDavisBrownlivedjustacrosstheborderinSouthCarolina.Ihave

includedherforseveralreasons:toboostmysamplefromthreetofour,toinclude

atleastonenon‐Methodist,andtogainanotherfemalevoice.Myordinarypeople,

admittedly,tendtowardtheliterateandpropertied.Indeed,CarolineLillymarried

intothesquirearchy,andJohnFlintoffnurturedhisevangelicalethosinthehomeof

hisuncle,aMississippicottongrandee.Bynotpeggingmycriteriaexclusivelyto

economicfactorsandtoculturalandreligiousones,Iamsignalingthatthisbehavior

mightbeattributabletothepoor,middling,andthewealthyalike.Idonotbelieve

thesecriteriahavelimitedmysearchbuthaveinsteadallowedmetofocusona

groupofpeoplewhoareoftenneglected—ordinarylaypeoplewhoworkedand

livedonfarms.Ihavetworeasonsforcallingmysubjects“ordinarypeople.”First,I

wishtosteerawayfromassociationwithclassificationsbasedoneconomicor

propertymeasurements.Second,Iwishtoemphasizethenon‐exceptionalnatureof

mysubjects.Nonewerewealthy.Nonewerepoliticalstrivers.Nonewere

particularlyoutstandinginthesocialandculturallivesoftheregion.Allwere

perfectlyordinary.

InthisdissertationImakefrequentreferencesto“middleclassvalues”asa

pointtowardwhichmanypartsofsouthernevangelicalculturebent.Thetermis

weightedwithanalyticalbaggagethatImustclarifybeforeproceeding.Marxists,

34BoltonandCulclasure,eds.,TheConfessionsofEdwardIsham,andNathanielC.Browder,ed.,TheWilliamThomasPrestwoodEncipheredDiary,1808‐1859(Raleigh,N.C.:N.C.Browder,1983).

18

Weberians,andLiberalscholarsofthemiddleclassutilizeascoreofmaterial

indicatorstodescribethemiddleclassbroadlyaspeoplewhowereengagedin

marketeconomies,whohadaccesstoawideselectionofmanufacturedgoods,who

workedinprofessionsorspecializedindustries,whoengagedineducationaland

literaryculturesoftheday,whoconstructedsocialcommunitiesdetachedfrom

traditionalfamilynetworks,whoworkedinvariousvoluntaryorhumanitarian

causes,andwhoexemplifiedrefinedmannersatwork,athome,andinpublic.35

JonathanWellsandJenniferGreen,intheirTheSouthernMiddleClass(2011),define

theirsouthernmiddleclassnotwithintellectualorsocialculture,butwith

occupation,anddeclarethatsubsequentqualitiesofstatusandsharedcultural

valuesderivedtherefrom.36ThelimitationsareexplicitfortheSouth,astheauthors

suggestthatsocialstatusfromnon‐planteroccupationscouldstakenoclaimto

statusorworth.Whethersoornot,WellsandGreenleavelittleroomfornon‐

materialconsiderations,especiallywherereligionisconcerned.Myinterpretation

willofferanalternativeview.

Icannotclaimmysubjectswerepartofanemergingmiddleclass,fora

numberofreasons.Thoughordinarylayevangelicalsdidengageinthemarket

economy,anddidhaveaccesstoawideselectionofmanufacturedgoods,thepeople35ThisparagraphisdrawnfromBurtonJ.Bledstein,TheMiddlingSorts:ExplorationsintheHistoryoftheAmericanMiddleClass(NewYork:Routledge,2001),“Introduction.”36JonathanDanielWellsandJenniferR.Green,eds.,TheSouthernMiddleClassintheLongNineteenthCentury(BatonRouge:LouisianaStateUniversityPress,2011).Wells,ofcourse,pioneeredthestudyofthesouthernmiddleclassinhisinfluentialOriginsoftheSouthernMiddleClass,1800‐1861(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,2004).

19

Istudyherewereborn,lived,anddiedinandamongtraditionalfamilynetworksin

aruralagriculturalsociety.Thephysicalandspatialdisruptionssocriticaltothe

developmentofthenorthernmiddleclassessimplydidnotoccurintheNorth

Carolinacountryside.Yet,atthesametime,thosesamepeopledidexperience

dramaticculturalchange.HistoriansChristopherClarkandJenniferGoloboyhave

recentlywrittenaboutclassinearlyAmerica.Golobydefinedsocialsignifierslying

almostentirelyinself‐measuresofpersonalvalues.ClarksecondedGoloboy,

emphasizingnotthematerialismofthemiddleclassbutthe“ideologicalprocess”

thatwashighlyfluidinAmerica.37TheseassessmentsofclassidentityinAmerica

detachthediscussionofclassfrommaterialmeasuresaltogether.Mysubjects

availedthemselvesofthatideologicalprocesswithconsumptionofcurrentprinted

literatureinmagazinesandnewspapers,financialcontribution(withvarying

degreesofenthusiasm)toeducation,missions,andtemperancereform—andinthe

processimbibedintheculturalandsocialprescriptionsofthecontemporary

Westernworld.Thosesocialsignifiersincludedsobriety,restraint,modesty,hard

work,domesticity,andanaversiontoviolence,ostentation,andvariousformsof

self‐aggrandizement.TheseculturalexpressionsarewhatIconsidertobe“middle

classvalues.”Critically,Iwillfindthatthesocialandindividualprescriptionsoffaith

formedapathwayforexpressionofthosevalues.

37JenniferL.Goloboy,“TheEarlyAmericanMiddleClass,”inJournaloftheEarlyRepublic,Vol.25,No.4(Winter,2005):537‐545,andChristopherClark,“CommentontheSymposiumonClassintheEarlyRepublic,”Ibid.:557‐564.

20

Thisdetachmentofideologicalfrommaterialmakessenseparticularlywhen

examiningantebellumsoutherners,becausemosturbanareasremainedmodestand

theirprofessionalclassessmall.Mydiscussionofmiddleclassvaluespresupposesa

numberofthings.Iprivilegenon‐materialelementsinmyassessmentofcultural

changeinevangelicalcommunities.WhenIinvoke“middleclassvalues,”Idonot

meantosuggestthatmysubjectswereconscientiouslybecomingamiddleclassin

theconventionalunderstandingofthatprocess.Simply,thedistinctiveethosthey

madeandembracedinachangingworldhadsignificantlysimilarresonanceswith

establishedmiddleclassculture.DonaldMathews,fromareligiouscontext,best

describedthestatusofanon‐classcommunityformationwhenhedescribeda

“constituency…notquiteaclass—althoughitwasfirstexpressedasaclass

movement—notquitestrictlyareligiousmoodapartfromsocialconflict,

institution‐building,andclassconsciousness.”38WhatMathewscallsaconstituency,

oramood,Ithinkofasanethos,anethic,orasensibility,andwillusethoseterms

almostinterchangeably.Perhapslater,itofferedafoundationforamorearticulated

middleclass,butinthelateantebellumera,theevangelicalethicexistedinfluxwith

otherconceptionsofsocialandculturalvalueintheSouth.Mykeyfindinghereis

thattheevangelicalethicthatpresagedmoreformalmiddleclassvaluesmade

resoluteheadwayinpenetratingtherural,non‐planter,countrysideinthe

antebellumera.Farmers—landless,yeoman,andslaveownersalike—experienced

similarculturaltransformationsastheirprofessionalcousinsintown.

38DonaldG.Mathews,ReligionintheOldSouth(Chicago:UniversityofChicagoPress,1977),xiv.

21

MyuseofsourcesandhowIorganizemychapters—whileItrustwillbe

cleartothereader—mayrequiresomepreliminaryexplanation.Inthisdissertation

arethreeparts,eachexaminingatheme.Thefirstpartcontainsonechapter(1)that

exploresthereligiouslandscapeinthelateantebellumperiod,whileatthesame

timecomparing(andsometimeslinking)thematurityandchangeabilityof

denominationalpracticetotheinternalurgenciesthatevangelismproducedin

individualbelievers.Thesubsequentpartsareorganizedaroundtwothemes:

discipline,andfamily.Thefirstchapters(2and4)ofeachofthetwopartsexplorein

narrativeandanalyticalfashionaparticularthemeasitunfoldedinthereligious

landscapeofthePiedmont.ForthesesectionsIhavedrawnprimarilyupon

denominationalandotherecclesiasticalrecords.Inthesecondchapters(3and5)of

eachpartIexplorethatsametheme,butinregardtothelivesoftwodiarists.This

techniqueisinspiredbythediversityofperspectiveswithwhichhistoricaltopics

maybeviewed—evenmoresoforasubjectlikefaiththathadsuchprofound

consequencesforbothcommunitiesandindividuals.Anexplorationofasubject—

religiousdiscipline,forexample—fromavarietyofperspectiveswilldemand

slightlydifferentquestionsandproduceslightlydifferentanswers,thus

complicatingourpictureofacriticalsocialphenomenon.Ichosethisorganizational

tacticasawaytoemphasizetheintertwinedandcomplexforcesatworkonboththe

self‐conceptionofthepublicandtheheartsofindividuals.Thisexperimentalso

highlightsadilemmacommontosocialhistorians—theproblematicuniquenessof

individualsinthefaceofgeneralizationsaboutinstitutionsandotherlargesocial

22

organizations.Rarelydoesanindividualconformtoanarchetypedefinedbyan

institutionheorshemay(ormaynot)beapartof.Forinstance,inthecourseofthis

study,IhaveencounteredquiteafewcheerfulPresbyteriansandjustasmany

fatalisticMethodists.Thisisnotatriteobservationbutanecessaryprecaution,as

manyhistorianswhostudythistimeandplaceareconfusedbyapparent

inconsistencies.Whywouldanon‐slaveholdersupporttheConfederacy?Whywould

aslaveholderstandbyOldGlory?Untanglingtheseparadoxicalknotsisnecessaryto

understandingthem.

***

TheNorthCarolinapiedmontisthegeographicallocationofthisstudy,but

thereligiousmilieurequiressomeexplanationandintroduction.IadheretoDavid

Bebbington’smuch‐citeddefinitionofevangelicalasaProtestantChristianwho

believedintheBibleastheonlysourceofspiritualtruth,thenecessityofChrist’s

atonementforsinandfortheindividualtoexperienceconversion,andthatthe

lessonsofthegospelsmustbeconstantlyexpressedineverydaylife.39Evangelicals

intheNorthCarolinapiedmontincludedPresbyterians,Moravians,Baptists,

Methodists,GermanReformed,andLutherans.Quakersmightnotbeconsidered

evangelicals,buttheyshareenoughProtestanttraditionwiththeothers,andhave

suchacentralifunderstatedplaceinthepiedmont’sreligiouslifethattheywillbe

39DavidBebbington,EvangelicalisminModernBritain:AHistoryfromthe1730stothe1980s(NewYork:Routledge,1989),andThomasS.Kidd,TheGreatAwakening:TheRootsofEvangelicalChristianityinColonialAmerica(NewHaven:YaleUniversityPress,2007),xiv.

23

consideredhere.Muchofthisdissertationexploreswhatnon‐specialistsmightthink

ofasthebaroquehierarchyoftheseevangelicalchurches.Theseadministrative

levels,however,provedthelocationformuchofthereligiousanddenominational

modernizationsthattransformedreligiouslifeinthenineteenthcentury.To

introducethemwemustexplorethereligiouslandscapeontheeveofthelate

antebellumperiod.

TheGreatRevivalthathadoriginatedinKentuckyandspreadbacktothe

Carolinaspeakedin1801,fadedout,andreligiousfervorforthefollowing

generationneverreachedthesamelevel.40Yetsmall,localizedoutburstsof

enthusiasmroutinelybrokeoutatcongregationalandcountylevelandinitiateda

cyclicalpatternofenthusiasmandlethargythatcontinued,andeventuallyadapted,

tonewreligiousmodesinthetwodecadesbeforetheCivilWar.41Mostevangelical

denominationsgrewrapidlyeveninthistimeoflethargy.TheMethodists,most

notably,surgedinmembership.In1854,theMethodistEpiscopalChurch,South,

claimedwelloverfourteenthousandmembersintheirpiedmontdistricts.42Bythen,

therenownedcircuitridershadpassedawayandministerssettledintoroutine

40OntheGreatRevivals,seeBoles,TheGreatRevival,andPaulKeithConkin,CaneRidge:America’sPentacost(Madison:UniversityofWisconsinPress,1989).41Onfrequentoutbreaksofenthusiasmintheupcountry,seeLacyK.Ford,TheOriginsofSouthernRadicalism,1800‐1860(NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,1991),especiallychapter1.42ThisnumberdoesnotincludethesizeableCharlotteDistrict,thenapartoftheSouthCarolinaConference.JournalofSeventeenthAnnualSessionoftheNorthCarolinaConferenceoftheMethodistEpiscopalChurch,South,1854(Raleigh:Wm.C.Doub,Printeratthe“StarOffice,”1855),9‐10.

24

administrationofregionalDistrictsandcounty‐wideCircuits.43TheLutherans

respondedtotheGreatRevivalbyformingastatewidebody,theLutheranSynodof

NorthCarolina,in1803,toenforcetheLutheranconfessionalandtherebymore

activelyprotecttheirranksfromenthusiasticMethodistpoachers.YetLutheran

churchesremainedsoweakthattheyoftensharedchurchspacewiththeirCalvinist

cousinsintheGermanReformedChurch.44Language,nottheology,boundthesetwo

denominationstogether,butbythelate1820s,theLutheranSynodandGerman

ReformedClassishadgrownenoughthattheyseparatedfromeachothers’

churches,andverysoonthereafter,ceasedconductingchurchbusinessinGerman.45

In1850,theGermanReformedClassisclaimed1,174adherentswhiletheLutheran

Synodcounted2,682“communingmembers”in1857.46

Presbyterians,organizedintothreemajorPresbyteriesinNorthCarolina(the

statewidebodybeingcalledaSynod)—Fayetteville,Orange,andConcord,thelater

twobeinginthePiedmont.AlloftheNorthCarolinaSynod’sPresbyteriessidedwith

theOldSchoolersinthedoctrinalschisminthenationalGeneralAssemblyin1837.

43ElmerT.Clark,MethodisminWesternNorthCarolina(n.p.:HistoricalSocietyoftheWesternNorthCarolinaConference,1966).44JamesIGood,HistoryoftheReformedChurchintheUnitedStates(Reading,Pa.:D.Miller,c.1897),G.D.BernheimandGeorgeH.Cox,TheHistoryoftheEvangelicalLutheranSynodandMinisteriumofNorthCarolina(Philadelphia:LutheranPublicationSociety,1902),1‐32.45JacobL.Morgan,BachmanS.Brown,andJohnHall,eds.,HistoryoftheLutheranChurchinNorthCarolina(n.p.:UnitedEvangelicalLutheranSynodofNorthCarolina,c.1953).46ProceedingsoftheEighteenthConventionoftheGeneralSynodoftheEvangelicalLutheranChurchintheUnitedStates,1857(Gettysburg:HenryC.Neinstedt,1857),46,andActsandProceedingsoftheSynodoftheGermanReformedChurchofNorthAmerica,1850(Chambersburg,Pa.:PublicationOfficeoftheGermanReformedChurch,1850).

25

Presbyteriansnumbered8,745intheOrangeandConcordPresbyteries.47Baptists

fragmentedalloverNorthCarolina.ManycongregationsandAssociations(thelocal

Baptistadministrativebody)desiredtoformastatewideorganizationtopursue

educationalandmissionaryinitiatives.SomeBaptistsobjected,notfindingthe

missionaryortheadministrativeimperativeinScripture.WhileBaptiststendedto

allythemselvesbyAssociationtotheunorganizedAntimissionary(Primitive)side

ortheBaptistStateConvention,manyindividualchurchesandindividualschanged

theirallegiancesthroughoutthe1830s.TheBaptistStateConventionformedin

1830andin1850counted8,686blackandwhitemembersinthepiedmont.48Even

theMethodistssplit.In1828,severalcircuits,mostlyinEasternNorthCarolina,

alignedthemselveswiththeMethodistProtestantsectinadisputeoverthe

authorityofbishopsintheirchurches.Theirpresenceinthepiedmontremained

limitedtoafewsmallcongregationsinGuilfordCountyuntilacriticalmomentin

1847.

OftheMoraviansandtheQuakers,theformerunderwentperhapsthe

greatestchangebetweenAmericanIndependenceandtheCivilWar.Inthatspan,

theMoravianchurchlooseditsgriponcontrolofcommunalpropertyandthe

47D.I.Craig,AHistoryoftheDevelopmentofthePresbyterianChurchinNorthCarolinaandofSynodicalHomeMissions(Richmond:Whittet&SheppersonPrinters,1907),NeillRoderickMcGeachy,ConfrontedbyChallenge:AHistoryofthePresbyteryofConcord,1795‐1973(n.p.:TheDelmarCompany,1985),andPaulKeithConkin,TheUneasyCenter:ReformedChristianityinAntebellumAmerica(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,1995).48OnAntimissionBaptists,seeJamesR.Mathis,TheMakingofthePrimitiveBaptists:ACulturalandIntellectualHistoryoftheAntimissionMovement,1800‐1840(NewYork:Routledge,2004).ProceedingsoftheBaptistStateConventionofNorthCarolina,1830(Newbern:JohnI.Pasteur,1830).

26

genderedsegregationofitscongregations,whileallowingitsmemberstobecome

increasinglyintegratedintothepoliticalandculturalworldaroundthem.Notably,in

1830,theMoraviansreversedtheirpositiononstatepowerandviolenceand

permittedstatemilitiastobeformedfromamongthemselves.Onethousandeight

hundredfiftythreeMoravianslivedintheirSouthernProvincein1855.49Quakers,

however,changedverylittle.TheycontinuedtoworshipinMonthlyMeetingsand

organizedtheirMeetingsintoQuarterlyMeetings(theFriends’analogtoCircuits

andAssociations).LikethePresbyterians,theNorthCarolinaQuakerschosetoside

withtheorthodoxbranchintheHicksiteschismof1827.Massiveout‐migration

contributedtoQuakerlethargy,andapproximately1,946adultFriendsremainedin

NorthCarolinain1850.50Anexactcountofevangelicalsinthe1850sisimpossible,

butaroughestimatemaybemade.Denominationscountedatleast39,000

membersinthe1850s.(Thisisalowestimate.ItfailstoaccountforAntimission

BaptistcongregationsanddoesnotincludethepopulationoftheCharlotteDistrict

oftheMEC,S.Inaddition,historiansrecognizethatadherentsofProtestant

denominationstendtofarexceedmeremembers.)

49C.DanielCrewsandRichardW.Starbuck,WithCouragefortheFuture:TheStoryoftheMoravianChurch,SouthernProvince(Winston‐Salem,N.C.:MoravianChurch,SouthernProvince,2002),populationnumberonp.832.OnMoravianculturaltransformation,seeJonF.Sensbach:ASeparateCanaan:TheMakingofanAfro‐MoravianWorldinNorthCarolina,1763‐1840(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,1998),andS.ScottRohrer,Hope’sPromise:ReligionandAcculturationintheSouthernBackcountry(Tuscaloosa:TheUniversityofAlabamaPress,2005).50StephenB.Weeks,SouthernQuakersandSlavery:AStudyinInstitutionalHistory(Baltimore:JohnsHopkinsUniversityPress,1896),andThomasD.Hamm,TheTransformationofAmericanQuakerism:OrthodoxFriends,1800‐1907(Bloomington:IndianaUniversityPress,1988),Chapter1.

27

Theverygradualdevelopmentofdenominationsovertheantebellum

decadesmakesmoreprofoundshiftsinreligiousculturedifficulttodiscern.

Historianstendtoattributethemostsignificantchangesinsouthernreligiouslifeto

theracialandpoliticaleconomiesofthesouth.Theevangelicalaccommodationto

slaveryintheearly1800s,forinstance,orNatTurner’sRebellion,orthenational

schismsoverslaveryareturningpointsinthehistoriographicalnarrativeof

southernevangelicalism.Buttheseeventsdonotsufficientlyexplaintheriseto

mainstreamstatusofreligiouspeople,orhowevangelicalismbecameadynamic

forcestrongenoughtointervenewithnewfamilystylesandbehavioral

expectations.51

Twotends,bothunrelatedtoracialpolitics,mustbeconsideredto

understandthecontextoflateantebellumreligiouslife.EighteenthCentury

evangelicalswere,assoablydescribedbyRhysIsaacandothers,indeeda

marginalizedanddespisedminority.Theirchiefexpressionsofreligiousidentity

andpietywerelimitedtotheconversionexperience,emotionalexpressivenessat

revivals,andstrangelycircumscribedpublicbehavior.TheearlyNineteenth

Century,however,witnessedanexplosionofchurchactivityandmembership.

51OnthemarginalizationofEighteenthCenturyevangelicals,seeJanetMooreLindman,“ActingtheManlyChristian:WhiteEvangelicalMasculinityinRevolutionaryVirginia,”TheWilliamandMaryQuarterly57,no.2(April2000):393‐416.OnprocessofinstitutionalizationofchurchesinnineteenthcenturyAmerica,seeRogerFinkeandRodneyStark,TheChurchingofAmerica,1776‐2005:WinnersandLosersinOurReligiousEconomy(NewBrunswick,N.J.:RutgersUniversityPress,revisededition,2005),andSchweiger,TheGospelWorkingUp,5‐9.SeealsoDanielWalkerHowe,WhatHathGodWrought:TheTransformationofAmerica,1815‐1848(NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,2007),164‐202,andGeorgeM.Marsden,ReligionandAmericanCulture,2nded.(Belmont,Ca.:Wadsworth,CengageLearning,2001),58.

28

Evangelicalswentfromaninsignificantnumberinthe1770sto40%ofthe

Americanpopulationby1860,dueinnosmallparttomassiverevivalsinKentucky

leadbyBartonStonein1799andfurtherexplosivegrowthinnorthernchurchesin

the1830sundertherevivalleadershipofLymanBeecherandCharlesFinney.This

growthspurredaprocessofinstitutionalmaturityinchurches.Bythe1840s

religiousidentityandpietycouldbeattachedtoeducationthroughcollegesand

schools,cosmopolitanismthroughforeignmissions,socialresponsibilitythrough

theethicofChristianslaveholding,theprofessionalismofbureaucratic

management,thesophisticationoftheologicalexplication,andtheexpectationof

soberpublicbehavior.Theseplatformsliftedevangelicalsfromthemarginstothe

dynamiccenterofAmericanlife.

So,too,didchangingsensibilitiesintheAtlanticworld.Broadlyput,the

EighteenthCentury’s“ageofreason”hadgivenwaytotheNineteenthCentury’s

Romanticism.Undertheformer,rationalityanddecorumreignedand

Enlightenmentleaderscondemnedexpressionsofemotionasevidenceofignorance

andsuperstitiousintellects.Evangelicalsfellvictimtothiscriticism.Butthe

Romanticagedismissedtheorderlinessof1700sclassicismandexhaltedthechaos

andtranscendantpowerofemotionandthesupernatural.Mystery,Romantics

proclaimed,existed,andtherecouldbefoundGod,oratleastsublimity.Whereas

theoldorderdespisedmarginalizedpeople,theRomanticorderrespectedand

admiredalienatedmembersofsociety.Itthusviewedevangelicalsinamuchmore

respectfullight.AsMichaelO’Brienhasnoted,Romanticthoughtandevangelical

29

suspicionblendedalmostseamlesslyintheAmericansouth.Withinstitutional

successandanalteredsensibility,southernevangelicalsstoodpoisedinthelate

antebellumatthecrestofvarioussocialandculturalwaves.52

ThefourdiaristsIexamineare:

CarolineMatildaBrooksLilly(1835‐1846):Thisextraordinarywoman,born

illegitimateanddispossessed,grewupinpovertybeforeherreligiousconversionin

theearly1830s.Asasinglewoman,shetaughtschool,aidedtheorganizationof

campmeetings,andparticipatedinpubliclifeinConcord,NorthCarolina.Following

hermarriagein1839,CarolinesettledinruralMontgomeryCountywithher

husbandJames,butcontinuedteaching.Shefocusedmoreandmoreonher

domesticlifeassheproduced,eventually,foursurvivingchildren.Herdiary

AntebellumSouthernRomanticismchroniclesheractivitiesbetween1836andher

deathin1848,includingherthoughtsonmarriage,childbirth,femaleeducation,

work,love,andreligion.53

JohnFlintoff(1841‐1901):Borntoadown‐and‐outfactionofamiddlingOrange

County,NorthCarolina,family,FlintofftraveledtoAdamsCounty,Mississippi,to

overseeanuncle’splantation.Afterayear,heattendedCentenaryCollegeinJackson

52RalphH.Gabriel,“EvangelicalReligionandPopularRomanticisminEarlyNineteenth‐CenturyAmerica,”ChurchHistory19,no.1(March1950):34‐47,andMichaelO’Brien,“TheLineamentsofAntebellumSouthernRomanticism,”JournalofAmericanStudies20,no.2(August1986):165‐188.53CarolineBrooksLillyDiaryandAccountBook,SouthernHistoricalCollection,TheWilsonLibrary,UniversityofNorthCarolinaatChapelHill.

30

beforereturningtoNorthCarolina.FlintofflivedinCaswellCountyinthe1850s

withhiswife,children,andslavesgrowingtobacco,haulingwood,attendingchurch,

andslowlybuildingalegacyforhimselfandhisfamily.Theantebellumperiod,when

Flintoff’seconomicsuccessseemeduncertain,isthefocusofthisdissertation.54

BasilArmstrongThomasson(1853‐1862):ThisyoungteacherinYadkinCounty,

NorthCarolina,eagerlyplannedforthedayofhismarriagebysubscribingto

domesticjournalsandenvisioningscenesofconjugalhappinessthatwouldhave

delightedCatharineBeecherherself.55Inthemeantime,thisdevoutChristian

promotedtemperance,builthisownhomeandblacksmithshop,andspentnearly

everysparehourlaboringonhisfatherandfriends’farms.56

MaryDavisBrown(1854‐1859):FromYorkCounty,SouthCarolina,MaryDavis

Brownraisedalargefamilyonherfarm,andfrettedoverherisolationandinability

tomaintainsocialnetworksbecauseofonerousparentingduties.Thediaryiskept

until1901,butthesectionsfrom1854‐1858willbeconsideredhere.57

54JohnF.FlintoffDiary,NorthCarolinaOfficeofArchivesandHistory,Raleigh,NorthCarolina.Thestatearchiveownsaphotocopyoftheoriginaldiary,whichhasbeenreturnedtothedonors.55CatharineBeecherwroteextensivelyabouthomeeconomicsandthemoralimportanceoffamiliesandisconsideredthechieffounderofAmericanVictoriandomesticity.KathrynKishSklar,CatharineBeecher:AStudyinAmericanDomesticity(NewHaven:YaleUniversityPress,1973).56PaulD.Escott,ed.,NorthCarolinaYeoman:TheDiaryofBasilArmstrongThomasson,1853‐1862(Athens:UniversityofGeorgiaPress,1994).57TheDescendantsofMaryDavisBrown,eds.,OilinOurLamps:TheJournalsofMaryDavisBrownfromtheBeershebaPresbyterianChurchCommunity,York,SC,1854‐1901(n.p.:Self‐published,2010.)

31

Inthechapterofthisdissertation,Itracktheinstitutionalgrowthofthe

Piedmont’sProtestantchurches.Thecreationofschools,SundaySchools,domestic

andforeignmissions,the“missiontheslaves,”androutinizedcampmeetingsall

providedevangelicalsnewwaystoexperienceandexpressfaithinacommunal

context.IintertwinethestoriesofMaryDavisBrownandCarolineLillytoexplore

howfaithmotivatedindividualstoactionintimesofvulnerabilityandpain.Inthe

nexttwochaptersIexplorehowreligiousdisciplineofferedpractitionersaguidefor

ethicalpublicbehavior.Indoingso,inChapter2,Itakeintoaccounttheprogressof

thetemperancemovementinwesternNorthCarolina,andtheWesleyanepisodein

theearly1850s.TheindividualsIstudyinChapter3,JohnFlintoffandStrong

Thomasson,bothreliedonthoselessonsofdisciplinetoshapetheirexpectationsfor

worldlyexistence.InthenexttwochaptersItracetheinroadsevangelical

publicationsmadeintotheSouth.Chapter4exploreshowordinarypeople

consumedthemodernizingmessagestracts,newspapers,andprescriptivemanuals

ingreatnumber.IcloseinChapter5bylookingatthewaysStrongThomassonand

CarolineLillyimplementedtheidealsofamiddleclassfamilyintheirown

households.Inanepilogue,Isuggestwaystheevangelicalethosguidedpeople’s

reactiontosecessionandCivilWar.

Thisisacomplicatedstorythatyieldsreluctantlytoclearexplanations.Inthe

milieuofsocial,political,andreligiouslifeinthePiedmontSouth,evangelicals

approachedthegreatissuesoftheday—temperance,slavery,andtheconstruction

32

offamiliesandhouseholdsinachangingeconomy—withacontradictorymixtureof

enthusiasm,ambivalence,restraint,outrage,dissent,andassent.Atthebaseofthese

contradictoryactionslaythemostcontemporaryversionoftheevangelicalorder.

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CHAPTERII

ANXIETYANDLIBERALITY:THERELIGIOUSLANDSCAPEOFTHEPOST‐REVIVALPIEDMONT

TheNorthCarolinaStateBaptistConventionmetin1846andsurveyedtheir

ongoingworkofcarryingtheWordofGodtothedestitute.BeingBaptists,they

primarilyconcernedthemselveswithmissionaryefforts,andproposed

reorganizationofitsbodyintoBoardsforHomeMissionsandDomesticMissionsto

moreefficientlymanagetheirnetworksandtodrawmoremembersintothelabor.

(TheirBoardofEducationwasalreadyunderway.)FromChinatoYadkinCounty,

theNorthCarolinaBaptistsespiednumerouslikelyopportunities.Withinthestate,

theConventionlookedtothefieldingofministersingrowingurbancongregations.

PlaceslikeYanceyvilleandMiltonhadnewcongregationsbutnoministers.The

bustlingprosperityofthedayinspiredthem,andtheConventioncompareditselfto

acommercialenterprise.“IfRailRoadsaretobebuilt,orBanksestablished,orthe

defencesofthecountryundertaken,capitalisfurnishedinabundance,thebest

talentsareemployed,andsystematiceffortisputforthtilltheresultis

accomplished.Whycanwenotcomeuptotheworkbeforeuswithequalzealand

34

liberality?”1Baptisteldersbadlywantedtoharnessthespiritofthedaytomeet

theirspiritualaims.

CarolineBrooksfoundthe1838campmeetingatCenterinMontgomery

Countyfullofdelightbutsomewhatlackingindevotion.Sheherselffellvictimtothe

socialrounds.Thethirty‐fiveyear‐oldsingleteacherspentagreatdealofthefour‐

daymeetinghavingbreakfast,tea,anddinneratthetentsofthemeeting’sfiner

attendees.Overtea,shecaughtupwitholdfriends,metnewones,andengagedin

spiritedconversationswithbothmenandwomenabout“femaleeducation.”Oneof

herfriends,BrotherMartin,preachedonescheduledsermon“inbehalfofthe

RandolphMaconCollege.“Sheobserved,“Idonotrecollecthavingeverseenafiner

ormorefashionablelookingcongregation.”Thispleasure,howeverunusualforthe

usuallypiousCaroline,reflectedtheimportanceofroutinesocialexpedienceof

annualcampmeetings.Buttheneedforworshipfulbehaviordidnoteludeher.“It

wasannouncedonThursdayeveningthatthedayfollowingwastobesetapartasa

dayofhumiliationfastingandprayer—butIcoulddiscovernodifferencebetween

thisandotherdays.”Thepressingneedforpiousbehaviordidnotescapeherorthe

otherattendees.OnthethirdnightasaMr.Harrisonpreachedbycandlelight,“there

wasagreatdealofnoiseandalargernumberofprofessedmournersthantherehad

beenatanyprevioustimeofthemeeting.”Theenthusiasmofpotentialconverts,

however,didnottouchCarolineasmuchastheexampleofherfriend,theReverend

1ProceedingsoftheSixteenthAnnualBaptistStateConvention,Raleigh,1846(NewBern:PrintedbyJ.I.Pasteur,1846),22.

35

Dr.Treadwell,whotook“greatpains”tofillhistentnotjustwith“therich,thegay

orthefashionable”butensuredalsothat“thepoor,the_______andthemaimed

share[d]equallyofhisliberality.”2

TheeraofFrancisAsburyhadpassed,whiletheeraofJamesO.Andrew

thrived.Thereligiouslandscapeinthepost‐revivalSouthhadchanged.Nolonger

didMethodistsandBaptistsutilizenimbleorganizationsofunordainedand

itinerantpreacherstospreadtheirfaith.Theyandtheirecclesialcousinssettled

ministersonland,startedschools,sentmissionsabroad,andcreatedwithin

denominationsthebureaucraticscaffoldingtofundandadministertheseefforts.An

examinationoftheexteriorexpressionsoffaithofsouthernpeopleproduces

complicatedresults.Itaddsdepthtoourunderstandingoftheprocessofchangein

religionandsocietyandbeliesformulationsofsouthernwhitereligionas

conservativeorprimitive.Itdevelopedapublicethosofliberalitybutdidnot

practicealiberaltheology.Individualbelieversharnessedthepersonalanxietythat

arosefromevangelism’sCalvinisttendenciestoeffectmoralactioninthemodern

secularworld.Thosetwoterms—liberalandmodern—aremoreappropriately

deployedtodescribeAmericanreligiouscultureinthepost‐CivilWarperiod,to

describereligiousgrapplingnotjustwithtechnologyandsciencebutalsoacademic

challengestothesanctityofscripture.Instead,antebellumsouthernersdeveloped

2August28,30,September1,2,1838,inCarolineBrooksLillyDiaryandAccountBook,SouthernHistoricalCollection,WilsonLibrary,UniversityofNorthCarolinaatChapelHill.HereaftercitedasLillyDiary.

36

theirreligiouscultureinanearliercontextMartinMartyhascalledthe“Evangelical

empire.”Evangelicals,accordingtoMarty,worked“toattracttheallegianceofallthe

people,todevelopaspiritualkingdom,andtoshapethenation’sethos,mores,

manners,andoftenitslaws”inanenvironmentfreefromlater,andmorefamiliar,

culturalconflicts.Inthepost‐establishmentera,denominationsandeven

congregationsadopteda“competitive”culturetolurecongregantsandministers.3

MarkNollcalledthisthe“ChristianEnlightenment”inAmerica.Thisintellectual

synthesis“successfullyclothedtheChristianfaithinthepreeminentideological

dressofthenewRepublic.”Amaturingideology,AmericanChristianEnlightenment

combinedfourelements,someorthodox,andsomenew:acontinuedunderstanding

oftheCovenantalrelationshipthatrequiredfrequentrepentanceandrenewal;a

beliefthatprivatevirtue(orvice)hadacausaleffectinpublicasexpressedinthe

characterofindividuals;aferventbelief,drawnfromEnlightenmentpositivism,that

moralpeoplecouldovercomeimmoralobstaclestoachievesocialperfection;and

finally,anaccommodationtotherealityofaburgeoningeconomy.4

Institutionalmaturityhadasalienteffectonhowordinarywhitesoutherners

practicedreligionandintegratedtheirfaithwiththesecularworld.As

3Ofthelaterapplicabilityof“liberal”and“modern,”Martysaid“Ironically,nosoonerhadthesenewformsbeendevelopedthantheirrationalewasremovedfromunderthem.Inthesecondhalfofthenineteenthcenturyindustrialismandtheurbansettingweresoenlargedandtheirimpactssointensifiedthatverylittleoftheearlierformsapplieddirectlytotheworldoffactoriesandcities.”MartinE.Marty,RighteousEmpire:TheProtestantExperienceinAmerica(NewYork:TheDialPress,1970),1,35‐45,68.4MarkA.Noll,TheCivilWarasaTheologicalCrisis(ChapelHill:TheUniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,2006),19‐21.

37

denominationsdevelopedbureaucracies,Martynoted,“itwasnecessarytoinvent

newformsorradicallyreworkoldones.”5Thesenewformsincludedmorethan

committeesandfundraising,butnewwaystointerpretandexpressindividualpiety.

Thus,southernreligiouspeopledidnotpracticeliberalreligion,butreligion

producedanethicofliberalityinreligiouspractitioners.6Theethicofliberality

placedselflessnessandpiousgenerosityaboveallotherconcernsandinsistedthat

pietytranscendworldlydivisionsofrace,class,andgender.Yettheeffectsof

liberalityarenotalwaysapparentwhenexaminingtheinteriorlivesofindividual

believers.BothCarolineBrooksandMaryDavisBrownincorporatedelementsof

contemporaryreligionintotheirliveswhileprioritizingtheanxietyofsalvation

alongsidetheneedtointerpretdailyjoysandpainsthroughthetraditionallensof

repentanceandrenewal.Thisapparentcontradiction,betweenacosmopolitan,

external,religiousexpressionandaconstrained,internaloneshouldbeareminder

thatindividualsseldomconformtobroadarchetypes,andthatoften,individuals

containedcontradictions.Itshouldnot,however,bethoughtthatexternaland

internalreligiousexpressionscouldnotcoexist.

Likeitssubjects,southernreligioushistoriographyisdominatedbyanumber

ofinterrelatedandoccasionallycontradictoryconclusionsinregardtothis

transformationoffaithinthepost‐revivalperiod.First,historiansholdthat

5Marty,RighteousEmpire,67.6Onemergentliberalreligionintheantebellumperiod,seeMollyOshatz,SlaveryandSin:TheFightAgainstSlaveryandtheRiseofLiberalProtestantism(NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,2011).

38

denominationsandclergyconscientiouslyassociatedthemselveswithagentsof

socialandsecularpowerafter1800,andreligionsubsequentlycateredto,and

servedasaadjunctof,racialandmasculineauthority.7Scholarshiphasthusfocused

onthedevelopmentoftheologiesthatprivilegedwhite,wealthymen,marginalized

blacks,women,andpoorpeople,andofferedjustificationforsouthernnationalism.

Historians,infact,havefocusedalmostexclusivelyontherelationshipbetween

religionandslaveryandreligionandgenderedpower.Atthesametime,historians

contend,conservativetheologyhinderednumeroussocialmovements.Clergy

deflectedconcernforthesecularworldbymaintainingstricttheologiesof

individualism,buttressedbyadoctrinecalled“spiritualityofthechurch,”inwhich

churcheseschewedpoliticalactivity.Denominationsallegedlyinvokedreligionasa

waytoresisttheintrusionofmarkets,industry,andotherculturaltransformations.8

OfrelatedconcernistheWeberiannotionthatthedevelopmentofmodern

relationshipsbasedincorporatebureaucraciesandmarketchoicessappedreligion

ofitssocialandculturalauthority.Asubsetofthisinterpretationinsiststhatthe

refinedandrespectablereligionofthelateantebellumstifledtheemotionalappeal

7SeeRandyJ.Sparks,“ReligioninthePre‐CivilWarSouth,”inJohnB.Boles,ed.,ACompaniontotheAmericanSouth(Malden,MA:BlackwellPublishing,2002),156‐175;ChristineLeighHeryman,SouthernCross:TheBeginningsoftheBibleBelt(NewYork:A.A.Knopf,1997);StephanieMcCurry,MastersofSmallWorlds:YeomanHouseholds,GenderRelations,andthePoliticalCultureoftheAntebellumSouthCarolinaLowCountry(NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,1995);andEugeneD.GenoveseandElizabethFox‐Genovese,FatalSelf‐Deception:SlaveholdingPaternalismintheOldSouth(NewYork:CambridgeUniversityPress,2011).8SamuelS.Hill,SouthernChurchesinCrisis(NewYork:Holt,RinehartandWinston,1967),BertramWyatt‐Brown,TheShapingofSouthernCulture:Honor,Grace,andWar,1760s‐1890s(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,2001),andSidneyE.Ahlstrom,AReligiousHistoryoftheAmericanPeople(NewHaven:YaleUniversityPress,1972),659.

39

ofevangelicalProtestantism,andthus,agreatconnectionbetweendenominations

andtheirmembers.9

Somehistorianshaveworkedtoexpandthehistoriographicalviewof

southerndenominationsbylookingatreligiousexperiencebeyondtheconcernfor

race,power,andindividualism.Ofinteresthere,particularly,istheworkofBeth

BartonSchweigerwhofollowsDonaldMathewsinnotingtheorganizational

tendenciesofdenominationsafterthemajorschismsofthe1840s.Notascold,

insularsouls,butasenthusiastic,generous,congregantsdidevangelicalspursue

connectionstoregional,national,andglobalecclesiasticalbodies.Theydidso

throughthecreationofinstitutionalboards,publishingsocieties,schools,and

missionaryenterprises.“Theorganizingofsocietyaccomplishedbyrevivals,”

Schweigerwrote,“workedagainstanynotionoftraditionintheOldSouth.”10

So,anintensemotivationforpiedmontevangelicalsarosefromtheinternal

anxietyandexternaloptimismoftheirreligion.Fromthatdiscourseemergeda

prescriptionforevangelicalbehavior—liberality—thatsubtlystoodasachallenge

totheplanterethicsofpaternalismandhonor.Simultaneously,benevolentand

9RandyJ.Sparks,OnJordan’sStormyBanks:EvangelicalisminMississippi,1773‐1876(Athens:UniversityofGeorgiaPress,1994),Heryman,SouthernCross,andJohnB.Boles,TheIronyofSouthernReligion(NewYork[?]:PeterLangPublishing,1994).10BethBartonSchweiger,“MaxWeberinMountAiry,Or,RevivalsandSocialTheoryintheEarlySouth,”inReligionintheAmericanSouth:ProtestantsandOthersinHistoryandCulture,ed.BethBartonSchweigerandDonaldG.Mathews(ChapelHill:TheUniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,2004),53,DonaldG.Mathews,“TheSecondGreatAwakeningasanOrganizingProcess,1780‐1830:AnHypothesis,”AmericanQuarterly21,no.1(Spring1969):23‐43,andBethBartonSchweiger,TheGospelWorkingUp:ProgressandthePulpitinNineteenth‐CenturyVirginia(NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,2000).

40

bureaucraticschemesdesignedtobuilddenominationsexpandedthepotential

fieldsforspiritualrefreshing.Asordinarylaypeopleactivelyparticipatedinthenew

religiouslandscape,theycontinuedtoregardevangelicalismasasourceof

individualstrength,anxiety,andguidance.Themodernworldhadalteredreligious

experiencebuthadnotrobbeditofitsemotionalimpact.

MaryDavisBrown’sPersistence

TworelatedidealsfedMaryBrown’sreligiousworldview.First,earthly

existencewasnevermeanttobeanythingbutpainful.“Well,”shewrote,

thisisawourldofcaresandsorrowsbutwhatofthattheyverry[weary?] travelerneverdreamsofrestuntohelandsathisjourneysendandwhy shouldIexpectenjoymentherewhiletravlinginthiswildernessofsin,pain andsorrow.11Second,nearlyeverymomentoftravail,strife,andpainrepresentedarebukeand

remindertomaintainfocusonGodandthepromiseofjoyintheafterlife.Asore

throatin1856lefthertohopethat“theseafflictionswaresentforesomething.”12

ThesolemnordinationofanewpreacheratBershabaremindedher“thatwemust

allgiveanaccountforeatdeath.”13

11TheDescendantsofMaryDavisBrown,eds.,OilInOurLamps:TheJournalsofMaryDavisBrownfromtheBeershebaPresbyterianChurchCommunity,York,SC,1854‐1901(n.p.:Self‐PublishedbyTheDescendantsofMaryDavisBrown,2010),32.HereaftercitedasDescendants,OilInOurLamps.12Descendants,OilInOurLamps,28.13Descendants,OilInOurLamps,41.

41

ThesenotionsdefinedeverythinginMaryBrown’sexistence,fromthe

weather,toaging,tothedeathofchildren.AneveningofbadweatherinNovember

1854“remindsmeofthelongnightofdarknessthatawaitsthewickedsiner[sic].

[O]h,thatImayalwayshavebeforemyeyesthatIamborntodieandbeprepard

forethatchange.”14Eventheafflictionsofotherpeopleportendedreligious

instruction.Whenamurderer,JamesVickers,“washungforestabingDaubson,”she

didnotdwellonthelegalityormoralityofVickers’crimebuttooktheopportunity

tonotethat“greatisourwarefair,greatisourwork;andfargreaterthaneverI

expectedittobee,ismyweekness,butmysuffiencyisofGod.”15Alllife’spassages

servedtoexplainthepainofearthandenlightenthepathtoheaven.Attheendof

1854,shenoted,

Theirhasbeentooborn,toomarriedandonediedinmyfamilythisyear.But thouhastcommandedustorememberallthywayswhichthouhastledusin thiswilderness.Theseenofourjourninghasindeedbeenawilderness.But thehandthathasconductedusisdivine…Ihavehadmyafflictions,buthow fewhavetheybeeninnumber,howshortincontinuance,howalievieatedin degree,howmercifulindesign,howinstructive,andusefulintheirresult.It isgoodforemethatIhavebeenafflicted.16 ThechronicillnessofMary’selderlyfatherconstantlyofferedherparticular

proofofthestarklinebetweenlifeanddeath,painandsalvation.Ononevisitto

WilliamBrown’shouse,shenoted,“hesaystheirs[there’s]butonestepbetween

14Descendants,OilInOurLamps,16.15Descendants,OilInOurLamps,17.16Descendants,OilInOurLamps,17,28.

42

himandthegrave.Anditwillbeagloriouschangeforehim,frompainandsickness

toaplacepreparedforehimandthatlongandwaitforehiscoming.”17Heappeared

ataquiltingbeeatMary’shouse,butwarnedthat“hethoughtitmightbethelast

timeheeverwouldbehere.Itmakesmefeelverrysoberevertimehegosehome

fromhere.”18Theprospectofillness,pain,anddeathquickenedWilliam’s

anticipationforthepeaceofheaven.Hespenthisdaysstudyingscriptureand

regailingvisitorswithhishopes.“WhenantEmilycameshesays,‘Unckle,youarein

abadfix.’‘Ohno,IhopeIwillsoonbeinagoodfix.’Hesaiditwasnothingtolive

anditwasnothingtodiebutfeltitwasagreatthingtobereddytodie.Helongsto

begoneandbewiththatdearsaviorhehaslovedandservedsolong.”ThatWilliam

Browndeclaredhiseagernesstoleavelifewhilepresumablyinthepresenceofhis

familymightseemratherinsensitive,butthesentimentinspiredMary:“Oificould

butfollowhisexampleasfarashefollowedChristsexampleandonlybeaswell

preparedforeanotherwourldasheis,ineednotcareforethethingsofthis

wourld.”19Hediedamonthlater.

Theviewoflifeasasingularsourceofpainservedasarebuketoremember

rewardsofsalvation.Italso,strangely,servedasasalveforearthlygrief.Mary

17Descendants,OilInOurLamps,22.18Descendants,OilInOurLamps,29.19Descendants,OilInOurLamps,57,seealso30.

43

particularlyusedthisstrangecomforttoconsoleherselfafterthedeathofaninfant

in1854.ShequotedEnglishBaptisttractwriterJ.G.Pikewhenshewrote,

Heislandedonthatpeacefulshorewherethestormesoftroubleneverblow; heisforeveroutofthereachofsorow,sin,temptationandsnares.Nowheis beforethethrone,singingthesweetsongsofreedimingloveforevermore.20

ThisisnottosaythatMaryBrownlivedinastateofperpetualorimposedgrief.She

skillfullymanipulatedtherealityofpainintothetermsofherhappiness,oratleast

contentment.Uponreviewingtheeventsof1854,shelamentedthepassingofher

infantsonandthebirthandmarriageofothersinherfamilybyrecallingthat“[t]he

seenofourjourninghasindeedbeenawilderness…Ihavehadmyafflictions,but

howfewhavetheybeeninnumber,howshortincontinuance,howalieviatedin

degree,howemercifulindesign,howinstructive,andusefulintheirresult.Itisgood

foremethatIhavebeenafflicted.”21Thedeathofherbabysonhademotionally

crushedher,butinperspective,andwithprayer,shefoundrelief,notfromthepain,

butinit.

MaryBrown’sfaithservedasimpleneed—thealleviationofearthlypainina

worldrifewithphysicaltorment,imminentdeath,andeasyseparation.Asimple

requirementlackinginintellectualsophisticationandtheologicalcomplexity,yetthe

imperativeofthatfaithsubtlylaidafoundationforalargerethosthatwillbe

20Descendants,OilInOurLamps,17.21Descendants,OilInOurLamps,17.

44

discussedlaterbutisvisibleinoneofMaryBrown’sNewYear’sprayers.Asshe

contemplatedtheforthcomingyear,Marypleadedthatshe“liveinthespirrit”—

particularlywith“wisdomandstrenth,”becauselifepresentedfarmore“adversity,”

whichcausedher“tosink.”Thisismorethantheimpositionofajustificationforthe

arbitrarypowerlessnessMaryBrownexperienced.Herprayersforsubmissionand

alleviationareacommondynamicofsinandsalvation.MaryBrown,alongwith

countlessotherProtestants,continuedtopracticeapedestrianformof

“experimentalreligion”inwhichconnectiontothedivineoccurredthroughnon‐

rationalemotionsoftheheart.Thekeenemotionsofmourningandphysical

desperationbetokenedaconnectiontoGod.FormostProtestants,thatconnection

wasamessagethatsinprevailedbutsalvationwaspossible.22

Thecycleofsinandsalvationappliedtomuchmorethanlife’spains.

Evangelicalssawsinandtemptationalsoincertainformsofhappinessandcomfort.

“Oletnotprosperitydestroymeoreinjureme,”Marywrote.

Mayiknowhowtobeabasedwithoutdespaireandtoaboundwithoutpride. Ifmyrealtivescomfortsarecontinuedtome,mayIlovethemwithout adrolitry[sic]andholdthematthydisposal,andiftheyarerecoldfromme, mayIbeenabeledtosay,‘TheLordgaveandtheLordhathtaken,and blessedbethenameoftheLord.23

22A.GregorySchneider,TheWayoftheCrossLeadsHome:TheDomesticationofAmericanMethodism(Bloomington:IndianaUniversityPress,1993),42‐58.23Descendants,OilInOurLamps,19.

45

MaryBrown’sprayertoforestallthetemptationsofmaterialwealthreflecteda

growingsouthernconcernfortheplaceofpietyinanincreasinglyprosperousworld

andthefoundationofanearthlyethicoflivingwithinaworldofmoneyandmaterial

goods.

CarolineLilly’sAnxiety

AperfunctoryreadingofCarolineLilly’sdiarysuggeststheteacherandfarm

wifepracticedaverytraditional,andverystultifying,religionunrelatedtothe

bureaucratizationofdenominationsandotherimpulsesofmid‐nineteenthcentury

religion.AsayoungsingleteacherinCabarrusCounty,NorthCarolina,shedid

indeedparticipatefullyinthereligiouslifeofthecommunitywithregular

attendanceatSundayservicesandprotractedmeetings,participationinSunday

School(proceedings),widereadinginreligiousperiodicalsandtracts,and

cultivatingclosebondswithbothPresbyterianandMethodistdivines.Yetanxiety

plaguedher,andpursuedhertoMontgomeryCounty,whereshemarriedJamesLilly

andboresixchildren.Thatanxietystemmedfromreligiousinsecurities,anddespite

herefforts,herfaithfailedtoprovideabalm.Bytheendofherlife,Caroline’sdiary

entriesreflectthevoiceofapersonshatteredbyreligiousanxieties.

46

CarolineLillyrepresentedamoderninflectionofProtestantismprimarily

becauseofherstruggleswiththeself,orwhatshecalledthe“Egomet.”24Despitethe

self‐negationrequiredinconversionandsubmission,Carolinepossessedakeen

awarenessofherselfasanautonomousactorwithdesiresandfoiblesthatshecould

control.Thestruggleoverthearticulationand,equallyimportant—thebounds—of

thosedesiresandfoibles,formacentralthemeofherdiary.25Infact,whenshe

openedthediaryin1836,shefullyintendedittobeastandardevangelical

documentmeanttoexamineandtherebyimproveherownreligiouscharacter.

Thoughshequicklybegantorecordsecularitems,thediaryremainedevera

locationforself‐reflectionwhereshecouldquestionherownheart,expressits

desires,andnegotiateanadequateequilibrium.

Caroline’sruminationsonselfandheractsofself‐abnegationarecomplex

anddifficulttountangle.Carolineharboredthespiritual,andtherefore,seculargoal

ofbeingusefultoGod’swill.Shedidnotobsessoverherstatusassavedorunsaved,

convertedorunconverted,presentlifeorafterlife.Carolineagonizedthather“faint

desiretobeusefulinthyvinyardbegreatlyincreasedandspeedilyputinto

practice.”26“MayI,”sheprayed,“beenabledtodevotemyworthyselfentirelytohis

24Attheopeningofthethirdvolumeofherdiary,Carolinetriedtocategoricallyanalyzethepartofherlife,including“Domestic,”“PhysicalDepartment,”“SchoolDepartment,”“Mental,”“Myownfeelings,”and“Egomet.”SeeJuly29,August1,6,12,and29,LillyDiary.Thisschemedidnotlast.25RodgerM.Payne,TheSelfandtheSacred:ConversionandAutobiographyinEarlyAmericanProtestantism(Knoxville:TheUniversityofTennesseePress,1998),especiallychapter3.26August23,1836,LillyDiary.

47

service.”27Carolinediscoveredhervocationtobeteachingandchild‐rearing

(exploredinChapter3).Butsatisfactionwiththosepaths,andself‐satisfactionwith

herlifeingeneral,didnotderivesimplyfromfulfillmentofthosegoals.Shedid

teachandshedidbearchildren,buthersecularcontentmentalwaysremainedin

tenuousbalancewithspiritualanxiety.

Caroline’sanxietyderivedfromheryearningforsanctification,andherbattle

withspiritualtemptationsthatyearningengendered.Insanctification(alsocalled

perfectionandholiness),Methodistsknewthatconversionitselfdidnotcleansethe

soulortheheartoftemptationorassuresalvation.Post‐conversionspirituallifeof

theMethodistfaithfulcontinuedthestruggleforsanctification,astateinwhichthe

believeracceptedandreturnedunalloyedloveofGod.Outwardevidenceofthe

achievementofsanctificationmightincludeafallingawayofpainandsorrow.28

Might,becausetruesanctificationprovedsodifficulttoachieve.Carolinestruggled

ontheroadtosanctificationinwaysthematter‐of‐factPresbyterianMaryBrown

didnot.

27December4,1838,LillyDiary.28ThoughtheholinessofPhoebePalmerandtheWesleyanMethodistsappearedinNorthCarolinainthe1850s,Caroline’sperfectionismharkenedtoJohnWesley’seighteenthcenturysermons.RandallJ.Stephens,“’OhioVillains’and‘PretenderstoNewRevelations’:WesleyanAbolitionistsintheSouth,Perfectionism,andtheAntebellumReligiousDivide,”inSouthernCharacter:EssaysinHonorofBertramWyatt‐Brown,ed.LisaTendrichFrankandDanielKilbride(Gainesville:UniversityPressofFlorida,2011),73‐88,CherylFradetteJunk,“’Ladies,arise!TheWorldhasneedofyou’:FrancesBumpass,religion,andthepowerofthepress,1851‐1860,”Ph.Ddiss.,UniversityofNorthCarolinaatChapelHill,2005,andSchneider,TheWayofTheCrossLeadsHome,51‐52.

48

Caroline’sperfectionismdrovehertoapersistentdesireforself‐

improvement.Sheprayed,“IdobeseechtheetograntmetheSanctifyinginfluences

ofthyholyspirittopurifymyheart.”29Butprayerwashardlyenough.Doubtabout

herownChristiancharacterplaguedher.Soonaftersheopenedherdiary,Caroline

criedout,“Iamsomedistressedforaccountofmyextremeunworthinessinthe

sightofaproud&holyGodwhoismybestfriendandtowhomIamindebtedforall

theblessingsthatIenjoy.”30OnApril15,1837,shewrote,“Iammuchoppressed

withcaresandanxietiesofvariouskindsbutchieflybecauseIamnotabetter

Christian.Theadversaryofsoulshasassaultedmeduringthisweek.”31This

arrestingstatementrevealsmuchaboutCaroline’sworldview.“Caresandanxieties,”

thoughunstatedinthispassage,maybeanallusiontoaconflictsheperceived

herselftobeinwithanotherteacher,oritmayhavearisenfromherongoing—and

disappointing—attemptstostanchahabittowardrecriminativegossip,orher

uncertaintyaboutfutureemployment.32Whateverthecause,sheclearlydidnot

baseherspiritualunhappinessdirectlyonherworldlyannoyances.Sheattributed

her“caresandanxieties”toherapparentfailureasaChristian.Herseculartroubles

camefromthedoubtsheharboredaboutherabilitytoserveGod’swill.The

lineamentsbetweenspiritualanxietyandearthlybehaviorcouldnothavebeen

29April20,1836,LillyDiary.30April18,1836,LillyDiary.SeealsoDecember1,1836.31April15,1837,LillyDiary.32SeeAugust31,1837,LillyDiary.

49

shorter.Thetheologicalproblemwas,indeed,averytangibleearthlyproblem.But

thekeyhereisthatthespiritualsolutionwasalsoanearthlysolution.

PhysicalpainsandanxietiesmanifestedinCaroline’smindasreligiousdoubt

mostintenselyduringpregnancy.Inthesummerof1839,duringherfirst

pregnancy,shedescribedtheinterconnectednessoffaithandphysicalpain.OnJuly

21,nearhersixthmonth,shedesiredtoattendchurch,but“theinfirmitiesofthe

fleshandthecaresoftheworldpressheavilyuponmeandverymuchretardmy

progressinspiritualthings.”Thoughshestayedhomefromchurch,shestill

attendedasessionofher“SabbathSchool,”where,“thoughsufferingpainspentan

hourortwoquitepleasantly.”33Sheovercame,oratleastfoundthefortitudeto

endure,herpainbecauseshefoundthetimefordevotion.Threemonthslatershe

foundthatfaithdidnotforestalltheweightofgravidity.“Ihavenowbecome

familiarwithafflictionbeingveryseldomfreefrompain.”Butshecontinuedto

alleviateherdiscomfortwithappealstoheavenandinterpretherphysicalpainas

theological,notbiological.“Iprayforresignationandsubmissiontothe

chastisementsofmyHeavenlyFather.”34Perhapsshethoughtthathadshebeen

moredevoted,herHeavenlyFathermighthavesparedherthepains.Herreactionto

33July21,1839,LillyDiary.34September14,1839,LillyDiary.

50

anapparentmiscarriagethefollowingyearwastodesirean“increaseoffaithinthe

promiseofGodwithrenewedstrengthtoperformhiswill.”35

OnAugust23,1844,MaryCaroline,oneofhertwins,died.Thatportionof

Caroline’sdiaryismissing,butwhenitpicksupagain,fivemonthslater,wefindher

shatteredandstillseekingsubmission.“Letmebeentirelydevotedtohisservice

andsubmissivelyresignedtohisholywill.”36Ayearlater,thedeceaseddaughter

stillhauntedhermother.“SweetMaryCarolineisfrequentlybeforemewithher

innocentprattleandchildishgleeandfrolicsomemotions.”Thevisionunsettled

Caroline,“Doesshenotrestinahappierspherefreefromthecaresand

disappointmentsthatawaitedher,”sheasked.37Astoherself,Caroline“feltfeeble.

Metwithtrials.Knownothowtoact.Wantacleanheartandarightspiritandentire

conformitytotheWillofHeaven.”38Herlamentsshorter,reflectingoverwhelming

grief,shestillyearnedtoadheretothe“WillofHeaven.”Inthefinalmonthsofher

lastpregnancy,andnear‐paranoidwithfear,shebegantosimplyquotescriptural

verse,fromPsalm32:5(“Iacknowledgemyiniquityandmysiniseverbeforeme”)

toHebrews13:6(“Thelordismyhelper.”)October24thand25thmarkedtheapogee

offear,asshescribbledinherdiary“Troubledwithheadache—Nervous—Longfor

thehourofd2l3v2r5butstrivethroughdivineaidtoexercisepatience,”and“’Get35November2,1840,LillyDiary.36January1,1845,LillyDiary.37August5,1845,LillyDiary.38August3,1845,LillyDiary.

51

theehenceSatan’andterrifymenottosinagainstGod.ForthroughdivineaidIam

resolvedtofleetothestrongholds.’”39TwodayslatershegavebirthtoGeorge

HenryAlbertinanuneventfuldelivery.

AsafedeliverydidnotrelieveCarolineofheragoniesandsheplunged

furtherintomonotonousscripturalprayer.TheBiblicalpassagessheregularly

copiedintoherdiaryafter1845werenotsimplyaresponsetoageneralspiritual

anxiety,butkeyeddirectlytoavarietyofdaily(orlonger)events.“Blessedishethat

considereththepoor,theLordwilldeliverhiminthetimeoftrouble(Psalm41:1),”

shewroteatacornshortageinNovember1845.40FromMatthew25:36,she

recalledthecommandto“visitthesick”onadaythatJamescarriedhertovisitan

ailingrelative.41Thisstrategyfailedtoofferrelief,asshewroteonDecember14,

Iamconsciousofhavingdeviatedfarfromthatpathofpietyandusefulness inwhichIhavefrommyinfancybothwishedandendeavoredtowalk.Wish towalkmorecloselynearGod.42Noneofherstrategiesdid.Fortheremainingmonthsofherlife,Carolinewrestled

withunnamedtemptations,sufferedafflictions,pleadfordivineaid,and“Contented

[sic]withahostofSpiritualenemieswhichIfounddifficulttovanquish.”43While

39October18,19,24‐25,1845,LillyDiary.“d2l3v2r5”isdeliverance,withnumbersreplacingvowels.Idonotunderstandthismodeofexpression.40November12,1845,LillyDiary.41December6,1845,LillyDiary.42December14,1845,LillyDiary.

52

herappealsdidnotrelieveher,theydidofferherfortitude.Onaparticularly

fatiguingdayinJune1846,shenoted“Iamgreatlystrengthenedatintervalsand

enjoyanalmostinvisibleflowofspirits.”Thosespiritshelpedher“regulatemy

conductbythepreceptsoftheHolyScripturesregardlessofthecreedsandopinions

ofmen.”44Thus,notwithself‐actualizationbutwithself‐regulationdidCaroline

seekpersonalsatisfactionfromGod.Caroline’sperfectionismdiddrivehertoa

lifetimeofdesperateanxietyandfear.Yetthesameurgetounsettlingspiritualself‐

criticismalsoproducedasecularimpulsetoaction,tobediscussedbelow.

Individualevangelicalsoperatedinmentalspacesthatviewedthephysical

worldandthespiritualworldsintandem,andthedynamicsneverremainedstatic.

IfonewerenotsubjecttoanoutpouringofGod’sspirit,orifonedidnotprogress

towardfulfillmentofGod’sintentions,onewasintheterriblegripsofapathy,the

enemyofsouls.Theapatheticstaterequiredtheurgentattentionsofprayerand

piousbehavior.Increasingly,peoplemeasuredtheprogressofsoulsbytheevidence

ofpiousbehaviorinthesecularworld.

Evangelicaldenominationsoperatedwithsimilarassumptions.Ministers

describedthe“stateofreligion”withincongregations,circuits,orentireregionsas

eitheradvancingorretreating.Theadvancingreligiouslifeofacongregationwas

exhibitedbythenumberofconverts,enthusiasmexpressedatordinaryfunctions,

43May21,1846,LillyDiary.SeealsoMarch6,April8,April18,andMay7,1846.44June18,1846,LillyDiary.

53

andincreasingly,inparticipationinbenevolentandeducationalcauses.Places

sufferingfromapathyexhibitedmoribundcongregations,fewconverts,andlittle

interestinbenevolentactivity.Tomaintainreligiousenthusiasm,denominational

leadersinNorthCarolinabuiltthebureaucraticstructuresnecessarytosustain

missionaryandeducationalefforts.Throughthesestructures,evangelicalsadapted

tothelatestreligiousstylesandmeasuresofpiety.

DomesticandForeignMissions

Thedomesticmissionendeavorwascentraltotheinstitutionalgrowthof

evangelicalchurches.Domesticmissionswereasuccessortoboththeearly

itinerancysystemofministerialsupplyandanexpressionofthepatternsofadvance

andretreatevidentindenominationallife.Intheworkofdomesticmissions

denominationsdidnotseektobreaknewgroundbuttoshoreupflagging

spiritualityinanalreadyevangelizedplace.AgentsrepresentingtheBaptistState

ConventionortheMethodistsConferencestouredthestateandidentifiedplaces

thathadoncehadreligionbutthenlostit.AsoneLutheranwhosurveyedthe

languishingconditioninDavidsonCountynoted,theseplaceswere“likeadying

man…unlessimmediatelyattendedto,wouldbelost.”45Theythencommitted

denominationalresourcestothesupplyofministersandpublishedmaterialtothe

destituteregion.

45MinutesoftheEvangelicalLutheranSynodandMinisteriumofNorthCarolina,1847(Salisbury:PrintedattheCarolineWatchmanOffice,1847),28.

54

“Destitute,”ofcourse,isasubjectiveterm,butonethathadaveryspecific

meaningtochurches—notpoverty‐stricken,butanarealackinginministers,

functioningcongregations,oraccesstoreligiousmaterials.Destitutionofthese

thingsamplydemonstratedtodenominationalleadersthatanareadidnotpossessa

suitablelevelofspirituality.TheReverendEliPhillipsservedasamissionaryin

Randolph,Rowan,MontgomeryandDavidsonCountiesandreported“thatsectionof

theStateislamentablydestituteofBaptistpreaching.”46TheBaptistreportonhome

missionsin1834laidoutafrightfulscene:

Ourchurchesaresomeofthemdestitute,otherscoldanddeclining,withthe wallsofdisciplinebrokendown,somepastorscoldandbacksliden,andthe flocksscattered;error,withitsmanyheads,introducedbyfalseteachers, professingtobepreachersoftheeverlastingGospel,andtoomany,alas! corruptedfromthesimplicityofthetruth.Destituteareasriskedspiritualdamnation.ElsewhereintheConvention’s

proceedings,AgentJ.CulpeperdescribedhealthyBaptistchurches,inwhich“a

gloriousworkisprogressing,andextendingitsreforming,powerful,and

harmonizinginfluencethroughdifferentgradesofsociety.Hundredsandthousands

arebowinginobediencetotheRedeemer’sstandard.”Culpepercouldidentify

healthyassociationsnotjustbytheirpietybutbythefactthatthey“approveof,and

46ReportoftheThirdAnnualMeetingoftheBaptistStateConventionofNorthCarolina,1833(Fayetteville:PrintedbyEdwardJ.Hale,1834),13.

55

encouragetheInstitutionsoftheday”namely,theConvention’seffortstopromote

education,tractcirculation,andtemperance.47

TheLutheransin1847recognizedtheirowntenuouscondition.The

leaderlessflocksinCatawbaCountylookedhopefullytoBrotherJ.D.StinglyofSouth

Carolinatobecometheirpastor.ButwhenStinglyarrivedexpectingtheSynodto

payhissalary,hewasdisappointed.ThelocalchurchesinCatawbahadnot

informedtheSynodoftheexpectation,andtheSynodhadneitherthemoneynor

mechanismtoofferthestipend.StinglyreturnedtoSouthCarolina.Theminister

overseeingcongregationsinDavidsonandStokesCountiesremovedto

southwesternVirginia,andleftthosetwocountieswithoutpastoralcare.

Meanwhile,BrotherBenjaminArey,theordainedministerinStatesville,reported

thatanumberofLutherans“ontheStatesvilleRoad”nearSalisbury,towhomhehad

beenpreaching,desiredtoerectachurch.HopewellChurch,SandyCreek,Pilgrim’s

andBeck’sChurchalsopetitionedtheSynodtosupplyaminister.Inthefaceofthese

needs,theLutheranSynod’sMissionary&EducationSocietyresolvedtoencourage

furthercongregationalgivingbyhaving“alltheMinistersinconnectionwiththis

SynodpreachMissionaryandEducationsermonstotheirseveralchurches,andtake

upcollectionsinbehalfofthisSociety.”48

47ProceedingsoftheFourthAnnualMeetingoftheBaptistStateConventionofNorthCarolina,1834(NewBern:PrintedattheofficeofTheRecorder,1835),10,15.48MinutesoftheEvangelicalLutheranSynodandMinisteriumofNorthCarolina,1847,6,20,26‐27.

56

Threeyearsearlier,in1844,thePresbyteriansmovedtocreateastronger

infrastructure.TheirSynodresolvedthateachPresbyterybecomeanauxillaryofthe

GeneralAssemblyBoardofMissions,requesttheGeneralAssemblytodeploy

missionariestothem,thatchurchesreceivesaidmissionaries,andthatcongregants

subscribetotheMissionaryChroniclenewspaper.Tosupportthiseffort,theSynod

chargedeachPresbyterytocreatethreedifferentcommittees—“standing,

corresponding,[and]ExecutiveCommitteeofDomesticMissions”—tocoordinate

missionaryworkandthefundraisingrequiredtosupportit.Tothelatterend,the

Synodchargedthatpastorsregularlyappealtotheirchurches“fortheirliberal

support.”49TheBaptists,ofcourse,hadthebestdevelopedsystemforsending

agentsintoavarietyofassociations.In1846,forinstance,missionaryR.J.Devin

reportedthathehadtraveled2,000milesintheYadkinandLibertyAssociations,

delivered140sermons,andconverted100people,whilemissionaryJ.Robertson’s

185daysinStokes,Surry,andGuilfordCountiesyielded119sermons,60

conversions,andfourSundaySchoolsorganized.50In1849,theConvention

employedelevenmissionariesinthestate,sixinthePiedmont.51

Supportingamissionarymeantprovidingnotonlyhispay,butincreasingly,a

houseinwhichtostayandafarmbywhichamarriedministermightsupporthis49MinutesoftheSynodofNorthCarolina,attheirThirty‐FirstSessions,1844(Fayetteville:EdwardJ.Hale,1845),16‐17.50ProceedingsoftheSixteenthAnniversaryoftheBaptistStateConventionofNorthCarolina,1846(Raleigh:PrintedattheRecorderOffice,1847),17‐18.51MinutesoftheTwentiethAnnualSessionoftheBaptistStateConventionofNorthCarolina,1849(Raleigh:PrintedattheBiblicalRecorderOffice,1849),18‐24.

57

family.Methodists,afterabandoningtheitinerantsysteminthe1810s,beganto

increasecollectionstosettlepreachers,evencircuitministerswhotendedtoa

numberofcongregationsinaoneortwo‐countyregion.52TheIredellCircuit,for

instance,in1849purchasedfifty‐sevenacresnearStatesvillefor$260fora

parsonage.53Thepurchaseentailedmorethanbuyingahouseandland—sinceit

wascongregationalproperty,itrequiredcongregationaloversight.Trustees

appointedfortheparsonageorganizedacommitteein1853toraisemoneytopay

thedebtincurredforpurchase.54Tohousingforacircuitministerwasaddedthe

costsassociatedwithtravel.Whathadbeenanannualstipendof$80in1800had

increasedto$650in1854.55ThroughouttheMethodistconference,circuits

organizedcommitteesandtrusteestoraisemoney.TheMethodistsin1840

stridentlyadvocatedparsonagesbywriting,

Shouldadoubtbeentertainedwhetherthispermanentlocationofa preacher’sfamilybefortheinterestoftheConference&Church[then]it shouldberecollectedthatthesebrethren[theministers]haveadoptedthat courseinobediencetothefirstlawsofnature,selfpreservation,andinthis presentstateofthingsmanyothers[ill.]soonfollowtheirexamples,because theChurchhasnotprovidedfortheiraccommodations&support.

52JohnH.Wigger,TakingHeavenByStorm:MethodismandtheRiseofPopularChristianityinAmerica(Chicago:UniversityofIllinoisPress,1998),184‐185.53April8,1849,IredellCircuit,UnitedMethodistChurchRecords,1784‐1984,DavidM.RubensteinRareBook&ManuscriptLibrary,DukeUniversity,Durham,NorthCarolina.HereaftercitedasUMCRecords.54February26,1853,IredellCircuit,UMCRecords55n.d.1854,IredellCircuit,UMCRecords.Wigger,TakingHeavenByStorm,49.

58

TheConferencestilllamentedthatministersmarriedandsettled,butthedaysof

Asbury’scircuitriderswerefarbehind.Toadaptrequiredcongregationstoboldly

confrontnewrealities:thattheyneededtopayfortheinevitablefarmsandfamilies.

Infact,theConferenceconcluded,toneglectthischargewouldbeabetrayalof

Methodismandcongregationsthemselves—“anevilofnoordinarymagnitude.”56In

theprocess,denominationsaddedlayersofbureaucraticcomplexitytothe

evangelicalenterprise.

ThecauseofforeignmissionsbecamethepurviewofNorthCarolina’sBaptist

andPresbyteriandenominations.Moravianshadongoingmissionaryendeavorsto

NativeAmericans,buttheirconsiderableglobaleffortsdidnotreceivemuch

attentionwithinNorthCarolina.57TheGermanReformedsandQuakersdidnot

participateinmissionaryactivity.TheLutheransofNorthCarolinaputtheirefforts

intoopeningachurchinWilmingtonintheantebellumperiod,andwhilethey

contributedtoHomeMissionefforts,showedlittleinterestintheGeneralSynod’s

missionaryeffortsinIndiaandLiberia.58

561840,JournaloftheAnnualSessionoftheNorthCarolinaConferenceoftheMethodistEpiscopalChurch,UMCRecords.57JonSensbach,“Slavery,Race,andtheGlobalFellowship:ReligiousRadicalsConfronttheModernAge,”inPiousPursuits:GermanMoraviansintheAtlanticWorld,ed.MicheleGillespieandRobertBeachy(NewYork:BerghahnBooks,2007),223‐238.58JacobL.Morgan,BachmanS.Brown,andJohnHall,eds.,HistoryoftheLutheranChurchinNorthCarolina(n.p.:UnitedEvangelicalLutheranSynodofNorthCarolina,1953?),61‐62.Interestingly,whentheLutheranGeneralSynodfoundedtheForeignEvangelicalMissionarySocietyin1843,theyreportedthattheSouthCarolinaLutherans,alongwithPennsylvanians,chieflysupportedit.ProceedingsoftheTwelfthConventionoftheGeneralSynodoftheEvangelicalLutheranChurchintheUnitedStates,1843(Baltimore:LutheranPublicationRooms,1843),20‐23,30‐37.

59

Baptistsdominatedthediscussionofforeignmissions.Ennobledbythe

successoftheitinerantsystemandinspiredbyhighprofileeffortsbyWilliamCarey

andLutherRiceinIndia,manyBaptiststooktohearttheGreatCommissionofJesus

tospreadHisteachingsthroughouttheworld.59TheStateConventionfervently

followedthecareerofAndorinamandAnnJudson’smissiontoBurma,and

associationsintheeasternpiedmontcelebratedtheraisingupofnativeMatthew

YatestospreadthegospelinChina,startingin1849.60Yates,ayoungBaptistfrom

WakeCounty,wasactiveinBaptistStateConventionactivities,andwhilea

seminarianatWakeForest,committedhimselftotheForeignMissioncausein

China.HewasthefirstSouthernBaptistmissionarydispatchedtothatcountry.61

The1842StateConventionnotedthatenthusiasmforthemissionaryeffort

hadmultiplepositiveinfluencesathome.

Wecaneasilyimaginewhateagereyesthelittleboywouldfollowthefinger ofafondmother,asshetracesthemapthespotthatmarksCalcutta;andasa mother’slipstellsofthetoilsanddifficultiesofCaryandhispartnersin missionarytoil,hislittleheartwouldpantthathewereamanandcould

59SidneyE.Ahlstrom,AReligiousHistoryoftheAmericanPeople(NewHaven:YaleUniversityPress,1972),858‐860.60OntheJudsons,seeJayRileyCase,AnUnpredictableGospel:AmericanEvangelicalsandWorldChristianity,1812‐1920(NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,2012),24,31‐37,and46.ProceedingsoftheSecondAnnualMeetingoftheBaptistStateConventionofNorthCarolina,1832(Edenton:MiscellanyPress,1832),13,andProceedingsoftheFifthAnnualMeetingoftheBaptistStateConvention,1835(Newbern:PrintedatTheRecorderOffice,1835),19.61ProceedingsoftheSixteenthAnniversaryoftheBaptistStateConventionofNorthCarolina,1846,7‐8.

60

followoverthewideAtlantic,standwherestoodthemanofGod,preachthat sameGospel,andatlastfillsohonoredagrave.62Theforeignmissionefforthadapurposeathome.Themissionarycausecould

plausiblyreinforcetheimaginationandeducationofyoungpeople,andstrengthen

thebondsbetweenmotherandchild.

Despitetheauthenticityoffeelingamongthepreachersandtheeditors,the

layBaptistsburnedwithmorefervorforhomemissionsthantheydidforforeign

missions,iffundraisingisanyindication.Atthe1842BaptistStateConventionthe

CartelegeCreekAssociationandthePeeDeeAssociationeachgavefivedollarsto

thehomemissioneffortandtotheforeignmissions.OrangeCounty’sSandyCreek

Association,however,gave$54.26tohomemissionsandnonetoforeignmissions.

TheCaswellForeignMissionSocietyraisedthreedollarsforeachcausewhilefour

peoplefromtheWilkesAssociationgavefourdollarstohomemissionsandnoneto

foreignmissions.Intotal,theconventionraised$316.62forhomemissionsand

$155.48forforeignmissions.63

MissiontotheSlaves

Evangelicalsdidnotlimittheirmissionaryeffortstowhitepeopleor

potentialconvertsoverseas.Somepiedmontersengagedinamissionaryeffortto

62ProceedingsoftheTwelfthAnnualMeetingoftheBaptistStateConventionofNorthCarolina,1842(Newbern:PrintedattheOfficeoftheSpectator,1843),21‐22.63ProceedingsoftheTwelfthAnnualMeetingoftheBaptistStateConventionofNorthCarolina,1842,12‐13.

61

enslavedpeople.EvangelicalsinGeorgiaandSouthCarolinapioneeredthe“mission

totheslaves”inthe1820s,andbythemid‐1840s,itspractitionerscouldbefound

acrosstheslaveholdingstates.IntheeffortsformulatedbyCharlesColcockJones

andWilliamCapers,ministerscoordinatedwithmasterstoschedulepreaching,

SundaySchools,andcatecheticalinstructiontoplantationslaves.Further,

denominationalpublishingarmsproducedcatechismsandprayerbooksspecifically

foranenslavedaudience.Evangelicalspursuedthemissiontotheslavesfora

varietyofreasons,chiefofwhichbeingthesalvationofblacksouls.Yetthemission

servedpoliticalfunctionsandsocialneedsaswell.Partisansendorsedtheeffort

becauseitdemonstrated—againstthechargesofabolitionists—thatmasters

humanelyaddressedthecrueltiesofslavery,andthusneedednointrusiveadvice

fromantislaveryactivists.Therhetoricofthemissioncontainedasmany

prescriptionsformastersasitdidfortheenslaved.Itconcerneditselfequallywith

theproperroleofwhitepeopleinthemaster‐slaverelationshipbyemphasizingthe

familialaspectofslaveholding.Whiteshadaresponsibilitytocareforblacksasthey

wouldtheirownchildren,andthatincludedreligiousinstruction.64

CharlesC.Jones’promotionalmaterialconcerningthemissiontotheslaves

reachedtheConcordPresbyteryin1844.The“memorial”Jonessentlaidouthow

themissiontotheslaveswouldfitintothechurch’slargerdomesticmission

64DonaldG.Mathews,“CharlesColcockJonesandtheSouthernEvangelicalCrusadetoFormaBiracialCommunity,”JournalofSouthernHistory40(August1975):299‐320,ErskineClark,Wrestlin’Jacob:APortraitofReligionintheOldSouth(Atlanta:JohnKnoxPress,1979),1‐81,andMitchellSnay,GospelofDisunion:ReligionandSeparatismintheAntebellumSouth(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,1997),78‐109.

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enterprise.Jonesassuredhisreadersthatmissionarieswouldonlyrespondto

requestsfrommasters(e.g.theywouldnotencroachuponamaster’sprerogativeby

goingamongunchurchedslavesastheymightamongunchurchedwhites.)He

promisedthatattentiontoslaves’salvationwould“practicallygratify

all…benevolentsympathiesforthenegroes”anddeflectpoliticalanxietiesby

focusingonevangelism.ThePresbyteryofConcordassembledacommitteeof

ministersandelderstoconsiderJones’proposal.Theyapproved,andnotedthat

thereligiousinstructionoftheColouredpeoplelivinginourmidst,and constitutingapartofourfamilies,isadmittedonallhandstobeagreatand importantwork.Importanttothehappinessoftheslavesthemselves, importanttothepeaceofthefamiliesinwhichtheylive,importanttothe increaseandprosperityofthechurchoftheRedeemer.Thecommittee,however,madeanimportantchange.Whereasthemissionstructure

inGeorgiahadchargedonepreacherwithministeringtoablackflockseparatefrom

whitechurches,theConcordPresbyteriansinsistedthatenslavedpeoplebe

integratedintocongregationsaspartoftheirwhitefamilies.

Whatweneedatthepresenttime,intheboundsofthisPresbytery,isnota distinctclassofministerstolaborexclusivelyforthespiritualgoodofthe Colouredpeople;butthatallourministersshouldfeelthattheyaresettled overchurchesmadeupofMastersandtheirservants,andthatitistheirduty towatchoverentirehouseholdscommittedtotheirCare.65

65NeillRoderickMcGeachy,ConfrontedbyChallenge:AHistoryofthePresbyteryofConcord,1795‐1973(n.p.:PresbyteryofConcord,1985),164‐167.

63

Thisoperationalshiftwasduelikelytotherelativedifferenceinslaveholding

betweenlowcountryGeorgiaandPiedmontNorthCarolina.Intheformer,large

plantationsofhundredsofbondspeoplerequiredtheattentionofseparate

ministers;inpiedmontNorthCarolina,thepoolofblackslavesdiffusedinsmaller

groupsonthesmallerfarms,thusnotrequiringthecreationofanewsystemto

bringtogetherslaveandminister.Indeed,thatintimacymadetherhetorical

positioningofthelanguageoffamilies,blackandwhite,farmoreachievableinthe

Piedmont.

ThePresbyteriansresolvedthatattentiontothespiritualinstructionofthe

slavesbeincludedamongtheincreasingnumberofbureaucraticdutiestobe

undertakenbyministers.Topromotetheendeavor,thePresbyteriansrecommend

“thatallourministerspreachasermon,beforethenextmeetingofPresbytery,to

Mastersandservants,teachingmasterstheobligationrestingonthemtogivetheir

personalattentiontothereligiousinstructionoftheirownServants.”Andfinally,

theyrequiredthatallministersreportbacktothePresbyterytheirindividualplans

tocarryouttheinstructions.66

Thoughthelanguageoffamiliesanddomesticityrunsthroughtherhetoricof

themissiontotheslaves—andeventhoughthePresbyteriansgaveconsiderable

thoughttotheeffort—littleevidenceexiststosuggestthatthemissionbecamea

concernfortheordinarylaypeopleinthecongregations.Noneofthedenominations

66McGeachy,ConfrontedbyChallenge,166‐167.

64

devotedfundraisingeffortstothecause,andthemissionpaledincomparisontothe

intenseadvocacyforschools,missions,andtemperance.Onlytwodiscretemoments

ofdefiancesuggestthatthemissionwasofanyconcerntoordinarylaypeople.The

first,atSt.Paul’sGermanReformedcongregationinCatawbaCountywillbe

discussedinthesecondchapter.ThesecondregardsthestrangecaseoftheBeavers

brothers,BaptistsofChathamCounty.OntheeveoftheCivilWar,theMt.Pisgah

BaptistcongregationchargedGeorge,R.H.,andSidneyBeavers—allyoungmen—

alongwiththreeothers,with

grosslyimmoralandunchristianlikeconductwhichconsistinformingaplot andassemblingthemselvestogetherattheChurchonsundayofourlas[t] meetingandclosingthedoorsandbrakingupthereligiousworshipofthe churchandcongregation.67ThecongregationacquittedR.H.,butexpelledGeorgeandSidneyBeavers.The

youngmens’forayappearsonthesurfacetohavebeenshenanigansfueledby

liquor.GeorgeandSidneyenlistedintheConfederatearmy,andSidneydiedof

diseaseinlate1861.Histombstonecarriedthedefiantclaimthathehadbeen

excommunicatedfor“opposingtheequalityofwhiteandblack.”Onlyinthecontext

ofthemissiontotheslavesdoesthismakesense,aswhatBeaverslikelyopposed

wasnotageneraldeclarationofequalitybetweentheraces,butachurch‐sponsored

67May,July,andOctober,1861,MinutesofMt.PisgahBaptistChurch,WakeForestUniversityBaptistCollection,Z.SmithReynoldsLibrary,WakeForestUniversity.TheBeavers’BrotherslettersareintheIshamSimsUpchurchLetters,DavidM.RubensteinRareBook&ManuscriptLibrary,DukeUniversity.MythankstoErnestA.Dollarforbringingthisstorytomyattention.

65

programtoevangelizetotheslavesandbringthemintocommunionwithwhite

people.

Schools

In1855MaryDavisBrownscoffedatanitinerantPresbyterian“begging

moneyforetopayforethefemalecollegeinYorkville.”68By1855,however,the

prospectofministerspreachingsermonsinfavorofeducationwashardlynew.

Denominations,forageneration,hadinvestedinschoolsanddispatched

missionariestoraisemoneyandpromotetheirestablishment.Evangelicaladvocacy

forschoolsbeganwithadesiretosupplyministerstothedomesticmissions,butby

the1850s,thatadvocacyhadcoalescedintoafull‐throatedsupportofliteracyand

educationingeneral.

In1813theGermanReformedcongregationsofNorthCarolinarecognized

lethargyamongthemselvestowardreligion.Thedisaffectionresultedfromalackof

ministers.AsdenominationalhistorianJacobLeonardwrote,“Therewasno

shepherdandthesheepwerescattered.”69Anumberoflicentiatesandlaypeople

oversawmeetingsandperformedsermons,butfordozensofcongregations,only

oneordainedminister,ReverendGeorgeBoger,waspresenttoperformsacraments

andothersacredfunctions.UnliketheBaptistsandMethodists,andmuchlikethe

Presbyterians,Moravians,andLutherans,theReformedsrequiredcollege‐educated68Descendants,OilInOurLamps,p.24.69JacobCalvinLeonard,HistoryoftheSouthernSynodEvangelicalandReformedChurch(Lexington,N.C.:n.p.,1940),35.

66

andordainedministersofthegospelstobaptize,confirm,andmarrymembers,and

toorganizecongregations.ReformedchurcheseastoftheYadkinRiversent

pleadingletterstothenationalSynodfornewministersanddescribedthedestitute

conditionofthecongregations.TheReverendJamesReily,dispatchedfrom

Pennsylvania,wentsouth,andhisinspectiontour,punctuatedbymuchneeded

preaching,baptizing,confirming,andcelebratingCommunion,promptedthe

Reformedchurch,basedinPennsylvania,toinitiateaBoardofDomesticMissions.

ThoughtheSynodlackedtheresourcestodispatchordainedmentopermanent

positions,itdiddispatchmissionaries—temporaryanditinerantpreachers—forthe

nextdecade.Thelocalcongregationsstill“expressedanearnestlongingforasettled

ministeroftheGospelamongthem,”theSynodreported;“Thesecongregations

especiallydeservetheattentionofSynod.Inthematrueloveforreligionanda

specialinclinationtotheorderoftheEvangelicalReformedChurchismanifested.”

TherelianceonoccasionalmissionariesbythePiedmontcongregations,however,

wasnotrelieveduntil1828whenJohnFritcheyandJohnCrawford,graduatesofthe

denominationalseminaryinMercersburg,Pennsylvania,joinedtheranksofsettled

GermanReformedpastorsinNorthCarolina.Anincreaseincongregationsfollowed

thissupply.Inthe1820sand1830sfivenewReformedcongregationswere

founded,resultinginthecreationofthethrivingNorthCarolinaClassisin1830.70

70Leonard,HistoryoftheSouthernSynod,27‐31onthesearchforministers.CarlHammer,Jr.,RhinelandersontheYadkin:TheStoryofthePennsylvaniaGermansinRowanandCabarrus(Salisbury,N.C.:RowanPrintingCompany,1943),55‐56oncongregationalexpansion.

67

ThechronicdeficiencyofministershauntedtheGermanReformedswho,like

allotherChristiandenominations,knewthatthepromotionandpreservationof

vitalreligionrestedontheactiveengagementofacorpsofcapableandlearned

ministers.Thiscentralprinciplemotivatedagreatdealofinstitutionalgrowthas

denominationsdevelopedinfrastructuresofcommittees,schools,fundraising

efforts,andmanagementtoraiseuppotentialpreachers,educatethem,andhouse

them.TheGermanReformedClassisbegantoaddresstheconnectionbetween

educationforlocalchildrenandafruitfulministryin1834.Theycreatedan

EducationSociety“toaidintheeducationofindigentandpiousyoungmen…forthe

GospelMinistry.”71Nontheless,theeducationalagendabeganasameanstosupply

ordainedministersintheyearsaftertheGreatRevivalbutgrewthroughthelate

antebellumperiodtoofferasweepingendorsementofuniversalwhiteliteracy

throughpubliceducation.Evangelicaleducationalconcernssometimesdid,and

sometimesdidnot,workinconcertwiththeseculareducationalreformeffort.The

formersprangfromadesiretogrowandreinforcethetenetsofsalvation.Thelater

concerneditselfwiththecultivationofpublicvirtueandalsowiththeconcernsof

maintainingracialsolidarity.Both,however,promulgatedaliberalpublicethic.

ThesameeldersoftheGermanReformedchurchdeterminedthatthe

modernliberalethicincludea“relishforknowledge.”“[A]lmosteverychargeis

surroundedbythosewhoteachdoctrinesofdevils…allthewhilegloryingintheir

71Leonard,HistoryoftheSouthernSynod,35.

68

ignoranceandshame.”Theylamented“intellectualChristianintelligenceinmany

congregations”asthesourceofweakness.Pastors“musttarrylonginthe

inculcationoffirsttheprinciplesofourholyreligion,andcanbutfeedwithmilk.”72

“Feedwithmilk”isareferenceto1Corinthians3:2andindicatesthattheelders

consideredabasiceducationofyoungpeopletobetheprimeconcernoftheir

denomination.Alldenominationspromotededucationasnecessarytothelifeof

familiesandyoungpeople.Whenevangelicalsenshrinedabroadregardfor

education,theyendorsedageneralregardforacosmopolitanviewoftheworld.

Literacyleadtothetruthofsounddoctrine,andtheaccoutrementsofliteracy

includedschoolsandnewspapers.

TheBaptistsnotonlywantedtoenforcesounddoctrineontheirfractious

congregationsthroughsupportofeducation,butsaweducationasthemeansto

explainthemselvestoanunsympatheticworld.

Asadenominationwehavemuchreasontoseektobebetterunderstoodby thepublic.Itisnotknownasitshouldbe,whywedonotbringourinfantsto baptism,whywerefusetocommunicatewithotherprofessedchristiansat thesacramentofthesupper,whywesotenaciouslyadheretoimmersion, etc.Allthisissetdown,nottoourloveoftruthandstrictconformityto scripture,buttobigotryandwantofbenevolence,ifnottosomethingworse. Howplainandimportanttheduty,then,tomultiplyandcirculatesuitable publications?Thereisnoothermeansbywhichwecanactsoextensivelyon thepublicmind;and,caeterisparibus,thatcausewillmakemostprogress, whichmakethemostuseofthepress.73

72MinutesoftheReformedChurch,NorthCarolinaClassis,1844,EvangelicalandReformedHistoricalSociety,PhillipSchaffLibrary,LancasterTheologicalSeminary.73ProceedingsoftheTwelfthAnnualMeetingoftheBaptistStateConventionofNorthCarolina,1842,18.

69

TheeducationalimpulseamongNorthCarolina’sreligiouspeoplesprang

fromthedesiretodefendandpromotesectarianreligion.Thatthisimpulsewasnot

simplyanevangelicalconcernisevidentintheQuakereffortstoestablishschools.

Likeothersects,theSocietyofFriendshadsponsoredcommonschoolsassociated

withMonthlyMeetingsbuttheneedforadvancedfacilitiestoteachreligionledin

1829tothecallbytheMeetingforSufferingsforlocallibraries“ofbooksof

informationrespectingtheprinciplesanddoctrinesofFriends.”TheYearlyMeeting

endorsedtheplan,noting,

WebelievethatwithcareitmaybethroughDivineblessingsthemeansby whichthemindsofouryoungFriendsinparticularmybecomeimbuedwith moreenlargedandcorrectviewsofthenatureofourChristiantestimonies andbetterpreparedtoresisttheinsidiousencroachmentofthespiritof infidelityofourreligiousprofession.AcommitteeoftheYearlyMeetingdiscoveredthefollowingyearthat“allschools

amongstFriendsareinamixedcondition,”meaningtheyhadbeeninconsistentin

applyingeducationalstandardsandindifferenttoenforcingthedoctrinesspecificto

theSocietyofFriends.Toresolvethisdistressingsituation,theYearlyMeeting

proposedthecreationofaboardingschool,graduatesofwhichwouldessentially

performpastoralworkincongregationsthatopposedtheministry.Theco‐

educationalNewGardenBoardingSchoolopenedin1837inGuilfordCounty.74

74SethB.Hinshaw,TheCarolinaQuakerExperience:AnInterpretation(n.p.:NorthCarolinaYearlyMeeting,1984),75‐77,andHiramH.Hilty,NewGardenFriendsMeeting:TheChristianPeopleCalledQuakers(Greensboro:NorthCarolinaFriendsHIstorialSociety,1983),43‐44.

70

Evangelicalinterestintheeducationofministersaccompaniedapopularand

politicalenthusiasmforeducation.InNorthCarolina,statesenatorArchibald

MurpheyofHillsboroughinauguratedamovementintheGeneralAssemblyin1816

withawidelyreadreportcallingforstateaidforpublicschools.Forthenextten

yearsgovernorsandlegislatorsroutinelyrepeatedMurphey’scall.Ontwo

occasions,GovernorWilliamMillersuccinctlysummarizedtheprimaryconcernof

seculareducationadvocates:“Inacountrylikeours,nothingshouldbemore

carefullyguardedagainst,thantheestablishmentofanythinglikedifferentordersin

society.”(Clearly,theGovernorconsideredonlyfreewhitepeople.)Educationfor

thewealthyandpowerfulonlyriskedtheemergenceof“anorderofmen…[who]

lookuponthosewhohavebeenlessfortunate,withadegreeofsupercilious

contempt.”Education,hebelieved,wouldensurethemaintenanceofAmerica’s

Revolutionaryegalitarianism.Thefollowingyear,MillerdidnotoverlookNorth

Carolina’sraciallybifurcatedsocietyanddeclared,“Menintendedslavesthemore

ignorantthebetter.But,ifforfreedom,theyought,ofcourse,tobeenlightened.”75

HeencouragedNorthCarolinatolookto“aneighboringstate”asamodelfor

fundinguniversaleducation.Thenecessitytopromoteavirtuouscitizenry

permeatedtheeducationalreformrhetoric.Themostlikelytofallvictimtovice,

legislatorsnoted,werethepoor.Thusthestateboreprimaryresponsibilityfor

securingitsownfuturebyensuringtheeducationofitsmostmarginal—and75CharlesL.Coon,ed.,TheBeginningsofPublicEducationinNorthCarolina:ADocumentaryHistory,1790‐1840,VolumeI(Raleigh:EdwardsandBroughtonPrintingCompany,1908),100,103.

71

potentiallymostdangerous—citizens.Legislatorsconsidereduniversalwhite

educationanInternalImprovement,andbythe1820s,addedcommercialaffluence

tothereasonsforfundingcommonschools.JosephCaldwell,presidentofthe

UniversityofNorthCarolina,approvinglycitedNewYorkCityadministratorswho

noted,“Nationalwealthproceedschieflyfromactivityofmind,andmusttherefore

beproportionedtotheextentanduniversalityofitsdevelopment.”76Advocates

lookedtoNewYork,Pennsylvania,andMassachusettsasexamplesofstatesthathad

successfullyinvestedinroads,canals,andschools—andreapedprosperityfromthe

investments.Anotheradvocatesuccinctlynoted,“Ourcitizensmustlearnhowto

spellInternalImprovementsbeforetheycancomprehendthemeaningofthe

term.”77

Thelegislativestruggleforstate‐sponsoredcommonschoolsstumbled,

however,asconservativemembersbalkedattheproposedtaxesrequiredforthe

schemeanddoubtedthestatecould,orshould,constructalargecentralizedsystem

ofschools.In1825,theLiteraryFundLawpassedtheGeneralAssembly.Legislators

intendedtheLiteraryFundtooperateschoolsbasedontheincomeofstate

investmentsincanalsandswampdrainagecompanies.TheFunddidindeedsupport

anumberofsubscriptionschoolsandprivateacademiesbutneverraisedenough

76CharlesL.Coon,ed.,TheBeginningsofPublicEducationinNorthCarolina:ADocumentaryHistory,1790‐1840,VolumeII(Raleigh:EdwardsandBroughtonPrintingCompany,1908),590.77Coon,ed.,TheBeginningsofPublicEducation,VolumeII,554,559,573,670.

72

moneytofundastatewidesystem,andspentthenextdecadesquabblingover

managementofitsinvestments.78

Intheyearsafter1815,aslegislatorspushedforwardpublicschoolsasa

cause,denominationsfirstpoisedthemselvesforinvolvementineducatingyoung

people.Initially,theyfavorededucationasawaytoenlargethepoolofpotential

ministers,andthecollegesthatdidemergeinthelateantebellumperiodremained

thechieffocus—outsideofSundaySchools—ofpopulareducation.Bythe1830s,

however,denominationsbegantocampaignforuniversalliteracyapartfromthe

preparationofministers.Theyreceivedlittleassistancefromtheirpotentialalliesin

thelegislature,especiallyaftertheLiteraryFundbegandolingoutsmallamountsto

localacademiesafter1825.Infact,theGeneralAssemblyhesitatedtogrant

incorporationtodenominationaleducationgroupsbecause,asonefailedbillnoted,

ifthesebillsbepassedintolawsaclassofindividualsintheircorporate capacitymayhaveconferreduponthemprivileges,ifnotincompatiblewith ourConstitutionandBillofRights,yetinconsistentwiththefreedomand geniusofourinstitutions.ButastheLiteraryFundcontinuedtobeineffectual,education’sadvocates,in

frustration,begantoweakentheirscruplesaboutseparationofchurchandstate.As

onebillauthornoted,“thesebillshavingnoobjectbuttofoundandestablish

institutionsorpromotelearninganddisseminateknowledge,itwouldseemtous,

78SeedocumentsinCoon,ed.,TheBeginningsofPublicEducation,VolumesIandII.

73

thatnojustapprehensioncouldwellbeentertained.”Soonafter,thelegislature

begangrantingcharterstodenominationstofoundschools.79

Indeed,withincreasingpace,denominationsestablishedscoresofacademies

acrossthepiedmont.TheBaptistsimmediatelycharteredtheWakeForestInstitute

andtheMethodiststheGreensboroManualLaborInstitute.TheQuakersfounded

theNewGardenBoardingSchoolin1837,andtheGermanReformedClassisopened

theWesternCarolinaMaleAcademyin1853inMt.Pleasant.80TheBaptists,by

1850,backedtheRockfordFemaleInstituteinSurryCountyandtheMiltonFemale

InstituteinCaswell,whiletheMethodistsendorsedtheClemmonsvilleAcademyand

theFemaleCollegiateInstituteinGreensboro.81Theseschoolsremainedprivate,but

theMethodistsretainedtherightfortheConferencetoappointtrustees,thus

ensuringconcordancewithMethodistaims.TheMethodistConferencealso

endorsedregularpreachingonthenecessityforeducation.82

Evangelicaladvocatesforcolleges,academies,andcommonschools,like

theircounterpartsinthelegislature,searchedwidelyforpedagogicalguidance.

JosephCaldwellreferredto“Bell’splan”forcommonschoolsinBritishIndiaand

79Coon,ed.,TheBeginningsofPublic,VolumeII,660‐669.80Hilty,NewGardenFriendsMeeting,44,andActsandProceedingsoftheGermanReformedChurch,1853.81ProceedingsoftheTwenty‐FourthAnnualSessionoftheBaptistStateConventionofNorthCarolina,1853(Raleigh:BiblicalRecorderOffice,1853),23‐24.821838,MinutesoftheNorthCarolinaConference,MethodistEpiscopalChurch,UMCRecords.

74

approvinglynotedtheeffortsofPhillipvonFellenbergatHofwylSeminaryin

Switzerland.83Inthe1830s,thelatestpedagogicalfad,ManualLaborInstitutes,

enchantedtheBaptistswhofoundedWakeForestandthePresbyterianswho

startedDavidsonCollege.ManualLaborinstituteshadoriginatedinEurope,but

grewwithaspecialpurposeintheUnitedStates.ManualLaborschoolscasttheir

netamongAmerica’smiddlingandpooryouth,offeringaninexpensive,and

thereforeaccessible,education.Theyspranguponthegroundsofafarm,where

studentsworkedparttimetoproduceacropandprofitthatpaidfortuition.Yet

manuallaborschools,advocatesclaimed,didmorethanprovideaccessible

education—theynurturedvaluesofhard,physical,laborinagenerationofyoung

menatriskofsuccumbingtothevanityandeaseoftheburgeoningmarketand

consumerworld.Newlyordainedministersmayhavebeenexpectedtopossessthe

collegeeducationnecessarytodefendsectariantheologiesandthepracticalskills

andintelligencetobalancebooks,buteldersknewthathoursanddaysatlabor“in

thevineyard”ofcongregations,orinmakingaparsonagesustainable,required

drainingexposuretotheelementsanddiligentphysicalexertion.Noministerofthe

gospelcouldfallvictimtothedesiccationoftheoffice‐boundbureaucrat.

ThechiefnationaladvocateofmanuallaborschoolswasTheodoreWeld,

whose1833reportontheOneidaInstitutebecamerequiredreadingforall

83Coon,ed.,TheBeginningsofPublic,VolumeI,573‐575.

75

prospectiveeducators.84TheConcordPresbyteriansapprovinglycitedWeld’s

reportwhenconceptualizingDavidsonCollege.YetwhereasWeld’sreport—andthe

discussionsurroundingmanuallaborinstitutesintheNorth—isawashinanxiety

overgenderidentityandclassinachangingeconomy,thesouthernadvocates

focusedalmostentirelyonthepreparationforthephysicallydemandingworkof

beingamissionary,“Theirconstitutions[willbe]preparedtoendurehardshipsas

Missionaries;andtheywillacquirehabitsofindustry,andaknowledgeofbusiness,

bywhichtheamountofcostfortheirsupport,toMissionaries[sic]Societies,willbe

greatlyreduced,andtheyenabledtosupportthemselves,incaseofemergency.”

WhatmatteredtothesePresbyterianswasnotsuppressinggenderanxiety;itwasto

preparestudentsforphysicallydrainingpastoralworkinagrowingmarket

economy.SuchlanguagemightbeexpectedfromanitinerantMethodist,butthat

Presbyterianscoulduttersuchconcernafter1830suggeststhattheministry

retaineditshazardsandrisksevenintheperiodofinstitutionalization.Anodtothe

moderndemandsofministryisgiven,however,withtheassertionthatonehadto

beascompetentinbusinessandcommerceasintheBible,asministersinthe

presentagehadtotendtobalancesheetsasdiligentlyasthegospels.85Weld’s

growingreputationforimmediateabolitionismdidnotseemtodisturbthefounders

84OnmanuallaborinstitutesandWeld’sinfluentialreport,seePaulGoodman,“TheManualLaborMovementandtheOriginsofAbolitionism,”JournaloftheEarlyRepublic13(Autumn1993):355‐388.85NeillRoderickMcGeachy,ConfrontedbyChallenge:AHistoryofthePresbyteryofConcord,1795‐1973(n.p.:TheDelmarCompany,1985),96.

76

ofWakeForestandDavidson.Iftheywereawareofhisassociations,theydidnot

mentionthem.86Thattheconceptofmanuallaborinstitutesdidnotsurviveintothe

1840sisareflectionoftheirgeneral(nationwide)failuretoactuallyproducea

sustainingincome,ratherthananyconnectiontoradicallyinclinednortherners.87

Commonschoolsbecameapracticalrealityafterthestatereceivedjustover

$1.5millioninsurplusfundsfromtheUnitedStatesgovernmentin1837,andthe

legislatureappropriatedthosefundstotheLiteraryFundin1839.Themanagersof

theLiteraryFunddidsetouttoestablishschoolbuildings,teachers,andschool

superintendentsineachcounty,butadministrativelaxitycontinuedtobeaproblem

untiltheappointmentofPresbyterianministerCalvinH.WileyasSuperintendentof

theDepartmentofPublicInstructionin1853.88Baptistslookedapprovinglyonthe

foundingoftheWakeForestInstitute,butevangelicalsrealizedcollegeswerenot

enoughforthefieldofpioussociety.Theydirectedtheireffortstowardcolleges,

academies,andSundaySchoolsbutlargelyembracedtheprojectofthecommon

schools.TheBaptistStateConventionin1842describeditslogic.Itbeganby

decryingthefactthatlaygivingtomissionaryeffortsfellbehindthatofotherstates.

86GeneralizedprovincialismdidconcernthePresbyterianelders,whowereconcernedthatnorthern‐bornministers“wouldnotbesowellfittedforusefulnesshereneitherintheconstitutionsnorhabits.”Thathadapparentlybeenalarmedbyhowmanyofthemhadrushedtofillvacanciesinthenewlyopenedsouthwest.McGeachy,ConfrontedbyChallenge,97.87Schweiger,GospelWorkingUp,57‐64.88HarryL.Watson,“TheManwiththeDirtyBlackBeard:Race,Class,andSchoolsintheAntebellumSouth,”JournaloftheEarlyRepublic32(Spring2012):1‐26,andWilliamS.Powell,ed.,EncyclopediaofNorthCarolina(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,2006),377‐378.

77

“Onlytwentyeightofour421churchessupposedtobefavorabletomissionary

operations,wererepresentedinthisbodylastyear,andthesecontributed,onan

average,only$16each.”Exacerbated,theCommitteewondered,“Isitproperto

provokeoneanothertoexertion?”Theylookedtoalackoftrainedministersasan

explanationforwhy“wedosolittle.”Aswithallevangelicaldenominations,the

Baptistsfoundthecruxofpiouscongregationstobeacharismaticminister.And

charismadependedontheabilityofintelligentministerstopersuadeintelligentlay

peopletopracticepietynotonlythroughspiritualrebirth,butthroughabenevolent

attitudetowardtheworld.

Theyneedmorethespiritofbenevolenceandgoodwillwhichactuatedour Savior…[T]hecoursebeforeusisplain.Wemustlabortobenefitour children,andourchildren’schildren.Theyyoungmustbeeducated…Ifour churchesareeverbroughttodoanythingworthyofthenameofchristian [sic]effortandchristianbenevolence,itmustbeaccomplishedbydiffusing moregenerallyamongourpeoplethemeansofeducation.89Itwasacircularprocess:educatedministersmustmeeteducatedcongregantsinan

agendatospreadpietyabroad.

Baptiststurnedto“FreeSchools,”thenewlyinitiatedcommonschools,asa

solution.Thecommitteepromptedministerstoencouragelayparticipationinthe

administrationofcommonschoolsasteachersandsuperintendents:nottoexert

Baptistinfluenceoverthem,buttopromotetheirquality.“Itshouldneverbe

89ProceedingsoftheTwelfthAnnualMeetingoftheBaptistStateConventionofNorthCarolina,1842(Newbern:PrintedattheOfficeoftheSpectator,1843),15.

78

forgotten,thaninafewyearsthey[students]willmakethecommunity.Fromthese,

too,willbeformedthechurchesandtheministry.”WakeForest’sapparentsuccess,

thecommitteenoted,“hasawakenedtoaconsiderabledegree,aninterestonthis

subject[education]amongourchurches.”In1855thesamecommitteerejoicedat

theinterrelatedworkofcommonschoolsandtheirownInstitute,“Themeansof

educationarenowwithinthereachofalmosteveryone,”theywrote,echoingthe

desireforuniversalliteracysharedbysecularadvocates,“andthepeoplebeing

moregenerallythoroughinstructed,requireanenlightenedministry.”90

Thefinancialcommitmenttoeducatingbothministersandlaypeoplehad

increased.TheBaptistshaddeterminedthatanendowmentwasabsolutely

necessarytosustainacollegeandin1857reportednearingtheirgoalof$50,000—a

farcryfromtheinitialinvestmentof$2,000fortheWakeForestInstitutefifteen

yearsearlier.EventheLutheransby1853hadraisedmorethan$16,000fora

college.91Theseunprecedentedsumsreflectedtheevangelicalimmersioninthe

marketeconomy.Toadegree.

Individualchurchestookupregular,ifsparse,collectionsforthecollegeand

academies.Interestingly,whilethedesireforeducatedandordainedministers

90ProceedingsoftheTwenty‐SixthAnnualSessionoftheBaptistStateConventionofNorthCarolina,1855(Raleigh:BiblicalRecorderOffice,1855),36.91ProceedingsoftheTwenty‐FourthAnnualSessionoftheBaptistStateConventionofNorthCarolina,1853,23‐24,andProceedingsoftheSixteenthConventionoftheGeneralSynodoftheEvangelicalLutheranChurch,intheUnitedStates,convenedinWinchester,Va.,May21,1853(Harrisburg:Royal&Schroyer,Printers,1853),29.

79

permeatedreligiouscommunities,evidencethatthesupplyofministershadpriority

inthemindsofordinarypeopleremainssparse.Howwelldidpeoplerespondto

denominationaleducationinitiatives?TheBaptistStateConvention’s1854tallyof

moneycollectedbyvariousagentsissuggestiveandreminiscentoftheireducation

committee’s1842complaint.Noteverychurchdonated;somedid.Somemoneyis

accountedtoAssociations,suggestingthatministersnotcongregantscollectedthe

moneyfromamongthemselvesattheirassociationalmeetings.Byfar,thesum

collectedforHomeMissionsacrossthestate—$758.43—andforForeignMissions—

$577.20—outdidthe$385.83giventoEducation.TheBaptistChurchinHickory

gave$2toForeignMissionsandnonetoHomeMissionsorEducation.TheJersey

Church(Davidson/Davie)equallydividedits$10donationtoallthreecauses,asdid

thePeeDeeAssociation,whichgave$10.08toeach.Thelargestdonationsto

Education,notsurprisingly,camefromtheBaptistchurchesinRaleigh($14),New

Bern($30),andFayetteville($55).EventheHillsboroughBaptistchurchskimped,

giving$3.40toeducationwhileitgave$20tohomemissions.92Despitealevelof

popularambivalence,thedenominationalbureaucracytosupporteducationbythe

1850s,absorbedagreatdealofpiousenergy.

Notablyabsentfromtheevangelicalrhetoricaboutcolleges,academies,and

commonschoolswasadiscussionofslaveryoraccommodationtothepowerof

slaveholders.Evangelicalmomentumforgrowthdidindeeddrawthemclosertothe

92ProceedingsoftheTwenty‐FifthAnnualSessionoftheBaptistStateConventionofNorthCarolina1854(Raleigh:SteamPressofthe“SouthernWeeklyPost,”1854),27.

80

culturalmainstream.Butithappenednotbecauseofadesireforaccesstopower,

butadesiretofacilitatesalvationusingthemostcurrentmethodsavailableto

modernAmericans.

CarolineLilly’sVocation

ThedesiretofulfillChristiandutydroveCarolineBrookstoteach.Atage

thirty‐three,whenshebeganherdiary,thesingleCarolinepossessedsometeaching

experience—probablyinMontgomeryCounty—buthowmuchisunknown.In1836

sheacceptedapositionteachingataprivatesubscriptionschoolinConcord,

CabarrusCounty.There,inherfirstterm,shebegantoarticulateheridealsabout

“femaleeducation”anddevelopacurriculumforteachingherselfthecraft.Atthe

sametimeCarolineexpressedthelinksbetweenherdesireforperfectionandher

urgetoteach.

HonoringGodmeantteachingchildren.“CanIhonor&glorifymyHeavenly

Father,”shewondered,”byproperlytrainingthoseentrustedtomycare[?]”93Thus,

Carolineprayedearnestlybecauseherspiritualstatusdependedonhersuccessin

theclassroom.AtthefirstpublicexaminationofherclassinConcordshe

experiencedaratherimmodest“anxiety…ProbablyasmuchasBonapartefeltonthe

eveofthebattleofWaterlooorCeasaratthePharsalea[sic]orAlexanderatthe

93August14,1837,LillyDiary.

81

Granicus.”Theanxietydidnotstemfrompride,nordiditarisefromtheexpectation

offurtheremployment.

[M]ineisafarnoblercausethantheirsandifIsucceedinproperlyand faithfullycultivatingtheiryouthfulmindIshallbeentitledtoriches_____than they.Foreducationunquestionablyimpliespreparationforeternity,andifI canbesofortunateastobethemeansofinfluencingonesoultomake suitablepreparationofthatstatetowhichweareallhasteningitwillbea starinmycrownwhichtheyhaveneverdreamedof.94Sherestatedherconvictioninamorebluntfashionwhensheplacedherstudents’

successinthebalancewith“thydreadtribunalImustanswer.”95

DespiteCaroline’sdreadconcerns,shechanneledhermotivationintothe

pedagogyofmiddle‐classrefinement.Shelaidoutthatvisioninan1837prayer:

Letmebesuccessfulatimpartingscientificandmoralinstructiontothose whoareentrustedtomycare…MayIbeenabledtoinculcatemychargesin cultivatingsisterly&socialaffections&everydomesticvirtue,andtoacquire elegant,refined&accomplishedmanners,andabovealltocherish sentimentsofpietyanddevotiontotheAlmightytowhomtheyareindebted forlifeandeveryblessingtheyenjoy.96 InanotherprayerduringhersecondterminConcord,Carolinehappilynoted

that“goodorderprevailedthroughouttheschoolroom,”aserenitysheattributedto

God.Shehopefullyadded,“IthinkIseeinthemamanifestimprovementinmanners,

94September4,1836,LillyDiary.95September10,1836,LillyDiary.96n.d.,February,1837,LillyDiary.

82

andanincreasedattentiontostudy.”Carolineplacedherrole,andherdutytothe

students,incontext:“Letmeomitnothingthatmightcontributetopromotetheir

intellectualprogressandtheformationofgoodmorals.”97Wherequietbehaviorand

moralimprovementrepresentedthefelicityofGod,disruptivebehaviorrepresented

adarkerpower.InAugust1836,“Aspiritofindolenceorirresolutionoradegreeof

mental_____…appearedtopervadetheschoolroom.”Carolinecouldnotabatethe

desultorybehaviorandevenchastisedherselfforsuccumbingtoit.“Insteadof

adoptingmeasureswhichwouldexcitetheinterestandstimulatementalactivity,I

becameimpatient&unstable&veryimprudentlyhadrecoursetoscolding.”Bad

pedagogyhadunderminedorderandcausedCarolinetolosehercomposure,but

shereferredtoitsimplyas“evil.”98Caroline’sclassroomstrugglesresembledthe

ebbandflowofdenominationallife.

PietyalsodroveCarolinetostudythelatesteducationaltheories.Shesought

herHeavenlyFather’saffirmationofherinterestinfemaleeducation.“Isitthe

sphereinwhichmyHeavenlyFatherdesignedmetomove?”Apparentlyreceiving

thataffirmation,sheresolved,“Thenletmecarefullyendeavortofillitwithdignity,

withhonor&unselfishness.”99CarolinereadontheSwissschoolatHofwyl,

consumedEmmaWillard’sjournals,andsoughtouttheguidanceoflocally

97October17,1836,LillyDiary.98August2,1836,LillyDiary.99April7,1837,LillyDiary.

83

renownedadvocateandteacherSusanNyeHutchinson.Afavoritepedagogicalguide

wasJacobAbbott,aNewEnglandministerandeducatorwhopioneeredChristian

teachingtheory.InTheYoungChristian,publishedin1832bytheAmericanTract

Society,Abbottusedfictionalproverbstoconveythe“principlesofChristianduty”

toayoungaudience.Thoughasmuchaparentingmanualasateachingguide,its

lessonsofpatience,restraint,andunderstandingcouldbeappliedinbothclassroom

anddomesticsettings.Intheintroduction,hedirectedaninstructiontomothers

thatteaching“mustbedone,notinthesuspiciousmannerofhearingalessonwhich

youfearhasnotbeenlearned,butwiththewinningtoneofkindnessand

confidence.”Abbottbelievedachild’sinstructionlayintheignitionofhisorherown

nativeimagination.100Thus,whippingwithswitchescounteredtheintendedeffect

ofeducation.Caroline,subjecttothe“austerepedagoge”andhisrodinheryouth,

paidparticularattentiontoAbbott’sinstructionsaboutdiscipline.Shecopiedtwoof

hisparagraphsintoherdiary.Theexcerptschargedteacherstosympathizewith

childlikeimpulsesthatmightdisruptaclassroomorbreakitsrules.Illustratingwith

anexampleofaboyunabletocontainhistalking,Abbotinstructed,“Nowifany

severepunishmentshouldfollowsuchatransgression,howdisproportionatewould

itbetotheguilt!”101ThoughCarolinecopiedAbbott’sparagraphsintoherdiary,she

alteredtheirwording.Shewrotethispassagetosay,“Shouldanyteacherinflict

100JacobAbbott,TheYoungChristian:or,AFamiliarIllustrationofthePrinciplesofChristianDuty(NewYork:AmericanTractSociety,1832),5.101Ibid.,45‐46.

84

severepunishmentforsuchafaulthewouldcertainlybeguiltyofanactofcruelty

whichnopersonwhodistinctlyrecollectedthefeelingsofchildhoodwouldcommit.”

SheclearlyunderstoodAbbott’sintent.Abbottpursuedthisthoroughlymodern

understandingofchildhoodandeducatingtheyoungindozensofotherpublications

andatthefemaleschoolshefoundedinNewEngland.102

Carolinestruggledwiththeproblemofclassroom(andlater,domestic)

discipline.Shetried,butshecouldnevercompletelygiveuptherod.Ayearafter

readingAbbot,shewroteofherConcordschool,“Ihavenotyetlearnedthevery

desirableartofgoverningwithouttherodthoughIamfullypersuadedthatitshould

beusedwithtemperandnotuntilothermeanshavefailed.”Shesucceededwell

enoughthataMrs.Ledbetter“toldmeplainlythatIwastooindulgentwithmy

pupilsandusedtherodtoosparingly.”Stilllater,though,sheconfessedto

frustrationabout“threeorfourrudechubbyboystowhomIgiveinstructionina

fewbranchesoflearning.”

SundaySchools

Indifferentteachersproducedindifferentresults,asSarahDavidsonof

Charlottenoticedin1837.“ASabbathSchoolwasfirstcommencedhere…[but]none

ofthemengagedasteachers…werepious[.]itsexistencewasbrief.”Therecently

converted,andveryfervent,Davidsonrecordedthisfactinpreparationforher

102“Rev.JacobAbbott”onShapingtheValuesofYouth:SundaySchoolBooksin19thCenturyAmerica,http://digital.lib.msu.edu/projects/ssb/search.cfm?AuthorID=182(accessedDecember15,2011)

85

assumptionofteachingdutiesinarevivedSundaySchool.Noinstructionsfroma

churchmotivatedher;pietydid.

InmyignoranceIimaginedIcoulddosomethinginreturningtheloveof God…Stimulatedbythesefeelings,Iexertedallmyinfluenceandpowersof persuasion—andfinallyprevailedwithmyfemalefriendsandacquaintences tojoinme—inrevivingtheSabbathSchool.Davidsonandherfellowteachersalsofoundeda“Benevolentsociety”toraise

moneyforschoolbooks.103

SarahDavidsondiscoveredafterthreemonths,however,thatreligiousfervor

hadfailedtosustainherinterest,yetshedeterminednottoquit.“Ihaveconsidered

toomuchwhatwaspleasantto—myselfinteachingintheSabbathSchool,”

apparentlyheroverweeningspiritualsatisfaction.“[B]utfromthistimeIwill

endeavourtoavoidallselfishconsiderations&willingly&cheerfullydowhatis

consideredbythesuperintendantforthegeneralgoodoftheSchool[.]”Davidson

neverexplainedtheapparentdisagreementwithhersuperintendentbutconcluded,

“Itisnotbyourownstrengththatwedoanythingthisisinstrumentalinleading

soulstotheKnowledgeofGod&thewayofSalvation.”104Whethermovedby

religiousenthusiasmoraresignedsenseofduty,thegoalremainedthesalvationof

103KarenM.McConnell,JanetS.DyerandAnnWilliams,eds.,ALifeinAntebellumCharlotte:ThePrivateJournalofSarahF.Davidson,1837(Charleston,S.C.:HistoryPress,2005),44‐45.104McConnell,et.al.,eds.,ALifeinAntebellumCharlotte,69‐70.

86

souls.Shelatercomplainedofafellowteacherwhowas“notsowarmlyinterested

inthisblessedcauseasheoughttobe.”Shereiterated,

OhLordimpresseachoneengagedasaTeacherofaSabbathSchoolofthe great&highpriviledgetheyenjoyofbeingcooperatorsnotonlyofGods MinisteringServantsbutofGodTheFather—GodtheSon&GodtheSpiritin leadingsouls.105Davidsonherselfrecognizedthepositiveeffectofpiousenthusiasmonherstudents,

andherself.“AttendedSabbathSchool&feltmyselfparticularlystrengthened&

preparedforteaching&neverdidIdischargethedutyofteacherwithsomuch

satisfactiontomyself—Mypupilswereveryattentive‐‐&conductedthemselves

withbecomingsolemnity.”106

SundaySchoolsinthePiedmonttargetedboththeindigentandthe

establishedyouthoftheregion.InSarahDavidson’srevivedSundaySchoolin

Charlotte,sheherselfrecruitedstudentsfromamongthepoorinthetown’smining

neighborhoods.Thatshedidsobyridingherslave‐chaufferedcarriagetominer’s

housesmighthavebeenabitoff‐puttingatfirst,butsheseemedsatisfiedthatthe

girlssherecruitedpersistedinattendance.Anewclasslaterthatyear(1837),

however,consistedofthechildrenofherwealthyneighbors.107

105McConnell,et.al.,eds.,ALifeinAntebellumCharlotte,69‐71.106McConnell,et.al.,eds.,ALifeinAntebellumCharlotte,115.107McConnell,et.al.,eds.,ALifeinAntebellumCharlotte,50,53,109.

87

Theneedtosupplyministersledtothecreationofcolleges.Thedesirefora

steadypoolofministerialcandidatesspurredenthusiasmforcommonschool

education.Thus,evangelicalsstrodeconfidentlyintothepublicdiscussionaboutthe

imperativeofstateactiononpubliceducationastheyjoinedtheirrhetoricabout

strengtheningdenominationswithsecularrhetoricpromotingthenecessityof

broadeducationtoavirtuouscitizenryandaprosperouseconomy.Evangelicalshad

embracedtheliberaloutlookofmanyAmericansregardlessofregion.Southern

evangelicals’reachintothemodernizingsentimentsofthe“benevolentempire”did

nothappensmoothly,however.TheimplementationofaprogramofSundaySchools

inpiedmontNorthCarolinawasnotslowedbyoppositiontonationalreformsand

abolitionism,butbymoremundaneroadblocks.Disease,weather,andspiritual

apathycounteredfrequentmomentsofenthusiasmandorganization.These

successesandimpedimentsoffercriticalinsightsintohowtherhetoricandlanguage

ofrevivalismslippedseamlesslyintopublicdiscussionsandappraisalsof

institutionalization.

Churcheshadlongengagedincatecheticalinstruction,particularlythe

Lutherans,Presbyterians,andMoravians.Manycongregationshostedcatechetical

schoolsfromanearlydate.ThePresbyteryofConcordbeganformalclassesin1811

whiletheQuakersatNewGardenestablishedaSabbathSchoolin1818.Inthe

1820s,theevangelicalSundaySchoolbecameapopulareducationalforminthe

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handsofurbannortherners.108AsAnneBoylanpointsout,urbanpeoplefounded

SundaySchoolsasawaytoteachliteracytoindigentchildren,butbythelate1820s,

assecularschoolsassumedtheinitiativetoteachreadingandwriting,evangelicals

changedthefocusoftheschoolstoexposingallchildrentothemeansof

salvation.109SundaySchoolsdifferedfromcatechismclassesinthattheytaught

morethanthedetailsofvariousdenominationalconfessions;theytaughtliteracy

andmoralsandreceivedpedagogicalguidancefrommarketsources.Whileunions

ofSundaySchoolteachersformedinPhiladelphiaduringthatdecade,interestin

SundaySchoolssproutedinNorthCarolina.Moraviansendorsedtheiroperationin

1827andsoenthusiasticallyembracedthemthatonemembercomplainedofpeople

“goingtoextremes”in1831.110DuringSamuelWait’sfirsttourastheagentofthe

StateBaptistConventioninthesameyear,henotedapopularoutcryforSunday

Schools.111Thoughimpossibletotellthenumberofchurches,teachers,andstudents

108TheBaptistsin1836noted“ThisStatehasenjoyedtheblessingsofSabbathSchools,tosomeextent,forsomethirtyyears.Schoolshavebeenformedandsustainedbysomeofthechurchesofdifferentdenominationsduringtheperiod;inothercasesbybenevolentindividuals.”ProceedingsoftheSixthAnnualMeetingoftheBaptistStateConventionofNorthCarolina,1836(NewBern:PrintedatTheRecorderOffice,1837),16.109AnneE.Boylan,SundaySchool:TheFormationofanAmericanInstitution,1790‐1880(NewHaven:YaleUniversityPress,1988).110C.DanielCrewsandRichardW.Starbuck,WithCouragefortheFuture:TheStoryoftheMoravianChurch,SouthernProvince(Winston‐Salem,N.C.:MoravianChurchinAmerica,SouthernProvince,2002),255.

111ProceedingsoftheBaptistStateConventionofNorthCarolina,1831(NewBern:JohnI.Pasteur,1831),10‐12.TheLutheranshadestablishedatleastoneSundaySchoolasearlyas1807.BernheimandCox,TheHistoryoftheEvangelicalLutheranSynodandMinisteriumofNorthCarolina,77.

89

engagedinSundaySchools,itissafetosuggestthatmanylocalclassesprecededthe

institutionalpushfortheminthe1830s.InSeptember1834,theCharlotteCircuitof

Methodistsresolvedtoforma“Bible,Tract,&SundaySchoolSociety,”andbythe

followingquarterlymeeting,reportednineschoolsandtwenty‐sixteachers.Someof

theschoolsweredeemed“flourishing”andsome“languishing,”butitseemsclear

thattheseschoolsprobablywereoperationalbeforetheCircuithadacted.112

Allsects,exceptofcoursetheAntimissionBaptists(AMBs),endorsedtheuse

ofSundaySchools.EverattunedtothenuancesofCalvinismandArminianism,

PiedmontProtestantscarefullyjustifiedSundaySchools’placeinecclesiasticaland

theologicalconstruction.TheSchoolswerenotconsideredtobedivinethings,nora

recreationofFirstCenturystructures,astheAMBsmightrequire.Theywere

recognizedasmodern,human,instrumentstoassistwiththedisseminationof

religion.BoththeLutheransandtheGermanReformedchurchesmadeclearthat

notonlywereSundaySchools“usefulhumanexpedients”butonesparticularly

“efficient...inchurchactivityandgrowth.”113Thus,bythe1830s,sixoftheseven

majorProtestantsectsapprovedoftheuseofthesemoderntools.BaptistJ.B.

Ballardreportedin1835thattheConventionconsideredSundaySchools“when

properlymanagedapowerfulmeansunderGodofpromotinglearning,themorals,

112SeptemberandNovember,1834,MinutesoftheCharlotteCircuit,MethodistEpiscopalChurch,ArchivesoftheWesternNorthCarolinaConference,CharlotteNorthCarolina.113BernheimandCox,TheHistoryoftheEvangelicalLutheranSynodandMinisteriumofNorthCarolina,77.

90

andthesalvationoftherisingpopulationofourcountry;thatitisthemeansof

promotingabetterobservanceoftheSabbathandofproducingamissionary

spirit.”114HisreportthefollowingyearamplydemonstratesthegoalofNorth

Carolina’sSundaySchoolorganizers:

Howoftenhasitchangedthemoralaspectofawholeneighborhood.Howoftenhasthewaywardyouthbeenalluredbyit,fromthepathofviceandsintothatofmoralityandvirtue—Howfrequentlyhasitbeenthemeans,inthehandofGod,ofthesalvationofsouls.Inmanydestitutepartsofourcountry,wheretheschoolsarecarriedoninareligiousmanner,asallshouldbe,theyareasubstituteforthepreachingofthegospel.Theycollectthechildrenandyouth,andinmanyinstancesadults,whowouldperhaps,ifnotemployedinthisway,beviolatingGod’slawinavarietyofways.

BallarddidnotclaimthatSundaySchoolswouldenablechildrentobebetter

citizens.ThatSundaySchoolsevidently(toBallard’scommittee)improvedthe

moralsofaneighborhoodwasproofnotnecessarilythatrepublicanismor

democracyhadsucceeded(orbeentempered)butthatlargecommunitieshad

foundChrist.Certainlyamoralneighborhoodnecessarilyprecededadesirablecivil

life,andtheBaptistsknewit,iftheydidnotfrequentlyarticulateit.TheBaptists

resolved,“thatweconceivethatthegreatobjectofS.Schoolinstructionisnotbarely

toimpartliteraryinstruction,buttobeinstrumentalintheconversionofthesoulto

God.”115

114ProceedingsoftheFifthAnnualMeetingoftheBaptistStateConventionofNorthCarolina,1835,19.115ProceedingsoftheSixthAnnualMeetingoftheBaptistStateConventionofNorthCarolina,1836,17.

91

Interestingly,whilethestatewidedenominationsencouragedlay

participationinSundaySchools,theymadelittleefforttoorganizethem.TheBaptist

StateConventionin1833urgeditsconstituentmemberstosystematicallysupport

them.116WhatfollowedwasayearlylitanyintheConvention,thatapathy

threatenedthesurvivalofSundaySchoolsandthattheConventionshouldmake

furtherappealsfortheirsupport,butnoformalresolutionappropriatingmoneyor

organizationalresourceswasforthcoming.TheConventionheartilyendorsedthe

entranceoftheAmericanSundaySchoolUnion(ASSU)intoNorthCarolinain1835

andenthusiasticallyreprintedtheASSUstatisticsintheirownminutes.Notuntil

1845didtheBaptistscommitConventionresourcestoSundaySchoolsbycreating

theNorthCarolinaBaptistPublicationandSundaySchoolSociety.Thisgroup

collectedmoneytopurchaseliteratureandestablishdispensaries(bookstores)

aroundthestatetostockthematerial.Itthrived,butbythe1850s,whennational

enthusiasmforSundaySchoolswaned,theSocietyhadbecomeprimarilya

publishingconcernwithnointerestintheactualoperationofSundaySchools.Many

Baptistschurches,however,becamedirectlyengagedasauxiliariestotheAmerican

SundaySchoolUnion,bypassingtheStateConvention.Presbyteriansendorsedthe

ASSUinboth1833and1835,thePresbyteryofConcord(nottheSynodofNorth

Carolina)beingtheconduitforASSUpublications.117InSalem,theMoravians

hostedgiganticSundaySchoolconventionsinthe1830s,numberingoverone

116ProceedingsoftheThirdAnnualMeetingoftheBaptistStateConventionofNorthCarolina,1833(Fayetteville:PrintedbyEdwardJ.Hale,1834),13,17.117McGeachy,ConfrontedbyChallenge,126.

92

thousandattendees.Thecross‐denominationalmeetingsdrewmanyBaptist,

Methodist,andGermanReformedmembers.118

ThelifeofSundaySchoolsfollowedthesamepatternsofallbenevolent

institutions.Theythrivedanddeclinedonthelocallevelnomatterwhatchurch

eldersdesired.TheengagementofsomeonelikeSarahDavidson—orthe

disengagementofsomeofherfriends—matteredmore.InthePeeDeeAssociation,

aroundMontgomeryCounty,forinstance,theForksoftheLittleRiverChurch

alreadyhostedaSundaySchoolwhentheAssociationaleldersorderedtheother

churchestodothesamein1841.Asinterestintheschoolsfadedinthelate1850s,

Forkscontinuedsupportingitsschoolwhiletheotherswentdefunct.119Onthe

Methodist’sIredellCircuit,theeldersappointedacommitteetooverseeSunday

Schools.Theattentionproduced“avid”attendanceintheCircuitby1845,aninterest

thatthriveduntil1848.YetinthenearbyFranklinsvilleCircuit,theelderswrote

lamely,“ThepreacherreportedoneBibleSchoolinFranklinsville.Nothinghasbeen

doneforthespecialinstructionoftheChildren.”120

SundaySchoolssufferedthesameproblemsthatafflictedcommonschools,

andchurchesingeneral—weatheranddiseasecouldderailanymomentumthey

118CrewsandStarbuck,WithCouragefortheFuture,265.1191841,1847,and1849,MinutesofthePeeDeeAssociation,WakeForestUniversity,BaptistHistoricalCollection,Z.SmithReynoldsLibrary.120March23,1850,MinutesoftheFranklinsvilleCircuit,UMCRecords.

93

mighthaveaccumulated.AreportedharshwinterinIredellCountyin1847‐48

effectivelystampedouttheSundaySchoolrevivalthathadbeenoccurringthere.121

AttheSuggsSchoolHouseSundaySchoolinRandolphCounty,thesuperintendent

notedin1843,“Manyofthescholarsaresick.Five(all)childrensickinonefamily,

oneofthematthepointofdeath.Someofthechildreninthecountry.”Inplaceofa

fulllesson,theteachermade“someremarks…inreferencetotheimportanceof

beingpreparedfordeath.”In1848Suggsreported,“Theschoolwasnotcontinued

duringwinter&waslateinbeingrevived.”122Coldweatherandsicknesscouldnot

onlystymietheenthusiasmofthechurchhierarchybutalsodampenanyspiritual

revivalamongthepeople.Religiouspeople,however,identifiedtheproblemnotas

environmentalorbiologicalhappenstancebutasapathytoreligion.

MaryDavisBrown’sFamilyCircle

Thepracticeofreligionforindividualsnotonlyincludedinternalstruggles,

butalsothereinforcementofsocialbondsonthemarginsonminister‐centered

congregationalactivities.EmileDurkheimcalledreligious‐socialgroups“moral

communities”unitedina“systemofbeliefsandpracticesrelativetosacred

things.”123Interactionaroundtheedgesofsacredthings,forruralAmericans,

121April8,1848,MinutesoftheIredellCircuit,UMCRecords.122October1,1843,December3,1848,andJune3,1849,SundaySchoolMinuteBook,TabernacleandUnionChurches,SuggsSchoolhouse,RandolphCounty,UMCRecords.123EmileDurkheim,TheElementaryFormsoftheReligiousLife(Mineola,N.Y.:DoverPublications,2008;originallypublished1915),47,andIanHamnett,“Durkheimandthestudyofreligion,”in

94

cementedthebondsofcommunityandthelessonsofcontemporaryevangelical

morality.Sundayservicesandannualcampmeetingsofferedbelievers

opportunitiestoreinforcepiousnotionsaboutrelationshipsandpublicbehaviorin

informalways.

MaryBrown’sfamilyrangedthecountryside.HusbandJacksonvisitedYork,

attendedmuster,andwenttochurchatavarietyofplaces.124Mary’seldestdaughter

andadoptedniece,bothfifteenin1857,visitedfamilyandfriendsontheirown.The

comingsandgoingsofthesethreemeantMary,herhusband,andElizaandEmily

wererarelyathometogether.Forinstance,onMay2,1857,Jacksonattended

musterwhileElizaandEmilywenttotheirgrandparents’home.Thatnight,Jackson

andEmilycamehome,butElizastayedatthegrandparents’foraweek.The

followingweek,thetwoeldestwenttotheCainhouseholdtobidadieutocousin

MarthaAlexander,abouttoreturntoherhomeinAlabama.Maryherselfwasnot

confinedtohome,andshetraveledasmuchonherownasshedidwithherhusband

orchildren.OnAugust21ofthesameyear,shepaidacallonherfriendJane,newly

deliveredofababy,andthefollowingdayvisitedherparents.125Soonafter,she

skippedpreachingtovisitHannah,whowassickwiththecold.Inthemeantime,

DurkheimandModernSociology,ed.SteveFenton(NewYork:CambridgeUniversityPress,1984),202‐218.124Descendants,OilInOurLamps,41,42.125Descendants,OilInOurLamps,45.

95

Elizaandanotherdaughter(Jaily)wenttochurchatSmyrna.126Mary’sfamilywas

onedefinedbyruralnetworksandpatterns.(Notprimitive,though:manyofthe

visitorstoherownhousearrivedbytrainfromTennesseeandArkansas.)Assuch,

herfamily—asitshowsupinherdiary—appearsnotasacohesiveunit,butasa

clutchofindividuals,eachpursuingtheircommunalobligationsathomeandabroad.

Inthatnetwork,Mary,morethananyotherwhitepersononherplace,was

homeboundwithnewchildren,sickfamilymembersandslaves,orpregnancy,and

thesereasons,morethananyother,preventedherfromgoingtoSundayservicesas

muchasherhusbandanddaughters.“Lawsonhasbeensicktoday,”shewroteon

June22,1856,”andIdidnotgotopreachentodaybutheisbetter.”Sicknessstruck

inmoredeadlyfashionduringameaslesoutbreakinthespringof1858.“[O]ure

peoplehasgotthemeasles.Sally,Nell,Martha,Johnhasgotthemnow.Sallyisbad.”

MarymissedthenexttwoSundaysatchurch,”tostaywiththemeaslespeopel

[sic].”127Laterthatyear,a“caugh”amongstthechildrencausedherabsenceagain.

Mary’sownillnesspreventedherattendanceatchurch,butherpregnancies

necessitatedlongabsences.128ShemissedallchurchfunctionsinOctoberand

Novemberof1857becauseofpregnancyandchildbirth.Sotoowassheunableto

attendmostfunctionsfromJulythroughSeptemberof1859.Thoughsheexpressed

126Descendants,OilInOurLamps,45.127Descendants,OilInOurLamps,55.128Descendants,OilInOurLamps,34.

96

occasionalsadnessuponmissingmeetings,shejustasreadilyfoundreligious

satisfaction,noting,“Theire[sic]isasacramenttheiretoday[atBethany

Presbyterian]andIhavebeenathomewiththelittlechildrentoday,havebeen

readinginouldBurchettoday.IhavebeenreddingChristsserminsonthemount,

anexplanation.Theireisgreatpromisesandpreceiptsandexamplescontainedin

themthreechapters.”129

Despitetheoccasionalabsencesfromcommunalworship,MaryBrown

attendedSundayservices,communions,singings,andthevisitationassociatedwith

religiouspractice.AtypicalspanoccurredinMayandJuneof1857.SheadmiredMr.

Davis’“tex”onMay11,noting“Hemad2goodsermonsandtheirewasagreatturn

outofpeople.”Whileshedidnotaccompanyherhusbandanddaughtersto

“sackrament”atanotherPresbyterianchurchonthe31st,shedidattend“prachen”

backatBeershebaonthe7thofJune.Onthe28thofthatmonth,she“heardfine

preachenandsawMr.JeamsDavisbaptissehisfirst”infant.“Idon’tthinkhecanbee

beetforehispractice.”130Marypaidparticularattentiontocommunion,or

sacraments,atBeersheba.CommunioninthePresbyterianchurchconsistedof

severaldays’ofpreaching,culminatinginasolemnceremonialbreakingofbread,

limitedtochurchmembersonly.MaryattendedallthreedaysoftheSeptember

1856communion.131TheApril,1857communionfeaturedtheordinationofanew

129Descendants,OilInOurLamps,35.Seealso66.130Descendants,OilInOurLamps,42‐44.

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ministerforBeersheba.ThoughtheBrownshostedvisitorsduringthecommunion,

Maryabsorbedthespirituallessons,“ohifwehavenotbeenmadebetter,itwillbe

farewroseforeinthegreatdayifwewareinheathernlands.Butihopeandtrustit

isnotsowithme.”132

VisitingenhancedthesocialaspectofreligiousfunctionsforMaryBrown.In

fact,aconsiderableportionofherreligiousinteractiontookplaceinthecontextof

visitstoorfromfamilyandfriends.OnJune13,1856,forinstance,shewrote,“I

havebeentopreachentodayandyesterdaywasthedayofsin[g]ingatbershaba.I

hadcompany,[cousin]JohnAlexanderfromalabamiawashere.”133AttheApril

1857communion,theBrownshosteda“MrWatson”attheirhouse,andinJanuary,

1858,shenoted,“MotherandHiramwasupherelastknightandwehavebeenat

preachentoday.”Onoccasion,Marymixedtravelandchurch.InOctobershe

combinedanovernightvisittohersisterandbrother‐in‐law’shousewith

attendanceatasermoninYork.134Marylovedtoattendsingings,whetheratchurch,

atsomeoneelse’shouse,oroccasionally,herown.Asingingmasterusuallyledthese

functions.Singingsandvisitingassociatedwithchurchservicescombinedsecular

andsocialneeds.Forinstance,Mary’sdaughterElizaAnncourtedRufusWhitesides,

herfuturehusband,andcultivatedhisrelationshipwithhisnewin‐lawsatsingings131Descendants,OilInOurLamps,31.132Descendants,OilInOurLamps,41.133Descendants,OilInOurLamps,28.134Descendants,OilInOurLamps,31‐32.

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andonvisits.(ElizaAnnevenspentapartoftheircourtshipatWhitesides’Baptist

church.)135Maryevenincorporatedthehymns,declaringthatshehopedtohear

Mrs.Dana’shymns,Osingmeofheaven,“tohearwhenIamdieing.”136

Historicaldepictionsofsoutherncampmeetingshavetendedtohighlightthe

emotionalspontaneityofthereligiousgatherings,illustratedbytalesof

congregants’trembling,barking,andfainting.Suchscenesaredrawnprimarilyfrom

theGreatRevivalof1801‐1805andhaveofferedhistoriansastandardof

measurementforthedepthofreligiousfeelingbylaypeople.Historianshave

interpretedthedeclineofrevivalismandtheriseofamethodicandnon‐

spontaneousworshipstylebythelateantebellumperiodasalossofreligious

vitalityincongregations—thatreligiousfeelinghaddecreasingrelevanceforthe

livedexperienceofordinarylaypeople.137Thenatureofcampmeetingsdidindeed

change.Protractedmeetingsinthelateantebellumoffereddifferentsocialand

emotionalopportunitiesthanthoseofthelateeighteenthcentury.Yetprotracted

meetingscontinuedtobeanimportantelementinthereligiouslivesoflaypeople,

oneofmanylocationsforpiousfulfillment,eveninthebureaucraticlandscapeofthe

lateantebellum.

135Descendants,OilInOurLamps,72,73,75‐76.136Descendants,OilInOurLamps,53.137Somehistorianshavetakenintoaccountthecontinuedimportanceofperiodicrevivals,particularlyLacyFordandStephanieMcCurryforSouthCarolinainthe1830s.

99

Themajordenominationsallestablishedascheduleandroutineforannual

campmeetings,usuallyintheautumnaftercongregantsbroughtintheirharvests.

Moraviansdidnothavecampmeetings,neitherdidQuakersorPrimitiveBaptists.

Thelargercampgrounds,however,becameimportantcommunalsitesonthe

landscape.InthePiedmont,placeslikeUnionGroveinIredellCounty,RockSprings

campgroundinLincolnCounty,andBall’sCreekCampgroundinCatawbaCounty,

drewthousandsofbelieversandobserverstoregularmeetings.138TheMethodists

andBaptistsclaimedownershipoftheselocations.TheLutheranswerenotinclined

torevivals,butmadeahalf‐heartedattemptinthemid‐1830stointroducethecamp

meetingtotheirrituals.AnewministerfromMaryland,DanielJenkins,began

hostingprotractedmeetingsatNewBethelChurchinStanlyCountyin1835.The

revivalspiritdidnotcatchonandafterseveralyears,Lutherancampgroundsstood

abandonedandsuccumbingtonature.139

Clergylookedtocampmeetingsasaplaceforrevivalorrefreshinginthe

samewaytheylookedtotheexerciseofdisciplineandthevitalityofvoluntary

societiesforthesameend.WhileclergyandlaypeoplehopedSundaySchoolsand

missionaryeffortswouldengenderreligiousfeelingonaroutinebasis,theystill

lookedparticularlytoprotractedmeetingsassourcesofnewmembersand138AuthorUnknown,TheHeritageofIredellCounty(Statesville:TheGenealogicalSocietyofIredellCounty,1980),141,andGaryR.Freeze,TheCatawbans:CraftersofaNorthCarolinaCounty,1747‐1900(Newton,N.C.:CatawbaCountyHistoricalAssociation,1995),114‐115.139BernheimandCox,TheHistoryoftheEvangelicalLutheranSynod,75‐76,G.D.Bernheim,HistoryoftheGermanSettlementsandoftheLutheranChurchinNorthandSouthCarolina(Philadelphia:TheLutheranBookStore,1872),516‐517.

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heightenedreligiousspirit.MethodistministerJohnRobinsonreportedonthree

meetingsthataidedintherevivaloftheapparentlymoribundRockinghamCircuitin

1837.Atthefirsttwomeetings,“wehadpleasantweather,andthepreachingofthe

gospelwithnotwithoutsuccess.”Despitehisambivalentlanguage,Robinson

countedseventy‐fivenewconverts.Atthethirdmeeting,“wehadbutlittle

opportunityforpreaching,owingtoseverweatheratthetime;andthecongregation

wasunusuallysmall.”Theweatherandsmallturnout,however,didnotforestallthe

spiritoftheLord:“ThepeopleofGod,however,appearedtobemuchrefreshedand

strengthenedinwaitinguponhim.”140Theregularnessofcampmeetingsmaybe

illustratedbyT.W.Postell’sreportofacampmeetingontheDeepRiverCircuit.He

founditnotablethatmanyattendeeschosetostayatthecampgroundovernight.In

fact,whatbeganasameetingintendedtolastbutadayortwolastedtwenty‐one

days,duringwhich“twenty‐fivesoulsweresoundlyconvertedtoGod;thirty‐three

joinedourChurch.”Inthisremarkableeffort,Postellhadtheassistanceofa

PresbyterianandaBaptistministerbutdidnotcountsoulsthatmighthavejoined

theirchurches.141

Theseroutinemeetingsoccurredineverycircuit,association,andpresbytery

ineveryyear.Participantsoftenfoundcampmeetingsasamusingastheywere

occasionallyprofound.Andwhatprotractedmeetingsdidforthesoulwasoften

140SouthernChristianAdvocate,December8,1837.141SouthernChristianAdvocate,July13,1849.

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surpassedbythesocialsatisfactionencountered.StrongThomasson’sobservations

oncampmeetinglifeareuniquebutlikelyrepresenttheexperienceofmany

piedmonters.InIredellCounty,MethodistThomasson,amemberofAylesbury

Church,attendedeveryextra‐ciricularchurchactivityhecould,includingpreaching

atthelocalBaptistschurchesandQuakermeetingsanduptotwoorthreecamp

meetingsayear.In1855,theThomassonfamilyhadatentattheTempleHillcamp

meeting,“erectedofsmallpinelogshewedon2sidesandnotchdup.Thesizeofit

wasabout12by16feet—quiteagoodtent.”Themeetingbegan“atthesoundofthe

hornforthe3o’clocksermon.”Afterthat,Strongandhisbrothererecteda“brush

arber”besidethetentandstoodupatablebeneathit.142Atan1854meetingthat

coincidedwithavisitfromthecircuitpreacher,Strong’sprogramincludeda

sermon,followedbythetrialofonecongregantfor“tellingonefalsehoodand

sanctioningtwoothers.”143In1853,atMountTabor,Strongsoldboxesoftobacco

outofhiswagonandconsideredthehighlightofhisfourdaysonsitetobeareunion

of“lotsofmyoldfriends,&brotherWiley.”Onthewaybackhome,hestoppedin

PfaffTowntobuysomenewclothesandbootsandinSalemtomendawatch.144

Strongenjoyedthecampmeetingsheattended;heappreciatedtheweather,

thecompany,thereunions,andparticularlythepreaching.Henotedwithapproval

142PaulD.Escott,ed.,NorthCarolinaYeoman:TheDiaryofBasilArmstrongThomasson,1853‐1862(Athens:TheUniversityofGeorgiaPress,1996),95.143Escott,ed.,NorthCarolinaYeoman,48.144Escott,ed.,NorthCarolinaYeoman,6‐7.

102

theregularconversionofsinners.Yethejustasmuchnotedtheratherfrequent

disappointmentsatcampmeetings,causedasmuchbyhappenstanceasanything

else.StrongconsideredonemeetingatUnionGrovetobeabitstingyingiving,but

heguessedthat“theamountcolectedwassmallasthecongregationwasmostly

composedofpoorpeoplewhohadbutlittletolive,andwasrathersmallfor

Sunday.”145Weather,morethananyotherfactor,disruptedtheroutineofthe

camps.“Afterpreachingwewenttoourtentandsoonweresleepingsoundly,but

alas!ourrestwassoonbroken,andsleepdrivenfromoureyesbythenoiseyrain

dropswhichcamedownintorrentsmakingatremendousclatterupontheroofof

ourtent,andby‘thedreadfulthunder’whichroaredlongandloud.”Thestorm,

however,didnotwashthemeetingaway,andpreachingcommenced,despite

Strong’sunderstatement:“Thingsarealittlewet.”146Alessintensefreshetsent

anothermeetingrunningforcoverin1855:“Beforenightitrainedandwetthe

strawandseatsunderthearber,sothecongregationassembledinthechurchfor

nightmeeting.Therewasnopreaching,butthecongregationsung,afewprayed,

andmanyshoutedaloudthepraiseofIsrael’sGod.”Theraindidnotspoilthat

meetingforStrong;thelackofconvertsdid—“Amongallthecampmeetingsthat

everIattendedI’venorecollectionofonesuchasthis.Notwithstandingthemany

gospelswarningsermons,therewasnotthefirstsoulconvertedduringthe

145Escott,ed.,NorthCarolinaYeoman,94.146Escott,ed.,NorthCarolinaYeoman,95‐96.

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meeting!”147Strongandhiswife,Mary,wenttoonemeetingatUnionGrove

unprepared,and“sufferedwithsomehunger.”Theyleftearly:“Beforethemeeting

broke,andwhilethegoodpeoplewerebawlingandsqualling,andkickingupa

considerabledust,MaryandIleftfor‘home,sweethome.’”148

AVarietyofPlaces

In1837,MethodistministerDavidDerrickreportedonhisprogressinCentre

Circuit,CabarrusCounty,totheSouthernChristianAdvocate.Hisdescriptionoffour

yearsinthefieldreflectedmanyofthewaysdenominationshadthenexperienced

growth.DerrickdescribedCabarrusCountyin1837asdidmanydomestic

missionariesinnewground‐‐“strangersbothtoMethodismandvitalreligion.”But

Cabarrusdidnotlackreligion;thePresbyteriansdominatedaroundConcordand

theLutheransheldswayintheGerman‐speakingeasternhalfofthecounty.A

German‐speakerhimself,Derricklaboredandsoon,“thecircuitwasenlargedtofour

weeks.”Hecelebratedthecongregationalgrowth‐‐“wholefamilieshavebeen

convertedandjoinedthechurch;newsocietiesformed;churchesbuiltfor

worship—sixofwhichhavebeendedicatedduringthisyear[1837].”Certainly,

Derrickregardedtheconversionof“atleastonehundredsouls”hischief

accomplishment—thoughoneheattributedtoGod,nothimself—butthecreationof

societiesandbuildingsalsomarkedthesuccess.Derricknotedarelated

147Escott,ed.,NorthCarolinaYeoman,96.148Escott,ed.,NorthCarolinaYeoman,94.

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phenomenon.Conversionstookplace“inclass‐meetings,someinprayer‐meetings,

someinretirementforprayersinthewoods,andsomeatthefamilyaltar.”149

Thoughhedidnotmentionschoolsandforeignmissions,apparentinDerrick’s

summaryistheexpandedvenuesforpiousactivity.Oldvenuessawtheappearance

ofnewforms.Forinstance,traditionallyextemporaneousandemotionalinthe

evangelicaltradition,nowincludedregularlyscheduledadmonitionstopromote

missions,temperance,andschools.Butnewplacesfortheexpressionofpiety

appeared:inpublicinplaceofabarroom,inthebookshop,orinpublicschools.Most

importantly,asDerricknoted,pietyshouldbeconductedwithinthefamilycircle.

Denominationsinthe1830sand1840shadsuccessfullyjoinedtraditional

pietytothemodernsentimentofliberality.Tobeclear,liberalityisnotthesameas

liberaltheology.Bynomeansdidpiedmontreligiouspeoplepracticetheliberal

theologyonlythenemerginginthenorththatprioritizedtheabstractspiritof

scripturesoverthewordsoftheBible.Yetinliberalizing,piedmontchurchesfully

embracedanethicthatplacedselflessnessandpiousgenerosityaboveallelseinthe

modernworld.Religiousauthoritiesfirstpromoted“liberality”firstasamotivation

togivegenerouslytobuildingeffortsandotherfundraisingcampaigns.In1844,the

SouthernChristianAdvocatepublishedanotice—undertheheading“Liberality”—

aboutanOhioMethodistwhogave“twelvehundredacresoffinelyimprovedlands,”

totheOhioWesleyanUniversityandendowedamissionaryprofessorship.“The…

nobleinstanceofzealinthecauseofliberaleducation,iscommendedtothenotice

149SouthernChristianAdvocate,October28,1837.

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ofourwealthyCarolinaandGeorgiafriends,whocould,withnogreateffort,‘goand

dolikewise.’”150Surely,denominationalleadersdidnotexpectdonationsofquite

thatmuchlandfromordinarylaypeople,buttheydidexpectthatlaypeoplewould

beequallygenerous.

TheGermanReformed“stateofreligion”in1845explicitlyappealedto

liberalityintheformof“brotherlylove.”“Wantofbrotherlylove,”theywrote,“hasa

tendencytolessenthetruedignityoftheChristiancharacter,inasmuchasloveis

thebondofperfectionandthebadgebywhichweareknownasChristians,who

beartheimageofthatGodwhoislove.”Thatyeartheeldersdeploredthewantof

brotherlyloveandacorrespondinglackof“divinelife”insomechurches.Yetthe

followingyearsawanincreasein“BibleClassinstruction”and“readingofsacred

scripturesinprivate”thatledto“bearingpleasantfruittothegoodofthechurch

andthepraiseofGod’sgrace.”Theseactivitiesmovedcongregants“tostrengthen&

extendthebondsofgospelcharityandthusenablealltoobeythe‘new

commonwealth’givenusofourLord‘toloveoneanother.’”Evangelicalsintended

thisbrotherlylovetotranscendtheinequitiesofwealth,andbridgedividesbetween

thebelieversandunbelievers.Thismindset,likeCarolineLillyandMaryBrown

demonstrated,indicatedthetandemnatureofspiritualandworldlyprogress.

The“progressive”natureofliberalitybecomesapparentwhencomparedto

otherdescriptionsofsouthernsocialethics,mostnotablythesystemofhonor

150April19,1844,“Liberality,”SouthernChristianAdvocate.ThenoticequotedLuke10:37.

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elucidatedbyBertramWyatt‐Brown.Plantersandothersouthernersadheredtoan

OldWorldconceptofstatusandpridethatmadethemparticularlysensitiveto

reputationandprimedforviolenceindefenseofit.InWyatt‐Brown’sinterpretation,

however,honorcultureandevangelicalChristianityuneasilyadaptedtoone

anotherinthenineteenthcentury.Christiangentility,accordingtoWyatt‐Brown,

consistedofthreeelements:sociability,learning,andpiety.It“involvedmasteryof

quitesubtlemarksofstatus—theproperaccent,therightchoiceofwordsand

conversationaltopics,theappropriateattire,anacquaintancewithvariouskindsof

socialpropertiesandotherrulesnoteasytofollowwithaplomb.”Itservedasa

signifierofwealthandsuitabilityforcommand,thusasocialattributeofprivileged

plantersonly.151

Christiangentilitydependedonoutwardappearanceinperformanceand

display.TheperformativenatureofChristiangentility,however,marksits

significantdifferencefromevangelicalliberality.Wyatt‐Brown,forinstance,notes

thatsociabilitysignaledapreferenceforgregariousnessoverseriousnessand

indicatedthelargesseofthewealthy.Whileliberalitycalledforpeacefulandhappy

socialrelations,largesseisnotthesameascharity,andcharismaishardlythesame

asthestruggleofsouls.Inregardtolearning,thevenerationofknowledgeis

151BertramWyatt‐Brown,SouthernHonor:Ethics&BehaviorIntheOldSouth(NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,1982),88‐114,quoteonp.88.SomescholarshaveworkedtofindmomentsofpeacefulcoexistencebetweenhonorandChristianity,andIdonotwishtoperpetuateanartificialdistinctionbetweenthetwo.SeeEdwardR.Crowther,“HolyHonor:SacredandSecularintheOldSouth,”JournalofSouthernHistory58(November1992):619‐636,andRobertElder,“SouthernSaintsandSacredHonor:Evangelicalism,Honor,Community,andtheSelfinSouthCarolinaandGeorgia,1784‐1860,”Ph.D.diss.,EmoryUniversity,2011.

107

apparentinbothethics,butwhereWyatt‐Brown’splantersvaluedclassical

education,theinitiatorsofNorthCarolina’sreligiouscollegesandcommonschools

pressedforpracticalapplicationofknowledgewhilevaluingthecosmopolitan

attitudeitcultivated.

Thechiefdifferenceistheprioritizationofthethreeelementsofgentility.In

Wyatt‐Brown’sinterpretation,plantersconsideredsociabilitytheprimaryvirtue

whilepietyremainedanafterthought,attachedafterthesecondGreatAwakening.

Inmyinterpretation,pietygeneratedthesocialandpracticalimperativesof

liberality.Evangelicalselvesreflecteddeep,ifshifting,valuesofthemoral

community.Religiouspracticewasthusnotanaffectationtoprovegenteel

refinementbutthesourceofpublicandprivatepromotionoflearning,ethical

behaviorinthemarketplace,andinsocialrelations.

ThemodernevangelicalethicappealedtoPiedmontersprimarilybecauseit

didnothavemaster‐slaverelationsasitsmotivatingengine.Scholarsofthe

antebellumSouthhavelongidentifiedslaveryastheunifyingcoreofsouthernsocial

andculturallife.Slaverydemandedstoicbehaviorandviolentreactionfromwhites

determinedtodemonstratemastery.Thedemandsofcaste,accordingly,prescribed

ruthlessanddomineeringbehaviorbywhites.“Virtuallyallwhitemen,”Edward

Baptisthaswritten,”agreedontheneedtorejectandresist—byviolenceif

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necessary—theattemptsofotherstoforcethemintoapositionofsubordination.”152

AsIwilldemonstrateinChapter3,whitemenofallclassessubordinatedthemselves

tothedemandsoffaithandoftenthatmeantadisavowalofviolenceandarrogance

ofallkinds.Evangelicals—laypeopleandclergyboth—prioritizedtheology.Notan

abstractorintellectualtheology,butanadaptableandpracticalone,shapedby

modernimpulsesandordinaryexperience.

152EdwardE.Baptist,CreatinganOldSouth:MiddleFlorida’sPlantationFrontierbeforetheCivilWar(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,2002),102.

109

CHAPTERIII

DISCIPLINEANDTHEEVANGELICALSENSIBILITY

Friedberg,insouthernForsythCounty,hadbeenoneoftheMoravian

Church’scountrycongregationssince1773.Itboastedaschool,achurch,a

parsonage,andevenausedorgan.Tothisruralenclaveofreligiousinstitutionsthe

localMoravians,undertheleadershipofPastorHenrySchultz,addedtheSouthFork

DebatingSociety.In1834theDebatingSocietyposedthequestion,“nowwidely

presentedbytheTemperanceSocietiesanddiscussedsozealously:‘Isthedistiller,

ortheretailer,orthedrinkerofspirituousdrinkstobeblamedornot?”1Schultzdid

notrecordtheresultsofthedebateintheFriedbergDiary.

CarolineBrooks,alwaysself‐consciousaboutherlower‐classorigins,

occasionallydwelledonperceivedsocialslights.InApril1837,whilestillteachingin

Concord,sheencounteredanoldcolleaguewhohadoncebeenateacher,butwas

thenmarried.“Myformerrival,”Carolinewrote,“whohasrecentlyreturnedfrom

1AdelaideL.FriesandDouglasLeTellRights,RecordsoftheMoraviansinNorthCarolinaVolumeVIII(1823‐1837)(Raleigh:StateDepartmentofArchivesandHistory,1954),4152,andC.DanielCrewsadRichardW.Starbuck,WithCourageoftheFuture:TheStoryoftheMoravianChurch,SouthernProvince(Winston‐Salem,N.C.:MoravianChurchinAmerica,SouthernProvince,2002),73,133,200,209,and260.

110

WashingtonwastheredressedinbettertastethanwhenIlastsawher.”Caroline

hadspenttimeinprayerfulstruggletoadheretoMethodistdoctrineonwealthand

status.Theyearbefore,shedeclared,Thepossessionofallwealth&honors&power

thatearthcouldaffordwouldbeinfinitelylessthanthesmallestatomofmatter

whencomparedwiththesoulennoblingandtrulysublimeprinciplesoflovetoGod.

Mrs.Coleman’saffectationsunnervedCaroline:“Tomesheappearsequallyas

distantandreservedasformerly,notmanifestingthesmallestdesiretocultivatean

acquaintancewithme.”Caroline,however,refusedtoharborresentmentordistrust

forherrival.Theevangelicalrejectionofostentatiouswealthwasnot,afterall,

aboutthewealthitselfbutabouttheabilityofwealthtospoiltheindividual’s

relationshipwithGod,andwithhisorherfellowChristians.Carolinedeterminedto

avoidthatunholystate.Sheexclaimed,

letmenotcherishimproperfeelingstowardher.Imeanttoloveher.Iwill strivetodoit.SheisaprofessedfolloweroftheadorableSavior&an instructressoftheyoung,andinallprobabilityisworthyofloveand esteem.1 TheMoravianexample,ifbrief,offersanumberofimportantinsightsintothe

disciplinaryprocess.Thedefinitionofsin,forinstance,wasdebatableand

changeable.Forceswithinandwithoutecclesiasticalstructurescausedthose

changes.TheSouthForkDebatingSocietywasnotachurchbody,butitfully

engagedinshapingopinionaboutthemostimportanttheologicalcontroversyofthe

1March15,1836,andApril,n.d.,1837,CarolineBrooksLillyDiaryandAccount,SouthernHistoricalCollection,TheWilsonLibrary,UniversityofNorthCarolinaatChapelHill.

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day.Caroline’sencounterwithMrs.Colemanoffersaviewintohowordinary

evangelicalsenacteddisciplineinhighlypersonal,dailydecisionsthathavebeen

largelyinvisibletohistorians.Thislaterformofdiscipline—individual,internal

motivationtoadheretoreligiousprecepts,evenwhileawayfromthedirect

surveillanceofcongregationsandministers—offeredabridgeforevangelicalsto

findtheirwayinasecularworld.Individualevangelicalsaggressivelycarvedouta

morality‐basedplaceinthesecularworld.There,theyturnedthetheological

disciplineoftheircongregationsintoexpectationsformoralpublicbehaviorbyall

people.Evangelicalsapplyingtheirdisciplineinpublic,however,couldnotescape

tensionsinherentinthepracticeofdiscipline.

Disciplineconsistedofmorethansurveillanceandpubliccondemnation,but

wasacomprehensiveprogramformaintainingthereligiousandsocialcharacterof

thecongregation.Idefinedisciplineintworelatedways.First,disciplineisthe

methodsusedtoensureunitywithpiousgoalsofdenominations.Ofutmostconcern

toclergyandlaypeoplealike,activepursuitofdoctrinalunity,andsubsequent

harmoniouseffortsatbenevolence,signaledfulfillmentof“vitalreligion.”Second,

disciplinewastheindividualdesiretoadheretodoctrineandpiousgoals.Thefields

ofdisciplinarystrugglewerethusnotlimitedtoSundayproceedings.Toseethe

practiceofdisciplineatworkwithinandwithoutsacredandsecularinstitutionsis

towitnessthemultidirectionalflowofpowerintheantebellumSouth.

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Historianshavelongconsideredtheinterplayofreligionandsocialreality

andhavelongsuggestedthatchurchesintheSouthhadsuccumbedto“cultural

capture”:thatis,agentsofsecularsocialpowerdemandedtheologicalsubservience

toexistinghierarchiesofgenderandracialpowerandprivilege.Thisthesishas

shapedahistoriographicalnarrativeofagranulated,oppressed,religiouslifeinthe

South,especiallyascomparedtoaflourishingsociallifeofevangelicalisminthe

North.2ForJohnBoles,the“southernmind”neverrecoveredfromtheimprintofthe

GreatRevivalsof1799‐1803.A“theologyofindividualism”madesouthernreligion

“personal”and“provincial.”Thatindividualismarosefromtheprimacyofthe

conversionexperienceandtheclergy’sneed—becauseofthevoluntarynatureof

churches—tomaintainsalvationwithinpeople,nottheircommunities.Therefore,

southernchurchesneveradoptedthecommunalconcernsthatoccupiednorthern

sectsandledto“numerousreformefforts,voluntarysocieties,andultimatelythe

socialgospel.”ThisdenialofanexteriormodeforChristianethicsmadesouthern

religionpersonal,provincial,andconservative.3

Historiansofwomen’shistorytookupthisthememostprominently.JeanE.

Friedmandeterminedthatevangelicalpractice(primarilythedominanceofmenin

churchadministrativefunctions)reinforcedthepoweroftraditionalpatriarchal

2SamuelS.Hillfirstnotedthe“culturalcapture”ofsouthernchurchesinSouthernChurchesinCrisis(NewYork:Holt,RinehartandWinston,1967).3JohnB.Boles,TheGreatRevival:TheOriginsoftheSouthernEvangelicalMind(Lexington:TheUniversityPressofKentucky,1972),Chapter9,quoteson127and130.

113

kinshipnetworksandsquashedbothwomen’sautonomyandanychanceatcreating

areformingwomen’sculture.4StephanieMcCurryenhancedFriedman’s

interpretation,anddescribedadesolatewomen’sexistence,crushedinthetension

betweenreligiousnotionsofegalitarianismandsecularneedforhierarchy.5Implicit

intheargumentsofthesehistoriansisthatevangelicalvaluesfailedtogaina

footholdasanethicinpublicorinotherformsofsociallifeandthatreligious

disciplineservedasthehammerofoppression.6

DonaldMathewsarguedtheopposite:thatreligionformedapositivebasis

forsociallife.Evangelicalsstressedthesacredaspectsofreligiouspoweranddidso

inawaythattranscendedsecularboundaries.“[C]haracteristicofsuchpeople,”he

wrote,“wastheirinsistenceoninitiatingtheindividualintoapermanentintimate

relationshipwithotherpeoplewhosharethesameexperienceandviewsofthe

meaningoflifeandwhowerecommittedtothegoalofconvertingtherestof

society.”Thisunderstandingofreligiousunderstandingcomplicatesourdescription

ofpower,asthesehistoricalactorsprioritizedsocial‐ecclesialethicsinwaysthat

subordinatedthestrictpolaritiesofraceandgender,masteryandsubversion,tothe

4JeanE.Friedman,TheEnclosedGarden:WomenandCommunityintheEvangelicalSouth,1830‐1900(ChapelHill:TheUniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,1985).5StephanieMcCurry,MastersofSmallWorlds:YeomanHouseholds,GenderRelations,&thePoliticalCultureoftheAntebellumSouthCarolinaLowCountry(NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,1995).6ChristineHerymanarguedthatevangelicalsdidindeedsucceedincreatingapublicChristianethosinthesouth,butatthecostofbetrayingtheegalitarianismoftheearlyevangelicalmovement.Ministersthemselvesbenttheirmessagetofittheneedsofthepatriarchy.ChristineLeighHeyrman,SouthernCross:TheBeginningsoftheBibleBelt(NewYork:AlfredA.Knopf,1997).

114

needsofdoctrinalunity.“Thepolarityof‘community’andthe‘individual’,”Mathews

wrote,“simplydidnotexistforEvangelicals.”7

HistorianswhohaveexaminedreligioninthePiedmonthavemirrored

Mathews’descriptionoffaithasaneffectivebasisforsocialbehavior.PaulEscott

recognizedthatmanyyeomenprioritizedsacredvaluesoversecularoneswhenhe

noted,“thisreligiousworldcreateditsown,autonomousstandardsbywhichthe

pretensionsofsecularpowerswere,bydefinition,dross.”Escottsuggested“faith…

moderatedthearistocratictendenciesinthesocialorder”ofNorthCarolina.Heis

correct,butneverexplainedhowthisprocessworked.8BillCecil‐Fronsmannotonly

tiedevangelicalbelieftothelowerclass,butheidentifieditsapplicationasan

alternativetoelitecodesofviolenceandaggression.Hiscommonwhitesutilized

religiontodefinetheirpublicbehaviorinawaythatsetthemapartfromelites.He

was,inpart,correct,inthatevangelicalcodesofbehaviorofferedanalternativeto

aristocraticconceptsofhonor.YetIinterprettheevangelicalethicaspracticable

acrossclasslines(evenwhileithelpeddefinenewmiddleclassboundaries).Cecil‐

Fronsmanfurtherwrote,“[T]hecommonwhites’religionscarcelyprovidedthem

withtheculturaltoolstheywouldneedtochallengetheplanterclass’shegemony,”

7DonaldG.Mathews,ReligionintheOldSouth(Chicago:TheUniversityofChicagoPress,1977),40‐46.8PaulD.Escott,ManyExcellentPeople:PowerandPrivilegeinNorthCarolina,1850‐1900(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,1985),24‐27.

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becausetheirfaithencourageda“reject[ion]oftheworld.”9Thischapterwillassert

quitetheopposite;evangelicalpracticebraceditspractitionersforentranceintothe

world.Thatpeopledidnotmountaneffectivepoliticalchallengetothesocialorder

ofpatriarchyandslaveryisobvious.Prioritizingsacredvaluesoversecularonesand

devaluingtheneedfordramaticsocialchallenges,however,onlymeantthat

evangelicalattentiontotheworlddidnotproducepartisanpoliticalconflict.Yet,

evangelicalvalues,practicedasasocialethic,didproduceculturalchangein

southernsociety.Evangelicalpracticewasasocialact,andaspiouspeopleshaped

theirplaceintheworld,they,perhapsunwittingly,begantoshapetheworlditself.

Howtheydidsorequiresustonotonlyexaminetheprocessandlessonsof

disciplinebutalsohowevangelicalsblendedthoselessonswithothercontemporary

prescriptionsforpublicbehavior.Thechurches’engagementwiththemajorissues

oftheday—temperancereformandanti‐slaveryagitation—wasoftenambivalent.

Thatambivalence,however,didnotresultfromafearoftheworld,orofupsetting

itssocialorder,butfromtheinternalcontradictionsofavigorousdisciplinary

process.

Historicalanalysisofreligiousdisciplinehasgivenusbroadandvalid

observationsaboutchurchcourtcases.Forinstance,theypersistedlongerinthe

SouththanintheNorth,andthenumberofdisciplinarycasesdeclinedfromthe

9Cecil‐Fronsman,CommonWhites:ClassandCultureinAntebellumNorthCarolina(Lexington:UniversityPressofKentucky,1992),170,188‐189.

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earlynineteenthcenturyuntiltheCivilWarandcontinueddecliningthereafter.10

Disciplinarycasescorrectedmenfarmoreoftenthanwomen,menmostoftenfor

intoxicationandwomenforsexualtransgressions.11Tofocusonchurchcourttrials

asthegoalandsumofreligiousdiscipline,however,isanarrowandmisleading

viewandtendstomissthelargertheologicalreasonsformaintainingdiscipline.To

dosoisunderstandable,asthehistoricalrecordsoflocalcongregationsare

dominatedbyproceedingsmakingitappearthatchurchlifewasacatalogofjudicial

condemnation.Butthesejudicialproceedingsmustbeviewedasasingle,ifhighly

visible,portionofalargerdisciplinarypracticethatincludedbothinternalpersonal

regardfortheologyanddoctrineandextra‐congregationalstandardsofsocial

behavior.

Somehistorianshaverecentlyexploredtheimplicationofdisciplinebeyond

thatofsurveillanceandcontrol.“[V]iewingdisciplineassocialcontrolgoesonlya

shortwayinexplainingitsplaceinthelivesofchurchgoers,”writesGregoryWills.

“Thefaithfuldidnotexercisedisciplineinordertoconstrainawaywardsociety.

Thatwasthetaskoffamilies,communities,andgovernments.Churchesdisciplined

10Friedman,TheEnclosedGarden,11,GregoryA.Wills,DemocraticReligion:Freedom,Authority,andChurchDisciplineintheBaptistSouth,1785‐1900(NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,2003),andTedOwnby,SubduingSatan:Religion,Recreation,andManhoodintheRuralSouth,1865‐1920(ChapelHill:TheUniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,1993),203.11GuionGriffisJohnson,Ante‐BellumNorthCarolina:ASocialHistory(ChapelHill:TheUniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,1937),450‐453,Friedman,TheEnclosedGarden,14,FrederickA.Bode,“TheFormationofEvangelicalCommunitiesinMiddleGeorgia:TwiggsCounty,1820‐1861,”JournalofSouthernHistoryLX(November1994):711‐748,andCourtlandVictorSmith,“ChurchOrganizationasanAgencyofSocialControl:ChurchDisciplineinNorthCarolina,1800‐1860”(Ph.D.diss.,theUniversityofNorthCarolinaatChapelHill,1966),206‐209.

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toconstrainconfessingsaintstogoodorderandtopreservetheirpurity.Church

disciplinewasnotaboutsocialcontrolbutaboutecclesiasticalcontrol.”TheGeorgia

BaptiststhatWillsstudiedpracticeddisciplinenottokeepcongregantssegregated

fromtheworldbut“filledtheirconferencemeetingswith‘mattersoffellowship’that

establishedtheboundariesbetweeniniquityandpurity.”12Iniquityandpuritycould

existbothinsideachurchandoutintheworld,andcongregantshadtoknowhowto

negotiatethoseboundaries.Willsnotes,mostimportantly,thatactivechurch

disciplinesignaledtocongregantsthelikelihoodofsalvation,andgooddiscipline

requiredunity.LikeMathews,heconcluded,“churchesthatharboredanimmoral

memberwere‘notinunion’butdivided.Withoutdiscipline,theymightoutwardly

professunitybutinwardlytheyweretornasunder.”13

Forthefaithful,andeventherecalcitrant,thepracticeofdisciplineprimarily

concernedtheprioritizationofevangelicalideals,notthecoercionofsocial

dissentersofsecularpower.Essentialhereisthatdisciplineexpressed,firstand

foremost,theologicalanddoctrinalbeliefs.Infractionsofeachposedathreattothe

integrityofacongregation.Forexample,acongregantwhoabhorredinfantbaptism

orthetenetsofCalvinismhadthreatenedthesocialcommunityasmuchasthe

drunkorthemalcontent.Decadesofpractice,however,hadprovidedthereligious12Wills,DemocraticReligion,9,13‐14.13Wills,DemocraticReligion,32‐33.RobertElderagreedwithbothMathewsandWills,“oneoftheaimsofchurchdisciplinewasundeniablythemaintenanceofpersonalholinesswithinthecontextofcommunalpurityandharmony.RobertElder,“SouthernSaintsandSacredHonor:Evangelicalism,Honor,Community,andtheSelfinSouthCarolinaandGeorgia,1784‐1860”(Ph.D.dissertation,EmoryUniversity2011),69.

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methodsofpeacefulresolutiontosins,thuscreatingaregion‐widemoodthat

definedacceptablesocialbehavior.14Whilethedisciplinaryprocessproveda

negotiationbetweendoctrinalorthodoxyandchangingsocialreality,itdidestablish

thatmood.Inshort,religioninstrumentalizedsecularsocietyasmuchassocial

powershapedreligion.

Thisassertionisnottosuggestthatordinaryevangelicalsobsessedover

separationbetweensacredpurityandworldlyiniquity.Infact,forlateantebellum

evangelicals,theboundarybetweensinandsalvationonlyvaguelyresembledthe

boundarybetweencongregationand“theworld.”Onecouldsinwithinareligious

communityjustthesameasonecouldbepiousinpublic.15Thisdistinctionis

importantbecauseitexplainsbettertheevangelicalapproachtolifeinthesecular

worldthatdisciplinedefined.Southernevangelicalscriticized“theworld,”—indeed,

criticismarosefromdisciplinaryexpectation—buttheydidnotrecoilfromentering

itforfearofcrossingaprohibitedboundary.16Sowhileenteringtheworldnever

14ThetermmoodisborrowedfromDonaldMathews.Hedefinesitas“thatinvisiblenexuswheretheindividual,family,class,andsocietyaredefinedandexpressed.”Expressed,thatis,amonga“socialconstituencythatwasnotquiteaclass—althoughitwasfirstexpressedasaclassmovement—norquitestrictlyareligiousmoodapartfromsocialconflict,institution‐building,andclassconsciousness.”Mathews,ReligionintheOldSouth,xiv.15MonicaNajardefinedthecongregationalunderstandingofspirituallifeasnotdividedbyrace,class,andgender,butbetweenthesacredandthesecular,adistinctionoperablewithinandwithoutcongregations.Najar,EvangelizingtheSouth:ASocialHistoryofChurchandStateinEarlyAmerica(NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,2008),andalso,“TheDevil'sintheDetails:RevisitingtheEarlyBaptistSouth,”JournalofSouthernReligion13(2011):http://jsr.fsu.edu/issues/vol13/najar.html.

16KennethStartup,“’AMereCalculationofProfitsandLoss’:TheSouthernClergyandtheEconomicCultureoftheAntebellumNorth,”inGodandMammon:Protestants,Money,andtheMarket,1790‐1860,ed.MarkA.Noll(NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,2001),217‐235.

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becameanevangelical“project,”evangelicalsthemselves,girdedwithlessonsfrom

discipline,aboutsin,andbehaviorreadilyandfrequentlydriftedovertheboundary

betweensecularandsacredthattheydidnotparticularlyfear.

Adistinguishableguidanceemergedfromthepracticeofdiscipline.First,

disciplinefosteredanaversiontoviolence,hostility,andconfrontation.Second,

disciplineelevatedpatienceandforbearance.Third,disciplineinsistedon

maintainenceoftheologicalanddoctrinalorthodoxy.Thesocialethicthese

characteristicsproducedstoodinmarkedcontrasttotheprevailingmoresofthe

planterclassthatprivilegedimpulsiveviolenceandtheindulgenceofwealthand

powerandthepublicdisplaythereof.17Yet,thefirsttwocharacteristicsstoodin

tensionwiththethird.Sinfulpractices,includingchallengestoorthodoxy,couldbe

resolved,intheend,byremovalorschism.Theaversiontohostilityandadherence

topatienceensuredthatlargeandsmallschismsintheantebellumeraremained

relativelypeaceful.Infact,thefirsttwocharacteristicsbecamepartoforthodoxy

itself,thatwhenviolatedincombinationwiththethird,producedimpassesthat

transcendedevangelicalpracticeandbehavior.Atthatpoint,evangelicalsdropped

theiroppositiontohostility,andreluctantlyendorsednon‐peacefulsolutionsto

doctrinaldisputes.

17Forthelatestiterationofthishistoriographicaltheme,seeCraigThompsonFriendandLorriGlover,eds.,SouthernManhood:PerspectivesonMasculinityintheOldSouth(Athens:UniversityofGeorgiaPress,2004),vii‐xvii.

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Eachdenominationhaditsownpeculiaritiesindisciplinarypractice.

Baptists,forinstance,featureddisciplinaryactionbythecongregationoflaypeople,

anddecisionsmadetherewererarelyappealedtosuper‐congregationalclergy.Not

sowiththeMethodists,whoencouragedthesettlementofdisciplinarybreachesby

classmeetingsandwithdirectclergyinvolvement,notinopencongregation.So,too

withtheGermanReformedchurchesinthePiedmont.FriendsinNorthCarolina,

muchliketheirBaptistneighbors,keptdisciplinaryactionattheMeetinglevel.Their

actionsprovedslower,butmorecomprehensivethanBaptistdiscipline.The

Moravianshadperhapsthemosthierarchicalchurchstructure,withcentralized

decision‐makingintheAeltestenConferenz,butitwasfarfromthemost

authoritative,anditsleadersoftenfollowedtheirflocksindisciplinaryenforcement.

Ininterpretingreligiousdiscipline,weencounteranobstacle.Whilesingle

churchcourtcasesordisciplinaryproceedingsmighthaveencapsulatedapointof

doctrine,asingleexamplerarelyoffersaviewofthespiritualandsociallessonsof

discipline.Withthisinmind,Iturnnowtoanarrative(andbriefdiscussion)ofa

varietyofdisciplinaryproceedings,hoping,intheprocess,toelicitthoselessons.

TheBlackwoodBaptistCases

Betweenitsfoundingin1852and1856Blackwood’sChapelBaptistchurch

ofMontgomeryCountyprocessedatypicalcourseofdisciplinaryactions.The

churchacceptedintomembershipfourteenindividuals,somebyletterandsomeby

experience;itexcludedsixteenpeople—severalmorethanonce.Itchargedonewith

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abuseofhiswife,threewithintoxication,oneforstrikinganother,onefortheftand

flight(awhiteman),sevenforneglectofattendance,threeforunknownreasons.All

personschargedweremen.Thechurchconvenedsevencommitteestocite

individuals,ordecidetheirfate.18

WilliamUsery’stravailsbeganinNovember1852whenthechurchcitedhim

forintoxication.EldersW.B.Jordan,A.W.Chambers,andJeremiahLuthercomposed

acommitteetovisitUseryandcommandhispresenceatthenextmonth’smeeting.

Thecommittee’sentreatiesworked,asUsery“cameforwardandacknowledgedhis

faultandbeg[ged]forgivenessofthechurchwhichwasfreelygrantedandthe

committeedischarged.”19Thefollowingmonth,MartinBaldwin“acknowledgedthat

hehadbeendrinkingtoomuchandwassorryforit,andhopedthechurchwould

forgivehim,whichwasaccordinglydone.”Laterthatyearafterdrinkingagain,

Baldwinagain“acknowledgedhisfaultandbeggedforgivenessfromthechurch

whichwasgranted.”20LewisThompson,ayoungfarmlaborerwhohadpreviously

beenexcludedfor“whippinghiswife,”stoodalongsideWilliamUsery,alsocharged

withdrunkenness,andacknowledged“aportionofthechargeandaftermuch

admonitionandgoodadvicefromthemoderator,wereretainedinfellowship.”21

181852‐1856,BlackwoodChapelBaptistChurchMinutes,BaptistCollection,Z.SmithReynoldsLibrary,WakeForestUniversity.19NovemberandDecember1852,BlackwoodChapelMinutes,WFU.20FebruaryandDecember,1853,BlackwoodChapelMinutes,WFU.21July1854,BlackwoodChapelMinutes,WFU.SeventhCensusoftheUnitedStates,1850:MontgomeryCounty,NorthCarolina.

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Meanwhile,adeaconofthechurch,JeremiahLutherconfessed“ashavingbeen

provokedtowillfullystrikeamanwithastick.Thecauseofwhichheexpectedmuch

regret.Onmotion,BrotherLutherwasexcused[acquitted].”22

ThecongregantsatBlackwood’sChapelmaintainedgreatforbearance,

particularlyintherepeatedoffencesofUsery,Thompson,andBaldwin,butwhatall

thesecaseshaveincommonisthewillingnessofthechurchtokeeptheoffenderin

fellowshipsolongasthey“acknowledged”theirfaults,“begged”forgiveness,and

accepted“admonition”and“advice.”Thisoutcomestandsincontrastto

simultaneouscasesofE.SkinnerandCalvinKellis.Skinnerhadneglectedtoattend

meetings,whereuponthechurch“appointedacommitteetocitehimtothenext

conferenceandanswerthecharge.”HedidnotappearuntilJuneatwhichtimehe

“wish[ed]tohavehisnamestrickenfromthechurchBook.”23Itwas.In1854,along‐

timeprominentmember,CalvinKellis,was“convictedofviolatingrule12th(making

&vendingarduousspirits).”LikeSkinner,Kellisdidnotbegforgivenessbut“refused

tocomply.”24Hetoowasexcluded.

Thesecasessuggestakeyelementinchurchdiscipline.Theydonot

demonstrateaconcernforsecularhierarchy—aspoorlaborerslikeLewis

22June1856,BlackwoodChapelMinutes,WFU23MarchandJune1853,BlackwoodChapelMinutes,WFU.24April1854,BlackwoodChapelMinutes,WFU.KellishadbeenpresentatthefoundingofBlackwoodChapelin1852andhadservedonthecommitteethatcitedMartinBaldwininFebruary1854.SeventhCensusoftheUnitedStates,1850:MontgomeryCounty,NorthCarolina.

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ThompsonreceivedmoreforgivenessthanaplanterlikeCalvinKellis.Status,honor,

andpublicreputationplayednodiscernablepartintheirdiscipline.Repentanceand

submissionmattered.Thosewhoexpressedawillingnesstosubmit,publiclyor

privately,tothespiritualpurityofthecongregationreceiveditsforgiveness.Those

whochosenot,didnot,suggestingthatwhilethechurchdemandedconformity,

individualmembersmaintainedaconsiderableautonomyregardingtheir

relationshipwithit.Achurch,however,didnotendlesslyforgive.Blackwood’s

Chapel’sremarkableforbearancefounditslimitswithUseryandThompson.The

church’sprimaryconcern,afterall,wasfortheirspiritualstatus,nottheirchronic

alcoholism.Astheycontinuedtobecomeintoxicated,Blackwood’sreciprocated

withalossofpatience.TheappointedcommitteefailedtofindUserytocitehim,and

“uponmotionBrotherWmUserywasexcludedfromthefellowshipofthechurch.”

Theexclusion,however,wasnotmeanttopermanentlycasthimfromchurch

membershipbuttoofferarebukesostrongthathewouldreconsiderhis

recalcitrantposition.Exclusionsandexcommunicationswerealwaysissuedin

hopesthattheoffenderwouldeventuallyreturn.Itworked,asBlackwood’s

“welcomedagain[Usery]tofellowshipofthechurch.”Butafteratwo‐yearstruggle,

thechurchexpelledBrotherUseryafinaltimeinOctober1854.25LewisThompson,

interestingly,whohadalsobeenpreviouslyexcludedandreadmitted,didnot

25AprilandJuly1853,October1854,BlackwoodChapelMinutes,WFU.

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receiveanofficialexclusion,butafterFebruary1855attendedBlackwood’sno

more.

TheBrownCreekBaptistCases

Theimportanceofmaintainingdoctrinalfellowshipwithone’scongregation

isapparentinahandfulofdisciplinaryproceedingsofBrownCreekBaptistChurch

inAnsonCounty.Intheearly1840s,theBaptistcommunionstillreverberatedwith

Antimissionarytremors.InApril1842,twocasesultimatelyrelatingtotheissueof

temperancereformappearedbeforethecongregationatBrownCreek.First,John

Cochranappearedandconfessedtohavingbeendrunk.Heaccompaniedhis

voluntaryconfessionwithanexpressionof“greatconsernandcontritiononthe

account,andaskedforgiveness.”26Cochran’swillingnesstoseekrepentanceandthe

forgivenessofthecongregationledthecongregationtomaintainhiminfellowship,

butthatdecisionrequireddeliberation,and“hisprivilidges[were]suspendedasa

matterofcourse.”Baptists,apparently,couldnotabideevenaregrettablesin.In

April,PeterandMarthaMayalsoappearedbeforeBrownCreek.Theyexplainedthat

theyweremembersofthenearbyLawyerSpringBaptistchurch,but“theWifehad

someyearspassedjoinedaTemperanceSocietyatB.C.andonthataccounthad

beenexcludedfromLawyerSpringChurch,andtheHusbandthinkingherilltreated

withdrew.”Inthiscase,honormayhavepropelledPeterMaytoaction,hiswife

havingbeen“illtreated,”butthemoreseriousconcernthecouplehadwasthe

26April1842,BrownCreekBaptistChurchMinutes,WFU.

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doctrinalstanceoftheirchosencongregation.TheMaysrequesteda“fullmeetingof

members”atBrownCreek,apparentlytoassessthatbody’sfitnessfortheir

membership.Thefollowingmonth,thecongregationassembledandreceivedthe

Maysintofellowship.27

InJune,BrownCreekagainaddressedJohnCochran’scase.Heagain

promisedto“tryforthefuturetobemoreparticularandthatifheusedspiritsatall

itshouldbeprincipallyasmedicine.”Cochran,apparentlyinfirm,slippedintoa

disciplinarygrayareathatstillallowedalcoholconsumptiononsomeoccasions.His

attemptsatreconciliationworked.Thechurch“wasagreedonaccountofhis

debilityofbody&ofmindtoreturnhimtochurchpriviledgeswhichwasdone.”28

ButasiftheacceptanceofPeterandMarthaMayhadmarkedanofficial

confirmationofBrownCreek’sstandonthemissionary/anti‐missionarydivide,

threemembers,LurancyHorn,LucyHorn,andJoelRushing,withdrew.Thechurch

reported“thatthecauseoftheirdisaffectionwasthattheydidnotlikethe

missionaryprincipalsofourchurch&particularlywesupposebecausethechurch

favorstheTemperancereformation.”Theirofficialwithdrawaldidnotoccuruntil

Septemberofthatyear,butwhentheHornsandRushingreceivedtheirdismissal,so

didJohnCochran.WedonotknowifJohnCochran’sdecisiontorejectBrownCreek

wasbasedonopportunismordeeplyheldprinciple,butapparentinhisactionisa

desiretoavoidconflictwithhiscongregation.Indeed,thetransmissionofthe

27AprilandMay1842,BrownCreekBaptistChurchMinutes,WFU.28June1842,BrownCreekBaptistChurchMinutes,WFU.

126

membershipsoftheMays,theHorns,Rushing,andCochranwereaccompaniedby

verylittlestrife,consideringthedoctrinaldisagreementsandpotentialpersonal

frictionatissue.Cochran’smotivationslikelyinvolvedbothdoctrinalconcernsof

societalimportance,hisindividualconscience,andhisbody.Heblendedthemina

fashionthatpreservedhispersonalautonomyandsatisfiedlargersocietalneedsto

amelioratedrinkingandmaintaincongregationalpeace.29

TheBackCreekandDeepRiverFriendsCases

Quakersdidnotrequire,liketheBaptists,toexercisedisciplinewithhopesof

revival.TheQuakerpathtosalvationwascontemplativeandhighlyindividualistic,

dependentonnurturingthe“innerlight.”Godwasnotlikelytopourouthisspirit

ontoaMonthlyMeetingasHemightinaMethodistChurch.Thus,thedisciplinary

thrustintheQuakercommunitydifferedabitfrommainstreamevangelicals.30Asa

self‐consciousminority,theSocietyofFriendsinNorthCarolinaconcerneditself

withmaintainingstrictmembershipritesinthecommunity.Yettheirdisciplinary

processmirroredthoseoftheevangelicalchurches.

TheMonthlyMeetingforWomenoftheDeepRiverFriendsMeetingis

illustrativeofthisconcern.InApril1848,havingfieldedtherequestofSamira

MendenhalltomarryNathanH.Clark,thecommitteereportedthat“theyfound

nothingtohindersheisthereforeleftatlibertytoaccomplishherMarriage.”The

29April,June,andSeptember,1842,BrownCreekBaptistChurchMinutes,WFU.30ThomasD.Hamm,TheQuakersinAmerica(NewYork:ColumbiaUniversityPress,2006).

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MeetingappointedMatildaStuartandMargaretDavis“toattendtheMarriageand

Marriageentertainmentandseethatgoodorderbeobservedandreporttheirecare

tothenextmeeting.”31Thecommitteeoftworeported,“theyattended[and]asaw

nothingbutwhatwasorderly.”32Atthesamemeeting,thecongregationfiled

complaintsagainsttwowomen,PollyJeansandLidyaB.Hillfor“accomplishing…

marriagecontrarytoDiscipline.”PollyandLidyahadnotsoughtpermissionto

marryandthushadnotbeen“cleared.”ElvaLasandandPenelopeGardnerformeda

committeetocallonPolly,andMatildaStuartandMildredGluyesconstitutedthe

teamtoinvestigatethechargesagainstLidya.33InAugust,thecommitteethat

visitedLydiaHillreportedthat“sheproducedanoffering,tothismeeting,which

wasreadandreferedtonextmeeting,”andinSeptembersheagain“producedan

offeringwhichwasreadandshecontinuedunderfurthercare.”TheMeetinghad

forgivenherandwelcomedherbackintofellowship.Thecommitteedispatchedto

meetPollyJeansfoundalesswillingsubject.Theyreportedthat“shenotappearing

indispositionofmindtomakesatisfaction,thismeetingdisownsherfrombeinga

memberofoursociety.”34Intwoidenticalcases,thefatesrestedonthedecisionsof

individuals,notthechurches.

31April1848,DeepRiverMonthlyMeeting(Women)Minutes,FriendsHistoricalCollection,HegeLibrary,GuilfordCollege.32Undated,probablyMay1848,DeepRiverMonthlyMeeting(Women)Minutes,FHC.33Undated,probablyMay1848,DeepRiverMonthlyMeeting(Women)Minutes,FHC.34AugustandSeptember1848,DeepRiverMonthlyMeeting(Women)Minutes,FHC.

128

TheQuakerMeetingatBackCreekinRandolphCountytookawiderrangeof

disciplinarycases.In1840,forinstance,theMeetinggrantedfivecertificatesto

migrateout,acceptedthreetomigratein,took“undercare”twopotentialconverts

toQuakerism,investigatedthemembershipstatusoftwoQuakers,andchargedone

manwithmarryingcontrarytodisciplineandattendingamuster.35Thelattercase

involvedHenryHenley,firstchargedinFebruary.PhineasNixonandJosephCosand

formedthecommittee“tovisit&laborwithhimontheoccasionandreporttonext

meeting.”36Fromthelanguageoftheircharge,thecommittee’sdutywasclearlynot

toconfrontHenlywiththepurposeofexpellinghimbuttoattempttoreturnhimto

thefellowshipoftheMeeting,probablywithprayersandappealtoloving

brotherhood.Inthisregard—thedesiretohealriftsinthefellowshipwithlabor—

QuakerdisciplinaryproceduredifferedlittlefromotherProtestantdenominations.

NixonandCosanddidnotmeetwithHenleyinMarchbutinAprildiscovered

“thathedidnotappearinclinedtomakeanysatisfactionthisMeetingtherefore

disownshimthesdHenryHenleyfrombeingamemberofoursociety.”Aswiththe

Baptists,thetransgressorheldthepowertoeffectareconciliation,butchosenotto

doso.Interestingly,theQuakersdidnotconsiderthemattersettleduntiltheyhad

35January,February,MarchApril,May,June,July,andAugust,1840,BackCreekMonthlyMeetingMinutes,FHC.36February1840,BackCreekMonthlyMeetingMinutes,FHC.

129

presentedHenleywithacertificateannouncingtheirdecision.Heevadedthat

committeeuntilJune.37Theentireprocesshadtakenfivemonths.

Thefollowingyear,1841,BackCreekwitnessedaseriesofmoreseveresins

uniquetoQuakerMeetingsyetstillexhibitedcharacteristicscommontoevangelical

discipline.InFebruary1841,theMeetingchargedMicajahDavis,whoseriteof

membershiphadbeenexaminedthepreviousyear(andfoundsound),with“joining

inPoliticaldevises&associationsalsoneglectingtheattendanceofourReligious

meetings.”Thenextmonth,theMeetingfoundhim“unrepentanttherefore

disowned.”38NixonHenleyandBarnabyNixonsimultaneouslyenteredintoan

unnameddisputeandturnedtotheMeetingforresolution.Fourmenformedthe

committeeandwhentheyfoundtheproblemintractable,requestedtheadditionof

anotherman.Thecommitteelabored,withadditionalmembers,forsevenmore

monthstobringareconciliationbetweenHenleyandNixon.Whentheeffortfailed,

inNovember1841theydecidedinBarnabyNixon’sfavor,statingthathis“claimis

just.”39Thedecisiondidnotbringpeace,asNixonHenleyapparentlystillfelt

aggrieved,forinJanuaryherequestedpermission“tosueamemberofthismeeting

atlaw.”TheMeetingconsideredHenley’srequestvalid,butinsteadofallowinghim

togotolaw,theyappointedyetanothercommitteetoalleviatethesituation.For

37April,May,andJune1840,BackCreekMonthlyMeetingMinutes,FHC.38January1840,FebruaryandMarch,1841,BackCreekMonthlyMeetingMinutes,FHC.39February,March,April,May,June,July,August,September,October,November1841,BackCreekMonthlyMeetingMinutes,FHC.

130

fourmoremonthstheydeliberatedbeforetheyreportedthat“thematterofinterest

indisputeissettled…thatgoodorderwasobservedandthepartiesusedmoderation

towardeachother.”40IfNixonHenleyconsideredhimselfvindicatedisofnomatter.

Thedisciplinaryprocesshadprovensuccessfulbecauseitmaintainedpeace.

TheearliercaseofMicajahDavis,whohadengagedinpoliticsandneglected

meetings,illustratesacharacteristicuniquetoQuakerdiscipline—themultiplicityof

chargesinasinglemotion.ThishabitsuggeststhatQuakerstendedtomoveto

disciplinenotimmediatelybutafteramemberhadtimetoaccumulateanumberof

deviations.ForDavis,itwasbothparticipatinginpoliticsandneglectingmeetings.

ThisapparenthesitationtoactquicklymeantthatsomeQuakersfacedan

overwhelmingnumberofcharges.ManeringBrookshire,whohadbecomeaQuaker

in1841,foundhimselfchargedin1843withneglectingMeetings,the“unnecessary

useofSpiritousLiquorsandkeepingahouseofillfame.”BackCreekstruggledwith

Brookshiredespitetheoutrageousnessofthecharges,buthemadenosatisfaction

andtheMeetingdisownedhiminJune.41Likewise,aFriendnamedLeviB.Horneyof

DeepRiverhadneglectedhismeetings,deviatedfromplainnessindress,and

attendedamilitiamuster.Fortwomonths,acommitteepleadedwithhimtorepent,

but“henotappearingtomakesatisfactionaftertermofdeliberationthereonthis

40January,February,March,April,July,1841,BackCreekMonthlyMeetingMinutes,FHC.41February1840,October,November,December1843,February,March,April,May,andJune1844,BackCreekMonthlyMeetingMinutes,FHC.

131

meetingdisownhimfrombeingamemberofsociety.”42Again,theprocessoccupied

thetimeofthreecommitteesandtookfourmonths.

Quakerdisciplinedifferedfromthatofevangelicalsinitssingularfocuson

maintainingtheoutwardsignsoftheirdistinctcommunity.YetQuakerpracticealso

mirroredthatoftheirProtestantcousins.Theyapproacheddisciplineasastruggle

thatprizedunityoverindividualconsciences.Theyexhibitedpatience,andinsome

casesforbearance,beforeresortingtothedrasticactofdisownment.Andasin

evangelicalcases,Quakersplacedtheindividualmemberinchargeofhisorherown

fate.Thosewhorefusedtoreturntofellowshipdidnotdoso.Thosewhobegged

forgivenessor“offeredsomething”did.

TheIronyofOrthodoxyandChange

Statewidedenominationalorganizationsoftendiddictate,explicitlyand

implicitly,theexpectationsofpietyandthemethodsforachievingdisciplinary

adherence.ThePresbyterianSynodofNorthCarolinainthe1840s,forinstance,

addedthereligiousinstructionofslavesandthedistributionofreligioustractsto

thedutiestobecarriedoutbythePresbyteries.43Thereafter,Synodicalaccounting

ofPresbyterianpietyincludedsuccessesandfailurestopursuetheseobjects.Atthe

sametime,thePresbyteriansgrappledwiththestatusofTruthinthechanging

42August,September,OctoberandNovember,1848,DeepRiverMonthlyMeeting,Minutes,FHC.43MinutesoftheSynodofNorthCarolina,attheirThirty‐FirstSessions,1844(Fayetteville,N.C.:EdwardJ.Hale,1845).

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world.InthePastoralLetterfor1845,Presbyterianeldersexpressedtheirfearthat

religionwaned.Theygavethreereasons.Firstwasthe“indulgenceofaworldly

spirit,intheformofselfishness,avarice,andcupidity.”Theeldersdrewadistinction

betweengreedand“direnecessity”andcondemnedtheformerbecauseit“shutsout

thesoulfromtheclaimsofbenevolence…freezesupthechannelsofcharity,

excludesGodandreligionfromthemind,”andotherwisehinderedliberality.

Second,theeldersmoredirectlyclaimedthat

solongasChristianslovetheirmoneyorpropertymorethantheylovethe meansofgrace,orthesoulsoftheirfellow‐men,theyneednotexpectthe HolySpirittogiveefficiencytothosemeansofgrace,eitherincomforting theirhearts,orenlargingthechurch.

Inthesetwocomplaintsarereflectedtheeconomicprosperityandrelative

commercialabundanceofthelateantebellumdecades.44

ButmaterialwealthalonedidnotthreatenthePresbyterians.Newideas

hauntedthem.Intheirthirdcomplaint,“theloveofnoveltyandchange,instability

andvacillationofthemind,inregardtodoctrines,institutions,andministryofthe

church,mustbementionedasanothergrowingevil,ofdisastroustendency.”

Certainlytheseeldershadinmindthe1837schism,butthiscondemnationwasnot

ofaparticulartheologicalmovement.Theycondemnedageneralsensibilityevident

intheircongregationsthatvaluedallthingsnewanddiscardedtradition,eveninthe

religiousrealm.Theelderslamented,“men,underitsinfluence,wheneverthereisa44MinutesoftheSynodofNorthCarolina,attheirThirty‐SecondSessions,1845(Fayetteville,N.C.EdwardJ.Hale,1846)

133

protractedmeeting,orastrangepreacherwithinreach,willleavethemostfaithful

Pastortopreachtovacantseatsandemptywalls.”Thatsamespiritthreatenedto

drivefromtheirhomes,howevercomfortable,andfromtheirfieldsoflabor, howeverimportantandinviting,thebestofmen,howevereminentforpiety, soundindoctrine,andindefatigableinduty;fornoothercausethanthe desiretochange,theloveofnovelty,orthehopeofhavingtheireartickled bythepopularityofanewpreacher.ThePresbyterianshadencouragedprotractedmeetings;theyhadbackeditinerants.

ThePresbyteriansinthe1840swereintheprocessofbuildinguptheireducational

andpublicationinstitutions.Indeed,thefirsttwooftheirthreecomplaintsrestedon

themodernlanguageofthechurch—“benevolence”and“charity.”Thenewmethods

ofevangelism,likethefactofpersonalwealth,didnotthemselvesconstitutesin.But

theymightsignifyit.Astheeldersexplained,

we…cautionyouagainstalltheseformsandsystemsoferror…whicheither excludeorundervaluetheold‐fashioned,butfundamentallyscriptural doctrinesofOriginalsin;totaldepravity;theabsolutenecessityofachangeof heart;regenerationoftheHolySpirit;justificationbytheimputed righteousnessoftheLordJesusChrist;andgoodworks,astheindispensable evidenceofaman’sbeinginastateofgrace.45 ThePresbyterianshadchanged.Theyhadrecentlyembracednewmethods

butinpursuitof“old‐fashioned”doctrine.Theyencouragedmissionaries,Sunday

Schools,andthetemperancereformandmadethemmarkersofpiety,thus

fundamentallyalteringthedirectionoftheirchurches.Yet,theycontinuedtoabhor

45Ibid.

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theologicalinnovation.SotoodidtheGermanReformedchurchofNorthCarolina.

“Fromeach[parochial]report,”the1844StateofReligionnoted,“isutteredawailof

intensesorrowoverthesinsthatarefoundintheirmidst.”TheClassis’diagnosis

mirroredthatofthePresbyterians.MembersofGermanReformedchurcheslacked

motivationtomaintainintellectualanddoctrinalrigorthatthreatened

thepurityofthechurch…ThedangerforourClassisisincreasedfromthe fact,thatthereisalamentablewantofintellectualChristianintelligencein manycongregations.Thisisabarriertoallrelishforknowledge&makeit easyforerroriststoentrap;anddifficultforPasterstoeffectfavorablyforthe interestsofthegreatcauseoftruthandbenevolence,oreventoraisethe standardofpiety.46WithoutunitedfocusontheelementsofGermanReformeddoctrine,church

membersriskederrorandadeclineinfellowship.

Whatcausedthislackoffocus?First—“afearfultendencytodrunkenness”

anda“neglectofsecret&familyprayer.”Moreimportantly,

[i]lliberalityisanevilthathasbeenmadetogrowbythelate[illegible]in business.ChurchmemberswhoprofesstovaluetheGospel&tolovethe soulsofmen,arediseasedbythecankerofcovetousness,whichiscorroding theirbowelsofcompassion,andnowtheycanseetheirbrethrenhaveneed &shuttheirearstothecry&closetheirheartstocharitysayingbytheir actionsthattheloveofGoddwellethnotinthem.

461844,ReformedChurch,NorthCarolinaClassis,Minutes,EvangelicalandReformedHistoricalSociety,PhillipSchaffLibrary,LancasterTheologicalSeminary.

135

LikethePresbyterians,theGermanReformedelderscondemnednotwealthbutthe

“cankerofcovetousness”becauseitdroveapartmenandwomenandgavethem

excusestodisregard“charity,”the“loveofGod,”andtheprioritizationoftheir

fellows’souls.47The“purityofthechurch”—bothitsdoctrineandthewellbeingof

itsmembers—wasthreatenedbytherestlessnessandnoveltyofthesecularworld.

Thoughsmallinnumber(1,035membersin1844),thuslimitingtheirability

toputresourcesbehindinstitutionalbuildingefforts,theGermanReformedchurch,

becauseofitscloseconnectionstoMercersburgandPennsylvania,washardly

unawareorafraidofthemodernworld.48Theylookedhopefullytorevivals,funded

NorthCarolinascholarsatMercersburg,andhadtentativelyinvestedina

newspaper(itfailed).49In1851,theyfollowedtheirco‐religionistsinestablishinga

schoolforitsmembersinNorthCarolina(CatawbaCollege,eventually).50Theytoo

hadembracedthemodernworld.Yet,inalldenominations,thedemandsofthat

modernworldupendeddoctrinalassumptionsandelicitedinnovativeresponses,

evenifclergyandlaypeoplemaintainedanorthodoxstance.Often,shiftingdoctrine

producedconfusionincongregationsabouttheproperwaytoassesssinandrebuke

members.

47Ibid.48Ibid.491847,ReformedChurch,NorthCarolinaClassis,Minutes,E&RHS.501851,ReformedChurch,NorthCarolinaClassis,Minutes,E&RHS.

136

PeterHarman,amemberofSt.Paul’sGermanReformedchurchinCatawba

County,encounteredsuchconfusionin1845.ThesessionatSt.Paul’s,includingthe

clergyandmostoftheelders,“decidedthatthey(thepeopleofcolor)oughttobe

receivedasmembers&churchpriviliges[sic]extendedtothem.”51Theirendeavor

toextendChristianfellowshiptoenslavedpeoplewasnotascomprehensiveasthe

Presbyterianeffort;St.Paul’sseemstohaverespondedtotheNorthCarolinaClassis’

1838resolutiontoafford“pewsforthecoloredpeopleinthehouseofGod.”52

Harmon,afarmer,nonslaveholder,andelderatSt.Paul’s,objected.53Thereasons

forhisobjectionarenotknown,butfeelinghimselfoutsideoffellowshipwithhis

congregation,hevoluntarily“lefttheClassis,onaccountofallegedindisposition,”

whileElderAndrewShufordappealedHarman’sobjectiontotheClassis.The

GermanReformedClassisinNorthCarolinahadnotpreviouslyheldapositionon

therelationshipbetweenmastersandslaves,exceptforanoffhandcommentin

theirconstitutionprohibitingcrueltytoservants.54ThattheSt.Paul’sconsistory

nowdeemedtheinclusionofenslavedpeopleinthe“churchpriviliges”asa

necessaryelementoffellowshipindicatesadoctrinalinnovationatwork.

511845,ReformedChurch,NorthCarolinaClassis,Minutes,E&RHS.52JamesI.Good,HistoryoftheReformedChurchintheUnitedStatesintheNineteenthCentury(NewYork:BoardofPublicationsoftheReformedChurchinAmerica,1911),199.53SeventhCensusoftheUnitedStates,1850:CatawbaCounty,NorthCarolina,andEighthCensusoftheUnitedStates,1860:CatawbaCounty,NorthCarolina.54Good,HistoryoftheReformedChurch,199.

137

TheClassisdecisivelyupheldtheworkoftheSt.Paul’sconsistory.They

resolvedthat:

WhereasintheProvidenceofGod,domesticslaveryexistsinourmidstand asmanyprofessorsofreligionholdtherelationofmasters:thereforebeit 1.ResolvedthatthedutiesthatdevolveuponChristianmastersand mistressesarisingoutofthisrelationtowardthebodiesandsoulsoftheir servantsbeexplainedandenforcedbytheministersofthisclassis. 2.ThattheministersandeldersofthisClassisberequiredtogiveparticular attentiontothespiritualinstructionandtrainingoftheservantsbelongingto thefamiliesundertheircare. 3.Thatwhereveritbepracticable,theyhavespecialpreachingfortheir benefitandadaptedtotheirsituation. 4.Thattheviolationofthe11thArtofthe2ndSecofPartBoftheconstitution, prohibitingcrueltytoservantsbemetwiththeyappropriatepenalty.55Theappropriatepenaltywasnotmentioned.Unfortunately,PeterHarmon’sfateis

unknown.Perhapspromptedbythecase,theClassiselaboratedontheChristian

dutyofmastersin1848.

1.TherelationofChristianmaster&slavemakesthepartofourChristian household&thatthemastershouldgivehisslaveseveryreligiousadvantage &dischargetowardthemthedutyoftheheadofaChristianfamilyastoward hisownchildren. 2.Believingthatslavesbepartofthemastersfamily&entitledtoitsreligious privilege;itbeenjoinedonthemembersofourchurchestohavetheirslave childrenbaptized,asAbrahamcommandedhis,andthattheypayparticular attentiontogivethemreligiousinstruction&sotrainthemupastomakeit aneternalblessingtotheirsoulstohavebeenmembersofaChristian family.56

551845,ReformedChurch,NorthCarolinaClassis,Minutes,E&RHS.561848,ReformedChurch,NorthCarolinaClassis,Minutes,E&RHS.

138

Thus,whathadbeenunarticulatedadecadebefore,by1850hadbecomedoctrine

fortheGermanReformedchurchinNorthCarolina.Disciplinaryactionwasoften

theresultofsuchswiftchanges.

TheMethodistsexperiencedasimilarmatterofconfusion,aschurch

disciplinaryguidancerapidlyevolvedtokeepupwiththechangingworld.Elam

GaitherofIredellCountydistilledliquorforwhichhisMethodistclassmeeting

chargedhimin1847.57Theapparentlysimplecaseproducedcomplicationsbecause

oftheshiftingMethodistdoctrineanddisciplineonthepermissivenessofspirituous

liquors.HistorianCourtlandV.SmithhaspointedoutthatGather’scase,whichhis

classmeetingturnedovertotheIredellCircuitQuarterlyMeetingforresolution,

aroserightwhentheMethodistConferencewasrethinkingitsstandonalcohol.

Theirlatestpublisheddisciplinedeclaredthatif“disordersoccurredonthe

premises”ofamemberwhodistilledliquor,thatmembershouldbeexpelled.As

Smithnoted,“Becausedistillingitselfwasnotforbidden,andbecause‘disorder’and

‘premises’werenotclearlydefined,variationsininterpretationandenforcement

developedthroughouttheConference.”58Apparently,Gaither’scrimewasnot

technicallyaviolationofdiscipline,buthecommitteditinthecontextofsocial—and

ministerial—pressuretoquashintemperatebehaviorofallsorts.Itshouldbenoted

57Gaither’scaseisrecordedintheNovember13,1847,andApril8,1848minutesoftheIredellCircuit,UMCRecords.58CortlandVictorSmith,“ChurchOrganizationasanAgencyofSocialControl:ChurchDisciplineinNorthCarolina,1800‐1861”(Ph.D.diss.,UniversityofNorthCarolina,1967),78and104.

139

thatElamGaitherwasnotaneasytarget.Holding$1,300inwealthin1850,witha

wifeandeightchildren,GaitherstoodsolidlyinthepropertiedranksofIredell

County.Further,hisbrother,Enos,andbrother‐in‐law,PerryTomlinson,hadserved

theIredellCircuitasSundaySchoolsuperintendents,firmlyentrenchedinthe

Methodisthierarchy.59

Gaither’scasecamebeforetheIredellCircuitprimarilybecausethe

publishedMethodistdisciplineswereunclearabouttheexactnatureofhiscrime.

ThenationalMethodistConference,in1790,haddeletedtheactivitiesof“buying

andselling”ardentliquorsfromitsobjections(whiledrinkingthemremaineda

prohibitedactivity.)TheMethodistProtestants,interestingly,aftertheysplitfrom

theMethodistEpiscopalconference,addedacompleterejectionofthe“fatal

custom”ofdrinking,exceptforsupervisedmedicinalapplication,buttheMethodist

Episcopalscontinuedtheirambivalence.60In1840,theNewYorkandNewEngland

Conferencesattemptedtorestore“buyingandselling”tothelistofobjectionable

actions,andNorthCarolina’srepresentativesaddedtothesuccessfulthwartingof

theproposal.Inthatsameyear,inresponsetotheDuplinTemperanceSociety’s

59OntheTomlinsonandGaitherfamilyconnections,seehttp://www.eaves‐klinger‐genealogy.info/p723.htm(accessedJune20,2012).SeventhCensusoftheUnitedStates,1850:IredellCounty,NorthCarolina.Also,March1844,MinutesoftheIredellCircuit,Duke.60ConstitutionandDisciplineoftheMethodistProtestantChurch(Baltimore:JohnJ.Harrod,1830),139‐141.

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requestforanagent,theConferencedeclinedtoappointone,citingastatutory

inabilitytodoso.61

Gaither’scaseturnednotonlegalismsofthepublisheddisciplinebutthe

largerdangersofthecultureofdrinking:disorderliness.Underlyingthepublished

disciplinewasageneralrulethatwhatevercauseddisorderwasasin,whether

explicitlydelineatedinthedisciplineornot.There‐animatedcrusadeagainstliquor

(discussedbelow)morezealouslycondemnedparticipationintheliquortradeas

disorderly,nomatterthecircumstances,andElamGaitherfellvictimtothe

onslaught.In1848,theQuarterlyMeetingfoundhimguiltyof“violatingtherule

whichforbidsthedoingofharm&evilofeverykindinthematterofmaking&

vendingspirituousliquors.”62Unfortunately,therecordsdonotindicateifthe

Methodistsrebukedhim,expelledhim,orifhesoughtforgiveness.

Thecasedid,however,causetheNorthCarolinaConferencetoclarifytheir

stanceondistilling.In1848,theyresolvedthatanymemberengagedindistilling

ardentspirits—wherethatactivitydidnotproducedisorder—beprivatelyrebuked.

Thosewhodistilledliquor“wheredrunkenness,orintemperatedrinkingand

disorderareconnectedtherewithonthepremisesorinthenearneighborhood…the

offendershouldimmediatelybebroughttotrial.”Expulsion,presumably,followed.

61MatthewSimpson,ed.,CyclopediaofMethodism:EmbracingSketchesofitsRise,Progress,andPresentCondition(Philadelphia:Everts&Stewart,1878),852‐854,1840,MinutesoftheNorthCarolinaConferenceoftheMethodistEpiscopalChurch,UMCRecords.62IredellCircuit,QuarterlyMeetingforApril8,1848,UMCRecords.

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Gaithermightnothavebeenbotheredin1830,butin1848,hisactivitywasworthy

ofpunishmentandcorrection.TheConferencepenetrated,yetagain,thedeep

concernevangelicalsmaintainedaboutdrinking:“forthereasonthatittendsthat

way,isofbadexample,andcontrarytoChristiancharityandprudence,sothatit

cannotbeallowedwithoutabartoChristianfellowshipandastumblingblock

dangeroustomorals.”63

Religiousdisciplineorbitedaroundtheologicaldoctrine.Evangelicals

prioritizedthefundamentalelementsofProtestanttheology,includingChrist’s

sacrificeandthepurityrequiredtoapproachsalvation.Religiousdiscipline’s

primarypurposewastoupholdthoseelements.Howitdidsochangedthroughout

thelateantebellumperiod,asthemethodsofdisciplinestrovetokeepabreastof

socialreality.Intheprocessofdisciplinarychange,thepracticalmeaningofpious

behaviorshiftedinuncertainandconfusingfashions.

Thistensioncreatedanironyoforthodoxyandchange.Attheheartofthe

tensionlayadesiretoadapttotheworldwhilemaintainingTruth.Intheprocess,

disciplinarymethodsthemselvesbecamethebasisoforthodoxy.Forinstance,atthe

sametimethatthePresbyteriansinitiatedtheir“missiontotheslaves,”they

excoriatedtheemergingabolitionistmovement.In1835,theNorthCarolinaSynod

“ResolvedUnanimously,”

631848,MinutesoftheNorthCarolinaConferenceoftheMethodistEpiscopalChurch,UMCRecords.

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ThatthesayingsanddoingsofAbolitionists,‐‐theirbitterandindiscriminate denunciationofSouthernChristians,‐‐theirattemptstofloodtheSouthwith publicationsofanincendiarycharacter,fraughtwithconsequencesmost disastrous,tendingtointerruptanddestroyallfriendlyintercoursebetween thedifferentSectionsoftheUnion,andtodisturbthepeaceandtranquilityof thewholeSoutherncountryexhibitindicationsofmind,surchargedwith indiscretionandfanaticism,incompatiblewiththefeelingsofhumanity.64Thoughastandardcounterblasttoabolitionistfervor,thelanguageofthis

resolutionrevealsthesocialandreligiousbehavioralexpectationsofevangelicals:

denunciations“bitterandindiscriminate,”thetendencyto“destroyallfriendly

intercourse,”and“todisturbthepeaceandtranquility”ofthecountryside.These

allegedorperceivedactionsstoodincontrasttotheproperworkingsofthe

disciplinaryprocess—prayerfulnegotiation,patience,avoidanceofhostility,andan

expectedpeacefuloutcome.ThoughsouthernPresbyterianshardlyagreedwiththe

politicalobjectivesofabolitionists,whathadmadethemtrulyintolerablewastheir

hostiletemperament.Andlikethedrunkman,whosesinwasnotdrinkingitselfbut

placingobstaclesbetweenhimselfandsalvation,thePresbyteriansfoundthe

abolitionistssinfulbecausetheywerewillfully“incompatiblewiththefeelingsof

humanity.”TheAntimissionBaptistsagreed.BurwellTemple,apreacherandeditor

oftheRaleigh‐basedPrimitiveBaptistnewspaper,describedandcondemnedthe

contentious“neighbor,”onewhois“proud,knowingnothing,butdotingabout

questionsandstrifesofwords,whereofcomethenvy,strife,railings,evilsurmising,

64MinutesoftheSynodofNorthCarolina,attheirTwenty‐SecondSessions,1835(Fayetteville:EdwardJ.Hale,1836).Theresolutionsalsorepudiated“sympathyandcooperation”withabolitionists,andnotedthatthe“movementsofAbolitionists”hadalreadyhadademoralizingeffectinthesouth.

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perversedisputingofmenofcorruptminds,anddestituteofthetruth.”65Strife

threatenedthepeacethroughouttheantebellumperiod,butthepracticeof

disciplinefacilitatedausefulequilibriumtoaccommodatetheneedsofindividuals,

churchdoctrine,andsocialconstituencies.Religiouspeopledidnotshyfromstrife,

buttheydefineditprimarilyasasintobeavoided.

TheWesleyanEpisode

TheWesleyanepisodeof1847‐1851evolvedandescalated.Anditdid,inits

lateryears,becomeapoliticaleruption.Yetitbeganearly,stokedbythe

introductionofareligiousstylethatrejectedpeaceandembracedhostilityinaway

thatmobilizedandawakenedevangelicalstotheabolitionistthreat.Theresulting

conflagrationrevealedthetensionbetweenthesocialbehaviorprescribedby

religiousdisciplineandtheabilityofreligiontoshapesocialbehavior.

Between1847and1851,theOhio‐basedWesleyanMethodistChurch

attemptedtomakeinroadsintotheslavestates.TheseWesleyanspreachedan

explicitlyanti‐slaverygospel.66TheycametoNorthCarolinaattheinvitationofa

splintergroupofMethodistswhoseparatedfromthechurchatits1846schism.The

missionariesdispatchedtoGuilfordCounty,AdamCrooksandJesseMcBride,

65Burwellquoted1TimothyChapter6,verse4‐5.Intheeditorialthisisfrom,herepeatedthecondemnationabout“dotingquestionsandstrifesofwords”numeroustimes.ThePrimitiveBaptist(Raleigh),vol.13,no.14,July28,1849.OriginalinpossessionofDirkAllman,Charlotte,NorthCarolina.66ManyMethodistsadoptedtheterm“Wesleyan”duringthepre‐andpost‐CivilWareras,includinganumberofsectsthatharkenedtomid‐eighteenthcenturyteachings.WesleyansinthiscontextrefersspecificallytothedenominationfoundedinNewYorkandOhiobyOrangeScottin1843.

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attemptedtoorganizeaWesleyancircuit,butby1850,couldnotpreachwithout

beingconfrontedbyviolentmobs.Localofficialschargedthemwithdistributing

anti‐slaveryliterature,andwhenconvictedbyaForsythCountyjury,wereforcedto

fleethestatein1851.67

ThemosttellingdoctrinaldifferencewasnotthatbetweentheWesleyans

andtheirproslaveryopponentsinNorthCarolina,butthedifferencebetweenthe

GuilfordsplintergroupinNorthCarolinaandtheAlleghenyWesleyansfromOhio.

ThecoregroupofGuilfordWesleyansformedin1846.DanielWilsonhadbeen

unhappyabouttheschismbetweenthenorthernandsouthernbranchesofthe

churchoverslavery.TheGuilfordCircuitoftheMethodistEpiscopalChurch,South

(MEC,S)expelledWilsoninMay1846withanunusualdistemper.68Wilson

elaboratedonthedesiresofhisco‐religionistsinalettertotheTrueWesleyan

newspaper,requestingacopyoftheWesleyandiscipline.Heclaimed,

therearemanyMethodistswithwhomIampersonallyacquainted,who togetherwithmyself,feelsoconscientiouslyscrupulousonthesubjectof

67AdamCrooks’memoircontainsthemostcompleteaccountoftheWesleyanepisode.E.W.Crooks,ed.TheLifeofRev.A.Crooks,A.M.(Syracuse:WesleyanMethodistPublishingHouse,1875.)68May2,1846,GuilfordCircuitQuarterlyConference,UMCRecords.Thecitationreads“ResolvedthatitistheopinionofthisConferencethatDanielWilson,inwithdrawingfromtheM.E.ChurchSouth,hastherebyplacedhimselfoutofthepaleoftheChurch&consequentlyhasnorightlegallytopreachoractasanordainedministerandbeitfurtherresolvedthatthepreacherincharge,makeknownhiswithdrawalateveryappointmentonGuilfordCt.”ADanielWilsonappearsasaregularattendeeattheQuarterlyConferencemeetingsfrom1835.HewouldhavebeenthirtyyearsoldatthetimehesplitfromtheMEC,S.

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slaverythatwecannotholdfellowshipwiththeMethodistEpiscopalChurch, South.69FortheseGuilfordresidents,theformationofabodytopractice“trueandvital

religion”requiredthemtoformabodywithoutslaveholders.Tofellowshipwith

thosewhodidnotpracticethesamedisciplinewouldbeasinfulaction.Assome

Methodistsconsideredslaveholding—andslaveryitself—asin,thosewhoheld

slavescouldnotbecountenancedinthesamewayanunrepentantdrunkardor

recalcitrantcouldnotstayinfellowship.ThoughWilsonexpressedsympathywith

thegeneralWesleyanantislaverycause,hisfocuswasnotemancipation,abolition,

orevenministrytoenslavedpeople.Itwastofellowshipwithother

nonslaveholders.Wilson’sassertionin1847soundslikeabolitionist“comeouter‐

ism,”butintheNorthCarolinacontext,itisnotanarticulatedpoliticalpositionbut

anorganicexpressionofreligiousexperience.70TheGuilfordWesleyansstopped

shortofabolition.Thispointisimportant.Thatareligiousconstituencyaimedto

formtheirownfellowship—evenoneatoddswiththeprevailingsocialnorms—is

initselfnotoddnoroutofplace.Similardivisionsoverdoctrinehadawell‐

establishedhistoryintheregion,andatanationallevel.

69RoyS.Nicholson,WesleyanMethodismintheSouth(Syracuse,N.Y.:TheWesleyanMethodistPublishingHouse,1933),27‐28.TheTrueWesleyanpublishedtheletteranonymously,butCrookslateridentifiedWilsonastheauthor.70WhenDanielWilsonagainbecamethechiefspokesmanfortheNorthCarolinaWesleyansafterCrooksandMcBridedepartedin1851,hebegantoadoptthelanguageoftheAmericanMissionaryAssociationandthe“comeouters,”expressedmomentsofsympathyforsomeslaves,andevenadvocatedintegratedSundaySchools.SeeStanleyHarrold,TheAbolitionistsandtheSouth,1831‐1861(Lexington:TheUniversityPressofKentucky,1995),94.

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AdamCrooksandJesseMcBride,theAlleghenyWesleyansmissionaries,

soughtothergoals.TheWesleyandisciplineincludedregularanduncompromising

hostilitytootherMethodists.Crooks’(passive‐aggressive)sermonsemphasizedthe

wholenessofMethodistdoctrine.Byusingtheword“wholeness,”Crooks

intentionallysignaledaninnovativeapproachtoscripturalinterpretationat

variancewithgeneralpracticeinNorthCarolina.Thus,asBurwellTemplehad

warned,Crooksacted“proud,knowingnothing…dotingonquestionsandstrifesof

words.”Wholeness,ofcourse,meantadoctrinethatincludedanantislavery

element.71McBridelandedinNorthCarolinaoneyearafterCrooks,andwhere

Crookshadbeencircumspect,McBride’ssermonswerefearlessinattacking

slaveholdingasaheresy.72Theybothdelightedinidentifyingandantagonizing

Methodistswhoownedandabusedslaves,especiallyMethodistministers.Crooks,

forinstance,identifiedJamesLumsden,aMethodistEpiscopalChurchministeron

theGuilfordCircuit,ashaving“tieduphisslave,whippedhimawhile,andthen

71Crooks’emphasisonwholedoctrineismostclearinasermonhedeliveredinMarch1848andisdiscussedinE.W.Crooks,ed.,LifeofRev.A.Crooks,A.M.(Syracuse,N.Y.:WesleyanMethodistPublishingHouse,1875),28.WhenCrookssaidwholedoctrine,hespecificallyinvokedtheanti‐slaveryelementsoftheDisciplinecreatedbyFrancisAsburyforAmericanMethodistsearlyinhiscareer.CrookscitedRobertEmory,HistoryoftheDisciplineoftheMethodistEpiscopalChurch(NewYork,1843).72CrooksregardedMcBrideassaintlyandpure,thuscontributingtotherighteousferocityofMcBride’ssermons.ThedifferencebetweenthetwomaybeseenintworeportssubmittedtotheTrueWesleyan,AdamCrooks,“FromtheSouth,”March8,1851,andJesseMcBride,“FromNorthCarolina,”April12,1851.DenominationalhistorianRoyNicholsoncharacterizedMcBrideas“abitmoredaringinhispreaching.”Nicholson,WesleyanMethodismintheSouth,45.OnWesleyansandperfectionism,seeRandallJ.Stephens,“’OhioVillians’and‘PretenderstoNewRevelations’:WesleyanAbolitionistsintheSouth,Perfectionism,andtheAntebellumReligiousDivide,”inSouthernCharacter:EssaysinHonorofBertramWyatt‐Brown,ed.LisaTendrichFrankandDanielKilbride(Gainesville:UniversityPressofFlorida,2011),73‐88.

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prayedforhim;thenwhippedandprayedforhim,whippingandpraying

alternately.”HereadilycondemnedPresbyterianslaveholders,ofwhomhewrote

sarcastically“(SeehowthoseChristians(?)—loveSLAVERY.)”73Theirpracticehada

hardedgethatbeliedtheirdisciplinaryaspirationsofbrotherlyloveandpeaceful

fellowship.

ThedifferencehereisthatforthegeneralpopulationinthePiedmont,simple

fellowshipamongnonslaveholderswassociallyacceptableandunexceptional.

Quakershaddoneso.SohadsomeAntimissionBaptists.74Theconfrontational

Wesleyanstyleofimpatienceandsarcasmwasnotordinaryoracceptable.One

offhandedcommentillustratesthistone.In1851whenCrooksattemptedtoexpand

hisministryintoMontgomeryCounty,hefoundasympatheticaudienceintheForks

community.Hispresencearousedthelocalsquirearchywhoturnedouttodemand

hisdeparture.Intheconfrontation,someonereferredtoO.Hulin,afriendofCrooks,

aWesleyan,andanativeofMontgomery—“Oh—wehavenothingagainstMr.

Hulen.”75Everyonetoleratedthedesiretofellowshipseparately;theyhadno

tolerationfortheintroductionofstrife.

73BothquotesinCrooks,ed.,LifeofCrooks,32.ThelastsentenceofthisquotationisasarcasticrenderingofTertullian’squote,“Seehowthey[Christians]loveoneanother.”74Gilliam’sChurch,anAntimissionarycongregationinAlamanceCountyhadexpelledamemberin1836.April30,1836,MinutesofGilliamsChurch,NorthCarolinaBaptistHistoricalCollection,WFU.75Crooks,LifeofCrooks,82‐83.ThehaphazardeditingofCrook’saccountmakestheidentityoftheaccuserunclear,butitmayhavebeenSamuelChristian.FormoreontheHulinfamily,seeVictoriaE.Bynum,TheLongShadowoftheCivilWar:SouthernDissentandItsLegacies(ChapelHill:TheUniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,2010).

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TheAlleghenyWesleyansinadvertentlysparkeddenominationalcompetition

aswell.Coincidently,CrooksandMcBride’smissiontookplaceintheimmediate

wakeoftheMethodistProtestant(MP)Church’seffortstoexpandtheirsectintothe

exactsameregion.TheMethodistProtestantsinthelate1840slookedsimilartothe

MethodistEpiscopalsintermsofdoctrineanddenominationalactivity,including

theirstrongproslaverystance.Theonlysignificantdifferencewasthegreater

presenceoflaymenintheMethodistProtestantchurchhierarchy.TheMethodist

Protestantshadbeenasmallsectof3,452memberslocatedprimarilyaround

easternHalifaxCountywheretheyoriginated.In1845theyfoundedtheMethodist

ProtestantMissionarySocietytoexpandthedenominationandeyedGuilford

County,wheretheyhadanoutpostatLibertyMethodistChurch,asapromisingfield

ofwork.LedbyReverendAlsonGray,theMPssettotheworkofbuildingacircuit;

congregatingpeopleintomeetings;establishingmeetinggrounds;appointingclass

leaders,exhorters,andlicensedlocalministers;andestablishingthechurch’s

discipline—thesameworkCrooksandMcBridedidayearlater.76TheMethodist

Protestanteffortmetsomesuccess.TheylikelygainedfromtheEpiscopalschism,

offeringanewhomefordisaffectedmembers.AmongthosedisaffectedMethodist

EpiscopalmemberstheMethodistProtestantstargetedwereDanielWilson’s

Methodists.TheMethodistProtestantsinitiallycooperatedwithCrooks’and

76J.ElwoodCarroll,HistoryoftheN.C.AnnualConferenceoftheMethodistProtestantChurch(Greensboro,N.C.:McCulloch&Swain,1939),particularly26‐62.

149

Wilson’sWesleyans.77Theysharedmeetinggroundsandchurchspaceand

occasionallyworshippedtogether,presumablyinanticipationofswellingtheirown

ranks.

WhentheMethodistProtestantsfullyrealizedCrooks’andMcBride’s

antislaverydoctrineandtheapparentsuccesstheyhadwithrecruitingnew

converts,therelationshipturnedsour.Atellingepisodeoccurredonanunspecified

datewhenAdamCrooksapproachedanoutdoormeetingbeingheldbyAlsonGray.

“Idonotthink,”GrayaddedextemporaneouslyintohissermonwhenCrooks

appeared,“itrightforthemartinstobuildthenestsandtheblue‐birdstocomeand

stealthemaway.”78Thereafter,accordingtoboththeWesleyansandtheMPs,Gray

andhiscohortbecametheimplacablefoesoftheWesleyaneffort.TheNorth

CarolinaMethodistProtestantConferenceissuedacondemnation(thoughsquarely

anti‐abolitionist)oftheWesleyansin1849,wellbeforecivilcourtstooknoticeof

CrooksandMcBride.79TheWesleyansinturnclaimedprizeswiththeadditionof

formerMethodistProtestantReverendWilliamAndersontotheirranksandacamp

77Crooks,LifeofCrooks,25.78Nicholson,WesleyanMethodismintheSouth,40‐41.79Itread“ThatinviewofsomeeffortsthatarebeingmadeunderthespuriousnameofWesleyanMethodismtointroduceandenforcethedoctrineofAbolitionofSlaveryinthisStatebytheagencyofcertainmenwhohavedaredtoassumethenameofChristianministersthatitisthedutyofalltheministersandpreachersofthisConferencetoshowtheirunqualifieddisapprobationofallsuchassociationsandnottoassistorparticipateinanyoftheirmischievousandwickedandlawlesseffortstosubvertorder,peace,andprosperityofthecitizensofourState.Resolved,furthermore,thatthoseevilandarchagentsinthismischief,McBride,Crooks,andBacon,shouldnotbepermittedtoassumeanypartofanyreligiousserviceperformedinanyofourchargesorpreachingplaces.”Carroll,HistoryoftheN.C.AnnualConference,34.ThemembersofthemobinMontgomeryCountyhadbeenawareofthiscondemnation.Crooks,LifeofCrooks,82.

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meetinginAlamanceCountyinwhichhalfoftheattendeescamefromtheMethodist

Protestantchurch.80Notuntilthenextyear,1850,didtheWesleyancauseinNorth

Carolinabecomeamajorsourceofpublicpoliticalcrisis.Butby1850theMPs

perceivedadeclineintheWesleyanmovement.MethodistProtestantmissionary

W.H.Willsreportedinlate1849thathebelievedtheWesleyangrowthhadreached

itslimit,andwassatisfiedthatitsappealandstrengthfaded.81

Willsperceivedcorrectly.Wesleyansclaimed275membersinNorthCarolina

inlate1849.82MethodistProtestantadvanceintheupperPiedmontbetween1845

and1850fueledthestatewidedenominationalincreaseof735members.83The

Wesleyanshadgrown,buttheMPshadgrownlarger.Neitherrateofgrowthwas

extraordinaryamongProtestantdenominations.Andasacomparison,ina

populationofapproximately553,028whitepeopleinthePiedmontin1850,nearly

20,000wereBaptist(MissionaryandAntimissionary),about8,745Presbyterians,

andabout13,000adheredtotheMethodistdenominations.84Againstthese

80Nicholson,WesleyanMethodismintheSouth,36,49.81Carroll,HistoryoftheN.C.AnnualConference,34.82Nicholson,WesleyanMethodismintheSouth,40.AcensusofWesleyanmembersisdifficulttocompile,thismentioninNicholsonbeingtheonlyassessmentIhaveseenthatincludesahardnumber.Healsocounted111membersinGraysonCounty,Virginia.Crookshimselflaterestimatedamembershipofnearly600,butthenumberseemsoptimistic.DanielWilson,in1856,reported213members.Harrold,TheAbolitionists&TheSouth,197fn28.83Carroll,HistoryoftheN.C.AnnualConference,62.AsignofMethodistProtestant’srapidgrowthinGuilfordCountycanbefoundinNicholson,whonotedthattheMPcongregationatSandyRidgehadrisenfromfourto174memberssincethearrivalofAlsonGrayin1844.84Thisestimationofpopulationandcensusofreligiouspeopleistakenfromconferenceminutes,nationalyearbooks,andchurchhistories.

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numbers,theWesleyanappealisputinperspectiveat275.Theirsuccessin

convertingsoulswaslimited,althoughtheirsuccessinalarmingNorthCarolinians

wasmorefarreaching.

InthisWesleyanepisodeweseehowtheidealofdisciplinemanifestedin

publiclife.Ultimately,theWesleyangospeltriggeredahystericalandviolent

politicalreaction.Yettheexpectationsforsocialorderarisingfromtheological

orthodoxy,congregationalpeace,andnon‐confrontationalinteractionsare

apparent.Southernevangelicalsderivedtheseexpectationsfromthedesiretoact

andtobeasinastateofgrace,notsin.Thethreatofabolitionprovedanexplosive

theologicalandsocialissue,butevangelicalscarriedtheirexpectationsintoother

publicrealms,withjustasmuchculturalconsequence.

TheTemperanceReformation

Disciplineprovidedabridgeformanyevangelicalstoembracethe

“temperancereformation.”Theimperativetoimproveindividualsoulsbyproviding

anurturingenvironmentblendedneatlywiththelargerreformefforttopurifythe

socialandpoliticalworldbyeliminatingtheproblemofalcoholism.Religious

doctrinesometimesconflictedwiththeseculartemperanceeffortandfew

denominationsestablishedcorrespondingtemperancesocieties.Thedifferencesdo

revealthelimitsofbothreligiousandsocialactionandacontinuingdividebetween

congregationalandworldlyaspirations.Butmoreoften,churchesfacilitatedthe

entranceoftheirmembersintotheworldofsocialreform.TheLutheranseffectively

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summarizedthepositioninan1855Synodicalresolutionagainstmaking,vending,

andsellingliquor:“Whentheimmoralityofanybusinessisplacedbeyondthe

possibilityofdoubt,itisthedutyofallChristianstofrownuponeveryattemptto

licensesuchtrafficorcrime.”85

Churches’embraceofthe“temperancereformation”isillustrativeofhow

ordinaryevangelicalsapproachedthechangingmattersofthesecularworld.

Temperancewasauniquecategoryofthebenevolentimpulsebecauseit,unlike

educationandmissions,didnotcontributedirectlytotheinstitutionalstrengthof

denominations.Andtemperance,unlikethebuildingofschoolsorpublishing

networks,edgedevermorecloselytoanarticulatedpoliticalstanceinthesecular

world.Acrossdenominations,manyclericsdidindeedresisttheblendingofsacred

methodswiththesecularworld,resultingintheappearanceofanambivalent

approachtopoliticalpower;yetmany,ifnotthemajorityof,evangelicalssupported

ecclesiasticalandindividualparticipationinseculareffortstorestrictthe

manufactureandconsumptionofalcohol.Churchesmighthaveequivocatedover

theappropriateauthoritytoresolvesin,thusbluntingtheirpoliticalpotential,but

thesimilaritiesbetweenecclesiasticalandsecularremediestoalcohol

overshadowedthedifferences.Theconflationofbelief,doctrine,andbehavior

helpedbringthealleviationofsinandthesecularmovementformoralreforminto

85G.D.BernheimandGeorgeH.Cox,TheHistoryoftheEvangelicalLutheranSynodandMinisteriumofNorthCarolina(Philadelphia:LutheranPublicationSociety,1902),80.

153

onesocialact—theexpressionof“middleclassvalues.”Inthisway,southern

evangelicalsexertedindirectinfluenceonthepoliticalworld.

Churches,asdiscussedabove,consideredthechiefproblemwithalcoholto

beaproblemofsin.Vendingit,eveninanorderlyfashion,asElamGaither

discovered,anddrinkingit,producedandpromotedbarrierstosalvation.“Evil,”the

Methodistscalledit,andclassedthe“sellingorusingofintoxicatingliquorsasa

beverage”alongside“neglect…impudentconduct,[orthe]indulgingsinfultempers,

orwords.”86In1844theGermanReformedjudgedofintemperatemembers—“that

theircrimewillexcludethemfromthekingdomofheaven.”87Alcoholabuse

remainedasintochurchesbecauseitsusepreventedpeoplefrombehavingina

mannerdesignedtoachievesalvation.Itwas,afterall,a“spiritual”concern.

Nonetheless,temperancesocietiesflourished,nurturedbychurches.The

PresbyterianstookthefirstorganizedstandwhentheOrangePresbyterycreated“A

SocietyfortheSuppressionofIntemperance”in1826andlaterurgedallchurchesin

itschargetoformtemperancesocieties.88TheBaptistStateConventionandthe

Moraviansmostwholeheartedlyendorsedthecreationoftemperancesocieties

861840,MinutesoftheNorthCarolinaConferenceoftheMethodistEpiscopalChurch,UMCRecords,JournaloftheNineteenthAnnualSessionoftheNorthCarolinaConferenceatitsSessionHeldinGreensboro,1856(n.p.:n.p.,1857).871844,ReformedChurch,NorthCarolinaClassis,Minutes,E&RHS.88RobertHamlinStone,D.D.,AHistoryofOrangePresbytery,1770‐1970(Greensboro,N.C.:OrangePresbytery,1970),83.Apparently,theOrangePresbyterianscopiedtheirnamefromthepioneeringtemperancegroup,theMassachusettsSocietyoftheSuppressionofIntemperance,createdin1816.

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withincongregations.Beginningin1833,theBaptistStateConvention,

simultaneoustothedevelopmentofotherbenevolententerprises,recommended

that“immediateeffortsbemadetoformSocietiesinallourchurchesand

neighbourhoods[sic],andbyexampleandeverylawfulmeans,toputastoptothe

destructivepracticeofintemperance;andtobecarefultoavoidallargumentsthat

willprejudicethemindsofthosethataretakencaptivebythissnareofthedevil.”In

thispartoftheendorsement,thelanguageofdisciplineispresent;thesinof

intemperancelayindrink’sabilitytopsychicallystandbetweenanindividual,God,

andhisfellows.Non‐doctrinallanguage,however,seepedintothereport:“They

[ThecommitteeonTemperance]deemthisSocietytobeworthyofthepatronageof

allreligiousandphilanthropicindividuals,especiallywhentheyconsiderthehappy

effectsofitinreclaimingmanyofourfellowmenfromthedestroyingmonster,

Intemperance;andrestoringthemtothebosomoftheirfamilies,andtothe

respectabilityofsociety.”89Thesensibilityofliberality[discussedinCh.1]ispresent

here,withitsimplicationsofChristianmoralityinthesecularworld.

Butthegreatconcernofthispassagehasshiftedsubtlyfromthesinand

disorderofintemperancetothesocialandpublicconsequencesofintoxication.Not

thesoul,butthe“bosomoftheirfamilies,”nodoubtlovingandwarm,andthe

“respectabilityofsociety,”werenowinthebalance.Theseconcernsforthephysical

safetyofthedomesticcirclemirroredtherhetoricofthelargertemperancereform

89ProceedingsoftheThirdAnnualMeetingoftheBaptistStateConventionofNorthCarolina(Fayetteville:PrintedbyEdwardJ.Hale,1834),17‐18.

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movement.Bythe1820s,nationalreformeffortsfocusedonthedangerintoxicated

menposedtofamilies,largelybecausethosesamereformerswerethemselvesinthe

avant‐guardofmiddle‐classfamilies.Secularreformerswerenotwithoutreligious

languagethemselves,asthecalamityofdrunkennessriskednotjusttheprecious

nuclearfamilybutGodlyfoundationsonwhichitwasbuilt.90

TheStateConvention’sactionremainedarecommendation,notadirective,

eveniftheConventionreiteratedthecallonayearlybasis.Associationsvariously

implementedthecause.ThewealthyandinfluentialBuelahAssociationinCaswell

Countywaiteduntil1845tobringuptemperance,andnotuntil1852didtheyform

acommitteetoformallyadvocatethecreationoftemperancesocieties.91ThePee

DeeAssociationproactivelypushedtheformationoftemperancesocieties

beginningin1841.InthatyeartheyreportedthatBethelBaptistChurch(thehome

churchoftheLillyfamily)hadthirtymembers.Temperance,likethestateofreligion

ingeneral,underwentundulationsovertheyears.ThePeeDeeAssociationbelieved

thatin1847,“TemperanceSocietiesandSabbathSchoolsareonthedeclinewithin

ourbounds,”buttwoyearslaterdiscovered“thatthetemperancereformationis

rapidlyadvancinginmanyplacesinourAssociation.”92

90ScottC.Martin,DeviloftheDomesticSphere:Temperance,Gender,andMiddle‐classIdeology,1800‐1860(DeKalb:NorthernIllinoisUniversityPress,2008),20‐25,andIanR.Tyrrell,SoberingUp:FromTemperancetoProhibitioninAntebellumAmerica,1800‐1860(Westport:GreenwoodPress,1979).911845and1852,BeulahBaptistAssociationMinutes,WFU.921841,1847,and1849,PeeDeeBaptistAssociationMinutes,WFU.

156

DespitetheBaptists’frequententhusiasmabouttemperancesocietieswithin

theirchurches,theydespisedtheirmembers’participationinparticularanti‐alcohol

movements.EvensomeBaptistStateConventionchurchesandAntimission

churchescouldagreeontheirdislikeoftheSonsofTemperance.TheSons,founded

in1842,cateredtoreformeddrinkersamongtheworkingclassesinurbanareas,yet

itspreadquicklyamongtheruralpeopleofNorthCarolina.Atitshighpoint,in

1851,theSonsofTemperanceclaimedtwelvethousandmembersinNorthCarolina.

DanielWhitenerclaimsthattheSonsmetobstaclestogrowthbecauseofits

democraticreputation.93Indeed,oneoftheprimaryfunctionsoftheSons(andthe

DaughtersofTemperance)wasthecollectionofduestoprovideinsuranceand

deathbenefitstoimpoverishedmembers.In1851,Baptistassociationsinthe

northwestPiedmontsplitapartovertheSonsofTemperance.Theschismdeveloped

whentheMountainBaptistAssociation(inwesternWilkesandAsheCounties),

connectedtotheAntimissionaryBaptists,announceditsrejectionoftheSons.Atthe

sametime,theMissionary‐friendlyLewisForkAssociationexpelledtwomembers

formembershipintheSons.94BaptisthistorianG.W.PaschallconcludedthatLewis

Forkobjectedtotemperancesocietiesbecauseofthethreatthelatterposedto

“personalliberty”—perfectlyinkeepingwiththelong‐heldconcernsofthe93Whitener,ProhibitioninNorthCarolina(ChapelHill:TheUniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,1946),29‐34.94M.A.Huggins,AHistoryofNorthCarolinaBaptists,1727‐1932(Raleigh:TheGeneralBoardBaptistStateConventionofNorthCarolina,1967),155‐156,andGeorgeWashingtonPaschall,HistoryofNorthCarolinaBaptists,Vol.II(Raleigh:TheGeneralBoardNorthCarolinaStateBaptistConvention,1955),307.

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Primitives.TheprimarystatedreasonforobjectionstotheSons,however,wasthat

itwasasecretsociety,completewithspecialgestures,handshakes,andsymbols.

Baptistsweretouchyaboutsecretsocieties—particularlytheMasons—and

campaignedrelentlesslyagainstthem.Thus,BaptistobjectiontotheSonsof

Temperancecombinedtheprimacyofchurchlawwithhostilitytosecretsocieties.95

NotalldenominationsrejectedtheSonsofTemperance;theSons

collaboratedwiththeMoravianYoungMen’sMissionarySocietytobuildameeting

hallindowntownSalem,withtheapprovalofthechurch,in1849.96Notevenallthe

Baptistsobjected.SeventymembersoftheLewisForkBaptistAssociationwithdrew

andformedtheTaylorsvilleAssociationsotheirmemberscouldcontinuein

membershipwiththeSons.97

In1831theNorthCarolinaTemperanceSocietyorganizedtocoordinatethe

rapidlygrowingnumberoflocaltemperancegroupsandassociatedwiththe

AmericanTemperanceSociety.Aconventionoftemperancesocietiesfromthe

westernPiedmontmetinSalisburyin1839andreportedtwenty‐onesocietieswith

3,599whiteand240coloredmembers.DanielJayWhitenerexaminedthedelegates

totheSalisburyconventionanddiscoveredthatmostofthemwerepreachers,

95Paschal,HistoryofNorthCarolinaBaptists,Vol.II(Raleigh:GeneralBoardoftheBaptistStateConvention,1930),305‐311.96C.DanielCrewsadRichardW.Starbuck,WithCourageoftheFuture:TheStoryoftheMoravianChurch,SouthernProvince(Winston‐Salem,N.C.:MoravianChurchinAmerica,SouthernProvince,2002),281‐282.97Huggins,AhistoryofNorthCarolinaBaptists,146.

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doctors,orprofessionalmen.98Thisdevelopingvanguardoftemperance,beforethe

1850s,consistedofindividualsfromtheranksofthewealthyandthepoor;

professionalsandruralpeople;menandwomen;andblackandwhite.Theywere

whatIanTyrrellcalled“improvers”;“ambitiousandupwardlymobilemen…working

tocreateasocietyofcompetitiveindividualsinstilledwiththevirtuesofsobriety

andindustry.”99

Ordinaryevangelicalsinteractedwithseculartemperancesocietiesatregular

meetings.Seculartemperancesocietymembershipincludedapublicpledgeof

abstinence,regulardebatesandaddresses,andafter1840,participationinparades

andotherdisplays.Inthreeways,seculartemperancesocietiesresembled

congregations.First,memberswhoviolatedtheirpledgesriskeddismissalfromthe

organizations.Second,thefocusoftheireffortswasthereformofindividualandof

societybymeansofpersuasion.Onlyinthe1850sdidadvocacyoflegalprohibition

becomeagoalofNorthCarolinatemperancereformers.Finally,temperance

experiencedhighsandlowsofenthusiasmovertheantebellumperiod.Thelate

1830sandearly1840sappeartohavebeenonepeakoftemperanceactivitywhile

theyears1850and1851sawanotherriseintemperancezeal.100

98DanielJayWhitener,ProhibitioninNorthCarolina,BruceStewartsecondsthisassessmentoftheconventionin“’TheForcesofBacchusAreFastYielding’:TheRiseandFallofAnti‐AlcoholReforminAntebellumRowanCounty,NorthCarolina,”NorthCarolinaHistoricalReview87(July2010):310‐338.99Tyrrell,SoberingUp,125‐131.100EverythinginhereisfromDanielJayWhitener,ProhibitioninNorthCarolina,1715‐1945.

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Ordinarypeopleworkedpublictemperanceactivityintoregularroutines.

Forinstance,farmerandQuakerThomasHuntofGuilfordCountyrecordedhis

attendanceatmonthlymeetingsthroughout1845and1846,occasionallyheldin

conjunctionwithQuarterlyMeetings,thoughhenevercommentedontheir

content.101JennieSpeer,thedaughterofaSurryCountyfarmerandaMethodistin

searchofperfection,wenttoatemperancemeetingonChristmasDayin1847and

noted“[w]ehadseveralinterestinglecturesandsixpersonsgavetheirnamestothe

temperancepledge.”Likelyherfather,Aquilla,afarmerandMethodistelder

organizedandspokeatthatparticularmeeting.Threeyearslater,MissSpeer

attendedaSonsofTemperancemeetingwhereaspeaker,PhillipL.White,

electrifiedher.

HisspeechfarexceedsanythingIhaveeverheardonthesubjectof temperance.TheSonsalllookedsoindependentandhappythatforonceI wasgladthatIhadabrotherandfatherwhosenameswereenrolledamong thebraveSonsofTemperance.TheSonsexperiencemovedJennietoapplyformembershipintheDaughtersof

Temperance,who“initiated”herinan“affecting”ceremonyinlateJanuary1851.

Jennie’ssister,Ann,asixteen‐year‐oldstudentattheJonesvilleAcademy,was

likewiseinspiredbytheSonsandcomposedtheselines:

101August3,September7,October5,November5,1845,March14,andApril5,1846,EmsleyBurgessandThomasH.Huntpapers,SHC.

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Hailnobleband,thycausedivine, Encirclesallthehumanrace— Ineverylandineveryclime, Thydeedsofcharitywetrace. Deliverusfromagallingchain, Whosefettersbind—whoseironsway, Enslavesourfriends—totheewelook, Andhailthefirstgreypeepofday. Themother’ssighbytheeishushed, Theorphan’slowandbitterwail, Thewidow’stearsarestanchedthatgushed, Onbrothersthen,webidtheehail!102LiketheBaptistStateConventionbeforeher,Annhadredefinedtheproblemof

intemperanceawayfromthedistractionofsinandtowardthedangertodomestic

orderwherethefamily,notthesoul,wasatstake.

Thesecularappealtodomesticorderhadimplicationsforevangelicalaction

inthesphereofpublicmorality.Itconflatedthesinofintoxicationandthedomestic

disorderofalcoholism,therebytacitlysanctioningsecularsocialactionevenwhile

strictchurchdoctrinecauseddenominationalhesitancy.

IndirectInfluence

Theevangelicalcommunitywasfarfromunifiedonadoctrinalapproachto

thesecularworld.Butthemajorityoflaityandclergydidapproachitbyactive

participationinthetemperancereform.Denominationsnevermobilizedtheir

memberstodirectpoliticalaction,andthus,evangelicalreformersdidnotforma

102AllenPaulSpeerandJanetBartonSpeer,eds.,SistersofProvidence:TheSearchforGodintheFrontierSouth(1843‐1858)(JohnsonCity,Tn.:TheOvermountainPress,2000),42,56‐57,71‐72.

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politicalbloc.Historianshaveinterpretedthisapparentaversiontopoliticalaction

asareactiontothepoliticalcontestoverslavery.Asawaytoopposeabolitionists

whomadeevangelicalantislaveryarguments,southernreligiouspeopleeschewed

politicsofalltypes.103Yet,southernreligiouspeople’sapproachtoslaveryasa

partisancausemirroredtheirapproachtotemperance.Southernchurches

expressedtheirpoliticalwillregardingslaveryindirectlythroughtheculturaland

institutionalactionofthe“missiontotheslaves.”Thatwaytheycouldprioritize

bothinstitutionbuildingandtheenactingoffaith.Thetemperancereformdidnot

obviouslyofferawaytobuilddenominations,butfaithcouldstillbeenacted

throughtemperanceadvocacy,thushavinganindirectinfluenceonpolitics.104The

approachtosecularpoliticsisabsolutelyambivalent,butinpracticingdiscipline,

evangelicalsenteredtheworldwhere—ifnotpoliticallyarticulated—theirconcerns

forpeace,domesticity,andsobrietybecameelementsoftheculturalconversationin

the1850sthathadsignificantpoliticalconsequences.

103SamuelS.Hill,Jr.,SouthernChurchesinCrisis(NewYork:Holt,RinehardandWinston,1966),andJohnBoles,TheIronyofSouthernReligion(NewYork:P.Lang,1994).SeealsoLauraRomingerPorter,“TheLosingWarAgainst‘Sin’intheUpperSouthwest,1861‐1877,”paperdeliveredatTheSocietyofCivilWarHistorians,BiennialMeeting,2012,Lexington,Kentucky.104Theevangelicalsinthisstudycertainlymovedclosertorectifyingsacredandsecularmovements,buttheyfallsomewhatshortofthepartisannatureofRichardJ.Carwardine’sMethodistsin,“Methodists,Politics,andtheComingoftheAmericanCivilWar,”inMethodismandtheShapingofAmericanCulture,ed.NathanO.HatchandJohnH.Wigger(Nashville:KingswoodBooks,2001).SeealsoCawardine,EvangelicalsandPoliticsinAntebellumAmerica(Knoxville:UniversityofTennesseePress,1997).

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CHAPTERIV

THEPRIVATEFACEOFDISCIPLINE

Thepublicfaceofdisciplinedoesnotofferacompleteviewofhowbelief

shapedthelivedexperienceofordinaryevangelicals.Tocompletethepicture,the

internalworkingsofdisciplineonevangelicalsmustbeexamined.Peopleadheredto

disciplinethroughindividualaction.Thoughtheydidnotarticulatetheiractionsas

disciplinary,individualsmadeeffortstoseekpeacefulrelationshipsdevoidof

hostilityandstrife,inaccordancewiththelessonsofdiscipline.Discipline

manifestedinindividualactiondidnotalwaysresultinarticulatedbehaviorsvisible

tocongregationalrecordbutininternalways—decisionsaboutrelationshipsand

theworld—onlyapparenttotheindividual.JohnFlintoffandStrongThomasson

eachrevealtheshapinginfluenceofdisciplinaryadherenceintheirdiaries.This

perspectiveonadherence,however,doesnotrevealstrictconformitywiththethree

lessonsofdiscipline.Thoughingeneral,theybothaspiredtopeaceandorthodoxy,

themanifestationsoftheiradherencelayalmostentirelyintherealmofthesocial

andeconomicdecisionstheymade.

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JohnFlintoff’sCompetency

OnApril27,1841,JohnFletcherFlintoffnotedinhisdiary,“YesterdayI

arrivedheresafefromOrangeCounty,N.C.”1“Here”washisuncleJohnRobson’s

cottonplantationjustoutsideofNatchez,Mississippi.Flintoff,seventeenyearsold,

hadmigratedfromNorthCarolinatooverseehisuncle’sfarm,andpresumably,set

himselfupasaplanter.Heneverexplicitlystatedhisreasonsformigrating,but

mostofhisextendedfamilyhadmadethetrek.Ifpersonalambitiondrovehimorif

hehadsimplybeensweptalongwithhisfamilyisnotknown.ButFlintoffdid

embarkuponafamiliarpathdesignedtobringprestigeandprosperitytosouthern

planterfamilies.ButlikemanypoormigrantstothecottonSouth,hefailedinhis

aspirations.2JohnFlintoffdidnotenjoyagoodrelationshipwithhisuncle.They

foughtoften,andthoughtheyoungoverseerhintedthatthecauseoftheirfriction

waspecuniary,itisapparentthatthetwocouldnotexistoutsideofastateofstrife.

FlintoffattendedcollegeinMississippiandoversawonothermen’splantations

beforehereturned,frustrated,toOrangeCounty.Itwasthefirstofhistwotenures

inMississippi,andhissecondattemptincludedanewwifeandslaves.Hestillfailed

andlimpedbacktoNorthCarolinain1854withasickwife,fewerslaves,anda

wagonloadofdespair.TherootofJohnFlintoff’sunsettledexistencelaynotinhis

1April27,1841,JohnF.FlintoffDiary,OfficeofArchivesandHistory,Raleigh,NorthCarolina.(Hereafter,FlintoffDiary.)2EdwardE.Baptist,CreatinganOldSouth:MiddleFlorida’sPlantationFrontierbeforetheCivilWar(ChapelHill:TheUniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,2001),19,andCharlesC.Bolton,PoorWhitesoftheAntebellumSouth:TenantsandLaborersinCentralNorthCarolinaandNortheastMississippi(Durham:DukeUniversityPress,1993),chapter4.

164

financialfailure(thoughthatcertainlyswayedhim)butbecausehisinitialambitions

clashedwithhisdesiretoadheretodoctrineandpiousgoals.

InMississippiJohnFlintoffdiscoveredaperpetualconcernforevangelicals,

thetensionbetweenpiousaspirationsandthestrifeinherentinworldlylife.Flintoff

didnotdrawboundariesbetweenthetwoanddidnotwithdrawfromtheworld.

Instead,herevisedhisearthlyexpectations,nottothedictatesofeconomicand

socialambitionbuttotheneedsofhissoul.Flintoffisperhapsnottheobvious

choicetofollowadiscussionofchurchdiscipline.Hedidnotflauntchurchdoctrine.

Hedidnotdisagreewithhisfellowcongregants.Henever,asfarascanbe

discovered,hadanydisputeswithhiscongregations,thoughhelikelyunderwent

examinationtoreceivelettersofdismissal.ButthispatternmakesFlintoffanalmost

perfectexample.Themajorityofreligiousadherentsdidnotencounterchurch

courts.Likemostreligiouspeople,JohnFlintoffemployedthedictatesofdiscipline

inhisdailylife.

TheFlintoffshadalwaysbeenonthemarginsofthewealthierRobsonfamily.

AlloftheeldergenerationhailedfromEngland,andwhentheRobsonfamily

decidedtomigratetoAmerica,sisterMaryRobson,whohadmarriedWilliam

Flintoff,wentalong,in1818.TheyenteredthroughWilmingtonandsettledin

OrangeCounty.ThebrothersWilliamandEdwardFlintoffinvestedinlandanda

millonNewHopeCreek,andtheyallingratiatedthemselvesintotheexisting

OrangeCountygentryofHogansandJohnstons.WilliamFlintoffdiedin1826,

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leavinghiswidowandthreechildrendependentonathirdRobsonbrother,John.

ThethirdFlintoffchild,JohnFletcher,wasbuttwoyearsold,andthusraised

entirelybyhismother,whoneverremarried.JohnFlintoff’solderbrotherWilliam

diedintheMexicanWarandtheireldersisterJanejoinedtheRobsonmigrationto

Mississippi.3Mary’sdependencyonherRobsonrelativescontinuedwithJohn

Flintoff’ssubserviencetotheminMississippi.Otherwise,littleisknownaboutthe

FlintofffamilyinOrange.YoungJohnrecordedhisdateofconversionasOctober4,

1833,threedaysafterhistenthbirthday.4Underwhatcircumstanceshefound

religionisnotknown.

Flintoff’sdisappointmentinMississippibeganalmostimmediately.Whenhe

arrivedathisuncle’sProspectHillplantation,expectingajob“managing”theplace,

hediscoveredthatUncleJohnhadalreadyhiredanoverseer.5Flintoffinstead

attendedschoolandinthesummertookupmanagementofH.J.Bass’plantation

nearFortAdams.6Heconsideredthelandgood,butabsent“goodpreaching,”he

consideredthe“societyirreligious.”7In1842,Flintofffinallyassumedthepositionof

3BiographyofJohnF.FlintoffinJeannineD.Withlow,ed.,TheHeritageofCaswellCounty(Winston‐Salem,N.C.:CaswellCountyHistoricalAssociation,1985).SeealsoStewartDunaway,GeorgeJohnstonandWilliamRobson,MillHistory(n.p.:LULU.COM,2009).4October1,1843,FlintoffDiary.5July1,1841,FlintoffDiary.6HenryJoelBass(1814‐1870).BassfamilyfromFayetteville.H.J.marriedaMargaretP.Robsonhttp://familytreemaker.genealogy.com/users/b/r/o/Eleanor‐M‐Brown/GENE1‐0008.html7July1,1841,FlintoffDiary.

166

overseeronUncleJohn’splantationandfinishedtheyearinhisfamily’sgood

graces.8Flushwithcash,Flintoffyearnedtoattendcollege,apparentlyinaneffortto

advancehisambitions.

JohnFlintoffhadnotnoticedthechange—oratleasthedidnotnoteitinhis

irregulardiaryentries—buthistimeinplantationcountryhadsappedhisreligious

convictions.9OnlywhenheenteredJackson’sCentenaryCollegein1843andits

nurturingatmospheredidherecognizethedifference.“IfearIhavemiserably

backsliden,”henotedathisenrollment,“thoughGodinhisgoodnesstomehasnot

yetentirelydesertedme.”10SurroundedbythepiouscommunityattheMethodist

schoolandmentoredbythecollegepresident,Flintoffregainedhisspiritualfocus.

“[M]ySoulhasbeenrevivedmuch,”hewroteaftersevenmonthsofstudyand

prayer.“Ihaveenjoyedtheprivilagesofattendingclas=meetings&associatingwith

ChristianFriends.PraiseGodforthoseblessings[.]”11Theyoungman’ssemesterat

Centenaryreinforcedhissensibilityofcontentednessinpiousliving.Piousliving

requiredacombinationofpersonalandsocialhabitsofpeace.Assurancearosenot

justfromsatisfactionwithproperdeportmentofself,butinhowoneinteractedwith

hisorherpeers.

8January17,1842,FlintoffDiary.9OnreligioninthequicklydevelopingMississippifrontier,seeRandyJ.Sparks,OnJordan’sStormyBanks:EvangelicalisminMississippi,1773‐1876(Athens:UniversityofGeorgiaPress,1994).10January5,1843,FlintoffDiary.11July28,1843,FlintoffDiary.

167

JohnFlintofftestedthisconvictionuponhisreturntoProspectHillinthe

summerof1843.UncleJohnfellillthatAugust,andyoungJohntookover

managementoftheplantation.WhereFlintoffhadalwaysbeenonthemarginsof

thefamily,nowhesatatitscenter,andhefelttheburden.“GivemeO!Lordaword

inseason,”heproclaimedinatraditionalprayerfortheweary.“[M]ayIbeenabled

toacttowardallmeRelativesinthatmannerthatbecomesmesituatedasIam,&

enablemetobecontentedwithwhateverThouseebesttoblessmewith.”12Inhis

cryforrelief,onesensesaconscienceprickedbyirritablerelations,oratleasta

youngmanprofoundlydiscomfitedbyhisposition.13

UncleJohnreturnedtohispostattheheadofhisfamilythatOctober,just

afteryoungJohn’stwentiethbirthday.Flintoff,despitehisearlierdiscomfort,felt

deposed,oratleasthumiliated,ashesteeledhimselfwithaprayerto“acttowards

myRelations&friendsinthatmannerthatbecomesmesituatedasIam.”14Bythe

endofthemonth,boastingnewclothesandhavingdevotedhimselftostudy,he

returnedtoCentenary.Hearrivedtohosannahsandaspiritoflovehehadnotnoted

atProspectHill.15Hesoakedupwhathecouldnotontheplantation—aregular

12August15,1843,FlintoffDiary.13JohnandhisUncle’sfrequentstrifewasbynomeansunique.WilliamK.Scarborough,infact,notedthetransientnatureandhostilerelationshipsparticulartoLowerSouthplantations.WilliamKauffmanScarborough,TheOverseer:PlantationManagementintheOldSouth(BatonRouge:LouisianaStateUniversityPress,1966).14October7,1843,FlintoffDiary.15October13,16and28,1843,FlintoffDiary.

168

routineofsermons,quarterlymeetings,andclassmeetings,someofwhichthe

CentenarystudentsheldinFlintoff’sownroom.JudgeShattuck,thecollege’s

professoroflaws,sermonizedontheadmonitionto“keeptheGodofourFathers.”

CertainlyFlintoffreflectedinthatmomentuponthetemptationsofspiritual

lonlinesssubjecteduponhimatProspectHill.Altogether,Flintoffconsideredhis

stayatCentenarytobe“glorioustimes.”16

Flintoff’srevivalcontinuedinthespringof1844.Herededicatedhimselfto

theserviceofGodandstoredupreservesofspiritualstrengthforhisinevitable

returntohisfamily,expecting“thatwhenIshallhavetofaceagaintheunfriendly

worldImayconductmyselfinaprovident[?]&God‐likemanner.”17Bytheendof

histermthatsummer,Flintoff’sdiaryentriesfilledwithprayers,exaltations,and

callsforself‐improvement.HeleftthatJulywithaprayerfor“GodtodirectmeforI

calculateandifficulttrial,turmoils&deprivations.”18

Upongraduation,FlintoffassumedmanagementofJohnThornton’s

plantationjusteastofJackson.Inthislocation,Flintofffoundhimselfisolatedfrom

whitesociety.Theenslavedpeoplewhosurroundedhimmayormaynothavebeen

Christian,butitmatterednottotheoverseer.Heaspiredtobettersociety—notonly

16November5and18,December10and17,1843,FlintoffDiary.17May12,1844,FlintoffDiary.18July25,1844,FlintoffDiary.

169

suitableforawhiteman,butsuitableforaChristian.19Hissojournamongtheslaves

lastedonlytwomonths,atwhichtimehereturnedtoProspectHill.Therehefound

twocousins,WesleyRobsonandJosephJohnson,justarrivedfromNorthCarolina.

Thereunionpleasedhim,butnotforlong.20WhencousinJosephdepartedforNew

Orleans,Flintoffexclaimed,“Oh!ThatImayeverliveholy&acceptablybeforeGod.”

CousinWesleystayedatProspectHillbutbeganimmediatelytoindulgehimself

withthesocialroutinesoftheplanter‐‐“CosWesleyhasgonetoWoodvillewithtwo

ladies&Unclescarriagetobebackshortly[.]”Johndisapproved,“Iwanttogetinto

businessagainnotidleIfeelgratefultoGodforprovidingaplentyforme.”21

Thecousins’interludeonlyreinforcedforFlintofftheconvictionthata

particularstyleofworkandspiritualsatisfactionrequiredoneanother.UncleJohn’s

offerofyetanothermanagerialpositionmadehimhappy.Heattendedclass

meetingsandsermonsagainwithregularityandnoted,“Ifeelencouragedtopress

forwardinthecauseofChrist.”22ThatspringFlintoff’sreverieendedwhenJohn

Robsonsuddenlyfiredhim.Hedidnotstatethereason,thoughheevidentlyfelt

wronged,ashe“leftitwithaclearconscience,”whichheattributedto“walk[ing]

uprightly.”23UncleJohnhiredhimbackthenextweek,butamonthlater,Flintoffleft

19September15,1844,FlintoffDiary.20November3and5,1844,FlintoffDiary.21November16,1844,FlintoffDiary.22January12,1845,FlintoffDiary.23May6,1845,FlintoffDiary.

170

ProspectHillinahuff.24HereturnedtohisuncleyetagainthatAugusttowork“to

keepclearofexpenses,”buttheexperiencelefthim“ratherlowspiritedbecauseI

ammakingnothing.”25FlintoffthenwenttoJohnRobson’sDryBayouplantationto

workforthebalanceoftheyear.

Flintoff’sunsettledworkroutinecontinuedwhenhegotfreeofUncleJohn

andwenttoworkforStephenDuncan,anenormouslywealthyplanter,atDuncan’s

HollyRidgePlantation,somemilesawayfromProspectHill.26Flintoffwasgrateful

forthework—moretowardGodthanDr.Duncan—buthesoonsankintoadeep

depression.Heonlymadetwopainfulentriesintohisdiarythatyear.InMayhe

noted,“HaveheardnopreachingsinceIleftNatchez.SisterhasleftUncles&goneto

N.C.Iwasopposedtothisbutofcoursesaidnothing.”27Hewasagainsuccumbingto

thesinofisolation,aloneamongslavesandwithoutaccesstopreachingormeetings,

hisdiredeepenedbythedepartureofhisonlyfriendlyrelation.Duncandidnot

renewFlintoff’scontract,andthelater“LeftHollyRidgeforNatchezoutof

employmenthavenotenjoyedReligionthisyearmanagingnegros&largefarmis

24June3,1845,FlintoffDiary.25August6,1845,FlintoffDiary.26OnDuncan,seeMarthaJaneBrazy,AnAmericanPlanter:StephenDuncanofAntebellumNatchezandNewYork(BatonRouge:LouisianaStateUniversityPress,2006).27May24,1846,FlintoffDiary.

171

souldestroying.”28Thephrase“souldestroying”neatlysummarizedFlintoff’s

despair,causednotbyeconomicfailurebutbyspiritualdesolation.

FlintoffnotonlyleftHollyRidge,butMississippialtogether.Johnreturnedto

hismothers’farminOrangeCountyandconcernedhimselfprimarily—atleasthis

diaryentriesseemtosuggest—withtheacquisitionofslaves.Between1848and

1849hepurchasedatleasttwoyoungblackmenandpleasedhimselfbypayingfor

onebeforetheentireamountwasdue,thusescapingindebtedness.29At

Christmastimein1849,Flintoffrecordedavisitto“MissMaryMPleasantswho

visitedMyMothersfamilylastJune[.]”MaryPleasantslivedinCaswellCountyand

howsheknewJohn’smotherisunknown,butJohnfoundhimself“pleasedwiththe

younglady[.]”30HiscourtshipcontinuedintotheSpringof1850whenFlintoffmade

atellingobservation:“visitedMissMaryPleasantinCaswellCobettersatisfiedin

youngladiescompanythanIusedtobewhendeprivedofSocietyofbothsexes.”31

FlintoffalludedtohistimeinMississippi,nearfamilybutdistantinmeaningful

relationships.Steepedintheloveofhismotherandsister,hefoundhappinessin

societyingeneral,andMaryinparticular.ThetwomarriedattheCaswellCounty

homeofMicajahPleasantsonJune5,1850.32

28December15,1846,FlintoffDiary.29April15,October1,December7,1848,andDecember26,1849,FlintoffDiary.30December26,1849,FlintoffDiary.31February15,1850,FlintoffDiary.

172

Flintoffcontinuedtoconcernhimselfwiththeacquisitionofenslaved

people—hegainedonebymarriagewhenMary’sfatherofferedatwelveyearold

girlasaweddinggift.Forthenextfewyears,hetookspecialnoticeonhisbirthday

(October1)tocontemplatehisplaceintheworld.In1850,onhistwenty‐seventh

birthday,henotedthecompetinginterestsofspiritualsatisfactionandeconomic

ambition:“Iamtoohasty&impatientinbusinessmatters&oftimespraygodto

enablemetobemoremod=erateIintendtoovercomethis.”33Flintoff’saspirations

fordomestichappinessandhisaspirationsforsuccessasaslaveholderhadcaused

discordinhislife,andheturnedtoGodformediationandmoderation.

Inthespringof1853,John’smothersoldherfarmandmovedtoMississippi,

accompaniedbyJohn’ssister.JohnandMaryspentthebalanceofthegrowing

seasoninOrangeCounty,butintheautumnofthatyear,heloadedMaryandeight

enslavedpeopleintohiswagonandheadedagaintoNatchez.Hehadsecured,yet

again,apostmanagingatProspectHillforhisuncle.(Heevidentlyhopedtoprofit

alsobyrentinghisslavestohisuncle.)Ifheharboredhopeforanewstartin

Mississippi,certainlyitwasdashedbeforethefirstmonthpassed.Hewroteon

January20,1853,“Myhealthisnotgoodtoomuchfatiguedwithlaboringtraveling

&exercizeofminddisappointedinlife.”34InMississippi,oldhabitsreturned.“[L]ow

32June5,1850,FlintoffDiary.33October1,1850,FlintoffDiary.34January20,1853,FlintoffDiary.

173

spirited…UncleJohnheisunkindtome,”Flintoffwroteinearly1853.35Laterthat

year,Marygavebirthtotheirfirstson,Johnny,inthesameweekthatUncleJohn

dischargedFlintoffandyellowfeverragedintheneighborhood.Hesoonregained

hispositionatProspectHill—“becauseIcandonobetter”—whileMarysuffered

frommastitis.InNovemberthetroublebetweenFlintoffandhisunclecametoa

head,andtheyoungmanburstout,

DischargedbyUncleJno.&treatedshamefully,brutallynothingbutaggrivation&distraction&abusehewillnopaymemywagesthorich&cancommandmoneyoutofahouse&homeForfamily&negroesputtheminoldhouseneartheStonetreslinginGodforprotection.Thishasbeenthemostunhappytimeofmyliferatherworkformydailybreadthantolivethiswayoh!Goddeliverme.36

Flintoff’slamentrevealedagreatdeal.ThestrifebetweenJohnandhisunclehad

indeedbeenpecuniary.ButUncleJohnhadnotonlydeliveredyoungJohnapersonal

slight,butinhismiserlinessrevealedastandardofbehavior—thatofanarbitrary

aristocrat—thathisnephewfoundabhorrent.Flintoffhadonceaspiredtothat

status,butnowherejectedit—notbecausehefailed,butbecausethesocial

behaviorrequiredstoodinstarkcontrasttohisowngrowingappreciationforthe

ethicsofevangelicallife.

Thecryaboutworkingforhisdailybread,however,isperplexing.Hehad

workedatProspectHillandhadworkedhard.Hisoversightoftheplantationhad

35April15,1853,FlintoffDiary.36November20,1853,FlintoffDiary.

174

notbeenaccomplishedbyleisurebyanymeans.Withthiscry,Flintoffappearsto

haverecognizedthatthelifeofacottonplanterdemandedparticipationinbehavior

unbecomingaChristian.Flintoffcouldnotfindsatisfactionaspartofapatriarchal

network,butrather,determinedtoconstrainhisaspirationstohimselfandhis

immediatefamily.Bymovinghiswhiteandblackfamilytothe“oldhousenearthe

Stonetresling,”hedeliveredhisfamily(includingslaves)notonlyfromProspect

Hill,butintothehandsofGod,asifrepresentinghisfinalrejectionofyouthful

aspirations.

FlintoffstillhadtoendureMississippiforalmostanotheryear.Hefound

workforhimselfandhisslavesontheplantationofRobertTickell,somefiftymiles

southofNatchez.Inmovinghisgoods,henotedwearily“nothingtofeedmyhorse

withmySoulisdisquietedalmosttiredofmylife.”37Inhistorment,exiledfromhis

motherandsurroundedbysickness,heappealed,“Lordhelpmetostandfast&see

asMosesdidtheSalvationofGod.”38HistenureatTickell’slasteduntilAugust1854,

whereuponhesoldofftwosickslaves,boardedariverboatwiththerest,and

headedeast.Hisannualbirthdayreviewfoundhimandhisfamilytrudgingthrough

StokesCounty,NorthCarolina,beggingmilkforhissickwifeandson.“MayIliveto

provideformyfamily.”39Inhisdespair,hehadidentifiedanewaspiration.

37November23,1853,FlintoffDiary.38February27,1853,FlintoffDiary.39October1,1853,FlintoffDiary.

175

JohnFlintoffneverdrewadirectlinebetweenhisreligiousandhisearthly

aspirations.Followinghimfrom1854inNorthCarolinauntiltheoutbreakofCivil

Wardoesnotleadtoclearnarrativepointsatwhichhemadedecisiveturnsaway

fromeconomicstrifetowardreligioushappiness,oreschewedaristocraticchoices

infavorofmiddle‐classones.Butby1861,thedirectionofhislifeasayeoman

farmerhadbecomeapparent.Flintoffcontinuedtoworkhard,andavoidanceof

debtandacquisitionoflandandslavesalwaysremainedprimeconcerns.He

purchasedlandfromhisfather‐in‐lawjusteastofYanceyvilleandhemissedhis

mother.Hesettledintothelifeofayeomanfarmer,growingtobaccoandcorn;

haulingcropsinhiswagon;toilingalongsideslavesinfieldsandgroves;tendingtoa

chronicallyillwife;andbaptizing,raising,andburyingnewchildren.His

contentednesswasadawningsensibility.In1857helamentedthedistancebetween

himselfandhisownfamilybutrejoicedthat“IfeelasthoIhadmanyfriends”among

whichhenowlived.40In1859anaccidentwhileloggingshockedhimintoa

realizationoftheroleGodhadplayedinhisrecentlife.Atreefellnearhimandhis

slavesandkilledtwoofhishorses.“KindProvidenceisgoodtome,”hereflectedon

hisfortune.“Iamthemoreresolvedtoservehimbetterbeentryingtodothismany

yearsohhelpmetoprovefaithfultotheend.”41

40December25,1857,FlintoffDiary.41January17,1859,FlintoffDiary.

176

Flintoffattendedchurchandevidentlycountedmembersofhiscongregation

hisfriends.Butheneverwroteaboutthemandhowtheirsocietycontributedtohis

ownsenseofhappiness.Nevertheless,hisMethodistchurchbecameanever‐

growingelementofhislife.InDecember,1859,hewrote,“Somemembersofthe

churchhaveasked[?]metobeClassLeader.”Hefeltuneaseaboutthehonor,but

withtheLord’sguidanceandseveralmonths’deliberation,heaccepted.42Hebegan

toregularlyattendQuarterlyandCircuitmeetingsandsubscribedtotheNorth

CarolinaChristianAdvocate,thenewspaperoftheNorthCarolinaMethodist

Conference.43Yeomanry,therefore,presentedthesurestpathtosalvation.

NotuntilaftertheCivilWardidFlintoffbegintoarticulatehissatisfaction

withagriculturalandreligiouslife.Yethisantebellumcareerrepresentedastellar

exampleofreligiousconcernsshapingsociallife.JohnFlintoff’sconceptionof

happinessdependedonthepresenceofanurturingreligiousenvironment—notjust

thestatusofhisownsoul,butthestateofhisrelationshipwithotherChristians.

Thispracticewasadherencetodiscipline,evenifFlintoffneverexpresseddoctrinal

disagreementwithhiscongregations.Hedesiredtoliveinharmonywithhisfamily

andpeers.HediscoveredinMississippithathisaspirationtoplanterstatusdirectly

conflictedwithhisdisciplinaryideal.Aristocraticarrogance,theelitestylesof

leisureandease,andphysicalisolationfromsocietythatlifeonsubsidiary

plantationsrequiredallconspiredtocreateastateofpersonalstrifeforFlintoff.

42December25,1859,September25,1860,FlintoffDiary.43October6and28,1860,FlintoffDiary.

177

Whenhereadjustedhisearthlyaspirationsandfoundtheminaccordancewith

expectationsforapiouslife,heachievedself‐satisfaction.InNorthCarolinaasa

yeomanfarmer,Flintofffoundpeacewithafocusonhisnuclearfamily,theabilityto

controlhisincomeandfinances,andasettledcommunityofreligiouspeoplewho

recognizedhisevangelicaltalents.

StrongThomasson’sBalancingAct

ThesonofMethodistlocalpreacher,StrongThomassongrewnaturallyinto

thehabitsofaChristian.Hedidnotrecordaconversionexperienceorspeakofa

timebeforehefoundGod;hepresumablyhadalwaysbeensaved.Bythetimethe

twenty‐three‐year‐oldbeganwritinghis“BookofRememberance,”hewas

intelligent,curious,andfamiliarwiththesocio‐religiouslandscapeofYadkinand

upperIredellCounties.HishomechurchwasAylesburyMethodistEpiscopal,buthe

didnotgothereexclusively.HeregularlyattendedsermonsatMacedonia,andFlat

Rock(“Flatrock”),aBaptistChurch.AtAylesbury,Thomassonattendedclass

meetingsandSundaySchoolclasses,andsanginachoir.44Healsoenjoyedregular

attendanceatMethodistProtestant,Presbyterian,Baptist,andQuakerservices.

Strongthoughtfullycritiquedmanyofthesermonsheheardandthe

preachershesaw.Heexpectedpreacherstoexhibitcertainstandardsofeducation,

reserve,andclarity,andhedidnotshyawayfrompassingpositiveandnegative44PaulD.Escott,ed.,NorthCarolinaYeoman:TheDiaryofBasilArmstrongThomasson,1853‐1862(Athens:TheUniversityofGeorgiaPress,1996),4,32,167,174,and242.[HereafterEscott,ed.,Diary.]

178

assessments,oftenwithagreatdealoflevity.Hisfavoritestyleofsermonwasa

shortandplainone,whichheconsidered“therightkindofsermonsforthecommon

people.”45Byplainhedidnotmeantrite—heengagedbestwithsermonsthat

presentedthenprovedanargument—butratheronesthatmadeasimplea

theologicalpoint.MostpreachersStrongfrequentedshiedfromhellfireand

sermonizedinthoughtfulandlivelytones.Hedisapprovedof“Mr.Briam,”who

“preachesmildly,andusesbutlittleenergy,”whilehecommendedMr.Wood,who

“preacheswithenergy.”46Thomasson’sfavoritepreacherswereJohnGunn,a

MethodistEpiscopal,QuintonHolton;MethodistProtestant;andZachariahAdams,a

Baptist.HiscommentsonHolton’spreachingindicatethepriorityheplacedon

contentratherthanstyle.Hepreacheddoctrinesnewtome,andcontradictedthe

preachingofmanylearneddivines.Hesays‘Wearenotsinnersbynature’!Manysay

thatallmenaresinnersbynature,theRev.Hsaysitisnotso;andIam[of]his

opinion.”Helatercommentedthat,“Holtoncanpreachifheisugly.”47Ofthe

ReverendJosephR.Cheek,Strongwrote,“IdonotrememberthatIeverheardthis

textusedbefore.IgainedafewnewideasfromMr.C’ssermon.”48IsaacAvent,a

preacheratMasadonia,regularlydazzledThomassonevenifhissermons

45Escott,ed.,Diary,139.46Escott,ed.,Diary,95‐96.47Escott,ed.,Diary,10,94.48Escott,ed.,Diary,77.

179

occasionallywere“tedious”orhadnot“containedanynewideas.”49Afteran

impressivesermonbyJohnGunn,hequipped,“theGunnshotusall.”50

Thomassondidnotrefrainfromcriticizingpreachers.“Edward[s]preacheda

short&drysermon,‐‐thentriedafewofthemembersfornotattendingchurch,and

left.”51Hisfavoriteswerenotimmunefromcriticism;“Adamsspoilshispreaching

withtheoldBaptisttone,orhamrather.”52Onanotherdatehenoted“oneTom

Poindextertr[ied]topreachbuthecouldnotcomeit,”53and“Rev.JohnWebster,a

Baptistminister,tr[ied]topreach.”54Thomassonbelievedapreachermustbe

educated.HecriticizedtheyoungReverendJamesMinish’ssermon,stating,“Ifhe

hadbeeneducatedhemighthavebeenofgreatusetothechurch,butasitishecan

onlyexertquitealimitedinfluence.”55Thomassondidnothesitatetocritizepoints

oftheologyanddoctrine.HelaughedataReverendCarterformistakesinhis

sermon.56Ofanotherpreacher,theReverendG.W.Brown,“saidinhispreachingifI

understoodhimrightly,thattheloveofsinoncekilledinthesoulneverreturned!

49Escott,ed.,Diary,195‐204.50Escott,ed.,Diary,45.51Escott,ed.,Diary,44.52Escott,ed.,Diary,49.53Escott,ed.,Diary,67.54Escott,ed.,Diary,77.55Escott,ed.,Diary,129.Seealso57.56Escott,ed.,Diary,176.

180

Poorman!tofallbackonthatlongsinceexplodeddoctrine.”57Hiscriticismand

commentspointnotonlytoThomasson’scompleterejectionofCalvinism,asmight

beexpectedofaMethodist,buthisinterestinrigorouslyupdateddoctrine.

StrongThomassoneagerlyattendedtheservicesofotherdenominations.He

twiceattendedPresbyteriansermonsandfrequentlylistenedtoBaptistpreachers.58

ThoughheconsideredBaptiststhemselvesratherclannish,theyseemedtopopulate

hisviewofthelandscape.Oftheirpreachers,heconsideredtheReverendDr.Parks

“theablest.”59ThomassonharboredakeeninterestintheSocietyofFriends,andhe

approachedthemwiththeusualhumor,“HeardaFriendorQuakerpreach.Hesaid

someverygoodthings,butitwasalongtimebetweendraws.”60Oneanotherdatehe

noted,

IandMarywenttotheQuaker’smonthlymeetingatHuntingCreekChurch. Thecongregationwasnotverylarge.TheRev.Martin,aQuakerminister, talkedinterestinglyonthepecularitiesoftheirchurch,givingreasonwhy theydiscardBaptism,theSacraments,etc.”61

57Escott,ed.,Diary,57.58Escott,ed.,Diary,31,93,11,282.59Escott,ed.,Diary,282.60Escott,ed.,Diary,67.61Escott,ed.,Diary,105.

181

HeevensawAnnBenbowpreachandnoted,“shegaveus,asIthink,verygood

advice.”62

Afeistyandplayfuldesiretoengageothersindiscussingdoctrinal

differencesdroveStronginhisinterestinotherdenominations.Ofparticular

interesttohimwasbaptismandhowotherspracticedit.“NotmanymonthssinceI

conversedwithamemberoftheQuakerChurch,”hewroteinearly1856,“whotold

methereasonwhytheirchurchdidnotbelieveinbaptismis,becauseitused(they

say)atipeofthe‘HolyGhost’whichwasto,andwhichdiddesendonthe‘Apostles,’

ActsII,4,andthatit(Baptism)wastheredoneaway,asthescripturewasthen

fulfilledsofarastobaptism.”ButStrongdisagreedandhecitedPeter’sadmonition

to“repentandbebaptizedeveryoneofyou”asjustificationforindividualbaptism.

ThedifferencecausedhimnohardfeelingstowardQuakers,buthisresponse

exhibitedadefensiveness.Strongclaimedthat“theApostles,notwithstandingsome

ofthem‘wereunlearnedandignorantmen,’knewasmuchaboutthismatterasthe

mostlearnedofourQuakerfriends.”63YetheturnedaroundandsaidofBaptists,“I

can’tseeforthelifeofme,howtheBaptistscanconceivethatBaptismisessentialto

Salvation.Whereistheirscripturalproof?”Strongspeculatedthatthe“proof”could

befoundinMark16:16butarguedthatthepassagewasapplicableonlytoJohn,not

62Escott,ed.,Diary,280.63Escott,ed.,Diary,143.

182

Christ.64Thomassonhowever,didnotpresstheissuetothepointoftension

betweenhimselfandothers.Infact,hereportedhavingleftacampmeetingsermon

byBillyGarner“asIchosenottohearhimtalkaboutBaptismandotherchurches,”

preferringhisministerstopreachthegospel,notrailagainsthisco‐religionists.65In

short,StrongThomassonwieldedakeenandinformedinterestindoctrine.He

neverentertainedunorthodoxpositionsanddiscourageddoctrine‐basedhostility,

yetatthesametimeenjoyeddoctrinaldebate.Hewashisownagentinreligious

affairs,andashiswalkoutonBillyGarnerdemonstrated,Strong’sreligiousfaith

tookprecedenceinhisenactmentofsocialbehaviors.

InMarch1860,theeldersatAylesburyMethodistChurchappointedStrong

ThomassontothepositionofClassLeader.Inthatrole,Strongwouldhavebeen

expectedtoshepherdagroupofcongregantsbymeetingwiththemregularlyto

discussreligiousprogressandofferrebuketoindividualsforsinfulbehavior.This

latterelementwasthefirststageinthedisciplinaryprocess.Thepotentialfor

confrontationinapositionofleadershipunnervedtheyoungman,asheexplained

howhefelt,“likeIneededleadingmyselftha[n]Idolikeleading.I’mtooblind,andif

Iknownottheway,asIshould,howshallIleadotherstherein?”Heconsideredhis

ownfaithsoundenough,butdoubtedhisabilitytoleadothers.“[W]illthesheep

follow?Somewill,otherswillnot,oratleastveryreluctantly,frequentlystraying

64Escott,ed.,Diary,142.65Escott,ed.,Diary,149‐150.

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fromthefold,andgenerallyatagreatdistancebehind.”Hefearedmostthosewho

drank,notingthat

itsometimeshappens,onapublickdayatleast,thatweseemembersofour churchnotamongthesoberqui[e]tmenofthecrowd,butwiththedrunken rabble,atthetaleendofsomeliquorcart,justwherethedevilwantsthemto be.now,whatshouldbedonewithsuchmembers?Theysaybytheir actions—whichistheloudestkindofsaying—thattheyarenotfollowersof Christ,thattheyhavegoneovertotheranksoftheenemy.Iftheywillsuffer thedeviltoleadthem‘captiveathisownwill,’whynotdismissthemfrom thechurch?66

HereluctantlyacceptedtheroleofClassLeaderbutneverrecordedconflict

resultingfromit.ThispassagerevealsagreatdealaboutStrong’sviewofreligious

disciplineandsocialbehavior.Hewasastrictdisciplinarian—insistingonone

occasionthatamanwhodesiredforgivenessforlyingbedeniedbecauseof

insufficientevidenceofrepentance.67Sinners,“bytheiractions,”signaledanon‐

rigorousmaintenanceoffaithandthusaconscientiousrejectionofGod.Strong

insistedonaffirmingandsignalingsalvationbydailypracticeofreligiousbelief.The

chiefpracticeStrongaffirmedwassobrietyandconstantwarfareagainstliquor.

Stronghateddrunkennessandexpressedhishatredthroughmembershipin

temperanceorganizationsandcondemnationofdrunkenbehavior.Helikelylearned

thisbehaviorfromhisfather,whoregularlypreachedtemperancesermonsaround

66Escott,ed.,Diary,270‐271.67Escott,ed.,Diary,174.

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Hamptonville.68Stronghabituallyattendedtemperancesermonsandlecturesand

readCharlesDeems’TheBallotBox.69In1855,whileworkingasaclerkinastorein

EastBend,heandsomefriendsjoinedtheProvidenceTemperanceSocietyafter

attendingameetinghostedbyAquillaSpeer.Hisconvictionshardlyneeded

reinforcing,buthewas“moved”in1859whenhewitnessedthedeathofaviolent

olddrunk,DenisDinglar.Dinglarremainedquietforseveralhoursbeforehis

passing,tacitlyindicatingthathediedwithoutGod.Butworse,Strongnoted,“No

effortsweremade,thatIknowoftoprolonghislife.Allseemedwillingforhimto

depart,asitwasthoughtheneverwouldbeanybetter.”70Dinglarhadchosen“king

Alcohol”overtheKingdomofHeaven,andthus,chosetodieseparatedfromGod,

friends,family,andtheassuranceofsalvation.71

Strongconsideredthescourgeofalcoholtobenotjustaspiritualproblem

butalsoasocialproblem.“Howlong—Ohowlongwillthepeoplecontinueto‘layup

forthemselveswrathagainstthedayofwrath?’”72Hemadeconsciousdecisionsto

stayawayfromfunctionslikelytobeflushwithliquor.Heskippedtax‐collectingday

atJimGreen’splacebecauseofitsrowdyreputation:“IdontgotoGreenswhenIcan

68Escott,ed.,Diary,200.69Escott,ed.,Diary,15,51,24.70Escott,ed.,Diary,228‐229.71Ondeathrituals,seeCraigThompsonFriend,“LittleEva’sLastBreath:ChildhoodDeathandParentalMourningin‘OurFamily,WhiteandBlack,’”inFamilyValuesintheOldSouth,ed.CraigThompsonFriendandAnyaJabour(Gainesville:TheUniversityPressofFlorida,2010),62‐85.72Escott,ed.,Diary,128.

185

stayathomeorgoanywhereelse.”Henotedindisapprovalthat“theyhadnoless

thantwofights,andthatonepoorwretch,BillFoster,wastakenofftojail.”73He

avoidedcommunaleventssuchasbarnraisingsandcornhuskingsthatthreatened

liquor.74Thosehedidattend,andthosehehosted,werestrictlytemperanceaffairs,

evidentbythelackoflocalenthusiasm.“Preparedthegoodies,”hewroteofa

huskingathishousein1856,”butnoonecametohelpus.”75Thomassonclerkedat

an1857electionandnotedwithreliefthatthe“sixteengallonsofliquor”provided

fortreatingdidnotlast,and“theTownwas,whenIleftafterthepoleswereclosed,

unusuallycalm.”76

Helinkedthewasteofspirituousliquortoignoranceandattendantsocial

consequences.Once,lamentinglowfemaleparticipationinatemperancesociety,he

lamented,“ourfemalesgenerallyareraisedupinstupidignorance,hencetheyare

notawareoftheextentoftheirinfluence,andofthegoodtheymightdowerethey

toengageheartilyinthetemperancereform.”77Andayearlater,henotedthat“if

themoneythatisanualyexpendedinthetraficofrum,tobacco,&coffee,wasadded

totheSchoolfundwhatagreatblessingitwouldbringuponourpeople,whereasit

73Escott,ed.,Diary,177.74Escott,ed.,Diary,182.75Escott,ed.,Diary,183.76Escott,ed.,Diary,178.77Escott,ed.,Diary,68‐69.

186

nowonlyaddstothecupoftheirmiseryandwretchedness.”78Earlyinthespringof

1859,whensuppliesofcornlagged,hecomplainedthat

notwithstandingthescarcityofbreadstuffmanyareboilingup4and5 bushelsofcornaday,convertingthe‘staffoflife’intothevilestofthevile, anddealingitouttotheirneighbors.Suchmenareacursetothelandtheylie in.Insteadoffeedingthehungry,andclothingthenaked,someofthemwill takethelastpeckofcornfromafamilyofstarvingchildren,andgivetheir drunkenfatherinexchangeaquartofnastyliquor.Remember,Oman!that forallthisGodwillbringtheeintojudgment.79

Withthisoutburst,Strong’sevangelicalobjectiontoliquorblendedwitha

moralcritiqueofsocietybasedonamiddle‐classsensibility.Hereadilyequated

drunkenness,poverty,andfilthinananimalisticfashion.“HowcanIdescribethe

scene?”heaskedatonemusterday.

Imagin[e]50halffamishedhogsinalot,throwthemanearofcorn,seethe rushandbustle—thestrongeroverpoweringtheweaker—andalltogether makingahideousnoise,andyouwillhaveafaintideaofthescuffle,today, aroundthetincupthatcontainedtheliquor.Howdisgusting!80Heconsideredpoorpeopletobeboundbyfilthandsin.Afterarained‐outfuneral,

hejudgeda

‘showerbath,’…would,nodoubt,dosomeofourunwashedneighborsavast amountofgood,asthelargedropsofpurecoldwatermightremovethe

78Escott,ed.,Diary,128.79Escott,ed.,Diary,230.80Escott,ed.,Diary,128.

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scalesanddirtwhichhaveforyearsbeenaccumulatingontheirfilthy persons,opentheporesoftheskinandcoolthefeveroccasionedby filthynessofperson.81Hisspiritualfearofpeoplemiredinpovertyextendedtophysicalfear.Whenhe

purchasedlandandahouseinIredellCounty,hehadtoevicttwosquatters,“those

oldwomen,AnnSudivan&TillCass.”Hetookalong“OldMr.Wm.Coffin,”as“akind

of‘bodyguard,’”as“Idonotliketogoamongsuchstock…Theladies,ifladiesthey

be,areinourhouseyet.”82Bywayofcomparison,StrongThomassonowned

propertybutneverpossessedmuchwealth,andspentthedaysonhisfarmde‐

hidingprematurecalves,chasingpigsthroughcreeks,andshovingnewcudsinto

cow’smouths.Hespentnosmallamountoftimecoveredinfilthandgorehimself,

butasfarashewasconcerned,faithmadehimentirelyclean.

Strong’sdedication—indeedanyfarmer’sdiligence—circumscribedhis

activitiesprimarilytohisland.Thefarmdemandedconstantattentionandthe

majorityofStrong’stimewasspentinplowing,sprouting,tendinglivestock,

repairingfences,puttingupbuildings,andhaulingfuelfromthewoodsorcornto

themill.Hedevotedhistimeawayfromhisfarmtovisitingwithhisandhiswife’s

extendedfamilies.Still,hedirectedallhisfreetimetoworshipandendeavors

calculatedtoproducepersonalimprovement.Strongdisparagedidlepursuits.He

refusedtogotoamagiclanternshowand“tablemoving”withsomefriends,

81Escott,ed.,Diary,98‐99.82Escott,ed.,Diary,232.

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declaring,“That’sanotherhumbug,andnomistake.”83Heregrettedattendingan

“exhibition”inIredellCounty,sayingitwas“nonsense,verywickedandvery

disgusting.IhadotherbusinesselseIshouldnothavebeenthereatall.”84LikeJohn

FlintoffandCarolineLilly,StrongThomassoncouldnotabideidlechatter,or

gossipingamongfriends:“Whatasad,andawfulthingitistospendourgolden

momentsinidlechit‐chat,whentherearesomanygoodbookswemightreadand

beeternallybenefitedthere‐by.Thereisseldomany[sic]anythinggainedby

visiting,soImustvisitlessandreadmore.”85Hisimpulsetousetimewisely

ultimatelyledhimtothe“domesticfelicity”ofSabbatarianismaftermarriageand

fatherhood,tobediscussedinthenextchapter.Inthemeantime,heoccupied

himselfwithdebatingsocieties,booksellers,temperancemeetings,school

committeemeetings,andmostofall,withreading.86

StrongThomasson’spracticeofreligiousdisciplinedidnotcenteronchurch

courthearings,buthenonethelessapplieddisciplinetohisdailylife.Indoingso,he

conscientiouslydemurredfromopportunitiestoexhibitphysicalprowessor

otherwiseengageinthemanlybehaviorsofthemusterground,electiontreating,

andotherviolentribaldry.Thoughheneverlivedinanyenvironmentotherthanthe

83Escott,ed.,Diary,38‐39.84Escott,ed.,Diary,205.85Escott,ed.,Diary,126.86ThisisaratherWhiggishsocialagenda.PaulEscottcontendsthatThomassonsidedwiththeWhigsandtheirsuccessors,IamnotsosurehedidnothaveDemocraticsympathies.

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ruralSouthofextendedfamiliesandcommunalrelations,heveryevidentlyhad

adoptedthesensibilitiesofanemergentmiddleclass.

EasedbyDiscipline

Abroadgeneralizationmaybesafelymaderegardingreligiouspracticeinthe

Southafterthe1820s:thefaithfulvanguardcontainedforward‐looking

Protestants—confidentandengagedintheculturalandsocialcurrentsof

contemporaryAmerica.87Religioussouthernersfoundtheirwayintothosecultural

andsocialcurrentseasedbydiscipline.Evangelicalvaluesexpressedindiscipline

boreastrikingresemblancetoemergingmiddle‐classvalues.Asnineteenthcentury

evangelicalsdidnotreadilyidentifyafirmboundarybetweentheircongregations

andtheworld,theimpulsetocreateanenvironmentfreeofsineasilyspilledoverto

thepublic,secularspace.Asaconsequence,religioneasedsouthernersthroughthe

largerculturaltransformationsofantebellumAmerica.

Further,religiousdisciplinecreatedanevangelicalsensibilityintheNorth

CarolinaPiedmont.Evangelicalsdidnotforegroundstrugglesoverraceorpoliticsin

theirdailylives,evenasinterpretedthroughreligion.Their“primaryreality”

consistedofthedesiretoachievethegoalsofreligiousdisciplineandthoseincluded

87Onothersouthernerswhofitthisdescription,seeJohnW.Quist,RestlessVisionaries:TheSocialRootsofAntebellumReforminAlabamaandMichigan(BatonRouge:LouisianaStateUniversityPress,1998),JonathanDanielWells,TheOriginsoftheSouthernMiddleClass,1800‐1861(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,2004),andL.DianeBarnes,BrienSchoen,andFrankTowers,eds.,TheOldSouth’sModernWorlds:Slavery,Region,andNationintheAgeofProgress(NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,2011).

190

anadherencetopeace,anaversiontohostility,anddevotiontoorthodoxdoctrine.88

Theexactmeaningsofdoctrineandthemethodsusedtoenforceit,however,

changed,forcingreligiouscommunitiestocontinuallyadapttonewrealities.Secular

andsacredforcesultimatelyexertedacentrifugalpullononeanother.Evangelical

communitiesdidnotactasonebodyinthechangingworld,buttheylargely

approacheditinaprogressivefashion.Veryfewrejectedtheworld.

Asevangelicalsstrovefordisciplinaryadherenceintheirpubliclives,they

pursuedandproducedsocialandculturalobjectivesthatmanifestedthemselvesin

thesecularworld.Theevangelicalsensibilityactuallyresembledtheculturalnorms

oftheemergentmiddleclass:sobriety,self‐restraint,andthenuclearhousehold.

Andtheevangelicalsensibilityencouragedparticipationinthedomesticityof

temperancereformandresistedthehostilityofferedbyabolitionists.Perhapsthis

contrastbestillustratestheconflictedsentimentsofPiedmontNorthCarolinaasthe

Southcareenedtowardwar.

88ThisinterpretationistakenfromDanielWickberg,“WhatistheHistoryofSensibilities?:OnCulturalHistoriesOldandNew,”TheAmericanHistoricalReviewVol.112,No.3(June2007):661‐684,“primaryreality”onpage663,andTheSensesofHumor:SelfandLaughterinModernAmerica(Ithaca:CornellUniversityPress,1998),1‐12.

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CHAPTERV

DOMESTICFELICITYINTHEPIEDMONT

AcolporteurfortheAmericanTractSocietyinNorthCarolinareportedin

1853aboutthedismalprospectsinhisfield:

[T]heworldhastakenapowerfulholdonthemindsofthepeoplegenerally; eventheSabbathissacrificedinhonorofit.Thespiritofreligionisverylow. FamilyinstructionandgovernmentaccordingtoBibleprinciples,aremuch neglected.Inadistrictcontaining104families,therearebutthreefamily altars,andontwoofthese,nonebuttheSabbathoblationispresented.Inthe samedistricttherearenineplaceswhereliquoriskeptforsale;andthree families,whoaresopoorthattheycannotbuyabarrelofwhiskeyatonce, getsomeinajug,andapetheretailedbypouringitoutintoagillcupfor theirpliantandperishingneighbors.Ofthese104families,35weredestitute ofanentirecopyoftheScriptures,andmorethansixtydestituteofall religiousbooksexcepttheBible.Herewegetonveryslowly.Wehavetogo intothesedarkplacesandkindleupalittlebrush‐lightwiththepicturesinThe Child’sPaperandAlmanacs;andwhentheinterestissufficientlyraised,read alittle,talksome,andshow‘TalesabouttheHeathen.’1Darkness,literallyilluminatedbythepagesoftracts;theagentcouldnothave

describedhismissionbetter.ThelocalheathenslearnedaboutAmericanmissionary

effortstotheheathensinCeylonandIndiafromtheAmericanTractSociety’s1849

1Twenty‐eighthannualmeetingoftheAmericanTractSociety(NewYork:n.p.,1853),100‐101.

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publication,Dr.Scudder’sTalesforLittleReaders,AbouttheHeathen.1Thatthe

powerdynamicsinherentintherelationshipbetweenwhitemastersandblack

slavesprovidedtheideologicalfoundationfortheorderingofallsocial,cultural,

economic,andpoliticalrelationshipsintheSouthhasbeenhistoriographical

assumptionforseveralgenerations.FromEugeneGenovese’sdescriptionofpre‐

modernseigneurslockedinagive‐and‐takewiththeirbondsmentoStephanie

McCurry’srepublican‐orientedyeomanhouseholds,thenecessityforwhitemale

dominanceexplainedaspectsoffamilialrelationshipsinalltypesofsouthern

households.2Inthesetraditionalfamilies,themaleheadaloneissuedforthallmoral,

judicial,andpoliticalauthority,authoritythefamilywasboundtoobey.Incontrast,

otherhistoriansdescribednorthernurbanareasasharbingersofmodernfamilies

owingtoeconomicinnovation.Middle‐classsensibilitiesaroseinplaceswheremen

leftthehouseforaprofessionalcareer,womenturnedthedomesticspaceintoa

placefornurturingchildren,andmaterialabundanceprovidednuclearfamilieswith

1JohnScudder,Dr.Scudder’sTalesforLittleReaders,AbouttheHeathen(NewYork:AmericanTractSociety,1849)2EugeneD.Genovese,Roll,Jordan,Roll:TheWorldtheSlavesMade(NewYork:PantheonBooks,1974).SeealsoEugeneGenovese,“’OurFamily,WhiteandBlack’:FamilyandHouseholdintheSouthernSlaveholders’WorldView,”inInJoyandInSorrow:Women,Family,andMarriageintheVictorianSouth,ed.CarolBleser(NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,1991),69‐87,andStephanieMcCurry,MastersofSmallWorlds:YeomanHouseholds,GenderRelations,&thePoliticalCultureoftheAntebellumSouthCarolinaLowCountry(NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,1995).ElizabethFox‐Genoveseconfirmedthatthephysicalnatureofsouthernplantationlife,andthepresenceofslavery,causedplanterfamiliesrejectedthe“separatespheres”ofthenorthernmiddleclassandso,to,didCatherineClinton,whodescribedthesubservientplaceofwomenontheplantation.ElizabethFox‐Genovese,WithinthePlantationHousehold:BlackandWhiteWomenintheOldSouth(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,1988),andCatherineClinton,ThePlantationMistress:Woman’sWorldintheOldSouth(NewYork:PantheonBooks,1982).

193

aglossofrespectability.3Theseexplanationsallarisefromthepresenceofslavery—

thattheneedforpatriarchstomaintainracialsupremacyservedasaconservative

forceinallsocial,political,andeconomicrelations.StephanieMcCurryextendedthis

explanationinMastersofSmallWorlds.Shedescribedplanterinstrumentalizationof

culturalpower—particularlyreligiousandrepublicanrhetoric—toensurethe

survivalofelitepoliticalpower.Yeomanfarmers,accordingtoMcCurry,embraced

therhetoricofpatriarchybyapplicationofthegenderedauthorityofplantersto

theirownmodestfarmsteads,therebydefiningthemselvesasonequalpolitical

footingwiththeirwealthyneighbors.Plantationsandfarmsmightbeseenas

independentfiefdoms,girdedagainstthefloodofmodernismsgushingfromthe

industrializingNorth.4

Inanswertothisgeneralthesisofpre‐modernfamilylife,scholars,

particularlywomen’shistorians,haveidentifiedemergentelementscharacteristicof

middle‐classvaluesintotheSouth.JoanCashin,JaneTurnerCenser,JanLewis,and

StevenM.Stoweeachdescribedtheprevalenceofnuclearfamilyforms,intimate,

3SeeforinstanceNancyCott,TheBondsofWomanhood:“Woman’sSphere”inNewEngland,1780‐1835(NewHaven:YaleUniversityPress,1977),MaryP.Ryan,CradleoftheMiddleClass:TheFamilyinOneidaCounty,NewYork,1790‐1865(NewYork:CambridgeUniversityPress,1981),andStuartM.Blumin,TheEmergenceoftheMiddleClass:SocialExperienceintheAmericanCity,1760‐1900(NewYork:CambridgeUniversityPress,1989).4StephanieMcCurry,MastersofSmallWorlds:YeomanHouseholds,GenderRelations,&thePoliticalCultureoftheAntebellumSouthCarolinaLowCountry(NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,1995).

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affectionate,bonds,andthecreationofanurturingenvironmentforchildrenamong

planterfamilies.5

CraigThompsonFriendandAnyaJabourneatlysummarizedsouthernwhite

familiesasa“confusingquagmireof‘tradition’and‘modernity.’”6Theycarefully

describethelandscapeofthesouthernfamilyasawashinavarietyofrhetoricaland

prescriptiveinfluencesandmarketandculturalforces.Thenuclearfamilyform,in

short,laidaskewatoptherural,productive,slaveowninghouseholdandwas

directedbythemaleheadinterestedinupholdingracialandgenderhierarchiesof

power.Modernismsemerged,yetthedominantinfluenceinsouthernliferemained,

accordingthem,aggressivepatriarchs,defensive,andanxiousfortheirpositionsof

power.“Iftherewasasetofcorevalues,”theywrite,andsubsequentlysuggest

“thosevalueswererootedinthecommonexperienceofracialslavery.”7

Thedescriptionofthehodge‐podgeoffamilystylesthatFriendandJabour

offerisinvigorating.Yetthedescriptioncontainslimitations,thatwhenexamined

5JoanCashin,“TheStructureofAntebellumPlanterFamilies:‘TheTiesthatBoundusWasStrong,’”JournalofSouthernHistory56(February1990),55‐77;JaneTurnerCenser,NorthCarolinaPlantersandTheirChildren,1800‐1860(BatonRouge:LouisianaStateUniversity,1984);JanLewis,ThePursuitofHappiness:FamilyandValuesinJefferson’sVirginia(NewYork:CambridgeUniversityPress,1983);andStevenM.Stowe,IntimacyandPowerintheOldSouth:RitualintheLivesofthePlanters(Baltimore:TheJohnsHopkinsUniversityPress,1987).Stowe,toagreaterdegreethantheothersstressedtheoverarchingneedsofpatriarchicalhierarchy.SeealsoWilliamKauffmanScarborough,MastersoftheBigHouse:EliteSlaveholdersoftheMid‐Nineteenth‐CenturySouth(BatonRouge:LouisianaStateUniversityPress,2003),90‐121.6CraigThompsonFriendandAnyaJabour,“Introduction:Families,Values,andSouthernHistory,”inFamilyValuesintheOldSouth,ed.CraigThompsonFriendandAnyaJabour(Gainesville:UniversityPressofFlorida,2010),7.7FriendandJabour,FamilyValues,10.

195

mightallowformorecomplexityinourviewofhowmodernelementsbecame

integratedintothesouthernfamily.Thechiefweaknessoftheirargumentis

continuedfocusonwealthy—usuallylowcountry—plantersasthelodestarsof

familymodelingforallothersoutherners.Thisfocushasstronginterpretive

foundations;thepoliticalandeconomicswayoflargeplantersoversouthernsociety

isevident,andtheirprevailinginterestinimposingracialandgenderhierarchymay

besafelyassumed.BeginningwithGenovese,mostscholarshavetakenforgranted

thatwealthysouthernersexertedpoliticalandsocialhegemonyoverallother

classesofwhites.Recently,Friend(inaseparateessay)hassuggestedthatplanter

hegemony,byforceorexample,wasthesingularsourceofculturalinfluenceover

thefamiliesofallothereconomicandsocialclasses.Andpatriarchsthemselves

lookedto“aristocraticconceptionsofmanhood”—inparticular,theadviceofBritish

essayistLordChestfield—tomodelfamilialbehavior.Chesterfield,asFriendnoted,

“encouragedtheindividualtouseinstitutionsandpeopleforhisownends,”those

endsinvariablybeingself‐interested.Plantersperformedgenderedbehavioras

“affairs‘oftheaterandideology,’”actingpartstoprovetootherswhattheyimagined

aboutthemselves.8

8“Beyondliterature,patriarchsdevelopedarhetoricofmasterythatappealedtoyeomanfarmerswhocontrolledsmallworlds,bindingthetwoclassesincommonpoliticalinterest.”Byliterature(checkthis),FriendmeansprimarilyChesterfield.CraigThompsonFriend,“Sex,Self,andthePerformanceofPatriarchalManhoodintheOldSouth,”inTheOldSouth’sModernWorlds:Slavery,Region,andNationintheAgeofProgress,ed.L.DianeBarnes,BrianSchoen,andFrankTowers(NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,2011),250‐251.Inthe“affairs”passage,FriendquotedStephenStowe.FriendcitesTedOwnby,“SouthernManhood,”inAmericanMasculinities:AHistoricalEncyclopedia,ed.BretE.Carroll(ThousandOaks,Calif.:SAGE,2003),JenniferR.Green,MilitaryEducationandthe

196

Thisinterpretationdependsontheviewofwealthypatriarchsasmediators

ofsocialandculturallifeforallwhitesouthernersbutoverlooksthefactthat

ordinaryfamilieseagerlyconsumedalternativesourcesoffamilialrhetoricand

prescriptiveauthorityunmediatedbytheslavepowers.Evangelicalreligionoffereda

foundationforindividualautonomyfromworldlystrictures,andabasisforthe

organizationofsocialcommunitiesandcreatedavarietyofexperiential

relationshipswithauthorityandpower.OrdinarypeopleintheNorthCarolina

Piedmont,relyingonthepowerofreligiousbelief,rejectedtheconsiderationof

planterpatriarchsandconstructedasocialmoodbasedoncontemporarypractice

andtheconversationofthereligiousmarketplace.Thefollowingdoesnotdispute

FriendandJabour’sdescriptionofthesouthernfamilyasanunsteadyamalgamof

traditionsandmodernisms.Itdoessuggestthattheforcesthatshapedsouthern

familiesdidsoindependentlyofplanterhegemony.Anditsuggeststhatadherence

tofaithledtomodernfamilystylesbeforeanyothermarketforcesbegantheirwork

intheruralSouth.Throughtheuseoftractsocieties,biblesocieties,newspapers,

SundaySchools,andothertoolsofthepublishingmarket,evangelicalsources

servedasachannelformodernideasaboutfamiliesandsocialrelations,sourcesnot

implicatedinthemaintenanceofpatriarchicalpower.Ordinarysouthernwhites

whoconsumedthesesourcesenactedtheirlessonsinthecreationofnewfamilial

forms.

EmergingMiddleClassintheOldSouth(NewYork:CambridgeUniversityPress,2008),andMcCurry,MastersofSmallWorlds

197

TextualModels

Inthe1840sand1850s,thecountrysidecrawledwithagentsdistributing

booksandtracts.Scoresofministersandseminarystudentsscouredtheroadsand

cabinsoftheUnitedStatesseekingtosellorgiveawayreligiouspublications.Both

secularanddenominationalpublishinghouseshopedtodistributetheWordas

widelyaspossible.TheMethodistcircuitridershadsincethe1780scarriedandsold

bookspublishedbytheirBookConcern,andtheBaptistsinauguratedtheirGeneral

TractSocietyin1824.After1820andadvancesinprintingtechnology,religious

peopleharnessedthepowerofthepublishingindustrytoaidinthespreadof

religiousdoctrine.TheAmericanBibleSocietyandtheAmericanTractSocietytook

thelead.Foundedrespectivelyin1816and1825,theseorganizationsbasedinNew

YorkCityaspiredtoplacereligiouspublicationsintothehandsofeveryAmerican.9

FromNorthCarolina,PresbyteriansandtheStateBaptistConventionparticipated

mostheavilyinthenationalecumenicalendeavor,evenwhilecontinuingtheirown

publishinghouses.10(TheunorganizedAntimissionBaptists,naturallyeschewedall

participation.)ThePresbyteriansin1844foundthemselves“impressedwiththe

belief,thatthepressisanimportantenginetooperateuponthemindsofmen”and

resolvedto“bringtheseworks,or,atleast,oneormoreofthem,withinthereachof

9OnreligiousreadingandtheoriginsofnationalpublicationnetworksintheearlyNineteenthCentury,seeDavidPaulNord,FaithinReading:ReligiousPublishingandtheBirthofMassMediainAmerica(NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,2004),particularlychapter4.101837,MinutesofthePresbyterianSynodofNorthCarolina,PresbyterianHistoricalSociety,Philadelphia,Pennsylvania.

198

everymemberofourrespectivecongregations.”11TheMethodists,foralltheir

desiretopreachwithothersects,didnotaffiliatewiththenationalorganizations

andmaintainedtheirownpublishinganddistributionnetworks.12Theirministers,

however,formedthebackboneofnationaltractdistributioninNorthCarolina.

TheuseoftractliteraturebyordinaryNorthCarolinianslikelyprecededthe

avalanchesentforthbythenationalsocieties.SamuelWait,agentofthenewly

formedBaptistStateConvention(BSC),embarkedin1831toraisemoneyfor

Baptistschools.Muchtohissurprise,thechurcheshevisitedweremoreengagedin

theologicaldisputesarisingfromtheformationoftheBSCdisputesenflamedby

members“engagedinthebusiness”oftractcirculation.Waitdidnote,perhapsnot

recognizingtheirony,acontradiction:heencounteredoppositiontotheBSCby

proto‐AntimissionBaptistswhobelievedthat“thewholeMissionaryconcern,

togetherwithBibleandTractSocieties,isonlyamerespeculation,”meaningthese

institutionsonlysoughttomakemoney.Wherehadthesepeoplelearnedto

articulatetheiropposition?“Theseeffectsitisbelieved,havebeenchieflyproduced

11MinutesoftheSynodofNorthCarolina,attheirThirty‐FirstSessions,1844(Fayetteville:EdwardJ.Hale,1845.)12TheMethodistEpiscopalChurch,SouthinNorthCarolinadidnotcreateastatewideTractdistributionsocietyuntil1854.JournaloftheSeventeenthAnnualSessionoftheNorthCarolinaConferenceoftheMethodistEpiscopalChurch,South,1854(Raleigh:Wm.C.Doub,Printer,StarOffice,1855),4.

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bybooks,sermonsandpamphletsofacertaincharacter,whichhavebeen

industriouslycirculatedamongthepeople.”13

Oppositiontotractsocietiesandothercentralizedchurchgovernmenthad

beenorganizedbythecirculationoftracts.Itwashardlyhypocrisy—Primitive

Baptistsreadilyadoptedthemoderntoolsofevangelism—itsimplyrepresented

theirhesitationtosanctionasBiblicaltheentrepreneurialcharacteristicsofnational

organizations,particularlythecommerceinmoney.14Tractsthemselveswerenot

necessarilyimpermissible.(Theevangelicalpublishingindustryingeneralharbored

scruplesaboutturningaprofitandonlyoccasionallyconcededthatprofitsalone

couldsustainanoperation.)15Thisearlyadoptionoftractculturerepresentedtwo

things:first,evangelicalsbefore1830participatedintheliteratecultureofthe

market,andsecond,thatculturehadavisibleeffectondenominationalchange.

Wait’sobservationabouttractshadasignificantandimmediateeffectonBaptist

StateConventiondevelopment.TheStateConvention,initiallyorganizedtosupply

ministerstowantingcongregations,quicklyprioritizedengagementintheprint

markettoaggressivelyconfronttheheresiesandignoranceoftheAntimission

13ProceedingsoftheBaptistStateConventionofNorthCarolina,1830(NewBern:JohnL.Pasteur,1831),10‐12.14JamesR.Mathis,TheMakingofthePrimitiveBaptists:ACulturalandIntellectualHistoryoftheAntimissionMovement,1800‐1840(NewYork:Routledge,2004).15CandyGuntherBrown,TheWordintheWorld:EvangelicalWriting,Publishing,andReadinginAmerica,1789‐1880(ChapelHill:TheUniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,2004),chapter2.

200

Baptists.CreatingaBaptistcollegeinNorthCarolinaremainedthelong‐termgoalof

theBSC,butbeginningin1831,itplacedgreatemphasisondistributingliterature.

Amarkofhowentrenchedbookagentsbecameintheevangelical

consciousnessbythe1850sisthattheterm“colporter”—onewhodistributesor

sellstracts—hadreplacedtheterm“itinerant”inBaptistlanguagetoindicatealmost

anytravellingorunsettledminister.TheAmericanTractSociety,theAmericanBible

Society,andtheAmericanSundaySchoolUnionmanagednationalnetworksof

travelingagentsmuchlikeFrancisAsburyhadnurturedtheearlyMethodist

itinerancy.Localpreachersoftenservedasagentssellingbooks,whilethenational

organizationsdeployedother,usuallynewministers,onthecircuitsasagents.16

DespitetheMethodist’sofficiallackofenthusiasmforthenationalorganizations,

manyoftheirministersservedascolporters.PeterDoub,astalwartoldreverendin

Guilford,Forsyth,andIredellCounties,servedasanagent.17TheAmericanBible

Society,in1841,dispatchedtwenty‐year‐oldCharlesForceDeems,anativeof

BaltimoreandrecentgraduateofPennsylvania’sDickinsonCollege,asGeneral

AgentoftheNorthCarolinaBibleSociety.DoubintroducedtheyoungDeemsto

campmeetingpreaching,which“physicallyandmentallyitnearlyworemeout,but

itloosenedmymentaljointsandmademeuncommonlysupple.”Theexercise16DavidPaulNord,“ReligiousReadingandReadersinAntebellumAmerica,”JournaloftheEarlyRepublic15(Summer1995):241‐272.17OnDoub,seeRev.M.T.Plyler,“PeterDoub,ItinerantofHeroicDays,”inHistoricalPapersSeriesIX(n.p.:TrinityCollegeHistoricalSocietyandTheNorthCarolinaConferenceHistoricalSociety,1912),33‐50,andSamuelBryantTurrentine,ARomanceofEducation:ANarrativeIncludingRecollectionsandOtherFactsConnectedWithGreensboroCollege(Greensboro[?]:ThePiedmontPress,1946),62.

201

provedusefulasitconditionedDeemstotheskillsofextemporaneousspeakingand

readysolicitationofstrangersthatanagentrequired.Deemsopenedhisagencyby

“visitingandpreaching,andbecomingacquaintedwithprominentclergymenand

laymenofalldenominations.”18Deems,asgeneralagent,hadanimperativetovisit

onlytheprominentmen—andthoughhedidliveasacolporter,hedidnot

personallycarrybookstosell—butindividualagentscarriedbooksandtalkedto

everyone.Theystoppedateverylikelyplaceontheirroute,orasoneagentputit,“I

trytovisitall—fromthegovernortothepoorestnegro.”19

ThechiefgoalofAmericanTractSocietyandAmericanBibleSociety

ministerswastheconversionofsinners—throughtextualrevelationpreferably—

andtheypursuedthisgoalwithpreachingandfamilyprayer.Thismethodsignaled

asubtlebutimportantchangeinAmericanpiety.Someagentsdidreportmiraculous

conversions,butmostagents’reportsconveysuccessinmoreplodding,everyday,

fashions.“Onepoorwidow,”AgentJ.R.B.wrote,“thankedGodthatIhadbeensent

thatway,forherchildrenwereevidentlyimprovingmuchfromtheirnewbooks.”20

AnotherTractSocietyagent“succeededinformingaSabbath‐schoolataplace

18EdwardM.DeemsandFrancisM.Deems,eds.,AutobiographyofCharlesForceDeems(NewYork:FlemingH.RevellCompany,1897),71‐72,79.SeeDeemstoJosephHyde,Esq.,December13,1841,AmericanBibleSocietyPapers,DavidM.RubensteinRareBook&ManuscriptLibrary,DukeUniversity.19SummaryofColportage,bytheAmericanTractSocietyintheyearendingApril1,1853(NewYork:AmericanTractSociety,1853),31‐32.20SummaryofColportage,bytheAmericanTractSocietyintheyearendingMarch1,1855(NewYork:AmericanTractSociety,1855),21.

202

calledH‐‐‐‐‐,inthiscounty.Formerlyitwasnotedforthedissipationofitspeople,

butnowthereisapparentlyadispositiontoreform.”21Yetanother

visitedaveryintemperateneighborhoodandleftaManualwithaman opposedtotemperance;sincethattimeIlearnedthatthewholecommunity hasabandonedtheuseofardentspirits,usingcoffeeinplaceofwhiskeyto refreshthemwhileatwork.22Nodoubtsomepeoplehadconversionexperiences,butitisunrealistictoexpect

thatentirecommunitiesdid.Yettheagentsconsideredthemoralimprovementor

thedispositiontoreformasuccess.ThePresbyterianSynodofNorthCarolina

describedthegeneralapproachtheagentmusttake,

thesendingroundsuitableindividuals,intotheverybosomofourfamilies;‐‐ that,thence,shelteredbythemightyaegisofSouthernhospitality,andaided byallthetenderassociationsconnectedwithhomeandthedomesticfire‐ side,theymayurgethesepublicationsupontheacceptanceofall; recommendthemtotheirseriousperusal;and,atthesametime,accompany theirpresentationwithsolemnandaffectionateconversationonthesubject ofreligionandwithprayer.23Thus,notasharbingersofrevelation,butastutorsinnewformsandstandardsof

piousworshipdidtractandBiblesocietyagentsproveaninnovativeforce.Theydid,

indeed,continuetopreachatcampmeetings,asdidDeems,buttheyenteredthe

familyhomeinawaythatnocampmeetingsermoncould.Oneagentreportedthus:

21Ibid.22Ibid.23MinutesoftheSynodofNorthCarolina,attheirThirty‐FirstSessions,1844.

203

RecentlyIcametoahouse;thechildrenranoff,andtheoldmanstartedasIdrewnearhim.Donotbealarmed,saidI;Ihavecometotalkwithyouandyourfamilyaboutyoursouls.Nowletusallgointothehouseandspendashorttimeprofitably,asitisourfirstandmaybeourlastmeeting.Thecabinwasaboutsixteenbyeighteenfeet,servingasadwellingfortwelvepersons,kitchen,smoke‐house,dog‐kennel,andpigsty.Aftergreetingeachonekindlyandexplainingmywork,Iagainaddressedthechildren.Isaidtoaboyoffourteen,‘Well,myboy,doyouknowwhomadeyou?’‘Ireckondaddydid,’hereplied.AskedhisgrownsisteriftherewasaBiblethere.‘Don’tknow,sir.’‘Didyoueverseeone?’‘Idon’trememberwhetherIeversawhimornot.’ItalkedofthegoodnessandmercyofGodinsendingJesusChristtodieforsinners.Thefatherlookedamazed:‘Why,youdon’tsaythatJesusChristisdead,sir?’Longago,saidI.‘Well,Ineverheardofit.’TheBiblesays,‘Hehadpowertotakeuphislife,andtolayitdown.’GetyourBible,andIwillreadyouaboutit.‘IhavenoBible,andnoneofmyfamilycanread.’Ireadfrommyown;hesaidhehadneverheardtheBiblereadbefore.Iprayedwiththesepoorpeople—thefirstprayerthechildreneverheard.Thereisachurchwithinthreemilesofthisfamily.24

Anotheragentreportedhismethodforassemblingfamiliesforimpromptuprayer

meetings:

Intheafter‐partoftheday,wetellthefamilieswesee,thatweintendtostay atsuchahouse,sayuncleJohn’s,overnight,andifyouwillcomeover,and bringthechildren,IwillshowyouallthebooksIhave,andreadtoyou:these arelongnights,andyoucanseeallthebooks,andgethomeintimetoget plentyofsleep.Thus,aboutdarkwewillhavefromfivetofifteencomein— noextrapreparations—theneighborsjustcomeintosee.Thenwesetouta boxofbooks—putinabigpieceoflight‐wood,(pitchpine)—thengiveeach oneabookortract,andthechildrenanAlmanactolookatorread,andbe readyto[CHECK]changethemabouttogratifytheircuriosity;andwhen theyhavedonelooking,givethemsometracts,andthenproposetothehead ofthefamily,assomanyofhisneighborsarepresent,tohaveprayersbefore wepart.Thuswecanhaveaprayer‐meetingeverynight.25

24SummaryofColportage(1853),30‐32.25SummaryofColportage(1853),29‐30.

204

Thecolportersthusnotonlydistributedreligiousliteraturetopotentialconverts,

buttheyphysicallymodeledthestructureofafamilyprayermeeting.

Itis,ofcourse,impossibletogaugehowgenuinelypeopleregardedtheir

apparenttransformationsduetothereadingofatractorBible.Anditisevenmore

difficulttojudgethepersistenceofaconversion.Butwhatisreadilyapparentisthat

thePiedmontinthe1840sand1850swasawashinthelanguageandtoolsof

modernreligion.Oneagent,theReverendE.K.B.,“soldbookstothevalueof$168.57,

andgranted,or,gaveaway,$22.13.”Hespokeat63meetings,andvisitedwith683

families,ofwhichheprayedwith101.26ThiswastheworkofoneagentinNorth

Carolina.Fortheentirestatein1855,theAmericanTractSocietyreported18,555

familiesvisited(10,375prayedwith).Ofthatmany,1,542families“habitually

neglectedthehouseofGod,”and1,001were“destituteofthebible,”asmallnumber

thatbeliestheagents’claimsofregion‐widedestitution.Thesameagents—31in

total—held740“religiousmeetings,”sold22,978volumes,andgaveaway7,951

more.27ThisreportisjustfortheAmericanTractSociety(ATS)anddoesnotreflect

thenumbersofvolumessoldorgrantedbytheAmericanBibleSociety(ABS),the

AmericanSundaySchoolUnion(ASSU)orthedenominationalsocieties.Thatthe

effortsoftheABS,theATS,andtheirlocalauxiliariesdidinfactactuallyreacha

26SummaryofColportage(1855),22.27Ibid.,4.

205

broadspectrumofwhitesocietyisclearfroman1851subscriptionlistofthe

MontgomeryBibleSociety.

Theagent’snameisunknown.Hewaslikelyalocalpreacher,ashislistisfor

theMontgomeryBibleSociety,notthenationalorganization,anditresidesinthe

familypapersofoneofthecounties’moreprominentfamilies.28ThoughtheSociety

istitledMontgomery,onethirdoftheBiblerecipientslivedinStanlyandother

surroundingcounties.SixhundredeightytwopeoplereceivedBibles,ofwhich364

areidentifiableinthe1850FederalCensus.Ofthe364individualswhoobtained

bibles,91paidcash,155promisedcashinthefuture,and34receivedbiblesfreeof

charge.Readingthelistsuggeststhatbibledistributiontrulywasafamilyaffair.Of

the364,388weremenand280ofthe364wereheadsoftheirhouseholds.Most

patronsfarmed—253—followedby50laborersandasmallnumberofcarpenters,

millers,teachers,wheelwrights,aconstable,amechanic,ashoemaker,anda

gunsmith.FourwidowsreceivedBibles.Purchasersincludedthewealthy,orwell

off,amongthemHenryFreeman,with$1,025inproperty,awifeandeightchildren;

WilliamLucas,a58yearoldfarmerworth$1,000,withafamilyof10;andAaron

Sanders,afarmerwhoclaimed$2,225inpropertyalongwithawifeand5children.

SomelaborerswithnoreportedpropertyalsopurchasedBibles.GeorgeWhitley,Jr.,

a28‐year‐oldlaborerwithawifeandfourchildrenpurchasedone,thoughfarmore

propertylesspeopleobtainedBiblesoncreditorforfree.Amongpurchasers,those

28Skinner,McRae,Wooley,andDeberryPapers,NorthCarolinaOfficeofArchivesandHistory,Raleigh.

206

withoutpropertytendedtobethechildren(childoradult)ofheadsofhouseholds

withmodestpropertyclaims.SeveralwomenpurchasedBibles,includingElizabeth

Boles,the57‐year‐oldwifeofWilliamB.Jordan’soverseer;andNancyMunn,a75‐

year‐oldpropertylesswidowwholivednextdoortohersonandhisfamily.Green

Hoganpurchasedonebible,buthewas2yearsold,thesonofamillerZachHogan.

Inhiscase,wemightimagineGreencomingforthwithcashundertheapproving

eyesofhisentirefamily.Someestablishedpeopledidbuybiblesoncredit—orat

leastthepromisetopayatalaterdate.WilliamHaywood,a40yearoldfarmerwith

awife,8children,and$1,500inpropertyacquiredabiblethisway.Morecommon,

however,arethefarmerswithmodestproperty,ornoneatall:WilliamFraser,a36‐

year‐oldwithawife,onechild,andnoproperty;ReubenMorris,49‐year‐oldfarmer

withawife,sixchildren,and$200inland;andLewisUsry,a53‐year‐oldfarmer

withawife,fourchildren,andnoproperty.MichaelWooley,a33‐year‐oldfarmer

withawife,5children,and$75inpropertyreceivedabible“gratis,”asdidlaborer

JesseGad,BlacksmithDumasTedder,andfarmerChristopherSingleton,all

propertyless.Often,teenagedoradultsonsanddaughtersreceivedbiblesoftheir

own,asdid19‐year‐oldAndyCrowell,alaboreronhisfather’ssmallfarm;Berry

RossofStanlyCounty;and13‐year‐oldElizabethMcCallum,wholivedwithher

propertylessmotherandfoursisters.29

29EighthCensusoftheUnitedStates,1860:Montgomery,Stanly,Randolph,Davidson,Richmond,Anson,andMooreCounties,NorthCarolina.

207

ThesesalesandgiftsofBiblesdidnotdependontheconversionofthe

recipient.Religiouspublicationsocietiesintendedtheirliteraturetobecome

integratedintoafamily’sdailylifeandroutines.Theefficacyofthisoutsideof

individualtestimony(seebelow)isdifficulttodetermine.Someevidenceis

availabletosuggestthatafewfamilies,atleast,treasuredreligioussocietybibles

andliteratureintheirfamilies.BiblessurvivecarryingtheAmericanBibleSociety,

AmericanTractSociety,andAmericanSundaySchoolimprintsthatservedas

valuablerecordsoffamilyhistoryforseveralgenerations.Infact,someimprints

cameequippedwithpagesreservedforrecordingbirths,marriages,anddeathsof

familymembers.Forinstance,HarperandAchsasBlackburn,afarmcouplewith

fourchildrenlivednearSaleminForsythCountyon$250ofland.Their1845

AmericanBibleSocietyHolyBibleremainedinusebytheirfamilytoatleast1871.30

TobiasandCatharineSigmonMoser,farmersinCatawbaCountyon$235worthof

propertyobtainedan1830ABSNewTestamentandmaintainedtheirfamilyrecords

initforageneration.31JosephG.Taylorinheritedhis1845ABSfromhisuncle

WilliamandcarrieditwithhimtoIndiana.32B.AlexanderHoltofStanlyCounty,

thirty‐twoyearsoldin1860andmarriedtoB.CarolineHoneycuttwasamechanic

withnoproperty,buthis1850ABSNewTestamentremainedinusebyhisfamily

30BlackburnFamilyBibleRecords,NCOAH,andEighthCensusoftheUnitedStates,1860:ForsythCounty,NorthCarolina.31TobiasandCatharineSigmonMoserFamilyBibleRecords,NCOAH,EighthCensusoftheUnitedStates,1860:CatawbaCounty,NorthCarolina.32TaylorFamilyBibleRecords,NCOAH.

208

until1913.33SmallfarmersJohnandSusanahMorton,alsoofStanlyCounty,

recordedfamilymilestonesuntilthe1880sintheirABSHolyBible.34Ketton

GillelandofIredellCountynotedintheflyleafofhisBible,“R.K.GillelandhisBookto

ReadAndStudyBoughtofhewcimble[HughKimball]Prise$6.00.”Theidentityof

HughKimballhasnotbeenrevealed,andthepriceseemssteep,buttheGillelands

usedtheAmericanTractSocietybiblewellintothetwentiethcentury.35William

BodenheimerinscribedinhisAmericanSundaySchoolUnionGerman‐language

Bible

WilliamBodenheimerismyname GermanyismyNation NorthCarolinaismyDwellingPlace DavidsonCtyismyStation August17,1845William’swifeMaryalsonoted“HerBook1845.”36Ofcourse,adherencetotheWord

isafardifferentthingfromloyaltytoapublisher’sideology.Andcertainly,the

greatersentimentalvaluelayinthefamilyrecordsandnotthepublicationplace.33B.A.HoltFamilyBibleRecords,NCOAH,andEighthCensusoftheUnitedStates,1860:StanlyCounty,NorthCarolina.34JohnWrightMortonFamilyBibleRecords,NCOAH,andEighthCensusoftheUnitedStates,1860:StanlyCounty,NorthCarolina.35RobertK.GillelandFamilyBibleRecords,NCOAH,andEighthCensusoftheUnitedStates,1860:IredellCounty,NorthCarolina.36BodenheimerFamilyBibleRecords,NCOAH.Bodenheimer’sinscriptionwasnotoriginal.The“identificationrhyme”formula,“myname…mynation…mydwellingplace…mystation…,”iscommontoEighteenthandNineteenthCenturyAtlanticworlds.KevinJ.Hayesnotedthatsuchanidentificationinabook“reflectstheowner’sattitudethatbookswerepermanentobjectsandthattheywouldbesavedandusedbyfuturegenerations.”Hayes,FolkloreandBookCulture(Knoxville:TheUniversityofTennesseePress,1997),99‐100.

209

Nonetheless,thepenetrationofactualreligioussocietyliteratureintothe

hinterlandsandlowerclassesofNorthCarolinaisatestimonytothesuccessof

nationalnetworksatworkinthePiedmont.

Themostpopulartractswerethosethatfocusedonindividualsalvationand

amountedtowhatMarkY.Hanleycalled“acadenceofsin,salvation,andjudgment

messages.”Baxter’sCall,theDairyman’sDaughter,andTheAnxiousInquirerratedas

highlyastheperennialProtestantfavorite,ThePilgrim’sProgress.Hanleysuggested

thattractliteraturerepresentedaneffortbyProtestantclergytomaintain“pulpit

themes”aspartofthereligiousdialogueinoppositiontotheperceived

encroachmentofliberaltheology.AccordingtoATSstatisticscitedbyHanley,lay

peoplereceivedandreadfarmoreoftheformerthanthelatter.37Yet,asCandy

Brownspecified,theworldofevangelicalpublishing,includingtheATS,embraced

moderntheologicalideas.38SundaySchoolbookstaughtthatfutureadultsshould

exhibitbehaviorsofpatience,kindness,andaffection,andeschewthoseof

intemperance,passion,andviolence.Andadviceliteratureforparents,distributed

throughtheATSandASSU,taughtmothersandfathershowthemselvestobehavein

ordertocorrectlyinculcatechildrenwiththesamemoralfoundation.39This

approachisquitedifferentfromthearistocratic“lessonsofmastery”prescribedby37MarkY.Hanley,BeyondaChristianCommonwealth:TheProtestantQuarrelWiththeAmericanRepublic,1830‐1860(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,1994),150,152.38Brown,TheWordintheWorld,79‐114.39DanielT.Rodgers,“SocializingMiddle‐ClassChildren:Institutions,Fables,andWorkValuesinNineteenthCenturyAmerica,”JournalofSocialHistory13(Spring1980):354‐367.

210

Chesterfieldandsubscribedtobylowcountryorfrontierplanters.Childrenwould

indeedcontinuetobesoulsimpresseduponbyparentstoensurealegacy,butthere

thesimilaritiesend.Theconceptualizationofchildren,themethodsofreproducing

valuesinthem,andparentalaspirationsforthem,asdescribedinChristian

literaturepromulgatedintheSouth,reflectedmodernmiddle‐classidealsoffamily

formandfunction.40

CandyBrownfindslittletrepidationfromevangelicalswhoembarkedonthe

publishingtrade.Accordingtoher,Christianpublishersdidnotshrinkfromthe

worldbutforgedintoit.Publishersandreadersformeda“textuallydefined

community”andemployedthelatestliteraryformsandstylestoexpanditsreach.41

Theliteraturesouthernersconsumedemphasizedsentimentandfeeling,notcold

rationality;illustratedmorallessonswithfictionalizedvignettes,notwithsermons;

anddescribeddoctrinewithpersonalmemoirs,notgospelexegesis.These

developmentswerenotintroducedinaTrojanhorseofevangelismbutwerethe

clearlystatedintentofauthors,publishers,distributors,agents,andreaders.These

broadchangestoevangelicalculturehavebeendescribedbyscholarsassignalinga

dilutionofevangelicalpower—asdeclensionintoanon‐controversialcivic

40AnneM.Boylan,SundaySchool:TheFormationofanAmericanInstitution,1790‐1880(NewHaven:YaleUniversityPress,1988).Onfrontierplanters’advicetotheirchildren,seeMarkR.Cheathem,“PatriarchyandMasculinityinAntebellumAmerica:AndrewJacksonandHisMaleWards,”paperpresentedatthe126thAnnualMeetingoftheAmericanHistoricalAssociation,Chicago,January6,2012.41Brown,TheWordintheWorld,61.

211

nationalismandblandmoralism.42Othersconsiderthisshifttohavebeenamarker

ofthe“feminization”ofAmericanculture.Asfeminizedreligion,then,modern

evangelicalismwouldfindnopurchaseinthepatriarchicalSouthandchurches

remainedinmasculinehands.43Therefore,asRandySparkshasnoted,“thescopeof

women’scontributionstosouthernchurches,therolereligionplayedinwomen’s

lives,andtheemergenceofawomen’sculturecloselytiedtosouthernchurchesand

religionaretopicsthatremaineitherunderstudiedorcontestedbyscholarsof

southernreligionandsouthernreligion.”44Brownoffersareinterpretationofthis

transformation,andtheevidencepresentedhereagrees.“Theproblemwiththisline

ofreasoningisthatitobscurestheextenttowhichtheologymatteredtonineteenth‐

centurywomenandtotheimaginativetextstheyproducedandconsumed.”45The

shifttosentimentalstylesconferredgreatpowertowomenwithlittlediminutionof

devotionrequiredforindividualsalvation.Moreimportantly,themorallessons

containedinevangelicalliteraturehadthepowerfuleffectofmakingsacred

domesticsettingsandtherelationsenactedinthem.Scenesoftheeveryday—the

punishmentofachild,atthesickbedofawife,oraSundayathomewitha

husband—werenotmerelythewaningglowofdissipatedreligionbutnewlysacred

42Hanley,BeyondaChristianCommonwealth,1‐11.43Thebroadoutlinesof“feminization”onthenationalscalederivesfromAnnDouglas,TheFeminizationofAmericanCulture(NewYork:Knopf,1977).Onthesouthernreligiousgrapplingwithperceptionsoffeminization,seeamongothers,ChristineLeighHeryman,SouthernCross:TheBeginningsoftheBibleBelt(NewYork:Knopf,1997).44RandyJ.Sparks,“ReligioninthePre‐CivilWarSouth,”inACompaniontoTheAmericanSouth,ed.JohnB.Boles(Maulden,Mass.:BlackwellPublishing,2004),168.45Brown,TheWordintheWorld,99.

212

toolsformaintainingsalvation.Asitwaswithindividuals,soitwaswithfamilies;

dailyactionsecuredassuranceofsalvation.

Subtlebutinformalchangesinpietyalsoincludesubtlebutimportant

changesinlanguagethehistorianmustaddress.Theabove‐mentioned

transformationinfamilyrearingstylesdidnotincludethediminutionofauthorityin

thefamily.Indeed,prescriptiveliteraturecontinuedtoinsistonyoungpeople’s

absoluteandunquestionedsubmissiontoadultauthority.Thechangecanbestbe

describedasaswitchfrompaternalisticauthoritytoparentalauthority.Powerno

longerderivedfromamasculineLord,inlessonswhereinobedience,restraint,and

honorweretheobjects.Powerstillexisted,butbothmothersandfathers,asmoral

exemplars,sharedandexercisedit.Theyinsistedonobedienceandrestraintbutfor

thepurposesofinstillinglessonsofChristianmoralbehavior.SomeChristianadvice

literatureplacedthemotherintheroleofmoralauthority,whileotherpublications

continuedtoenvisionthefatherinthatposition.Onebook,TheHome‐Altar,written

inGreensborobytheformerAmericanBibleSocietyagentCharlesForceDeems,

preservedthefather’sprerogativeinmoralinstructionbutdidsointhecontextof

innovativefamilyprayer.

Deems’sPrescription

Deems,thoughborninBaltimore,spentthefirsttenyearsofhisministryin

NorthCarolina.InhistravelsfortheABS,aninterestingconversationwitha

Moravianbishopanticipatedhisaffectionateviewofmarriageheldbymany

213

Protestants.TheMoraviansstilloccasionallysubmittedmarriagedecisionstothe

Lot—acommunalvotingritualmeanttorepresentthewillofGod.46Deems,the

Methodist,insistedthatarightmarriageintheeyesofGodcouldonlybepossible

whenthemanandthewomanhaddeveloped“sentiment,”—or,love—forone

another.TheLot,suggestedDeems,riskedtarnishmentshouldthemarriagefail.The

MoravianretortedthatbytheLot,Godhadadirecthandinthedecisionofmarriage,

andshouldaMethodist’smarriagefail,onlythehumanpartnerscouldbeblamed!47

Attwenty‐twoyearsold,DeemsbecameaprofessorattheUniversityofNorth

Carolina,followedbyatwo‐yearstintinthelate1840saspresidentofRandolph‐

MaconCollegejustovertheborderinBoydton,Virginia.In1850,theGreensboro

FemaleInstitutecalledhimtoitspresidency,whereDeemsspentfouryearsatthe

helm.Whilethere,heactivelyparticipatedintheSonsofTemperance,pushed

legislationfortheabolitionofalcohol,preachedonthelocalcircuits,published

Methodistannuals,andwrotehisbook,TheHome‐Altar.48

SubtitledAnAppealinBehalfofFamilyWorship;withPrayersandHymns,and

CalendarofLessonsfromScripture,forFamilyUse,Deems’bookconsistedofone

hundredfifteenpagesofargumentinfavoroffamilyworship,onehundredsixty

fourpagesofprayers(twoadayforeverydayoftheweekfortwoweeks),hymns,

46CrewsandStarbuck,WithCouragefortheFuture,42.47DeemsandDeems,eds.,AutobiographyofCharlesForceDeems,73‐74.48CharlesForceDeems,TheHome‐Altar:AnAppealinBehalfofFamilyWorship;withPrayersandHymns,andCalendarofLessonsfromScripture,forFamilyUse(NewYork:M.W.Dodd,1851).

214

andatableoflessonsmatchingabibleversewitheverydayoftheyear.The

argumentisacuriousmixoftraditionalandmodernassertions,likelywelltailored

tothesouthernenvironment.TheHome‐Altarappearstobeapatriarchical

manifesto.Theman,thefather,istheheadofthehouseholdandthesoledispenser

ofreligiousinstruction.Infact,Deems’mothersplaynopartexceptasamemberof

thefamily(thoughonewhodidhaveauthorityoverthechildren.)Fathersmight

persuadehisfamilytoprayer,butDeemscitedAbraham’spaternalswayand

endorsedcommandastheheads’prerogative.49Deems’visionofthehouseholdalso

explicitlyincludedslaves,visitors,oranyoneelseontheproperty.Heclearlystated

thatadherencetoChristiandutywouldprovideexampleandencouragementfor

servantstobediligentonbehalfofthemaster.Foralltheseusualtropesabout

traditionalmaleauthority,Deems’prescriptionforfamilyprayercontainedaquite

modernperspectiveontheroleoffamilymembersandthenatureofChristian

nurture.Thefather’sprimaryobligationwastothemoralandChristianupbringing

ofhischildren.Habitualprayer,Deemsclaimed,couldestablishalifelongpatternof

Christianbehavior,orserveasasourceofinspirationforawaywardsoul.Thisview

reflectedthegenerallynewapproachtomoralinstructionasadailyendeavor.A

father’sChristianchildrenandsubsequentgenerations,nothisestateorreputation,

wouldbehislegacytotheworld.Thechiefbenefitoffamilyprayer—asidefrom

soul‐saving—wastheharmonyitproducedinthefamily.Deemsexplained,“for

peaceandhappiness,andsuccessfullabor,itisnecessarythatthemembersofa

49Deems,TheHome‐Altar,24.

215

familylivetogetherinharmony.”Soundandcommonplaceadvice,butDeems

presentsanoftenobserved,ifundesirable,model,“Itispossiblethatamananda

womanandseveralchildrenherdtogetherwithoutsympathy,withoutreciprocal

tenderness,eachstandingofftohimself,or,whatisworse,eachobstructingand

irritatingtheother.”Only“thereadingoftheWordofGodandtheunionofallthe

membersinprayer”mightsaveafamilythelaterdesolation,andby“sympathy,”

“reciprocaltenderness,”andmutualobligation,secureharmony.50Deemsmadeno

gendereddistinctionsinhisadvice,sothesameappealsforaffectionandrestraint

appliedtoboysasequallytogirls.Andwithhisemphasisonharmony,hisbeliefs

tiltedtowardexpectationsformodernmiddleclassfamilies.

Asidefromsoulsalvation,familyprayersteeledthechildfortheworld,and

reinforcedpublicChristianbehaviorfortheadult.Thecurseofprosperitytroubled

Deemsthemost.Wealth,andthesupposedlyhardworktoachieveit,provedthe

primarydistractionfromfamilyprayer.Deemscautioned,

inthemorning,thetemptationwillbetorunoffassoonaswecantodoour business.LetusrememberthatunlessGod’sblessingsgowithus,wemaybe runningintodestruction.Thiswere[sic.]indeedtobeabsorbedinMammon‐ worship,ifouranxietytobeengagedintheactivitiesofagainfulbusiness shouldpreventtheworshipoftheLordourGod.51

50Deems,TheHome‐Altar,29.51Deems,TheHome‐Altar,82.

216

ChristianpracticethusstoodincontrasttoBenjaminFranklin‐likevaluesofdiligent

worksopopularinmid‐centuryAmerica.Prosperitymightactuallybeacurse,in

disguise,fromGod.YetDeemsdidnotprecludeacquisition.Heendorsedwealthasa

rewardfromGod,shouldtherewardedhavesucceededwithinthevaluesystemof

thefaithful.Thefamilythatdevotedtime,daily,toworship,wassurelyblessedby

wealth.52Lesttheheadofthehousesuccumbtothepassionsofcommand,Deems

assured,familyprayercouldhedgethataswell.Theidealcharacterofthefather

includednotonly“suppliesofgrace,”butthatpracticewouldhabituatehimto

“wholesomerestraintuponhistemper,histongue,andhisgeneralbehavior.”53

Deemsprescribedapatriarch,andonewiththepowertocommand,butthat

patriarchwastoaspireto“wholesomerestraint.”Notdispassionaterestrainbut

“wholesomerestraint.”Notrestraintgovernedbyrationality,butrestraintgoverned

bymorality.54

Deemsacquiescedtotherealitiesofsouthernhouseholds.Hefrequently

citedAbraham’smaximthatwhereverhepitchedhistent,hesetupanaltar.55The

importanceofthefamilyaltarlaidnotinanactualpieceoffurniture,increasingly

availableonthemarket,butthetime,space,andsocialitydevotedtoauthentic

52Deems,TheHome‐Altar,49‐53.53Deems,TheHome‐Altar,37.54Still,aman’smanhooddependedonhisfulfillingtheobligationofleadinghisfamilytoreligion,buthischildrenandhiswife.Deems,TheHome‐Altar,56‐57.55Deems,TheHome‐Altar,24‐25,66,86.

217

worship.Hedidadvocate,ifpossible,theallocationofspaceforthegathering:‘This

dutywillbemoreeasilyandprofitablydischargedifacertainplaceinthehouseand

acertainhourofthedaybesetapartandconsecratedtofamilyworship.”56Buthe

acknowledgedthatthatrequirementmightbesetaside,solongasthegathering

tookplace.Thoughnotillustrated,TheHome‐Altarcontainedaclearvisionforhow

theserviceshouldappear.Father,kneeling,seated,orstanding,surroundedbythe

kneelingfamily(astraditionalaviewofthefatheraslordasimaginable.)Hebegins

theservicewithaprayer,whichDeemshelpfullyincludedforeachdayoftheweek,

morningandevening.AScripturereading,discussionofitsthemes,andan

extemporaneouspetitionfollowedbysingingroundedoutthedevotion.Deemsdid

notinsistonstrictchoreographybutencouragedfatherstosuittheirprayersto

theirparticularspeakingstylesandtheneedsofthefamily.Deemsengagedother

advocatesoffamilyprayerandexemplarsofsentimentalreligiouswriting.He

approvedofJacobAbbot’sTheMotheratHome,admiredJamesAlexander’s1847

ThoughtsonFamilyWorship,andexcerptedArvine’sCyclopediaofReligious

Anecdotes.

Inthematterofgenderroles,Deemshardlyswayedfromthepaternalism

andexpansivevisionoftraditionalsouthernfamilies.Fathersdidcommand

subordinatesandmothersrarelyspoke.YetDeemsadvocatedmiddle‐classfunction

56Deems,TheHome‐Altar,84.

218

offamiliesassacredinstitutions.Bymid‐century,AmericanProtestantswouldfind

thedomesticsettingtobeasreligiouslycompellingasthepeworthecampground.

“HowtoTreataWife”

Discussionsoffamilyformsinreligiousliteraturehadananalogin

ecclesiasticalandsecularnewspapers.Editors,inoriginalcolumnsandinexcerpts

frompapersacrossthenationbegantoarticulateforward‐thinkingadviceon

genderrelations,advicestrikinglycompatiblewithevangelicalexpectations.

VictoriaBynumidentifiedadiscourseinPiedmontnewspapersthateschewed“the

codeofmoderngentility.”Newspapereditorscondemnedtheallegedlyfrivolouslife

ofplanterwomen.Farmwomen,editorsclaimed,shouldnotsuccumbtoalife

devotedtoeaseandmaterialism.Bynumnotesthat“thepracticalneedsofafarming

economyandtheinfectiousspiritofprogressencouragedtheviewthatwhite

womenshouldbeactivehelpmatestotheirhusbandsratherthanornaments.”57To

the“practicalneeds”andthe“spiritofprogress”mustbeaddedtheevangelical

expectationofmaritalfulfillmentthroughmoralgenderequity.

ReligiousnewspapersproliferatedinNorthCarolinabythe1850s.Among

thedenominations,thePresbyterianspublishedNorthCarolinaPresbyterianin

Fayetteville,theBaptistscreatedtheBiblicalRecorderinRaleigh,andtheMethodist

ProtestantsreceivedTheMethodistProtestantfromBaltimore.TheMethodist

57VictoriaE.Bynum,UnrulyWomen:ThePoliticsofSocial&SexualControlintheOldSouth(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,1992),48‐50.

219

Episcopalsdidnothostastatebasednewspaper,butsubscribedtotwopapers,the

SouthernChristianAdvocatefromCharlestonandtheChristianAdvocatefrom

Richmond.EventheAntimissionBaptistshadaccesstoThePrimitiveBaptist.

Secularnewspaperscrowdedthemarketaswell:GreensboroPatriot,The

WatchmanfromSalisbury,andThePeople’sPressofSalem.

Womenshould,accordingtothepapersthatPiedmontersread,devote

themselvestotoil.Thisisnottosuggestthatthepublicdiscourseencouragedan

eighteenthcenturystyleeconomichelpmeetorapatriarchicalsubmissive.The

modernfarmwifeperformedavitalfunctionaseconomicmanagerofthehousehold,

skilledlaborer,andnurturerofchildren.Ahousewifeenchantedbythelatestdress

pattersorfrivolousgossipcouldnotpossiblybeseriousaboutmakingbritchesor

nursingbabies.58

Religiousnewspaperselaboratedonthedomesticdutiesofwomen.They

urgedthemoralauthorityofmothersratherthanthelaboriousdutiesofthewife.In

1837,theAdvocateapprovinglyquotedanunnamedFrenchwriter:

Itisher[thewife’s]happinesstobeignorantofalltheworldcallspleasure; hergloryistoliveinthedutiesofawifeandmother,andsheconsecratesher daystothepracticeofsocialvirtues.Occupiedinthegovernmentofher family,shereignsoverherhusbandbycom??;overherchildrenbygoodness.

58D.HarlandHagler,“TheIdealWomanintheAntebellumSouth:LadyorFarmwife?,”TheJournalofSouthernHistory46(August1980):405‐418.

220

Thepassagesoundslikeasevereproscription,asifitcondemnswivestoalifetime

oftoil,butitisnot.“[T]obeignorantofalltheworldcallspleasure”istohappily

avoidalifedevotedtofalseattainments.Truehappiness—humanfulfillment—could

notbefoundintheleisurepracticedbytherich.Reading,fashion,andidlenessled

notto“filialorder,peace,sweetsleep,andgoodhealth.”Ahard‐workingwife,the

quotecontinued,generatedmoralvirtuebyherverywork:“Economicaland

studious,shepreventsanddissipatestheevilpassions;theindigentwhoclaimher

charity,areneverrepulsed;thelicentiousavoidherpresence.”59Twoweekslater,

theAdvocateexcerptednotedBritishwomen’seducationadvocateHesterChapone:

Theprincipalvirtuesorvicesofawomanmustbeofaprivateanddomestic kind.Withinthecircleofherownfamily,anddependants,lieshersphereof action,thesceneofalmostallthosetasksandtrialswhichmustdetermine hercharacterandherfate,hereandthereafter.Reflectforamoment,how muchthehappinessofherhusband,childrenandservants,mustdependon hertemper,andyouwillseethatthegreatestgoodorevilwhichshemay haveinherpowertodo,arisesfromhercorrectingorindulgingits infirmities.60Again,theadviceconfinedwomentothehome,butatthesametimethehomearose

intheestimationofmiddleclasssociety.Thehouseholdwasnotonlythesceneof

femaletoilandtrouble,butalsothewellspringofvirtue,emanatingdirectlyfrom

women’swork.

59July8,1837,SouthernChristianAdvocate.60July22,1837,SouthernChristianAdvocate.

221

Oneeditorialadvocatingfemaleeducationoutlinedthebenefitsofa

regularsystemofcharacter…Icalleducationnotthatwhichismadeupof shredsandpatchesoruselessarts,butthatwhichinculcatesprinciples, polishestastes,regulatestempers,cultivatesreason,subduesthepassions, directsthefeelings,habituatesthereflection,trainstheselfdenial;andmore especiallythatwhichrefersallactions,feelings,sentiments,tastesand passions,totheloveandfearofGod.61Evidenthereisthetendencytoemotionalandmoralself‐control.Theverbs—

polishes,regulates,cultivates,subdues,directs,habituates,andtrains—promoted

theidealcharacteristicsofmodernizingmiddle‐classgenderroles.Inherentalsois

theideathatmoralityandvirtuecouldarisefromhabitualpracticesintheeveryday,

inplacesoffemaledominance.

Womenwereacounterpointtotheiconicman,notasan“other,”butin

equilibrium.Anadviceformenbegan,“HOWTOTREATAWIFE.”Answering

puckishly,“First.Getawife,”thecolumncontinued,describingavisionofgender

apartheid,withmaninthe“openair”andwoman“shutinfromthesehealthful

influences.”Yetthatveryinequityengenderedtheconscientiouscharacteristicsof

patience,attentetiveness,andsolicitousness.Themanmustrealizethat“[y]ourwife

mayhavehadtrials,which,thoughoflessmagnitude,mayhavebeenashardto

bear.Donotincreaseherdifficulties…shehastrialsandsorrowstowhichyouarea

stranger,butwhichyourtendernesscandepriveofalltheirkeenness.”Abandon

impulsiveself‐interest,then;restraintheimpulsetoheapyourproblemsontoher.

61August19,1837,SouthernChristianAdvocate.

222

“Donottreatherwithindifference.”How?“Sometimesyieldyourwishestoher.”For

menwhofoundthethoughtdistasteful,thewriterappealedtoempathy:“Thinkyou

itisnotdifficultforhertogiveupalways?”Submissiontomasculineimpulseand

ragewaskeytoreciprocalloveandrespect—theidealrelationshipbetween

husbandandwife,thewritersummarized.Traditionalpatriarchicalinequality

lingered,asintheinstruction:“Showyourselfmanly,sothatyourwifecanlookupto

you,andfeelthatyouwillactnobly,andthatshecanconfideinyourjudgment,”but

awifelookinguptoahusbandhadbeensurpassedbytheadmonitionforthemanto

yieldhiswishes.62

Evangelicalpublicationsthusobjectedtoimpulsivemasculinebehavior

advocatedbysexuallyandraciallyanxiousplantersandofferedanalternativecode

ofconductbasedonevangelicalstandards.Newspapers’advicetomenencouraged

acompanionaterelationshipinmarriage.AChristianhousehold,then,shouldbea

placeofharmony,butmoreso,aplacewherethewillofamanshouldbesubjugated

infavorofharmony.Newspapersurgedthedomesticationofmasculinebehavior

andpromotedthemoralauthorityofmothers,therebyreinforcingthemiddleclass

viewoffamilyformsandfunctions.Thismessageofgenderedharmonyand

manhoodrestrainedmadeinroadsintoruralNorthCarolinathroughevangelical

publications.Therouteisimportantbecauseitdidnotoriginatewiththeregion’s

socialelite.Theprojectorsofmiddle‐classvaluesmayhavebeenjustasimperious

62April12,1844,SouthernChristianAdvocate.

223

asthegreatplanters,buttheirlessonsforbehaviorcouldnothavebeenmore

different.InthediariesandlivesofCarolineLillyandStrongThomasson,wemay

seethebeginningsofthesenewculturalcodesintheSouth.Carolineandher

husbandJamespracticedacompanionatemarriage.SodidStrongandhiswife

Mollie.Bothcouplesmadetheirhouseholdsintosacredspaces,andbothdidsoin

thebeliefthatsuchactionwouldensuretheirsalvation.

224

CHAPTERVI

FAMILYLIFEINTHELILLYANDTHOMASSONHOUSEHOLDS

CarolineandJamesLilly

CarolineBrooksreadavidly.1SheconsumedtheclassicsofLatin,botanyand

astronomy,religioustracts,newspapers,andtreatisesonfemaleeducation.Thata

poorgirlfromMooreCountygrewtobeasvoraciousaconsumeroftheprinted

wordasshewasissomethingofamystery.Caroline,inherbriefautobiography,

describedherselfasadisruptivestudent,disinterestedinlearning:“Iwassenttoan

oldfieldschoolsixweekstoarusticausterepedagoguewhotaughtinamiserable

pinecabin,keptnoorderinhisschool,andyetappliedtherodwithalltheseverity

ofaSyciliantyrant.”Despitethedilapidatedcircumstances,she“learnedtoread&

wasextremelyfondoftheemployment.”Carolinedescribedanotherofhercountry

schoolsaspopulatedwith“arudeilliteratesetofcountryboys&girls,andofcourse

mymannersreceivedbutlittleimprovementfrombeingassociatedwiththem.”

Thoughshelaterattemptedtodistanceherselffromherclassmates—anddespite

theapparentliteracygap—Carolinewasclearlyoneofthepoorstudentsshe

described.Sheremembered,“indeeditisnottobewonderedwhenIwasfrequently

engagedinmischievouspranksandindoingofmanythin

1CarolineBrooksLillyDiaryandAccountBook,SouthernHistoricalCollection,TheWilsonLibrary,UniversityofNorthCarolinaatChapelHill.

225

toannoy&____them.Iwouldmisplacethebooksofone,tickleanother,laughatthe

brokendialectorbadspellingorrudemannersandtawdrydressofathirdand

neverfailedtodomybesttobearthesecretofthelargergirlsandcommunicate

themtoothers.”Ateightyearsold,Carolineremembered,herparentsendedher

scantscholasticcareerandsethertoworkin“theparlor,thekitchen&thefield.”

Betweenhereighthandeighteenthyear,sheimprovedherhandwritingby“copying

thedeedsnotes”ofherstepfather,and—despiteliving“inaneighborhoodwhere

booksarescarce”—readingeverythingthatpassedbeforeher.Caroline’s

deprecationofherownchildhoodfulfilledtherequirementsofaconversionstory

byacknowledgingevilbehaviorbeforeturningtoGod.Bystrikingoutasection,she

exhibitedaparticularbitofhumiliationandregretforbehavioraltransgressions

thatcontinuedtoplagueherinlaterlife.Havinglaterachievedtheperspectiveofan

educatedwoman,Carolinedevelopedcontemptforherformerstationandpridein

herenlightenedstatus.Shetooktwolessonsfromherchildhoodexperiences:

ferventdesiretocontinuelearningandadisdainfortheclassroom’s“austere”

pedagogy.1

Asthedaughterofapoorfamily,Carolinemightneverhavebeenableto

affordandpursuehereducationalaspirationswereitnotforafortunateand

completelymysteriousencounter.Shewrote:

Inmy19thor20thyearIwasintroducedtoseveralpersonsofdistinctionwhotreatedmewithattentionandkindlyloanedmeasmanybooksasIhadtime

1n.d.,1835,LillyDiary.

226

andleisuretoread.ForseveralyearsIhadfreeaccesstotwoexcellentlibrarieswhichIshallneverforget.Istudiedgeography&arithmetic,reviewedmygrammar&readhistory&poetryuntilIbecametolerablywellacquaintedwithRollin,Plutarch,Hume,Homer,Shakespeare,Milton,Scott,&c.BypreservingindustryIwasenabledtopurchaseafew_____andtheirwritingsof___________affordedmeadegreeofpleasure.

Thisisallshesaid,leavingusnootherclueabouttheidentityofherpatronsor

underwhatcircumstancessheaccessedtheirlibraries.Nonetheless,thisexperience

invigoratedherintellectandprovidedherwithasolidfootingintheworldofletters

andeducation.Duringhersingleyears,andforafewyearsintohermarriage,

Carolinecontinuedtoreadtheclassics.Shemadeaconcertedefforttocontinue

lessonsinLatinandregularlyreadbotanyandastronomybooks.

TheprivatelibraryepisodeisthelastofCaroline’sautobiography.Theevents

between1823and1836,whensheopenedherdiary,areunknown.Wedoknow

severalfacts.Shedidnotmarry,asayoungwomaninhertwentiesmight;she

becameateacher;andshetaughtinMontgomeryCountywhilelivingwiththeJames

MartinfamilyatAllentonnearthePeeDeeRiver.Whyshedidnotmarryisopento

conjecture.Carolinelaterexpressedalackofconfidenceinherphysicalappearance

andseemedresignedtolifeasasinglewoman.Itisentirelypossiblethatshechose

toremainsingleinordertomaintainthesmallindependencesofanunmarried

woman.Teachingwasoneofthefewcareeropportunitiesforsuchanunmarried

woman,butCaroline’senthusiasmsuggeststhatshechosetheprofession,rather

thanenteritfromeconomicnecessity.In1836shecommittedherselftothelifeofa

227

singleteacherwhensheleftruralMontgomerytoacceptapositioninprosperous

Concord,NorthCarolina.

Caroline’sfirstimpulsetoteacharosefromadesiretoaidyoungpeoplein

achievingsalvation.“Foreducationunquestionablyimplies,”shewrote,

”preparationforeternity.”2Herownexperienceofeducationalopportunityand

conversionundoubtedlyshapedthisgoal,butCarolinesupportedexperiencewith

rhetoricfromChristianeducationaltheory,primarilyJacobAbbott’sTheYoung

Christian.Attheopeningof1837sheprayed:

Letmebesuccessfulinimpartingscientificandmoralinstructiontothosewhoareentrustedtomycare,fullygivingmyselftotheworkanddevotingmywholetimeandtalenttothedischargeofmyhighresponsibilities.MayIbeenabledtoinculcatesuccessfullytheimportantdutiesofself‐government,toinstructmychargesincultivatingsisterly&socialaffections&everydomesticvirtue,andtoacquireelegant,refined&accomplishedmanners,andabovealltocherishsentimentsofpietyanddevotiontothatAlmightytowhomtheyareindebtedforlifeandeveryblessingstheyenjoy.3

Notlongafter,Caroline,inamomentofreflection(“Ifeel,Ifear,toolittleanxietyfor

thesuccessofmylabors”),expressedaninterestin“theinterestingandimportant

causeoffemaleeducation.”ShelookedtoGodforguidance,“Isitthespherein

whichmyHeavenlyFatherdesignedmetomove?”ApparentlyGodapprovedher

direction,butshealsohadsecularguides.Caroline’sinterestinfemaleeducation

hadbeennurturedbyJacobAbbott,andshedrewinspirationfromWillburFisk’s

2September4,1836,LillyDiary.3January1,1837,LillyDiary.

228

descriptionoftheHofwylSchoolinSwitzerland4(ifthisisfromhisbook,published

thesameyearasshereadit,orinanewspaperexcerpt,Idon’tquiteknowright

now.)ShealsofollowedEmmaWillard,headoftheTroyFemaleInstitute,authorof

textbooks,andwell‐knownadvocateoffemaleeducation.CarolinereadWillard’s

JournalsandLettersfromFranceandGreatBritaininApril1837andtookthe

opportunitytoreinforceherownpedagogicalapproach:“MayIbeactivated(?)by

motivesofbenevolencefarmorethanbyameanandsordidloveofpecuniarygain

andnot(asaladyinLondonrepliedtoMrs.Willardteachmainly)becauseitisa

genteelwayofmakingaliving.”5CarolinedidcastacriticaleyeonEmmaWillard,

however,describingheras“evidentlytoofondofdressandamusementfora

professorofreligion.”6

CarolinediscoveredateachingmentorclosertohomeinSusanDavisNye

Hutchison.Hutchison,anemigrantfromNewYork,hadmarriedasouthernerand,

afterhisdeath,operatedanumberofregionallyrenownedfemaleacademies.In

1837,whenCarolinetaughtinConcord,HutchisonopenedanacademyinSalisbury,

whereanumberofyoungteacherssoughtherguidance.Carolinevisitedapublic

examinationofHutchison’sstudentsinJune1837,andthatNovember—aftershe

hadrelocatedtoMontgomeryCounty—travelledtoSalisburyto“gainknowledgeon

4October3,1838,LillyDiary.5EmmaWillard,JournalandLetters,fromFranceandGreat‐Britain(Troy,N.Y.:N.Tuttle,1833).Seepage382fortheLondonlady’sremark.6April7,1837,LillyDiary.

229

theimportantsubjectoffemaleeducation.”7ShetaughttwoclassesinConcord,then

failingtogetanothercontract,consideredanofferinChesterfield,SouthCarolinato

teach.HerformerconnectionsinMontgomeryCounty,however,foundhera

positionandsheglumlyreturnedtotheMartinhousehold.8

AftershemarriedJamesLillyonJanuary1,1839,Carolinecontinuedtoteach.

Thistransition,infact,hadlittleeffectonherstateddesiretouseteachingtoguide

childrentosalvation,andherhusbandencouragedhercontinuance.Infact,James

builtCarolineherownschoolhouse—thatshenamedSylvania—somewhereonthe

Lillyproperty.9CarolinepublishedanadvertisementforherschoolinThe

Watchman,aSalisburynewspaper:

Mrs.CarolineM.Lilly,

FormerlyMissBrooks,respectfullybegsleavetoinformherpatrons,andthe publicgenerally,thatshewillresumetheexercisesofherSchoolonthefirst MondayinFebruarynext,atherownresidence,nearAllenton,Montgomery county.Thegovernmentwillbematernal,andthetermsasmoderateascan behadinanySchoolofequalrespectability.Excellentboardinhighly respectablefamiliescanbehadatthelowpricof$6permonth.TheTeacher ispreparedtoaccommodate8or10youngladieswithboard,towhose mental,moralandphysicalimprovementshepledgesherselftopaythe strictestattention.Fromherlongexperienceinteaching,andher determinationtorelaxneitherzealnoreffortfortheimprovementofthose entrustedtohercare,shehopestoreceivealiberalshareofpatronage.107November24,1837,LillyDiary.Hutchesonservedasmentortoanumberofaspiringfemaleteachers.SarahFrewDavidson,theCharlotteSundaySchoolteacherslookedtoherasamentor.KarenM.McConnell,et.al.,eds.,ALifeinAntebellumCharlotte(Charleston,S.C.:HistoryPress,2005),46,49,65‐66.SarahandCarolinedidnotappeartoknowoneanother.8November18,1837,LillyDiary.9February6,1839,February11,1839,LillyDiary.10January26,1839,CarolinaWatchman.SeealsoJanuary14,1839,LillyDiary.

230

Inadditiontoregularteaching,CarolineopenedaSundaySchoolatSylvania,noting,

“mayitbeablessingtothecommunityandmaythemostunworthyofallprofessed

followersofChristbeactivelyemployedindoinggoodwhileinastateof

probation.”11Continuingherteachingwhilebeingthemistressofthehouseholdhad

twomajorimplications.First,Caroline’swasaboardingschool,sowithintwo

monthsofhermarriageandassumptionofhouseholdduties,shealsohadtenyoung

girlstocarefor.12Aninstantfamily.Second,thoughshedidnotexplicitlysayso,her

teachingenterpriseevidentlybecameacriticalpartoftheLilly’shousehold

economy.TheLillys,thoughrichinlandandslaves,seemedtoalwayshavebeenon

thevergeofbankruptcy.13Thestakesofherteaching,formerlypersonaland

ideological,nowincludedcash.Perhapsitwasbecauseoftheimportanceofthe

schoolforthefamilyfinancesthatJamesfrequentlyhelpedherintheclassroom,but

Carolineneverinterpretedtheassistanceasanythingotherthansignsofaffection

andlove.14HetookoverclassesparticularlywhenCarolinesufferedfrom

pregnancy.Shenotedthat“Mr.Lillyaccompaniedmetoschoolintheeveningand

assistedmeverymuchininstructingaclassinwriting.”Shewelcomed,and

evidently,enjoyedhishelp;“Ihopehewillrepeathisvisitsfrequentlywhenhemay

11June16,1839,LillyDiary.SeealsoJune9.12March2,1839,LillyDiary.13March14,1839,LillyDiary.14April16,April22,1839,LillyDiary.

231

haveanopportunityofdoingso.”15Carolineexpressedherpleasureinthe

occupationinJune1839:“Theschoolroombecomeseverydaymoreandmore

interestingandtomethelaborsItherehavetoperformaremorelikerecreations

thandullmonotonoustiresometaskswhichtoomanyteachersareapttocomplain,”

butshenotedafterhertermendedandherboarderswereaway,“Mr.LillyandI

werealonelastnightforthefirsttimeinsixmonths.16Ifindatemporaryrespite

fromthecaresofschoolextremelypleasant.”17

Thisrelief,almostfourmonthsbeforeherfirstdelivery,provedherlast.

WhilemarriagedidlittletoalterCaroline’sviewofherteachingcareer,having

childrenofherowndid.TwinsAnnMartinandMaryCaroline,bornSeptember29,

1839,werefollowedbyJamesMarshall,Junior,onMarch9,1841.Notunexpectedly,

Caroline’sloveandattentionturnedtothem.Shefoundherchildren“interesting,”

andafterfourmonths,shenoted,“DuringthisperiodIhaveenjoyedthedelicious

sweetsofmaternalloveandfeltmyselfmorethanrepaidforthepainsand

privationsmysweetbabeshavecausedme.”18Sheconsideredherdutyto“train

themupindisciplineandadmonitionoftheLord,”19butunlikeherpupilsand

boarders,“they…contributenosmallsharetohappinesstoourlittledomestic

15April16,1839,LillyDiary.16June27,1839,LillyDiary.17June5,1839,LillyDiary.18January29,1840,LillyDiary.19November29,1840,LillyDiary.

232

circle.”20Caroline’sdomesticcircle,neverbeforearticulated,previouslyincluded

(probably),herhusband,herboarders,andherslaves.Becomingamother,

however,causedCarolinetonarrowthisvisiontoincludeonlyherhusbandandher

ownbabies.Thetugof“domesticfelicity”didnotcease.21Thebirthofsixchildren—

oneofwhomdied—reorientedCaroline’s“domesticvision”inmorewaysthan

simplyherhouseholdcomposition.Asawife,Caroline’sdutieshadvastlyincreased

aftermarriage.Sheoversawthehouseholdofboardersandslaves,performed

physicaltasksalongsideherslaves,plantedandcultivatedalargegardenand

nurturedflocksoffowl,andmaintainedherparticipationinservicesandcamp

meetingsintheMethodistcommunity.Shelovedteaching—femalesinparticular—

andcontinuedit,evenwhenherfamilybegantoleanonitforfinancialsupport.But

asearlyas1840shehadcometodespisetheforcedabsencesteachinghadcaused

hertotakefromherownchildren.Sheaddedanironictwisttoherresentment:

Ifindmysmallschoolbutlittlecalculatedtoadvancemypecuniaryinterest orenhancethepleasuresofmysweetdomesticcirclesasthepriceoftuition islowandIamcompelledtobeabsentfrommydearbabesseveralhoursin everyday.Theservantsalsoperformlesslaborsthanifundertheeyeofa director.ButsecularconcernsofmyfamilyrequirethatIshoulddowhatI canforitslivelihoodandIfeelitmydutytousemybestexertionstoprovide forthewelfareofthosewhoaredependentonme.22

20November14,1840,LillyDiary.21January1,1845,LillyDiary.22May22,1840,LillyDiary.

233

DomesticconcernshadcausedCarolinetobecomedependentonteachingasan

economicactivity,amotivationsheherselfhadcondemnedbutthreeyearsbefore.

Butshecontinued,finishingherlastterminschoolinJune1845.Economicneedhad

trumpedidealism,butdomesticfelicityoverpoweredboth.

MotherhoodalonedidnotpushCarolinetoward“domesticfelicity”;that

processhadbegunwithherunexpectedmarriage.Earlierinlifeshehadbeen

infatuatedwiththeReverandArchibaldMcGilvray,theministerwhooversawher

conversion,buthedidnotreturntheaffection.Sheresignedherselftosinglehood

anddidnotonce,atleasttoherdiary,divulgeanyinterestinmarriage.Asasingle

womanwithexperienceraisingchildreninacommunitylargelyuntouchedbythe

populationturnoverofurbanareas(thoughnottheoutmigrationtothesouthwest),

Carolinelikelyrepresentedafinecatchtotheolderbachelors—fathersamong

them—ofCabarrusandMontgomery.Fivemenproposedmarriage,orindicatedan

intentiontodoso.Carolinerejectedfourofthemandacceptedone.Inthe

deliberationsinherjournal,Carolinerevealedastrongandmodernvisionofthe

conjugalrelationship.Sherejectedallappealstoeconomicdependencyandcomfort

anddeterminedthatshouldshemarry,shewoulddosoforlovealone.Herfirst

(known)suitorin1836,a“C.H.L.,”didconvinceher“thatheisdevotedlyattachedto

meandbesidethisquestionofmind&heartwassuchasentitlehimtouniversal

respect,”whichsheconsideredafairfoundationformarriage.“[B]utforseveral

234

reasonsIfeelmydutytodiscardhim.”23Shedidnotstatethereasons.Caroline

expresseddistastewiththeideaofsteppingintoanotherwoman’splacewhenshe

notedofanotherperceivedsuitor,“Idohopehe[‘Mr.C’]isnotlookingoutfor

anotherwife.”24Hercontemptfordesperatebachelorsandunfamiliarmatesis

apparentwithhersnubofoneman,“RumorsaysthatL.S.awidowerwithfive

childrenisresolvedonaddressingmeonthesubjectofmatrimony.Iamnot

acquaintedwiththegentlemanandamverymuchastonishedthatheshouldspeak

sofreelyonthesubject.Hemusteitherfeelverycertainofsuccessordreada

disappointmentbutlittle.”25Thisman’ssubsequentproposalabsolutelystunned

her:

TomyutterastonishmentMr.L.Simmonscamehereonlasteveningand actuallyproposedmarriage.Nothingcouldbefurtherfrommythoughtsthan theideaofaccedingtothepropositionevenifhewerepossessedofthe wealthoftheIndies.Hetakesagreatdealofpainstohaveknownthatheis richandgoessofarastosayheisindependent.Beitso.heiswelcometo enjoyit.Iwantitnot.Iwouldratherworkfor____acottagethantopossess princelyhonorswithhim.26

LockeySimmons,indeed,hadreasontoboast.Alandowner,cottonplanter,and

BaptistpatronintheeasternportionofMontgomery,thewidowerSimmons

23October13,1836,LillyDiary.24April22,1838,LillyDiary.25May29,1838,LillyDiary.26November21,1838,LillyDiary.

235

claimedafarmvaluedat$4,000in1850,withthirty‐threeslaves.27Amatchwith

Simmonswouldhaveprovidedasmucheconomicstabilityandsocialstatusascould

havebeenhopedforinMontgomeryCounty.ApparentinCaroline’srejectionsarea

numberofassumptions.Shecouldnotcountenancetheideaofmarryingaman

solelyfortheeconomicsecurityheoffered,noramanforwhomshedidnotfeelan

affectionateattachment.WhateconomicindependenceCarolinehadachievedasa

teacherinConcordappearedtenuousatbest,andhavinggrownupinpoverty,she

didnotromanticizeordesireitsdispossessions.Povertyhauntedher.InApril1837,

uponseeingan“oldmaid,”shefalteredthenrightedherself,“Iamalmosttemptedto

acceptM.D.’sproffer,butno,thatwillnotdo.Themarriagestatemustbetruly

miserablewithoutreciprocityofaffection,similarityoftastes&congenialityof

Soul.”28Caroline’sdesiresmatchedthegrowingnationalsentimentregarding

marriage.Inshort,Carolineprioritizedanaffectionatemarriageoveran

economicallyorsociallyadvantageousone.Historianshavenotedthis

characteristic—theadventofaffection—amongcourtingplanters.29Caroline—nota

planter—expectedit.Jamespracticedit,ashischoiceofapoor,dependent,school

teacher—assherecognized—wouldnotraisehisstatusinanyway.WhenCaroline

27OnSimmons,seeWilliamCathcart,ed.,TheBaptistEncyclopedia,2ndedition(Philadelphia:LouisH.Everts,1833),SixthCensusoftheUnitedStates,1840,SeventhCensusoftheUnitedStates,1850,EighthCensusoftheUnitedStates,1860:MontgomeryCounty,NorthCarolina.28April,n.d.,1837,LillyDiary.29JanLewis,ThePursuitofHappiness:FamilyValuesinJefferson’sVirginia(NewYork:CambridgeUniversityPress,1983),Chapter5;JaneTurnerCenser,NorthCarolinaPlantersandTheirChildren,1800‐1860(BatonRouge:LouisianaStateUniversityPress,1984),72;AnyaJabour,MarriageintheEarlyRepublic:ElizabethandWilliamWirtandtheCompanionateIdeal(Baltimore:TheJohnsHopkinsUniversityPress,1998),andStowe,IntimacyandPowerintheOldSouth,50‐51and88‐89.

236

finallyacceptedanoffer,shedidsobecausethesuitorhadcapturedherheart.

Fortunatelyforher,JamesLillyalsoofferedafinalstepintotheworldofthemiddle‐

classSouth.

TheLillyswereamongthefirstsettlersofwhatwouldbecomeMontgomery

County.ThepatriarchoftheLillyfamily,Edmund,hadarrivedinthePiedmontin

theearly1750sfromFluvannaCounty,Virginia.Edmundacquiredaconsiderable

competencyonthePeeDeeRiver.Hepurchased“thousandsofacres,”ownedslaves,

operatedamill,andservedasjuroronAnsonCounty’sCourtofOyer.EdmundLilly’s

wealthdidnotprecludehimfrompiety;heserved,inthe1790s,asthepreacherof

theRockyRiverBaptistChurch.Edmundsiredtenchildrenfromthreewives.

Edmund,Junior,thefourthchild,inheritedtheLillyseat,Scuffleton,atthe

confluenceofLittleRichlandCreekandthePeeDeeRiver.Edmund,Junior’sbrood

includedeightchildren.Themostprominentofthese,Edmund,becameawealthy

merchantinFayetteville,whileJamesMarshallLillytookoverScuffleton.James

Marshall’searlycareerisdifficulttodetermine.James’brotherEdmund,evenfrom

Fayetteville,appearedtomanagethefamilyresourcesinMontgomery.James

participatedincountypoliticsatnearbyLawrenceville,wherehesocializedwiththe

Cochrans,Christians,Gainesesandotherprominentfamilies,andevenrepresented

MontgomeryintheHouseofCommonsfrom1827to1830andtheStateSenatein

237

1832.30Atfortyyearsofagein1838,Jamesfoundhimselfstillunmarried.When

James’sisterMarymarriedA.CochraninMay1838,Carolinefoundherselfin

attendance(aspartoftheweddingparty.)Thoughmoreinterestedinthedressand

fashionofthebride,Carolinedidnotethatshe“hadateteatetewithJamesM.Lilly.

Somewhatagreeable.”31Itwasaninconspicuousbeginning,butpairedwithCaroline

intheweddingpartyandseatednexttoherinacarriageonatwo‐dayjauntwiththe

brideandgroom,Jamesbuiltupamodestrapportwithher.Carolinenoted,“the

agreeableconversationofMr.L.renderedthetripquitepleasant.”32Jamesescorted

CarolinehomefromchurchthatSunday,butnothingabouthimmadeherthinkof

himasmorethanafriendofafriend.33James,however,haddesignshedeveloped

overthesummer.HiswidowedmotherhostedCarolineforsupperatherhouse,and

sentCarolineabasketofpeachesfromScuffleton.34Whileshemayhavesuspected

James’interest,CarolinebecamefullyawarewhenJamesvisitedtheMartin

householdinAugust.35“Theworldwillsayhehassomeparticularmotiveinvisiting

Mrs.M.’s,”shesaidbeforenotinginacooltone,“Icarenot.”36Butherpracticed

30Genealogicalinformationistakenfroma1952profileoftheLillyfamily,deliveredatthededicationofthefamilyburyingground,intheGeneaologyVerticalFileintheN.C.StateGovernmentandHeritageLibrary,Raleigh,NorthCarolina.31May10,1838,LillyDiary.32May11,1838,LillyDiary.33May13,1838,LillyDiary.34July3,1838,August16,1838,LillyDiary.35July30,1838,August4,1838,LillyDiary.36August19,1838,LillyDiary.

238

indifferencecouldnotsuppresshergrowingfeelings,forthenextdayshewrote,“I

seemyselfexposedtodangerswhichofmyownstrengthIcannotavert.”37

MuchtoCaroline’ssurprise,shehadgrownaccustomedtoherown

autonomyandresentedtheunexpectedfeelingsgrowinginherheart.Inthis

respect,sheprocessedthroughacommoncourtshippractice—analmostritual

defenseofherindependenceexpressedthroughfearofmarriageandastudied

indifferencetohersuitor.ScottStephandetailedthereasonsforwomen’shesitation

inthefaceofcourtshipasfearofbothsexuallyimpulsive(anddeceptive)men,and

ofthepotentialforamismatchthatthreatenedpiety.38“Feltthatmyheartwasin

danger,”CarolinewroteinSeptember,“butprayedforaidtoguarditcarefully.”39

Carolinedidnotspecifythereasonsshefearedforherheart.Interestingly,shemade

nomentionofthefactthatJameswasnotaprofessedChristian.Shebasedher

assessmentofhimentirelyonhisaffections.Shecouldnotcontainherfeelingsand

wrotewithbarelyconcealedresentmentandsarcasmataperceivedlackof

attentionfromhim:“AfriendtoldmethatthegentlemanwhomDameRumorhas

longsincegivenmeasabeauistoomuchimmersedinbusinesstopaymeavisit.Be

itso!”40OnNovember12,JamesproposedmarriagetoCaroline.Shenoted,“nothing

37August20,1838,LillyDiary.38ScottStephan,RedeemingtheSouthernFamily:EvangelicalWomenandDomesticDevotionintheAntebellumSouth(Athens:TheUniversityofGeorgiaPress,2008),62‐67.39September24,1838,LillyDiary.40October7,1838,LillyDiary.

239

inthehistoryofmypastlifehadappearedhalfsomuchlikeromanceandsolittle

likerealityastheeventsofthisday.”Feelingsovercameher:“ButIdonotdream.I

cannotdoubttheevidenceofmysenses…”Jameshadconfirmedwhatshehad

alreadylearnedfromtheirbriefcourtship,thatthepairtrulylovedoneanother,and

Jamespossessednoothermotive.Carolineclaimedthat“nomercenarymotives

couldprompthimtomakesuchachoice.Iamdestituteofwealthofbeautyof

honorableconnectionsandyethedeclaresheonlywishesfortuneformysake.”41

Shedeliberatedforthecustomarylengthoftimeandnotifiedhimbyletterthree

weekslaterthat“Ihaveconsentedtobecomehiscompanionforlifefullybelieving

thatmutualaffectionistheonlysolidbasisofconjugalfelicity,andbeingpersuaded

thatnoothermotivehasinduced____tosoimportantengagement.”42Shereassured

herself,“Noprinceorpotentateonearthcouldrivalhiminmyaffection.”43Caroline

marriedJamesatthehomeofMr.andMrs.MartinonJanuary1,1839.

Clearly,Carolinearticulatedayearningforacompanionatemarriagebutthe

exactsourcesofherfirmidealismareunknown.Herevangelicalfaithfostered

companionaterelationshipsacrossthesocialspectrum.Herelevationfrompoverty

41November12,1838,LillyDiary.42December8,1838,LillyDiary.CarolineandJames’courtshipcontainedelementsofepistolaryritualthatStevenM.Stowedescribed,particularlyinJames’actualproposalandinCaroline’saffirmativereply.Unfortunately,theletterstheyexchangeddonotsurvive.Theircourtshipalsoincludedquiteanumberofface‐to‐facevisitsthatapparentlyincludedunguardedemotionalexpression—notelementaltoStowe’sdescriptionofplanterritual.StevenM.Stowe,IntimacyandPowerintheOldSouth:RitualintheLivesofthePlanters(Baltimore:TheJohnsHopkinsUniversityPress,1987),Chapter2.43December17,1838,LillyDiary.

240

totheupperclassesexposedhertoideasandpracticesofmodernmarriagesthenin

vogue.TheliteratureCarolineconsumedtendedtowardthereligious,theclassical,

andthescientific.Nothingaboutherreadinghabitssuggestaparticularinterestin

contemporarysocialrelations.Thebestexplanationisthataffectionatemarriage

waseasilyblendedwiththereligious,literary,andsocialworldsembracedbythis

poorgirlfromMooreCounty.Caroline’sphysicaltravelshadbeenlimited.Asfaras

onecantell,sheneverlefttheconfinesofMoore,Cabarrus,Rowan,andMontgomery

Counties.Charlotte,probably;Chesterfield,perhaps;butCarolinenevermadeitas

farasColumbia,Raleigh,orevenGreensboro.Concord,whereshelivedforatime,

andSalisbury,whereshevisited,werenodesofcontemporaryculture.Butbyand

large,Caroline’smodernsentimentsaboutteaching,marriage,andfamilywere

nurturedinoutofthewayplaces.FromAllentonandScuffletononthebanksofthe

PeeDee,CarolinehadaccesstothelatesteducationaltheoryfromSwitzerland,she

knewthedetailsofEmmaWillard’svisitsinLondon,andmaintainedherrobust

curriculumofreading.Shewasneverparticularlyisolatedbyrurallifeandhad

completeaccesstothenewsoftheworld.Thisflowofinformationandideas

continuedafterhermarriage,evenwhenhervisionof“domesticfelicity”became

herprimaryexperience.

Caroline’saspirationforanaffectionatemarriageprovedout.Sherepeatedly

notedtendermoments,indulgences,andprotectivesolicitationsJamesprovided.

Thetwooccasionallywentfishingforpleasure,strolledinthewatersofLittle

241

RichlandCreek,andtouredthefieldsofthefarm.Carolinetreasuredthesemoments.

JamesandCarolinecomfortedoneanotherintimesoftrial.Infact,Caroline

frequentlyrevealedepisodesofirritationandanger,forwhichJamesprovided

relief:“themorningfoundmequiteillinbodyandmind.Myindispositionsoexcited

mynervoussystemthatIlostallcommandofmyselfandscoldednotalittle.Felt

ashamedandmadesomeapologytomydearhusbandwhowitnessedmyperturbed

stateofmind.Herepliedmildlythatheattributeditalltomybadhealthanddidnot

blameme.”44Shedidnotfearhisjudgmentbutratherwasanxiousaboutupholding

herendoftenderreciprocity:“Thekindattentionsofmyhusbandarenotall

diminishedbutratherincreaseasmybodilyafflictionsaccumulate.”45Hisattentions

soothedheranxietiesandherphysicalailments.Jamesnotonlyfrettedoverher

whenshesuccumbedtoillnessbutfrequentlysubstitutedatherschoolwhenshe

couldnotattend.46Shereturnedthefavorswhenhewasill,orjustill‐tempered.At

onepoint,Carolinerecordedthat“myhusbandisperplexedwithmanycaresand

requiresthesoothingattentionsofaprudentandaffectionatewife.Letmenot

forgetthevowsof1839.”47Duringherfirstpregnancy,Carolinewrotean

extraordinaryandrevealingstatement;“Asweetcalmresignationtothewillof

HeavenandtheassiduousattentionofmybelovedJameshavegreatlytendedto

44September7,1839,LillyDiary.45September9,1839,LillyDiary.46July25,1839,LillyDiary.47October28,1840,LillyDiary.

242

alleviatemybodilyaffliction.”48ShehadplacedJamesonanequalfootingwithGod

inrelationtoherownwellbeing.Butherpositioningiscritical.Shereserved

submissionasanactforGod,notherhusband.Shehadnotlearnedtosubsumeher

ownhappinesstoherhusband.ThatstillremainedforGod.No,fromJamesshehad

learnedtoexpect“assiduousattention.”

Jamesneverbehavedasthedomineeringpatriarch,anxiousaboutstatusand

honor,sooftendescribedbyhistorians.OnonlyoneoccasiondidCarolinesuggest

thatJamesevenpossessedsuchqualities:“Mr.Lindisposed,aggrievedfroman

incidentthatoccurredattheGainesonyesterday.Hepossesseshighsenseofhonor

thatwillnotreadilybookaninsult.”TheinsulthadapparentlyregardedJames’

compromisedfinancialsituation.Itshouldberepeatedthatthismentionistheonly

timeCarolinereferredtoJames’senseofhonor,andthispricklyhonordidnothave

adomesticface.Jamesdidnotparadehishonorwithinthehouseholdanddidnot

exhibitthedominanceofhisfamilyasaperformanceofhishonorinpublic.He

thoughtnothingofbeingasubstituteteacherinhiswife’sschooloranurseather

sickbed,andhetriedtoallayheranxietiesbyreturningdirectlyfromLawrenceville

courtinsteadofcarousingwithmalefriends.49NordidJamesactthepatriarchin

mattersofreligion.TheLillyfamilywasBaptist,butJamesandCarolineattendeda

Methodistchurchbecausesheadheredtothatfaith.Hefacilitatedherabilityto

attendSundayworship,QuarterlyMeetings,andcampmeetings.Jamesnever

48August1,1838,LillyDiary.49February5,1839,LillyDiary.

243

wieldedspiritualauthorityinthehousehold.Carolinewastheundisputedheadof

familydevotionatScuffleton.Hestruggledwithhisfaith.Heneverhadaconversion

experience,eventhoughheprayedforone.ThisshortcomingconcernedCaroline:

“mybelovedhusbandhasnotyetobtainedahopeofregenerationthoughhehas

dailysoughtitformanymonths.”50JameswasnotaChristian,buthismarriedlife

conformedtotheexpectedbehaviorsofaChristianmanandhusband.

In1844,Caroline’sdaughter,fouryearoldMaryCaroline,suddenlydied.The

circumstancesofherpassingareunknown,“butall,allinonesadhourweresnuffed

outbythecruelhandofrelentlessdeath!”Carolineneverfullyrecovered.Thefinal

threeyearsofherdiaryexpressdeepanxietyandmelancholy,lackherusualwit,

anddripwiththelanguageofsentimentality:“Ohowseverewasthestrokewhich

severedoneofthegoldenchainsthatboundmetohumanexistenceandentwinedin

itscordsthebrightestandloveliestsweetthatcheeredmypathwaythroughthis

thorncladvaleoftears.”51WhileCaroline’searlierprayersmimickedthelanguage

oftractsandsermons,herexpressionsofloveforherfamilyreflectedthe

contemporarylanguidaffectionfor“domesticfelicity.”Herchildren“contributeno

smallshareofhappinesstoourlittledomesticcircle.”52Hertwinscausedherto

enjoy“thedelicioussweetsofmaternallove…morethanrepaidforthepainsand

50August16,1840,LillyDiary.51August23,1845,LillyDiary.52November14,1840,LillyDiary.

244

privationsmysweetbabeshavecausedmetorealize.”53Onhersixthanniversary,

Carolineenvisioned“fourlovelychildrensmil[ing]allroundmecontributingmuch

tomydomesticfelicity,whilealovelierthanallhasescapedtothe_____ofunfailing

bliss.”54AsmightbeexpectedofaChristian,Carolinededicatedherselftoraisingher

children,whoshe“look[ed]upon…asaloanfromtheLord,”forGod.55Sheprayed

thatGodallowherto“trainthemupinthedisciplineandadmonitionoftheLord.”56

Thisdesireflowed,ofcourse,fromtheprescriptionsofherfaith,butshealso

entwinedlessonsfromherteachingphilosophyintoherparentalbehavior.

Particularly,Carolinestruggledtocorrectherfeistytoddlerswithoutphysical

punishment.WhenJames,Jr.mistreatedhislittlebrother,Caroline“representedto

himthewickednessofhisconductandtoldhimthatGodwasangrywithhimand

wouldpunishhimifhedidnotrepentanddobetter.”57Soonafter,however,James

againmisbehaved,and“Ifeltitmydutytopunishhimwiththerod.hepromised

amendmentbutwasheconvincedofhiserror?”Sheregrettedhersteps,“Havebeen

tooharshandtoofrequentlyresortedtoroughmeans.Mustendeavortoimprove.”58

53January29,1840,LillyDiary.54January1,1845,LillyDiary.55January29,1840,LillyDiary.56January10,1840,LillyDiary.57January4,1846,LillyDiary.58January9,1846,LillyDiary.

245

ReadingandliteratureinformedCaroline’sparentingstyle.Sheturnedtothe

brotherofJacobAbbott,whowroteTheMotheratHomein1833.59Carolinereadthe

bookin1840,afterthebirthofhertwins,“forthesakeofproperlygaining

instructionontheimportantsubjectoftrainingmysweetbabes,”andimmediately

recognizedthecentralpremise:“parentsshouldhavedeepdevotionalfeelings

themselves,shouldpresentreligioninacheerfulaspect.”60Indeed,Abbottclaimed

thatparentsshouldnotonlypassmorallessonstotheirchildren,butshouldactually

bemoralthemselves.Thereasonforthisfinedistinctionwasthatchildrenabsorbed

theexampleoftheirparentsandthatlearningtookplacewitheveryinteraction

betweenparentsandtheiroffspring.Thepointofeducationbeingtheconveyanceof

moralsandthedevelopmentofcharacter,theactualacquisitionofintelligenceand

civicknowledgewouldnaturallyfollow.WhereasCharlesForceDeemsenvisioneda

householdgovernedbyafather,twentyyearsearlier,inthetractreadbyCaroline,

Abbottplacedthatresponsibilitysolelyinthehandsofthemother.Caroline

explainedAbbott’sideas:

Ifthemotherisunaccustomedtogovernherchildren,ifshelooktothefather toenforceobedience,andtocontrol;‐‐whenheisabsentallfamily governmentisabsent,andthechildrenarelefttorunwild;tolearnlessonsof disobedience;topracticeartsofdeception;tobuild,uponthefoundationof contemptforamother,acharacterofinsubordinationandiniquity.61

59JohnS.C.Abbott,TheMotherAtHome(NewYork:TheAmericanTractSociety,1833).60November29,1840,LillyDiary.61Ibid.,17.

246

Abbottadvocatedpatienceandtoleranceinteachingmorals,buthemadeclearthe

foundationofgoodeducation—authority.Hedescribedafinelinebetween

forbearanceandindulgence.Thewell‐meaningbutmisguidedchildwouldcome

aroundtothelessonsofapatientmother,butaspoiledchildriskedbecoming“self‐

willed,turbulent,andrevengeful”andspendingalifetimedisappointinghismother.

Abbott’schoiceofadverbsmarkingundesirablebehaviorisinteresting.Considered

inamorefavorablelight,theymightdescribeanimpulsivemanofhonor:willful,

violent,andprimedforvengeance.Topreventthisunfortunateoutcome,Abbott

insistedthatmothersmustexerttotalauthoritytoachievetheobedienceoftheir

children.Theymustnotbeaccustomedtodefyingauthority,sowhenapunishment

iscalledfor,itmustbeunhesitatinglydelivered.AndbypunishmentAbbott

presumablymeantspanking.Suchpunishmentwasnecessarybecausechildren

oftencouldnotbereasonedwithinthemannerofanadultandwouldrespond

bettertocorrection.Itisnot“enoughthatachildshouldyieldtoyourarguments

andpersuasions.Itisessentialthatheshouldsubmittoyourauthority.”But

punishmentmustbedeliveredwiththecorrecttone.“Guardagainsttoomuch

severity,”headvised,

bypursuingasteadycourseofefficientgovernment,severitywillvery

seldombefoundnecessary.If,whenpunishmentisinflicted,itisdonewith composureandwithsolemnity,occasionsforpunishmentwillbevery unfrequent.Letamothereverbeaffectionateandmildwithherchildren… Andletherfeel,whentheyhavedonewrong,notirritated,butsad,and punishtheminsorrow,butnotinanger.62

62Ibid.,24,30,60‐61.

247

Thus,Caroline’sdespairaboutcorrectingJames,Jr.,withtherodisanexampleof

herenactingthebehaviorAbbottprescribed.Physicalcorrectiondidnotbetraya

maternal,Christiancode.Carolinedidnotfearthatabeatingdeliveredwasthe

wrongapproach.Shefearedbecausethecorrectionwasinflictedinamomentof

passion,notsolemnityandsadness.CarolineapprovedofAbbott’streatise,butnot

withoutabitofcriticism:“Ifindmanyexcellentremarksonthegovernmentof

childrenthoughalittletootheoretical.”SheparticularlyapprovedofAbbott’s

prescriptionsforreligiousinstruction,includingthechargesto“imprintpleasing

ideasandsuchasthescripturesholdforthofthehappinessofHeaventhatthereby

excitethemostintensedesiretoenterthathappyworld.”Hersummaryperfectly

describedthemodernapproachtoreligiousnurturing—“Weshouldnotonlypray

forourchildrenbutpraywiththemandteachthemtopray.”63

InthelifeexperiencesofCarolineandJamesLilly,weseeanimperfectly

articulatedmiddle‐classfamily.Shedidnotdescribeherselfassuchbutlearned

fromandperformedtheroutinesofmiddleclassdomesticity.Carolinedrewinideas

fromafullspectrumofevangelical,classical,andcontemporaryliterature.She

maintainedaninterestineducationaltheorythroughbooksandnurturedher

teachingphilosophythroughcommunicationwiththeforemosteducatorsofher

day.Carolineinsistedonacompanionatemarriageandtherebyrejectedany“pre‐

63November29,1840,LillyDiary.

248

modern”considerations.Thus,shemarriedJamesLillyandhadasuccessfully

affectionaterelationshipwithhim.

StrongandMollieThomasson

StrongThomassonwaspossessedbyperiodicals.Hereadmorevoraciously

thanCarolineinhersinglehood.Hereadsomanymagazinesthathemimickedtheir

styleinhisowndiaryentriesandonceimaginedhimselftheeditorofanewspaper.

Strongreadonweekends,nights,andevenreadwhiledrivinghiswagon.

NewspapersandmagazinesinterestedStrongthemost,buthealsoreadworksof

piousfictionandmoretraditionalreligiousmatter.Strong’sdiaryreflectedhis

literaryinterests,butmoreimportantly,thewaysheintegratedthelessonsof

readingintohisdailylifeareapparent.64

StrongtooklocalandregionalnewspapersincludingtheSalemPeople’sPress,

TheGreensboroMessage,OldRip’sPopGunfromShelby,andforatimehetook

CharlesForceDeems’temperancenewspaper,TheBallotBox.65Thomasson

enthusedabouttheNorthCarolinaPlanter.66Hesubscribedtopapersfromother

placesintheUnitedStates.HeenjoyedtheDollarTimesfromCincinnatibutdisliked

64PaulD.Escott,NorthCarolinaYeoman:TheDiaryofBasilArmstrongThomasson,1853‐1862(Athens:TheUniversityofGeorgiaPress,1996).65Escott,ed.,NorthCarolinaYeoman,11,50,56,24.66Escott,ed.,NorthCarolinaYeoman,192‐193,201.

249

theGeorgiaBlister&Critic,amedicalreview.67TheUnitedStatesIntelligencergraced

hispostoffice,asdidtheIndependentfromNewYork.68Strong’sabsolutefavorite

paperwasTheSpiritoftheAge,theorganoftheSonsofTemperanceinNorth

Carolina.TheAgebeganpublishingin1849andcarriednotonlytemperance

advocacybutalsoworksoffictionandnonfictiondesignedtoimproveChristian

moralsingeneral.69“TheAgeis,”Strongwrote,“oneofthebestpapersinNorth

Carolina.”70

Strongenjoyedmagazinesandcompendiumsperhapsmorethan

newspapers,andhesubscribedtodozens.AmongthemweretheYouth’sCabinet,

Arthur’sHomeMagazine,theLady’sWreath,TheWaterCureJournal,LifeIllustrated,

TheCountryGentleman,TheCultivator,TheU.S.Magazine,TheCriterian,Mother’s

Magazine,andMerry’sMuseum.71Hisfamiliaritywithmagazinesallowedhimroom

tocriticizethem.OftheWaverlyMagazinefromBostonhenoted,

Thepaperisgood,printfineandtolerblyclear.Don’tseehowDowcan affoardtopublishitat$2ayear,norIdon’tseehowanyonewhohas anythingelsetodocanaffoardtoreadit.Whocouldstandsuchaweekly, literarygorgeforawholeyear?Mr.Dow,‘Thatcantbedidintheseparts.’

67Escott,ed.,NorthCarolinaYeoman,26,46.68Escott,ed.,NorthCarolinaYeoman,16.69EncyclopediaofNorthCarolina,s.v.“SpiritoftheAge.”70Escott,ed.,NorthCarolinaYeoman,3.71Escott,ed.,NorthCarolinaYeoman,7,11,38,and60.

250

YourMagazineisto[o]large,andpublishedto[o]farfromhome—the south.72Strongreaditanyhow.

Americanhistory,geography,andsciencealsointerestedtheyoung

Thomasson.HereadThomasLowNichols’EsotericAnthropology,abookabout

hydrotherapy,the“N.C.editionofMitchell’sGeography,”Phelps’100CitiesandLarge

TownsofAmerica,Hitchcock’sGeology,CaptainR.B.Marcy’sExplorationoftheRed

River,andtheIlluminatedHistoryofNorthAmerica.Fromthelastofthese,Strong

learned“thatNorthAmericainsteadofhavingbeenfirstdiscoveredbyChristopher

Columbus,issupposedtohavebeenvisitedbyabandofNorthmenabouttheyear

1000.”And,astypicalofmostimprovement‐mindedAmericanboysofthe

nineteenthcentury,hereadBenFranklinandlitteredFranklin’sproverbsallover

hisdiary.73

AsanevangelicalChristian,Strongdidreadtheclassicsofreligiousliterature,

ProtestantstandardsingeneralandreadingimportanttoAmericanevangelicalsin

particular.HeheldalongfascinationwithParadiseLost.Hecopiedfavoritepassages

intohisdiary,someofwhichmovedhimtopray:“OhGod,forbidthatI,themost

unworthyofallcreatedbeings,shouldeverbefoundintheranksoftheArchenemy

ofThee,andoffallenman,whomtosave,ThouhasgiventhineonlySon.Forthy

72Escott,ed.,NorthCarolinaYeoman,195.73Escott,ed.,NorthCarolinaYeoman,30,31,50,67,139,191‐192.

251

Son’ssakehavemercyuponme;guidemebythyHolySpiritthro’life,andatlast

savemeinHeaven.”ThispassagewasunusualforStrong,beingoneoftheveryfew

timesherevertedtotheemotionallanguageofrevivalreligion.Hesteepedhimself

inthesermonsofJohnWesley,thehymnsofCharlesWesley,Fox’sHistoryofthe

Martyrs,andAdamClark’sCommentariesontheNewTestament.He,ofcourse,also

readPilgrim’sProgressandDow’sWorks.In1858,afterhismarriage,Strongbegan

anintenseself‐directedreadingoftheBible,asifheneededtoreasserthis

commitmenttothesacredscript.Heclaimed“theBibleisthebookofbooks,and

shouldbereadthroughbyeveryperson,aftertheyhavelearnedtoreadwell,at

leastonceayear.”74

StrongalsopursuedcontemporaryChristianliterature.Hepurchased

moralitytalesfromtheAmericanTractSociety.(Infact,oneTractSocietyagent,

Rev.SamuelCaliway,occasionallystayedatThomasson’shouse.75)Tracttitles

includedElizabethDavidson,EmilyMaria,GoldenTreasury,ComandmentsExplained,

TheExcellentNarrative,TheLittleOne’sLadder,andWouldstKnowThyself.76

Strong’sfavoritereligiousreading,asidefromtheBibleandParadiseLost,wasa

bookcalledTheSacredChainofWonders.Stronghadgoodreasontofavorthe

authorwithatellingname—SamuelArminiusLatta.AMethodistminister,a

74Escott,ed.,NorthCarolinaYeoman,72,119,130,188,and189.75Escott,ed.,NorthCarolinaYeoman,39.76Escott,ed.,NorthCarolinaYeoman,26,77,220.

252

temperanceadvocate,andaphysicianinOhio,(andincidently,afriendofCharles

Deems),Lattaturnedtomedicineafterpursuingaministerialcareerandadvocated

homeopathicmedicinebeforehisdeathin1852.77Strongmayhavediscovered

Latta’sworkbywayofhisinterestinhydrotherapy.TheChainofSacredWonders

attempted,infloridprose,tolinkBiblicalhistorytocontemporaryfindingsin

geology,geography,andnaturalhistory.Thepublishers,Appleton&Co.of

Cincinnati,advertisedLatta’sworkasavaluablematerialpossession:“Itis

illustratedwithbeautifulengravings,andisgottenupinthebeststyle,”or,“Itis

beautifullyexecutedonfinewhitepaper,theprintingistheneateststyleofart.”78By

makingappealstotheelevatedqualityofproduction,Appleton,inthewordsof

CandyBrown,had“sanctifie[d]theworldlydomainofhighfashion,”thus“unif[ying]

diversemembersofthechurchuniversal.”Thekeyhereisthatmaterialvaluehad

notreplacedspiritualvalue,butthatit“augment[ed],evenasessentialtoachieving,

itspiritualvalue.”79Iftheappealsbywayoffineengravingsandqualitypaperdid

nothintattheintendedmarket,thepublishermadeitclearbynoting“[i]tiswell

adaptedtotheChristianfamilycircle,toSabbathSchoolandreligiouslibraries.”In

77LattabiographyinWilliamB.Sprague,ed.,AnnalsoftheAmericanMethodistPulpit…Vol.7(NewYork:RobertCarter&Brothers,1861),756‐758.Interestingly,thougharesidentofOhio,LattaapparentlysidedwiththeSouthernMethodistsafter1847.SeealsoJohnHarleyWarner,“Power,Conflict,andIdentityinMid‐Nineteenth‐CenturyAmericanMedicine:TherapeuticChangeattheCommercialHospitalinCincinnati,”JournalofAmericanHistory73(March,1987):934‐956.

78AdvertisementsappearedinavarietyofAppletonpublications,includingRev.ReubenHatch,A.M.,BibleServitudeRe‐examined:withspecialreferencetopro‐slaveryinterpretationsandinfidelobjections(Cincinnati:Applegate&Co.,1862),andRev.R.Abbey,Diuturnity:ortheComparativeAgeoftheWorld(Cincinnati:Applegate&Co,1866)

79Brown,TheWordintheWorld,27‐33.

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short,TheChainofSacredWonderswasnotmeanttosupplementrevivalreligion

buttobeastorehouseofreligiousknowledgeinthenewdomesticityof

evangelicalism.

StrongThomassonprobablyreadmorewidelythanmostordinaryNorth

Carolinians,buthisselectionoftopicswasfarfromesotericorunusual.Pre‐

Darwiniangeologicaltheorieswerecommoninthesouth.SarahDavidsonhad

encounteredthem.VariousscientificpursuitsenrapturedmanyordinaryNorth

Carolinians.Nearlyeveryoneattemptedpoeticverses.Strong’sexplorationof

hydropathyisthemostuniqueofhisinterests.Thedepthofhisdevotionto“the

watercure”isnotknown,buthedidpracticeit.HereadtheWaterCureJournaland

ahydropathypromotionalbookcalledEsotericAnthropology.In1854,Strong

“bought…1½oz.ofspungeonpurposetouseinbathing.Ihavegreatfaithincold

water.”Hydropathydidnotconsistentirelyofcoldwaterappliedasmedicalremedy

butclaimedaholisticviewofhumanhealthincludingprescriptionsfordietand

exercise.Indeed,in1855,StrongThomassonlamentedtheeatingofmeatandcried

“O!thatwehadafewCasperHousersandLutherstoreformourtaste,andthus

bringabout,orestablis[h]apurelyvegetabledietthroughouttheworld.”Though

notdestinedtobecomepartofthemedicalorthodoxy,hydropathyandassociated

therapieswerecompletelyconventionalinthemid‐1850s.80Stronghimselfhad

80OnhydropathyandTheWater‐CureJournal,seeSusanE.Cayleff,WashandBeHealed:TheWater‐CureMovementandWomen’sHealth(Philadelphia:TempleUniversityPress,1987),24‐27.Ontheproto‐orthodoxmedicallandscapeofthesouth,seeStevenM.Stowe,DoctoringtheSouth:SouthernPhysiciansandEverydayMedicineintheMid‐NineteenthCentury(ChapelHill:TheUniversityofNorth

254

troublemaintaininghiscommitment,however,asby1858hewasagaineating

swine.81

Thomassonminedcontemporaryliteraturemostdeeplyforguidanceonhow

toconstructamodernfamily.Mostofthemagazinesandnewspapershesubscribed

tocontainedarticlesandcolumnsdevotedtodescribingidealgenderrelationships.

Forinstance,Strongtooknoticeofanarticleentitled“ComingDown”inhisfavorite

newspaper,theSpiritoftheAge.Theauthor,AliceCary—whoStrongconsidered“a

goodwriter”—describedtherapidsocialdecentofawealthyyoungcoupledueto

thelossoftheirfortune.Thetragedythreatenedtheirmarriage,buttheydiscover

thevirtuesandjoysoflovederivedfromcompanionshipinhardtimes.Theclear

lessonwasthatsocialstatusandwealthwerehollowmarkersofasuccessful

relationship,whilecompanionshipandtendernessmadetrulyvirtuousmarriages.82

Strongevencopiedpoeticadvicehefoundina“Lotterypaper”hereceived.

Treatladies’favorwithrespect, Goodwillofwomanne’erneglect, Nomaneverslightedwomanyet, Butfoundgoodcauseforsharpregret.

CarolinaPress,2004).Atthistime,IdonotunderstandStrong’sreferencetoKasperHauser,ayoungGermanwhoallegedlyspenthischildhoodinaclosetdeprivedoflightandsound.ThereissomesuggestionthatHausermayhavebeenatotemforhomeopathsandother“alternative”medicalpractitioners.81Escott,ed.,NorthCarolinaYeoman,30,50,101,and191.82Escott,ed.,NorthCarolinaYeoman,92.

255

Here,Stronghadtakenavisionfromtheculturalstreamandadopteditforhisown

use.Inthiscase,theadvicebadementoberespectfulofwomen.Fromapoemby

ThomasMaCeller,Strongderivedadvicethat“shouldbelaidawayandfrequently

rememberedbyallhusbandseekers.”

Bewareofhimwhosespeechissmooth Themotherspakeherdaughter Thedeepestdepthsareeverfound Whereflowsthesmoothestwater.’ Beadvised,youngladies,and‘lookbeforeyouleap.’

Inthisextendedmetaphor,amalepoethasawomannarratorenjoinher

daughtertofindamatenotina“smoothtalkingman,”onelikelytobedomineering,

prideful,orwealthy,butonewhoexhibitedthemostcalm.Strongadoptedthis

advicefrommothertodaughterandturneditintoadvicefromarecentlymarried

mantootheryoungmenstillinsearchofawife.Thereciprocityoftenderness

criticaltoformationofbothmasculinityandfemininityisapparentintheadvice

itselfandtheusetowhichtheadvicewasadaptedbyThomasson.Strongfound

similarguidanceincontemporaryfiction.Inthemagazinestory“thehappyTypo,”

Strongtooknoteofthemaincharacter,“aMr.GettyphatTake,whosaid‘The

happiestdayIeverspentwasonetimewhenIhadnotbutoneshirtandapairof

pantstoputon,hadspentallmymoneyandgonehungryforfortyhours.’”This

visionofmanhood,asmodest,unassuming,restrained,calm,andaboveall,cheerful,

movedStrongtoscratchoutaverseofhisown.

256

Ahappymanishe, Whothuscanfastandbe Alwaysingoodtemper.

Strong’scourtshipofMary(Mollie)Bellwasalreadyunderwaywhenthe

diaryopenedin1853,andthereneverseemstohavebeenanyquestionthatthetwo

wouldnotbeengagedandmarried.Therefore,whenStrongreadArthur’sHome

MagazineortheYoungBride’sBook,hehadspecificapplicationsinmind.Ofthe

former,heremarkedthathemustsubscribe,“ifnotnow,assoonasIgetpossession

of,‘aprettylittlewife,andabigplantation.’Since‘There’snoplacelikehome’I

intendtohaveahomeifIlive.”Infact,whenhereceivedtheYoungBride’sBook,

eighteenmonthsbeforehismarriage,Strongnotedthathewouldpresentthebook

toMollieontheirweddingday.83Strongdidnothaveacommandingtone;rather,he

conductedhimselfingenialways.GivingMollietheYoungBride’sBook,subtitledAn

epitomeofthedomesticdutiesandsocialenjoymentsofwoman,aswifeandmother,

wasnotacommand,butanexpresswishandencouragementthatMolliebea

certainkindofChristianwife.IttoowasanimplicitstatementthatStrong,the

husband,wouldbehaveasaChristianman.Theprefacetothe1839editionofThe

YoungBride’sBookestablisheditsvisionofaChristianmarriage:

Thatconjugalfelicitymaybeatoncereciprocalandlasting,theremustnotonlybeequalvirtueoneachpart,butvirtueofthesamekind;notonlythesameendmustbeproposed,butthesamemeansmustbeapprovedbyboth.

83Escott,ed.,NorthCarolinaYeoman,12,27‐28.

257

Thecriticaldistinctionhereistheprescriptionforthebalanceofpowerina

marriage.Itdoesnotallowseparatestandardsforbehaviorforhusbandsandwives

but“equalvirtue…virtueofthesamekind.”Publicdisplaysofpoliticaldominance

andprivateactsofsexualcontrolwerenotsanctioned.The“sameend”and“the

samemeansmustbeapprovedbyboth.”Again,thestandardofbehaviorfor

husbandsandwives—formenandwomen—dependedinpartnotonindependent

sexualizedvariablesbutontheunityofvirtuespracticedbyoneanother.

ThoughtheBellandThomassonfamilieswerelikelysociallyand

economicallyacquaintedintheirruralcommunity,thecourtshipbetweenStrong

andMollietookplacearoundchurchandthehome.StrongsawMollieregularlyon

Sundays,whenheescortedhertochurch.Followingtheservice,Strongwenthome

withMollietotheBellhomeandquiteoftenspentthenight.Thistimespent

togetherconfirmedtoeachother—andtoMollie’sfamilyaswell—thatthecouple

wouldhavearelationshipbasednotoneconomicadvantagebutonthestrengthof

theircooperativepersonalities.ItisunlikelythatStrongandMolliehadsexual

contactonhisovernightstays.Heneithermentionsitnoralludestoit.Butthey

likelysleptsidebysideinasmallhouseunderthewatchfuleyesandearsofMollie’s

fatherandmother.ThelatenightsoftenleftStrongexhaustedonMondays,buthis

enthusiasmforMollieonlygrew.Strongdrewonavarietyofpoeticsourcesto

expresshislove:“AsIcamehomeIsawMissM.A.B.,theprettiestgirlinallthe

country.‘MaytheRuleofheavenlookdown,AndmyMaryfromevildefend.’Amen.”

258

Here,hequotedLordByron.Onanotheroccasionhedrewfromlocalfolkloreand

thetaleofNaomiWise,whenhereferredtoMollieas“’thefairestofearth’s

daughters,Agemtodeckthesky.’”Nomatterthesource,hisadorationofMolliewas

fullysentimental.84

Strongandhisfamily—hiswholefamily—exemplifytheuniquenatureof

middle‐classideasappliedinaruralagriculturalregion.PaulEscottnotedthat

StrongandMollieremainedfullyintheeconomicorbitof—evensubmissionto—

Strong’sfatherAndrew.StronglookedtoAndrewforadviceonthepurchaseofland.

StrongandhisbrothersClarkandCalebworkedeachother’slandasmuchastheir

own.ImportantfamilymeetingsandeventstookplaceatAndrew’shouse;Clark

wentthereforhisdeathbed.YetinsideStrongandMollie’shousehold,thepicture

vastlychanges.Strongconsciouslyconstructedthesettingformiddle‐class

domesticitynotonlyinthephysicalsettingsofthehousehold,butintherelationship

hecultivatedwithMollie.Strong,likeJamesLilly,caredforhiswifewhenshewas

sickandassumedherdutiesinthehouse.“FoundMaryinbedwiththesickhead

ache,”henotedaweekaftertheirmarriage.“Bathedherfeetinwarmwater,and

gavehersomeDitneytea,andawarmrockforherfeet,coveringherupnicelyin

bed.”WhenMolliefellillin1859,Strongundertookataskfewsouthernmen

admittedto:hecookedandwasheddishes.“Itiswellenoughforamantoknowhow

tocook,washdishes,etc.,”heconcluded.“HadIbeenignorantofthesethings,I

84Escott,ed.,NorthCarolinaYeoman,26,27,and28‐29.

259

wouldhavebeenlikelytohavegonetobedto‐nightminusmysupper.”Nodoubt,

Molliewouldhavetoo.Heconfessed,“I’dmakeagreatcookifIhadenoughoftwo

things:‐‐viz.practiceandsomethingtocook.”Strongsteppedintoaidinothertasks

suchasquiltmakingandwashing.StrongnotonlyaidedMolliewithphysicallabor,

buthealsotaughthertoread.“GaveMollieherfirstlessoninGrammar,”henoted

sixmonthsaftertheirwedding.“Shelearnedandrecitedthreelesson[s]!Theywere

ofcoursenotverylong,butIamwellpleasedwithherstart.Thinkshe’llbea

grammariansomeday.”85Withsuchacts,Strongenthusiasticallyperformedtherole

ofamodernChristianhusband.Inthesecases,heoccupiedapatriarchicalposition,

beingthepossessorofpower.Buthedidnotperformthesetasksbecauseexerting

powerwashisdutyorthatperformancebestowedreputationuponhim.Hedidso

becauseheaimed,ashehadreadintheYoungBride’sBook,tohave“reciprocal”

relationshipwith“equalvirtue”achievedthroughthe“samemeans.”

TheThomassondomesticfelicityexerteditselfinasubtleandmoreprofound

mannerinthewayStrongutilizedhisSundays.AftertheThomasson’smarriage,and

particularlyafterthebirthoftheirson,StrongandMolliemoreandmorefrequently

stayedhomefromchurch.Thoughdueinparttothedifficultyofcoordinatinga

familyofthree’sattendancewithfrequentsicknessandpoorweather,Strong’s

decisiontostayhomeSundaysgrewintoaconscientiousefforttoconstructasacred

domesticsphere.StronghadexpressedSabbatariansentimentsbeforehismarriage.

85Escott,ed.,NorthCarolinaYeoman,90,225,231,229,and124.

260

Henotedthat“SundayvisitingisnotinaccordancewiththeDivineLaw,unlessitsto

dogood;thiswayofneighborsgettingtogether,andspendingthedaythatshouldbe

keptholy,inworldlyconversationisnothingshortofrobbery.”Robbery,thatis,of

God’stime,thecaveatsuggestedthatvisiting,ifdevotedtoworship,mayhavebeen

acceptable.

Strong’sacquisitionofhisownhomeandfamilyfacilitatedenactmentof

domesticity:“Thisisapleasantday,indeed,andwhileIwriteMaryissittingnear

withtheBible&SundayBook,andatmyrightelbowisawhitepitcherofredand

whiteWinterRoses—emblemsofloveandpurity,andjustbeforemeliesthatgreat

‘StorehouseoftheEnglishlanguage’—Webster’sAmericanDictionary.”Itisaperfect

sceneofdomestichappiness,includingacontentwifeindevotionandasymbolic

flowerarrangement.Webster’ssuggestsasecularcomponent,asdothepitcherand

flowers,inablendofsacredandworldly.Mollie’sreadingchoice,however,reflected

Strong’spreferenceforsacredconsumptiononSundays.Strongexplained,

staidathomeandread,amongotherthings,twoofWesley’ssermons.Oneon familyreligion,fromthetext…andtheotheronredeemingtime,fromthe text…WestayathomeonSundayandreadourgoodbooks—theBible— ChainofSacredWonders—PrinceoftheHouseofDavid—etc.,etc.Strongdidnotquitchurch;hisfamilycontinuedtoattendservicesregularly,buthis

replacementofcongregationwithfamilyisobvious.ThearrivalofhissonJodyonly

increasedStrong’sdomesticfelicity:“Staidathomeallday.Ialwayslovedhome,and

wasneversatisfiedanywhereelselongatatime,andnowthatthehomechainhas

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anotherandastronglink(myboy)attachedtoit,anditbindscloserinproportionas

itincreasesinlengthguessIshallhavetostayabout.”TheJulyafterJodie’sbirth,

Strongwrote,

I&Molliearesittinginthesouthendofourcabin;thewindowisuptoadmit thepleasantsouthwindwhichcomesingentlythroughthegreenleavesof thepeach‐treethatstandsjustinfrontofthewindow.Ourboyissleepingon apillowinachairjustatmylefthand,andthedogieisalsoquite[quiet]just now.I’vebeenreadingthismorning,intheTestament,andIcan’tsee,forthe lifeofme,howtheBaptistscanconceivethatBaptismisessentialto Salvation.86

Strongdidnotindicatethatheengagedinthepracticeoffamilyreligionas

advocatedbyAbbotorDeems.Buthedidpracticereligionwithhisfamily.His

contemplationofBaptisttheologyonlyhighlightsanimportantaspectofStrong’s

felicity:domesticlifemayhavesupplantedchurch,buthomelifewasnolesssacred

thanchurch.Thisisaslightdistinction,andamajorone.ItisslightbecauseStrong

stillprioritizedsalvationandmoralbehavioramongallotherthings.Butthatbarely

concealsthatatectonicshifthadoccurred.Scholarsofreligionhavelongnotedthe

theologicalandmaterialchangestotheAmericanhouseholdasaresultofmarket

expansionandindustrialization.Fewhoweverhavedescribedthisprocessin

southernhouseholds,letalonenon‐slaveowningones.YetStrongThomasson

exemplifies—intheologymorethanmaterialism—thatshift.Hestayedathomeon

Sundaysinreveriesofquietude,madepossiblebyahome,awife,andachild.Strong

turnedhisdomesticsceneintoasacredscene.AsStrongputit,“themanthatloves

86Escott,ed.,NorthCarolinaYeoman,215,225,25,103,203,222,141,and142.

262

not,andsoneglectshishome,ifhehasone,mustbelookingoutforhappinessinthe

wrongdirection.”Perfecthappiness,thatofaconfidentChristian,couldonlybe

foundinthecontextofmarriageandparentalrelations,inahouseholdsetting.

Strong,likemanyothers,turnedtheireyesfromaheaveninasupernaturalworld,

toaliteralheavenonearth:“Home.Thereismusicintheword.Othatwemay

alwayshaveagoodhome;‐‐ahomeonearth.”87Theshifttodomesticfelicityis

emblematicofatheologicalshiftfromsalvation‐focusedreligiontoafocuson

secularmorality.Overalongperiod,thisbroadershiftiscertainlytrue,butStrong

didnotleapsofar.Salvationremainedthegoalofhouseholdhappiness.Strong

reflected,

howmuchmorepleasantitistospendtheSabbathathomereadinggood booksandpapers,thanitistospenditgad[d]ingaboutoverthe neighborhood.Andtosaynothingoftheagreeableness,howmuchmore profitableitis.SincetheLordissogoodastoletuslive,weshouldnotspend ourtimeinidleness,norinfrivolousconversation,butweshouldbeallthe timelayingupforourselves‘treasuresinheaven.’88Theactof“layingupforourselves‘treasuresinheaven’”thusincludedstayingat

home.Notatarevival,notincommunalsinging,andnotinthelisteningtoasermon,

butinstayingathome.

87Escott,ed.,NorthCarolinaYeoman,256.88Escott,ed.,NorthCarolinaYeoman,183.

263

Strongworkedtowardthenuclearfamilyasasacredideal.Historianstendto

suggestthatitiseconomicchangethatbreaksdownhabitsofmutuality.89But

Stronglivedfullyinaworldofhabitsofmutuality.Historianstendtosuggestthat

communitiesthreatenedwithdissipationfromeconomicforcesclingmore

forcefullytoreligion.90Buthereitisreligionitselfthatisfacilitatingthechange.

Strongcertainlylostsomethingoftraditionalsocialrelationships.Hedidnot

worshipwithfriends,neighbors,andfamilyasmuch.Hedidnotvisit,orreceive

visitorsinsuchawayastoreinforcesocialbonds.Allthewhilehemaintained

communaleconomicrelationshipswithhisfamilyandneighbors.Cultureprevailed

overeconomicsinStrong’sworld.Habitsofmutualityremainedwhilereligious

practicedirectedhimtowardhabitsofdomesticity.Strongneverexpressedregret

overthetransition.Heembracedit.

Middle‐ClassBehaviorintheRuralSouth

IntheLillyandThomassonhouseholdsweseeclearexamplesofwhatmight

becalledmiddleclassbehavior.CarolineandStrongbothanticipatedandpracticed

companionatemarriages,bothnurturedtheirspousesandchildrenwithaffection,

andbothsacrilizedtheirdomesticspaces.Thedemandsofracialandgender

hierarchydidnotmarkCarolineandStrong’sfamilialendeavors.Theirconceptions

89StevenHahn,TheRootsofSouthernPopulism:YeomanFarmersandtheTransformationoftheGeorgiaUpcountry,1850‐1890(NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,1983).90BertramWyatt‐Brown,TheShapingofSouthernCulture:Honor,Grace,andWar,1760s‐1880s(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,2001),chapters4and5.

264

offamily(includinggender)relationshipsarosefromtheculturalworldoftheir

evangelicalChristianity,nottheChristianityoftheGreatRevivals,butmid‐

nineteenthcenturyAmericanChristianitythatpromotedanexpandedviewofmoral

behaviorandinstruction.ThisChristianityanditsmiddleclassstylesfilledthe

culturalworldsofNorthCarolinians.Carolineattendedprotractedmeetingsand

deeplystruggledwithherownsalvation,butshelearnedhowtobeawife,amother,

andmemberofsocietyfromChristian‐infusedliteratureonfemaleeducationand

theadviceliteraturecirculatedbynationalevangelicalpublicationsocieties.Strong

imbibedofthefictionalandmoralisticformsofChristianliteraturepresentin

magazinesandnewspapers.Ofinteresthereistheobservationthatthesecultural

changesareapparentlongbeforeeconomicandpoliticalchallengesmanifested

themselvesintheSouth.Inthemidstoftraditionalsouthernfarmsteadsofslave

labor(Caroline)andextendedfamilies(Strong),bothturnedtheirfamiliesandtheir

homesintothemeansofsalvation.Theireyesdidturnearthward,buttheywereno

lessChristiansfortheirnewmethods.Indeed,insteadofadecreaseinthesocial

influenceofChristianbehavior,theprescriptionsforsalvationbecamemoredeeply

embeddedineverydaylife.

Partoftheculturalchangenotnecessarilyspecifictoevangelicalsisthatof

malegenderroles.StrongandJamesLillyenactedandrepresentedamodelof

masculinebehavioratoddswitheliteplanterstandardsbasedonhonor,command,

orpoliticalindependence.ThoughwedonothavetheinteriorthoughtsofJames,we

265

canreadinCaroline’sobservationsamanfullyinconcertwithhiswife’smarital

expectations.Theirbehaviorwasnotfeminized,andnothingsuggeststhattheir

peersconsideredthemlessthanmen.WhenJamesaccededtoCaroline’sreligious

prerogatives,whenStrongfedMollie’sreadinghabitswithbridalmagazines,both

fulfilledstandardsofmanlybehaviorpromulgatedbymiddle‐classChristianity.

Specifically,theyregardedtheirwivesasmoralequalsinthedomesticsphere.

Thereby,StrongandJamesbecamethementhattheAmericanTractSocietyandthe

SouthernChristianAdvocateencouragedthemtobe,morallyfulfilledbytheirwives.

ThesetwohusbandsactedthepartsthathistorianAmyGreenbergrecently

describedas“restrainedmanhood…practicedbymenintheNorthandSouthwho

groundedtheiridentitiesintheirfamilies[and]intheevangelicalpracticeoftheir

Protestantfaith…Restrainedmenwerestrongproponentsofdomesticityor‘true

womanhood,’Theybelievedthatthedomestichouseholdwasthemoralcenterof

theworld,andthewifeandmotheritsmoralcompass.”Greenberg’srestrainedmen

couldbefoundincitiesandinthecountryandamongDemocratsandWhigs,evenif

theirculturalpreferencestendedthemtowardbusinessandprogress‐oriented

Whiggery.91ThenotablyWhiggishorientationoftheNorthCarolinaPiedmontthus

maybepartiallyexplainedbytheembrace,withinhouseholds,ofthenew

evangelicalconceptionoffamilylife.

91AmyGreenberg,ManifestManhoodandtheAntebellumAmericanEmpire(NewYork:CambridgeUniversityPress,2005),11‐12,and238‐258.

266

Thesefindingsalsopointtoanothercriticalrelationshipinsouthernlife—

thatofeliteplantersandordinarywhitepeoplewhocomposedthemajorityofthe

freepopulation.HistoriansfromGenovesetoMcCurrytoFriendhavedescribedelite

culturalpowerasthebasisofsocialexpectationsforallothers.Plantersexpected

commandrelationshipswithsubordinates,sosecuredthatbehaviorinnon‐planters

throughpolitical,religious,andsocialpressures.Thosechannelsarenotsoapparent

inthisstory.Infact,whatisnotableistheunmediatednatureofcontemporary

evangelicalliteratureandpractice.CarolineandStronglearnedtheirbehaviorsnot

bylisteningtoelites,oraspiringtobelikethem,butbyengagingwithnational

evangelicalpublishingnetworksandotherculturalconversations.92Implicittothis

argumentisthecapabilityofevangelicalsocialbehaviortocrossclasslines.Iamnot

proposingthateliteplantersmaintainedonestandardofbehaviorandtheir

economicinferiorsanother.Instead,evangelicalsocialbehaviorcanbeseenasan

alternativecodeofconductavailabletowealthyandpooralike.IntheNorth

CarolinaPiedmont,withitssmallnumberofplanterelites,this“domesticfelicity”

settledrightinthemiddle.

92FriendfoundthisaspirationalbehaviorinoneSouthCarolinaPiedmonterin“Belles,Benefactors,andtheBlacksmith’sSon:CyrusStuartandtheEnigmaofSouthernGentlemanliness,”inSouthernManhood:PerspectivesonMasculinityintheOldSouth,ed.CraigThompsonFriendandLorriGlover(Athens:UniversityofGeorgiaPress,2004),92‐122.

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CHAPTERVII

EPILOGUE

EvangelicalsintheSecessionCrisisandWar

JohnFlintoffdidnotcareforthewar.Hethoughtitlamentableand

unnecessary.OnJune10,1861,afastdayinthenewConfederacy,heexpressed

trepidation—“asoluumfeelingprevailedweareinwarwithournorthernfriends.”1

Thethirty‐eightyearoldCaswellCountyfarmerstayedoutofthearmyaslongas

possible.YethebelievedheartilyintheConfederatecause.Sixdaysafterthefast

day,andwithnointentionofactuallyenlisting,Flintoffexpressedsolidaritywiththe

newnation’smilitaryeffort.“Shouldwefallindefenseofourproperty&rightsas

SouthernersmaywedieShoutingthepraisingofGodandtogohometorestwith

hispeople.”2JohnFlintoffwasneitheracowardnorahypocrite.Indeed,thousands

ofpiedmontNorthCaroliniansechoedFlintoff’sdreadandtheirlackofenthusiasm

presagedtheregion’sreputationfordisaffectionfromthewareffort.Atthesame

time,thousandsmoreNorthCarolinianscommittedthemselvestotheConfederacy.

Thecontradictionrequiresexplanation.JohnFlintoffcouchedhisreservationsinthe

languageoffaithandfamily.HeprayedthattheLordrelievehim

1June10,1861,JohnF.FlintoffDiary,OfficeofArchivesandHistory,Raleigh,NorthCarolina(Hereafter,FlintoffDiary).SeealsoApril12,1861.2June16,1861,FlintoffDiary.

268

ofthedistresscausedbythewar.“Lordmakeustofeelthatthouarestrongable&

willingtodeliverusfromtheravagesofwar&hastenthedayweshallhavepeace,”

hewrote,andconcluded,asanyevangelicalwouldhaveknown,thatonlyGod,not

thedecisionsofmen,couldoffer“consolinghope.”1ThewardistressedFlintoff,

becauseitrepresentedaspecificthreattoallhehadbuiltinhislife.“myheartis

heavymyprospectsinlifearebrokenupwhatIhavelongprayedforappearstobe

deniedme[.]IfgodthinkbesttodenymewhatIhaveworkedprayedyealongedfor

helpmeohgodtobesubmissivetobecheerfulunderallthecircumstancesor

afflictionsthatmaybesetme.”2AfterstrugglingforadecadeinMississippi,Flintoff

hadfoundrelativesuccessasalandownerandslaveownerinCaswellCounty,a

husbandandfather,andhadrecentlybeenappointedaClassLeaderinhis

Methodistcongregation.Flintoff’scompetencyincludedasecurehouseholdanda

serenefaith.Secessionthreatenedallthat.SodidYankees.

LikeFlintoff,IredellCountyfarmerStrongThomassonexpressedtrepidation

aboutthecourseofsecession.“Thesearegloomytimes,andseemtobegrowing

darkeranddarkereveryday.Everymailbringsussomebadnews,‐‐newsof

disunionandwar.”3NorwasMaryDavisBrownenthusiastic,butsheconsideredthe

1October1,1861,andJuly21,1861,FlintoffDiary.2July28,1861,FlintoffDiary.3PaulD.Escott,ed.,NorthCarolinaYeoman:TheDiaryofBasilArmstrongThomasson,1853‐1862(Athens:TheUniversityofGeorgiaPress,1996),305.

269

Confederacy“oureendangeredcountry.”4OnlyJamesLilly,Jr.,thesonofCaroline

Lillydidnothesitate.HeenlistedinthearmybeforeNorthCarolinaevenseceded.5

JohnFlintoffeventuallyandunenthusiasticallyservedintheConfederate

military.StrongThomassondidnotserveatall.Intheseindividuals’sdilemmas,and

theirinterpretationsofthem,weseetheproblemthathasbedeviledcountless

historians.Whydidsomanyordinarywhitesouthernerssofullycommitthemselves

tothesecessionists’cause?Why,atthesametime,didsomanyotherordinary

peopleexpresssoambivalentanattachmenttothatsamecause?6Theevangelical

ethosservestoexplainthereactionofboththosewhosupportedandthosewho

opposedtheConfederacy.

WhenNorthCarolinalefttheUnionin1861,itchosetoalignitselfwithanew

governmentdedicatedsolelytothepreservationofslaveryandtheperpetuationof

planterpower.Secessionhadexposedthenumerousparadoxesatworkinthe

4TheDescendantsofMaryDavisBrown,eds.,OilInOurLamps:TheJournalsofMaryDavisBrownfromtheBeershebaPresbyterianChurchCommunity,York,SC(n.p.:n.p.,2010),88.5CompiledServiceRecordsofConfederateSoldiersWhoServedinOrganizationsfromtheStateofNorthCarolina,NationalArchivesandRecordsAdministration,Washington,D.C.SeealsoLillyCollection,NorthCarolinaofOfficeandHistory,Raleigh,NorthCarolina.6SeediscussionsinStephanieMcCurry,MastersofSmallWorlds:YeomanHouseholds,GenderRelations,&thePoliticalCultureoftheAntebellumSouthCarolinaLowCountry(NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,1995),297‐302,CharlesC.Bolton,PoorWhitesoftheAntebellumSouth:TenantsandLaborersinCentralNorthCarolinaandNortheastMississippi(Durham,N.C.:DukeUniversityPress,1994),139‐160,StephenA.West,FromYeomantoRedneckintheSouthCarolinaUpcountry,1850‐1915(Charlottesville,Va.:UniversityofVirginiaPress,2008),KennethW.Noe,ReluctantRebels:TheConfederatesWhoJoinedtheArmyafter1861(ChapelHill:TheUniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,2010),andKennethW.NoeandShannonH.Wilson,eds.,TheCivilWarinAppalachia(Knoxville:UniversityofTennesseePress,1997).

270

changingSouth.Planters,forinstance,intentonananti‐liberalpoliticalregime,led

thesecessionistmovement,yettheyenvisionedademocraticfutureandwerejoined

byeconomicmodernizersintheConfederacy.7Themosteloquent,andthemost

inelegant,whitesouthernvoicesforUnionisminlate1860,afterjustoneyear,had

becomeofficersintheConfederatearmyandrepresentativesinitsgovernment.8

Thatchampionsandpractitionersofmiddle‐classvaluessnubbedtheConfederacy

shouldcomeasnosurprise.Theydid.Butthefactthatmanymoregavetheirlivesto

thenewConfederatenationshouldalsocomeasnosurprise.Theydidtoo.The

questionsareapparent.Towhatextentdidtheevangelicalethicspeed,orstall,the

movetowardsecession?

ChurchesatWar

DenominationsandtheirchurchesremainedlargelyquietasNorthCarolina

voterswenttothepollsinFebruaryandApril1861todecideonremovingthestate

fromtheUnion.9Theydemurredfromofficialcommentaryorendorsementof

politicalaction.10Yetindividualclergyandlaypeoplefreelyexpressedopinionsand

7See,forinstance,JohnMajewski,ModernizingaSlaveEconomy:TheEconomicVisionoftheConfederateNation(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,2009).8SeetheexamplesofZebulonB.Vance,JohnAdamsGilmer,andJonathanWorthinDanielW.Crofts,ReluctantConfederates:UpperSouthUnionistsintheSecessionCrisis(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,1993).9MarcW.Kruman,PartiesandPoliticsinNorthCarolina,1836‐1865(BatonRouge:LouisianaStateUniversityPress,1983),180‐221.10GeorgeC.Rable,God’sAlmostChosenPeoples:AReligiousHistoryoftheAmericanCivilWar(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,2010),andMarkA.Noll,TheCivilWarasaTheologicalCrisis(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,2006).

271

actedinasimilarfashiontotheobliquewaychurchesapproachedthetemperance

reform.BothMarkNollandGeorgeRablehavenoticedthisphenomenonofsilence.

Beyondthesermonsoftheologianswhoenthusiasticallysupportedsecessionor

thosewhobitterlyopposedit,thelessvisibleoperationofdenominationspointsto

themoreambivalentstancechurchesadoptedinthecrisisof1860and1861.

Denominationsexperiencedthreenotableresponsestotheoutbreakofwar.

Churchesinitiallyconsidereddisunionwithasenseoftrepidation.Theleading

denominationsdideventuallyembracethenecessityofwarinamorestrident

fashionthanothers,butallrespondedwithprayers,grief,andcondemnation.

Second,denominationalinstitutionsbeganarapidattenuation,eveninearly1861,

asthe“distracted”natureofthecountrysappedresources,particularlyfrom

schools.Andfinally,attheoutbreakofthewar,denominationsturnedtheir

benevolentresourcestowardanewpoolofneedyChristians:Confederatesoldiers.

Theseresponsesareclosertotheexperiencesofordinarylaypeople.

AttendeesattheMoravians’“monthlymissionaryprayermeeting,”

coincidingwiththeNovemberpresidentialelection,tooktimefromtheirregular

scheduleto“remember[ed]andcommendtotheLord:ourCountry.”Naturally,they

desiredapeacefulresolutionofthecontest,butsucceedingeventsbodedunwell.

Their1861retrospectivenoted“theapprehensionsofpublicdanger,whichrested

likeagloomyclouduponthemindsofthethoughtfulandobservantatthebeginning

oftheyear,thenatureandextentofournationaltroubleshaveprobablyexceeded

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ourworstanticipations.”11MinisterJacobSiewersinBethaniaalsodeployedthe

metaphorofstormyhorizons:“Thusclosedthiseventfulyear,withheavyclouds

loweringaroundthedestinyofourBelovedCountry.”Hecommencedaprayerthat

“God,ourGodinMercyspareusfromthefearfulresultsofDisunionandCivilWar,

andcementusagaininthepeacefulBrotherhood,andChristianBondsasa

nation.”12Religiouspeoplecringedwithapprehensioninthelastmonthsof1860as

therealityofwarloomed.ThePresbyteryofConcord,forinstance,declareda

Presbytery‐widedayoffasting,prayer,andhumiliation“inbehalfofourcountry.”13

AftertheshockingrealityoftheBattleofManassasinJuly,1861,theMoravians

establishedadailyprayermeetinginSalem.14

Religiouspeoplequicklyconnectedtheirapprehensionaboutthenational

situationtoadeclensioninfaith.Theyhad,afterall,spentsixdecadesdiagnosing

publicdissipationasfailuresofreligiousfeeling.TheCalvinistsamongthe

Piedmont’sevangelicalsparticularlytiedthepoliticaltroublestolackoffaith.The

PresbyteriansinConcord,forinstance,declaredelectionday(November5)1860to

beadayof“solemnfasting,humiliationandprayer,inbehalfofourcountry.”They

notcoincidentlydeclaredthesamedayas“adayoffastingandhumiliationon

11C.DanielCrewsandLisaD.Bailey,eds.,RecordsoftheMoraviansinNorthCarolina,Vol.12(Raleigh:DivisionofArchivesandHistory,2000),6354,6393.12CrewsandBailey,RecordsoftheMoravians,6382.13NeillRoderickMcGeachy,ConfrontedByChallenge:AHistoryofthePresbyteryofConcord,1795‐1973(n.p.:TheDelmarCompany,byorderofthePresbyteryofConcord,n.d.),222.14CrewsandBailey,RecordsoftheMoravians,6399.

273

accountofthelowconditionofvitalpietyamongourchurches.”15Thetwoproblems

wereoneinthesame.TheStateBaptistConventionpleadedwithitschurchesto

increaseprayer“thattheyceasenottocryuntotheLordforHishelpinthisourtime

ofneed.”16Noproblemthathadasitsfoundationalackoffaithcouldbesolvedwith

politicalormilitaryacumen,butonlybydirectappealtoGod.

Thechiefproblemwithpoliticalexcitementandwarwasthat,likeanyother

publicpassion,itdistractedtheChristianandhisorhercommunityfromthetrue

pathofGod.Ministerscoulddetect,evenwhentheirpewsandschooldesksswelled

withpeople,whentheircongregationsfailedtofocusonsalvation.Secession

distractedeventheLutherans.MinisterD.IDreherreportedtohisSynodinMay

1861that“publicworship…iswellattended.WehaveagoodSundaySchool.”Buthe

stillconsidered“religioninmycharge…notveryflattering,”because“theexcitement

ofwarseeminglyinterfereswiththespiritualimprovementofmypeople.”The

ReverendJ.A.Linnnotedasimilarphenomenon:“theordinancesofGod’shouse

havebeenwellattended.”But“spiritualityintheseveralchurchesinmychargewas

veryfavorableuptoarecentdate,owingtothepresentdistractedstateofthe

country.”17TheBaptistsofthePeeDeeAssociationfullydiagnosedtheproblemina

circularletter.Theirfive‐pointobservationincludedchargesthatcongregants15McGeachy,ConfrontedByChallenge,222.16ProceedingsoftheThirty‐SecondAnnualSessionoftheBaptistStateConventionofNorthCarolina,1861(Raleigh:PrintedattheBiblicalRecorderOffice,1861).17MinutesoftheFifty‐EighthAnnualMeetingoftheEvangelicalLutheranSynod&MinisteriumofNorthCarolina,1861(Salisbury:J.J.Bruner,1861).

274

showedtoomuchconcernforpoliticsinchurchratherthanpreachingtheWord,

and,theyfailedtoadheretothedutiesofprayer.18

Denominationsdidnotwelcomewar,butoppositiontowarfaredidnotmean

automaticoppositiontotheConfederacy.Thelargestandmostvocaldenominations

foundintheeventsofthefirstyearsoftheconflictenoughevidencetocompelthem

toembraceastridentdefenseofthenewConfederatenation.ThePresbyteriansin

particularwerestunnedbytheirnationalGeneralAssembly’sMay1861“Spring

Resolutions”askingallPresbyterianstopledgefealtytotheUnitedStates

government.NorthCarolinaPresbyteriansindignantlyandpromptlywithdrewfrom

theGeneralAssemblyandjoinedinthenewPresbyterianChurchoftheConfederate

StatesofAmerica.Lestanyonethinktheirreactionrash,theConcordPresbytery

issuedastatementinSeptember,undilutedinitsoutrage,thattheGeneral

Assembly’sinsistenceindemanding

ofallMinisters&ChurchesintheConfederateStatestoencourage Strengthen&SupportaGovernmentatpresentwagingamostunnatural cruel&unjustWaruponallthatweholddearonEarthisinfactwhatno ecclesiasticalCourthasrighttoinforce[sic.],asistoexpectLawabiding Subjects&ChristiansChurchestobeguiltyoftreasonagainstthe governmentoftheirownchoice.19

18MinutesofthePeeDeeAssociation,BaptistHistoricalCollection,Z.SmithReynoldsLibrary,WakeForestUniversity.19McGeachy,ConfrontedbyChallenge,232‐233.

275

TheBaptists,inNovember1861,similarlycharacterizedtheactionsoftheUnited

Statesduringtheprevioustwelvemonths,

SincethelastsessionofthisbodyawarhasbeenwagedbytheUnitedStates, upontheConfederateStatesofAmerica…inthespiritofthebarbarousages, theUnitedStateshavedeclaredourcitizensoutlawed,andwithanavowed determinationtosubjugatethewholecountry,eventotheentiredestruction ofitscitizensandtheirproperty…tothisendtheyhaveimprisonedand murderedmanyofourcitizens,stolentheirproperty,pillagedtheirhomes, burnttheirhousesanddriventherightfulownersawayfromthem, tramplingundertheirwickedfeetthewrittenconstitution,whichfortwenty yearstheyhavebeentoilingtoundermine.20ItwasathoroughlydecisivefeelinglikelysharedbythemajorityofBaptist

laypeople.Evenamongthemoredemurecongregations,asenseofmilitary

necessityprevailed.Itbetokenedtheterribledecisionmostsouthernersfaced:to

advocateforpeace,orprepareforwar.JacobSiewers,theMoravianminister,ceased

hiscondemnationofconflictonlylongenoughtoserveasadrillmastertoa

volunteercompanymusteringinhisneighborhood.21

Denominationsattemptedtocarryonoperationsasusualbutfoundthat

secessionandwarnecessitatedchangesintheirordinarypatterns.InMay1861,just

beforeNorthCarolina’swithdrawalfromtheUnion,theLutheranSynoddecided

thatsendingadelegationtotheGeneralSynodinLancaster,Pennsylvania,might

provetoodangerousandimpractical.Theyinsteadchosetoinviteothersouthern

20ProceedingsoftheThirty‐SecondAnnualSessionoftheBaptistStateConventionofNorthCarolina,1861.21CrewsandBailey,RecordsoftheMoravians,6423.

276

LutheranstoameetingatSalisbury“forthepurposeofendorsingtheproceedingsof

thenextmeetingoftheGeneralSynod.”22TheMoraviansnoticedanimmediate

effectofwaranxiety.Theirannualwidow’sfestivalwas“keptinthe[ir]usualorder,”

butmanypeople,widowsincluded,didnotattend,“somebyfamilycircumstances,

others,itissaid,byanxietyandapprehensiononaccountofthepresentdisturbed

anddistractedstateofthecountryandthefearthattheirsonswillsoonhaveto

leavethemandtakeuparmsindefenseofthestate.”Beforethewarwaseventhree

weeksold,andbeforeNorthCarolinaofficiallyseceded,churchactivitycontracted.

Moreominously,thewarforcedtheMoravianstoconsidercancellingtheir

lovefeastsbecauseofthealreadyhighpricesofcoffeeandsugar.23Theshortage,in

May1861,onlyhintedatthedeprivationtocome.BaptistmissionaryR.H.Griffith,

workinginCharlotte,notedamoredireloss,“Fiveofourbrethrenareinthearmy.

Someothershavehadtoleaveforthecountrytosupporttheirfamilies.Thesisters

andafewbrethrenremain.”24

Thecontractionofdenominationalschoolsmostvisiblyindicatedtheeffect

ofwaronlaypeopleandtheirchurches.InMay,theLutheransobservedtheeffectof

secessiononclassesattheircollegeinMountPleasant:“Thepoliticalexcitementof

ourcountryhascausedsomestudentstoleaveourCollegeandhasnodoubtkept22MinutesoftheFifty‐EighthAnnualMeetingoftheEvangelicalLutheranSynod&MinisteriumofNorthCarolina,1861.23CrewsandBailey,eds.,TheRecordsoftheMoravians,6397.24ProceedingsoftheThirty‐SecondAnnualSessionoftheBaptistStateConventionofNorthCarolina,1861.

277

manyothersaway.”Currentenrollmentencouragedthetrusteestobeoptimistic,

buttheSynodresolvedthatthey“actwithextremecaution…anddiscontinuethe

exercisesoftheCollege,ifintheirjudgmentitbedeemedadvisable.”Thecollege

shutteredin[year?]25DavidsonCollegetwiceclosedtemporarilyforlackof

students.26Femaleschoolstoofeltthepressure.TheSalemFemaleAcademy

restricteditsyearlymatriculationtooneday,as“thepresentunsettledandalarming

conditionofthecountryhavingcausedmanypersonslivingatadistancetoprefer

havingtheirdaughtersathome.”Tediumandanxietygavewaytoaresignationthat

faithcouldnotforestallthebloodletting.27

Despitetheattenuationofdenominationalactivity,churchesadaptedtheir

missionstonewrealities.Specifically,theyenthusiasticallypursuedbenevolent

enterprisesinservicetotheConfederatearmy.Thebirthofanewnationenergized

thePresbyterians,atleast,toredoubleeffortstoraisemoneyforforeignand

domesticmissions.TheConcordPresbyteryresolvedinJuly1861thatdespitethe

separationfromtheGeneralAssemblyandtheonsetofwar,“ourchurchesbeurged

tocontinuetocontributemoreliberallytotheBoardofDomesticMissionsand

Educationbeforethenextmeeting.”Theyneededthemoney,asthePresbytery’s

domesticmissionariesspentthefirstsummerofthewarerectingnewchurch

25MinutesoftheFifty‐EighthAnnualMeetingoftheEvangelicalLutheranSynod&MinisteriumofNorthCarolina,1861.26MaryD.Beaty,AHistoryofDavidsonCollege(Davidson,N.C.:BriarpatchPress,1988),106.27CrewsandBailey,RecordsoftheMoravians,6397.

278

buildingsinthetownofShelbyandPolkCounty.28Furtherafield,however,the

Presbytery’smissionaryeffortsdwindledasmenjoinedthearmy.WilliamGraves,

missionarytoHaywoodandJacksonCountiesdejectedlyreportedthatafterseeing

offtwovolunteercompanies,“ourserviceswereinterruptedforthepurposeof

callingoutthepeopletocompleteanothervolunteerCompany…itseemsthatbut

littlegoodhasbeenaccomplished.”29

Laterin1861,theBaptistStateConventionissuedinstructionstocombine

colportageoperationswiththe[Baptist]GeneralAssociationofVirginia,and

reportedon“adirectionit[theBoardonColportage]hastakenforthelastfew

months.WealludetoColportageamongthesoldiers…amoreimportantworkcould

notbepresentedforyourconsideration.”30TheMoravianstooshiftedtheir

publicationeffortstowardsoldiers.TheirTractSocietyappropriated$125and

collectedafurther$240todistributetracts,whiletheBibleSociety“supplied

volunteersfromthiscountywithBiblesandTestamentstotheextentofthesupply

onhand.31

OneMethodist,AdolphusMangum,enthusiasticallycampaignedtoraise

fundsforBiblesforsoldiers.Heassembled“allthedenominationsinSalisbury”to

28McGeachy,ConfrontedbyChallenge,231,234.29McGeachy,ConfrontedbyChallenge,235‐236.30ProceedingsoftheThirty‐SecondAnnualSessionoftheBaptistStateConventionofNorthCarolina,1861.31CrewsandBailey,eds.,ThePapersoftheMoravians,6398,6399.

279

organizetheBibleSocietyofRowanCounty.Attendeesdiscussed“waysandmeans

forprintingtheHolyScripturesforoursoldiersandotherswhomayneedthem.”

Mangum,andhisco‐chairS.H.Wiley,thenmadeastartlingpronouncement:“The

ruthlessinvadersofourCountry,notcontentwiththecountlessothergrievances

whichtheyhavecommittedagainstus,havedeclaredtheauthorityofwarabovethe

authorityofGodbypronouncingtheBibleCONTRABANDOFWAR.NowweALLMUST

havetheBible.”WhetherMangumbelievedthisallegationornot,thevisionof

hereticalandfanaticYankeestramplingHolyScripturemusthaverungtruetohis

audience.32

Perhapsbecauseofasubsequentdropindonationsasthefirstyearofthe

warprogressed,thePresbyterianslookedforwaystocontinuetofundtheir

missionariesandatthesametime,“supplyoursoldierswiththemeansofgrace.”In

May1862,aspecialcommitteerecommendedthatPresbyterianmissionariesgo

intothearmyaschaplains.There,theministerscouldnotonlysavesouls,butalso

receiveasalaryestimatedtobe$100permonth.Shouldthegovernmentnotaccept

thepaidserviceofthemissionaries,thentheyshouldstillbeencouragedto

volunteerforachaplaincy.Thecommitteerecommendedfourmissionariesforthe

task.33

32AdolphusW.Mangum,“CirculartoPastorsofMethodistCongregationsinRowanCounty,”NorthCarolinaCollection,WilsonLibrary,UniversityofNorthCarolinaatChapelHill.33McGeachy,ConfrontedbyChallenge,239‐240.

280

Altogether,inthefallof1860andthedurationof1861,denominations

carriedonroutinebusiness.Despitethedreaderuptionofwar,theyspentthebulk

oftheirtimeastheyalwayshad:preachingsermons,organizingnewcongregations,

raisingupnewministers,buildingschools,andtendingtothefinancialviabilityof

benevolententerprises.The“distraction”ofthecountryoccupiedbutsmallsections

oftheirproceedings,ifitdidultimatelymanifestitselfasconstriction,deprivation,

anddeathofreligiousbodies.Ifweviewchurchesasmoralbarometersofa

community,weseethattheyofferedmorethantheologicalandrhetorical

justificationforsecessionandwar.Theyexpressedacommunaldreadatthe

prospectsofdisunion.Beyondthelivedexperience,theevangelicalethicprovideda

foundationforavarietyofactions,oftencontradictory,duringtheCivilWar.In

expressionsofboth“Unionism”andConfederateloyaltycanbefoundelementsof

theevangelicalethic.34

BryanTyson’sObjections

IntheUnionistcautioninthesecessioncrisisof1860‐61,wemaywitnessthe

prescriptionsofreligiousdisciplinebeingappliedtopoliticalbehavior.BryanTyson

34ThisisperhapsthemostmisunderstoodcategoryofpeopleduringtheCivilWar.First,theterm“Unionist”isordinarilyappliedtosouthernerswhoopposedsecessionin1861.Toadegree,theappellationisfair:unionistsferventlywishedtoremainintheUnionandopposedthesecessionistoption.Butinadeeperfashion,thetermismisleading.TobeasouthernUnionistin1861didnotmakeoneunsympathetictosouthernpartisanship,loyaltotheRepublicanpartyortheLincolnadministration,orparticularlyanti‐slavery,pronetoabolitionistsentiments,orenlightenedaboutrace.Infact,most“unionists”harboredsuspicionsoftherisingRepublicanpowerandfearsaboutthepotentialforemancipation,soonconfirmedbyLincoln’scallfor75,000volunteersfollowingFortSumter.

281

wasnotaconventionalevangelical,buthedidrisetorepresentagreatnumberof

NorthCarolina’sdisaffectedUnionists.HepublishedprotestsagainstConfederate

authorities,forwhichhewasconfinedinjail;heorganizednetworksofUnionists

undertheHeroesofAmericabanner;andultimatelyhefledtheConfederacyforthe

North.Beforehisstintasapoliticalagitator,thethirty‐two‐year‐oldMooreCounty

mechanichadspentthe1850sassomethingofapart‐timeprophet.Tyson,theson

ofaformerQuaker,experiencedafour‐daylongreligiousvisitationfromGodin

1848inwhichtheDeityrevealedtoTysoncertainplansforthesalvationof

mankind.TysonneverjoinedachurchbutpreachedaroundMooreandRandolph

Counties.Hisapparentreligiouseccentricitiesbecamepoliticaloneswhenhe

publishedinearly1862histreatiseonthesecessioncrisis,entitledARayofLight.

InARayofLight;or,ATreatiseontheSectionalTroublesReligiouslyand

MorallyConsidered,Tyson,withnoapparenteditor,developedhisskepticalstance

onthenewConfederacy.35Hebeganinequivocalfashion,condemningboth

abolitionistsandsecessionists,butbytheendofhis150pageshaddevelopeda

conclusionaboutthedoomedConfederacythatrequiredhimtocallforan

immediatereturntotheUnion.Tysondiagnosedthesectionaltroublesasaproblem

ofextremes.TheNorth,spurredbyabolitionists,hadenactedclearly

unconstitutionalpersonallibertylaws.ThechiefproblemwiththeSouth,Tysonfelt,

waspoortreatmentofslaves.His“PlanofAdjustment”calledfortheabolitionof

35BryanTyson,ARayofLight;or,ATreatiseontheSectionalTroublesReligiouslyandMorallyConsidered(Brower’sMills,N.C.:Publishedbytheauthor,1862).

282

personallibertylawsandadoptionofFederallawstoenforcethegoodtreatmentof

slaves,thusremovingthecausesforresentmentoneachside.Tysondidnotruleout

separationultimately,shouldthetermsnotbeagreeable,butinsistedthatshouldit

happen,thatitbedonepeacefullyandwiththeconsentofanationalreferendum.

BryanTysonwasnotaparticularlysophisticatedoraccuratethinker,often

subjecttotheincompleteinformationthatappearedintheFayettevilleObserver.But

hisanalysisofthesecessioncrisisandthecourseoftheConfederacybyearly1862

isstillrevealing.Theprimaryfaultofbothsidesinthecrisis,Tysondeclared,was

thatleaderstookdeliberatestepstoensureahostile,notpeaceful,outcome.After

JohnBrown’sHarper’sFerryraid,forinstance,hecondemnedsouthernersfor

hangingBrown:“Astheyappearedtobeapartyoffanaticsormadmen,letusofthe

South,asagreatandforgivingpeople,haveshownthatwecouldbesatisfied

withoutdesiringtheirblood.”36Theslavestates’humanitymighthavebeen

vindicatedhadtheypardonedBrown,thusunderminingtheabolitionists’core

argumentsaboutthebrutalityofslaveholders.TysoncondemnedNorthCarolina’s

secessionistconventionfornotsubmittingitsresolutiontothepeopleforavoteand

arguedthatthedecisionwascalculatedbysecessioniststoensuretheirultimate

goal.Inbothcases,extremistsabandonedprinciplesofforbearanceandpatience.

Tysonreservedhismostdamningevidenceforhisanalysisofthesituationat

FortSumter,inCharlestonharbor.HefoundfaultwiththeLincolnadministration

36Tyson,ARayofLight,10.

283

foritsdesiretonotsurrenderSumter,adesirethatwouldinevitablyleadto

bloodshed.Worse,Confederateauthoritiesdirectedthecourseofeventswiththe

intentionofcreating“alittlecollision”intendedtoinducetheUpperSouthstatesto

secede.37InthecycloneofeventsatCharlestonharbor,leadersbothNorthand

Southacteddeliberatelytoensureastateofwarfare.Tysondidnotforeswear

secessionitself;infact,hetookpainstoestablishhispro‐slavery,pro‐southern

credentials.Butheremainedconvincedthatapeacefulseparationmighthave

been—andcouldstillbe—hadatthenegotiatingtablewithoutaresorttoarms.

Theaspiringpeacemakerarticulatedhisdisgustwithsecessionistsand

abolitionistsalikewithcommonplacetales.Inacompellingparableatthebeginning

ofARayofLight,TysondescribedwalkingonacrowdedstreetinNewYork:“You

wouldimagineitimpossibleforthemalltogetthrough,yetallpassontheirway

withoutstopofmolestation.”Theproblem,Tysonnoted,layinthepotentialfor

chaosandconfrontationshouldeachman“toproceedexactlyinthesamelinein

whichhesetout.”Butinstead,eachman“yield[ed]alittle….Insteadofadvancing

square,stiff,witharmsstuckout,everyonewhoknowshowtowalkthestreets

glidesalong,hisarmsclose,flexible,histrackgentlywinding,leavingnowafew

inchesonthisside,nowafewonthat,soastopassandbepassedwithoutscarcely

touchinginthesmallestpossiblespace.”38Tysonregardedtheabolitionistsand

37Tyson,ARayofLight,26.

284

secessioniststhatallegedlyruledeachsectionas“menwhoweretoostoutintheir

naturesanddispositionstoyieldanything.”39

Despitethesecularnatureofthisexample,Tysonrootedhisdisaffectionin

theevangelicalethic,particularlytheprescriptionsofreligiousdiscipline.The

disciplinaryprocesshadalwaysencouragedmenandwomentoyield:toyieldtothe

authorityofGod,toyieldtoneighborsandfamily,andtoyieldforthesakeof

communalharmony.Religiousdisciplinealwaysfavoredpeacefulresolution.

Sometimesthatresolutionmightinvolveseparation,butthatseparationcamelastin

orderofaprocessmeanttoensurepeace.Menandwomenwhorejectedharmonyin

favorofdefianceriskedcondemnation.InTyson’sview,andperhapsintheviewof

manyPiedmonters,nationalleadershaddeliberatelyrejectedharmony—ashad

LincolnandtheConfederatesinCharlestonHarbor,orthesecessionistsinRaleigh—

andwerethusconsideredtobeactingoutsidetheacceptableboundsofevangelical

behavior.Inessence,Tysoncondemnedsecessionistsbecausetheyhadnotreceived

aproperletterofdismissalfromtheUnion.Thefactthattheyhadnotdonesoonly

confirmedtoevangelicalobserversthatthecourseofsecessionhadbeenmorally

reckless.

38Tyson,ARayofLight,6‐7.Tysondidnotcomposethisparable.HelifteditfromJohnAikinandAnnaLaetitiaBarbould,EveningsatHome;or,TheJuvenileBudgetOpened(London:Cornish&Co.,1793).Thisbookremainedinprintuntilatleast1858.39Tyson,ARayofLight,61.

285

TysonbeganARayofLightattemptingtoforgeamiddlepathinthesectional

debate,butendedwiththeconclusionthattheConfederatecausewashopelessand

thattheonlysolutionwasimmediatereturntotheUnion.Hissubsequentcareeras

anotedConfederatedissidentconfirmedhimasahistoricallyimportantadvocate

fortheUnionintheslaveholdingSouth.ManythousandslikeTysonfound

maintainingamiddlepathasthewarevolvedtobeuntenable.40Some,likeTyson,

didadheretoaUnionistidentity.However,manymorewholikelyhadagreedwith

Tysonin1861werecompelledbythecircumstancesofwarandtherhetoricofwar‐

makingandfellintocompletesupportoftheConfederacy.41

MaryBethell’sFamily

CautiousevangelicalswhofelltowardtheConfederacyaremoredifficultto

analyzebecausetheyoftendidnotneedtoarticulatetheirprogressinlightof

contrarypublicconsensus.MaryBethell,amother,planter’swife,andMethodist

fromRockinghamCountyisillustrative.Inthesecessionwinterof1860‐61,she

expressedthecommontrepidationaboutthenationaldistractionandprayed,“God

wouldsaveusfromCivilwarandbloodguiltiness.”42She,likemostconditional

Unionists,whofoundfuturesouthernparticipationinthenationcontingentupon

40ThankstoRobertMcC.Calhoonforthisobservationabouttheimpossibilityofconsistentmoderation.41Manysoutherners,evangelicalornot,followedthiscourse.ReidMitchell,CivilWarSoldiers(NewYork:Viking,1988).42January1,1861,MaryJeffreysBethellDiary,SouthernHistoricalCollection,WilsonLibrary,UniversityofNorthCarolinaatChapelHill.(Hereafter,BethellDiary).

286

northernagreementsnottointerferewithslavery,wasalienatedbyLincoln’s

apparentabolitionismandwroteinMarchthat“Mr.Lincoln,Ithinkheintendsto

coercethosesecedingstates.Ifeartherewillbecivilwar,andourhappyand

peacefulCountrylaidindesolationandruins,everyChristian,”sheconcluded,

“shoulduniteinferventprayertoGod,inbehalfofourCountry.”43Shenever

explainedherhostilitytotheRepublicanadministration,likelyimaginingthatthat

factcouldbetakenforgranted.

WhatpreoccupiedMaryBethellinearly1861wasnotthedissolutionofthe

nationalstatebutthecomingapartofherownnuclearfamily.HersonGeorge

headedofftoschoolwhilehernewlymarriedoldestdaughter,Mary,migratedwith

herhusbandtoArkansasinFebruary.Thelatterstruckherhardest:“Ifeeldeserted,

itwasatrialtogiveupmychild…Ifeelstriptofoneofmypleasures,butIhavethe

comfortsofreligion.”44Twomonthslatertheemotionalbruisehadnothealed,and

thepaintestedherfaith,“Mysoulwassurroundedbydarkness,doubtsandgloomy

fears.”45

Onlytheoutbreakofactualcombatreturnedherthoughtstothenational

scene.OnApril29,twoweeksafterFortSumter,MaryBethellopinedthat“the

slaveryquestionisthecauseofallthistrouble,8Southernstateshavesecededfrom

43March1,1861,BethellDiary.44February5,1861,BethellDiary.45April2,1861,BethellDiary.

287

theUnion,iftheNorthandSouthcan’tagree,theyhadbetterseparate.”She

continuedverymuchinthefashionofBryanTysonregardingtheintractablenature

ofcertainpoliticians:“AbrahamLincolnthePresidentisopposedtotheinstitution

ofslavery,hedon’tseemdisposedtomakeanycompromisewiththeSouth.”46Even

beforeNorthCarolinaseceded,Mary’ssonWilliejoinedavolunteercompany,and

sixweeksafter,Georgeleftschoolandalsojoinedthearmy.47Thus,herextreme

anxietyaboutthestateofherfamilyjoinedwithherconcernforhercountry,the

Confederacy.48WhileMaryinitiallyprayedforpeaceafterhersons’enlistment—

“thethoughtofabloodywarisawfultocontemplate”—thereafter,theirsafe

deliverancefromthefrontwenthand‐in‐handwithConfederatevictory.Shesought

pastoralcarefromBrotherReid,who“sympathizedwithmeingivingupmydear

boystogotothearmy,heencouragedmetotrustinGod,andcommitthemtoGod.”

Godwasnotaneutralfactoreither.MaryautomaticallyprayedthatHefavorthe

Confederacy,particularlythatHe“bewithourarmies,andbeonourside.”49

MaryBethellneverquestionedtherighteousnessoftheConfederacy’s

resistancetonationalreunion.Itcertainlyhadherpoliticalandideologicalassent,

buthertruestbondwasthatforgedbytheheatofherowncommitmenttoher

children.Shedidnotselflesslysendhersonsofftowarinthemodeofarepublican

46April29,1861,BethellDiary.47April19,1861,BethellDiary.48May13andJune5,1861,BethellDiary.49July12,1861,BethellDiary.

288

Mother.Shedidnotconsiderherlossanecessarysacrificetothenation‐state.

Instead,MaryBethellgrievedoverthebrokenbonds,worriedforhersons’safety,

andfrettedovertheeternalsoulsofallthreeofherdepartedchildreninthemanner

ofanevangelical,middle‐classmother.Theevangelicalsensibilityofemotional

parentalattachmentboundhernotonlytoherchildren,buttoConfederatesuccess

astheguarantorofthatbond.

MaryBethell’sconflationoffamilycirclewiththeConfederatenationwasnot

primarilyapoliticalexpression,anditwashardlyuniquetowealthymothers.Aaron

Sheehan‐DeanhasrecentlyexploredthemotivationsofvolunteersinVirginiaand

discoveredthe“useoffamilyas…[a]referencepoint”formanyofthem.Sheehan‐

Deannotes,“althoughhistoriansrecognizethatloveandemotionplayedan

increasinglyimportantroleinprivatelives,they[historians]rarelyincorporate

thesefactorsintotheverypublicnarrativesofwarandsecession.”50ThoughMary

Bethell’sdiarywashardlyapublicnarrative,theagonysheexpressedinitspages

manifestedinpublicsupportfortheConfederacy.

Evangelicalsinterpretedtheexperienceofsecessionandwarthroughthe

lensoftheirfaith.ButasBryanTysonandMaryBethelldemonstrate,thatfaithand

thesubsequentinterpretationswerehardlyapointofunity.Tysonimaginedthe

Southadisaffectedparishionerfromthenationalcongregationanddiscipline

dictatedacertaincourseofaction.Bethelltwinedtogetherhervisionoffamilyand

50AaronSheehan‐Dean,WhyConfederatesFought:FamilyandNationinCivilWarVirginia(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,2007),27.

289

nation.Butthecontradictorypathstakenbythesetwowereundergirdedbya

modern,vibrant,andessentialevangelicalfaith.

Brown,Flintoff,Thomasson,andLillyatWar

JohnFlintofffearedthewarbecauseitthreatenedhishard‐woncompetency.

Thirty‐eightin1862,hewasnotsubjecttothedraftbuthiredasubstituteanyhow.

Thoughtemporarilysecurefrommilitaryservice,hecontinuedtolamentthe

bloodshed.Atthesametime,hereadilyidentifiedwiththeConfederacyandscorned

Lincoln’s1862renewedcallforvolunteers:“thiscallwillamountto1.200.000

soldiersagainstusbutmaywenotbediscouragedmaywedoourdutyasmen&

trustinGodwhomadeus.”51Hewasevenmoredumbstruckattheenormous

increaseinthepriceoffoodanddespairedattheprospectsforpeaceandlamented

that“itsallWarWar.”52Butintheman‐starvedConfederacy,afortyyearoldman,

evenwiththreeyoungchildren,couldnotescapeconscription.Flintoffbitterly

denouncedtheConfederacyforsubjectinghimtoservice.Ithad“denieditsown

contract&cheateditsowncitizensoutoftheirrights.”53Yethestoodready,if

unwilling,tojointheranks.HiscallcameinAugust1864andFlintofffoundhimself

inCaptainMitchell’sCompanyofthe7thRegiment,N.C.SeniorReserves.54Captain

51August22,1862,FlintoffDiary.52April20,1863,FlintoffDiary.53February13,1864,FlintoffDiary.54MatthewM.BrownandMichaelW.Coffey,eds.,NorthCarolinaTroops,1861‐1865:ARosterVol.18(Raleigh:NorthCarolinaOfficeofArchivesandHistory,2011),342.

290

Mitchell’scompanydrilledonhorsebackeverySaturdaymorninginYanceyvilleand

wastwicemobilizedtoarrestdesertersinRandolphCounty.Hesurvivedthewar.

ThoughMaryDavisBrowndeploredthewarasmuchasanyother

evangelical,theconflicthadtheleasttangibleeffectontheSouthCarolinianasany

ofthefamiliessurveyedhere.ShelearnedabouttheBattleofManassaswhilein

churchonaSunday:

Itwasasolemday.Newsreachedherethismorningofagreatbattlein Richmon.thegreatManasabattle.MrWatsongotupinthemorningand beggedthepeopletocomposethemselvesandlistentothesolemmessenger ofGod,aswestoodingreatneedofhelpatthistimeandhopeditwouldbea daylongtobeerememberedbymanyaonethatwastheireoncommunion occasion.55TheexcitementaboutthefirstbattlefadedforMaryBrownasordinaryroutinesof

lifeanddeathresumedinherneighborhood.Shehadnosonsofmilitaryagein

1861,butherson‐in‐law,RufusWhitesides,andRufus’brotherRobertenlisted.Her

briefentriesrecordedfarmoredeathsofoldpeopleandchildren,includingthatof

herowndaughterHarrietinNovember1862.Asthewargroundon,however,it

absorbedmoremenandresourcesfromMary’sneighborhood.Herhusband,

Jackson,wasconscriptedin1863and“lefthishomeandfamilyathiscountryscall”

inSeptember.56JacksonservedintheHomeGuardandwasthusstationedat

55DescendantsofMaryDavisBrown,eds.,OilInOurLamps,81.56DescendantsofMaryDavisBrown,eds.,OilInOurLamps,85.

291

variousplacesaroundSouthCarolinaandreturnedhomeoften.TheWhitesides

brothersservedinVirginia,andMaryBrownconsideredRobert’sdeathattheBattle

oftheWildernessaparticularblow.Sherecordedthatshewas“verrysorrytoheare

ofitasRobertfeltverryneartome.”TheConfederacyconscriptedhersixteen‐year‐

oldsonLawsoninDecember1864forwhichsheexpressedunusualbitterness:“A

wonderfulthingtotakesuchboyesout.”57

MaryBrownhadalwaysprayedforsubmissionandalwaysfoundsolacein

God’sprotection.Inhergriefathermother’spassingin1864,shenoted“Ihavebeen

thechiledofmanyprayers.”Shereliedonsuchprayersinthefinalcataclysmofthe

warinSouthCarolina,Sherman’smarchthroughthestate.Withbothherhusband

andsoninstateservice,MaryBrownlookedonwithhorrorasherneighborhood

preparedfortheexpectedarrivaloftheFederaltroops:“wearelookingforethe

yankeyeseveryday.Itisanawfultime.OureHusbandandsonsafraidtostayin

theirehousesandthepeoplearunningandtryintohidesomethingtoeatandsome

oftheirclose.”She,however,the“chiledofmanyprayers,”consignedherfarmand

familynottoherownprotectivewiles,buttoGod.“Ihavehidnothing.Iwilltrustin

GodanddoothebestIcan,”shenoted.58Onceagain,Godprotectedher.Sherman

veeredawayfromYorkCountyandherhusband,son,andson‐in‐lawssoon

returnedhome,thewarover.

57DescendantsofMaryDavisBrown,eds.,OilInOurLamps,87,88.58DescendantsofMaryDavisBrown,eds.,OilInOurLamps,87,91.

292

StrongThomassonvotedwithamajorityofNorthCaroliniansagainstthe

secessionconventioninFebruary1861andsubsequentlycondemnedtheoutbreak

ofwar:“TheSouthagainsttheNorth!Whatfolly!”59ButwhereJohnFlintoff

frequentlyreactedinhisdiarytowarnews,Strongrarelymentioneditatall.He,like

MaryDavisBrown,resolutelystucktotheusualpatternsofhisrurallife—church

meetings,visits,family,andmostimportantly,farming.Hedidnotignorethewar,

buthesaidremarkablylittleaboutit,reflectinghisdisgustedopinionofthewhole

business.Amusingly,henotedatthefirstwartimeChristmasthequietinthe

neighborhoodbecausealltherowdieswhowouldnormallycarousewereinthe

army.So,too,allthegunpowderthatmightotherwisebeusedtodisturbthe

Christmasserenityathishouse.Here,hesuggestedhisusualironicgoodhumor,but

everywhereelsehispungentdisapprovaloozedout.Observingtheconditionsfora

famineinAugust1862,heconcluded,“Thereisperhapsnothingbettercalculatedto

humbleanationthanfamineandnothingbettercalculatedtoproducefaminethan

warandshortcrops.”60ConscriptionneverhadachancetocatchuptoStrong

Thomasson.HediedofdiseaseinSeptember1862.

CarolineLilly,ofcourse,didnotlivetoseethewar,butherchildrendid.Both

James,Junior(“Jim”)andEdmundJulius(“Julius”)enlistedinearly1861.Jim,infact,

volunteeredforservicebeforeNorthCarolinaactuallyseceded.Juliusenrolledin

May1861andservedinthe23rdNorthCarolinaTroopsuntiltheBattleof

59Escott,ed.,NorthCarolinaYeoman,307.60Escott,ed.,NorthCarolinaYeoman,328.

293

Chancellorsville,wherehewasshotinthelegandhadhisfootamputated.Jimended

upinacavalryregiment,butfaredmuchworse.HewaskilledinstantlyattheBattle

ofGlobeTavernin1864.

294

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