gestural timing and magnitude of english /r/: an ultrasound-optotrak study fiona campbell, bryan...
DESCRIPTION
Introduction Generalizations from previous studies: Temporal: More anterior gestures appear at syllable peripheries. Nasals, /l/, /w/ (Krakow, 1999; Gick, 2003) Spatial: Position-dependent spatial reduction of gestures. (Sproat & Fujimura, 1993) Final position reduction of anterior gestures & Initial position reduction of less anterior gesturesTRANSCRIPT
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Gestural Timing and Magnitude of English /r/:
An Ultrasound-OptoTrak Study
Fiona Campbell, Bryan Gick, Ian Wilson, and Eric Vatikiotis-Bateson
Ultrafest IV Tucson, ArizonaApril 14, 2005
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Goals To better understand the gestural organization of
composite segments in English. Contribute to the knowledge of mechanisms for
production of English /r/ Improve on past methodology by testing
combined B/M-mode ultrasound and Optotrak as a means to increase temporal resolution while imaging the vocal tract from lips to tongue root.
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Introduction Generalizations from previous studies:
Temporal: More anterior gestures appear at syllable peripheries. Nasals, /l/, /w/ (Krakow, 1999; Gick, 2003)
Spatial: Position-dependent spatial reduction of gestures. (Sproat & Fujimura, 1993) Final position reduction of anterior gestures & Initial position reduction of less anterior gestures
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Proposed Explanations A number of explanations have been proposed
to account for these generalizations, including:• Sproat & Fujimura (1993)• Browman & Goldstein (1995)• Gick (2003)• Carter (2002)• Gick, Campbell, Oh, and Tamburri-Watt (in press)
All studies thus far have been based on a comparison of two gestures
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English /r/ Composed of 3 constrictions:
tongue root at the pharyngeal wall (TR) tongue tip/blade at the palate(TB) between the lips (Lip)
Variable tongue shape, more lip rounding and more prominent TB gesture in Initial position. (Zawadzki & Kuehn, 1980)
Examination of three gestures will help disambiguate the predictions made by different theories.
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PredictionsSummary of predicted categorization of gestures
and predictions of relative timing by position: Lip TB TR Initial Final
Sproat & Fujimura (1993)
[vocalic] [vocalic] [vocalic] All three simultaneous,All three reduced
All three simultaneous,No reduction
Browman & Goldstein(1995)
narrower constriction(than TR)
narrower constriction(than TR)
wider constriction
All three simultaneous.
TR > LipTR > TBTB & Lip reduced
Gick (2003) C-gesture C-gesture V-gesture Lip & TB > TR,TR reduced
TR > Lip & TBLip & TB reduced
Carter (2002)
? seemingly consonantal
seemingly vocalic
Any order:dialect dependent
(Lip)/TR > TB/(Lip)
Gick et al (in press)
anterior less anterior least anterior
All three simultaneous
TR > TB > Lip
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Methods Optotrak 3D motion and position
measurement (point tracking) system and B/M-mode ultrasound video were used to simultaneously record the three gestures of /r/ in syllable-initial, and syllable-final positions preceding a consonant and preceding a vowel in several vocalic contexts.
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Participants
10 people, 5 women, 5 men Native speakers of Canadian English 8 from Western Canada One of the male subjects had to be
excluded from the analysis due to poor ultrasound image quality.
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StimuliThe position of /r/ varied within a given vocalic context such
that:Syllable-initial Resyllabifiable Syllable-final...V1# RV1... ...V1R# V1... ...V1R# hV1...
V1 = /e/ (Lips, TR visible)
V1 = /a/ (Lips, TB visible)
Stimuli were randomized and presented in a carrier phrase which was read by the subject.
… said “_________” each… x 10 for each stimuluseg. Cindy said "hay ray" each afternoon.
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Data Collection The subject was seated in a modified ophthalmic
examination chair to maximize head stability and Ultrasound probe contact.
Stimuli were presented on a laptop located about 2m away from the subject at eye level.
Timed PowerPoint presentation: 130s trials A 'clapper' with an Optotrak marker attached
was used to set a 0 point for synchronization of the Optotrak, Ultrasound, and Audio signals.
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Experimental Set-up
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Data Collection II Ultrasound: B/M mode: midsagittal section
(29.97fps) + continuous movement trajectories of A (TT), B (TM), C (TR) recorded to DV.
Optotrak 3020 system: recorded (at 90 Hz) the 3D positions of 12 infrared-emitting diode Optotrak markers.
Audio: signal recorded synchronized with both Optotrak and Ultrasound data signals.
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Optotrak Marker Placement
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Ultrasound Data
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Ultrasound Measures: Timing
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Ultrasound Measures: Magnitude
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Optotrak Measures
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Qualitative ObservationsSagittal diagram of idealized tongue shapes for American /r/
(Modified from Hagiwara, 1995, p.97)
Tip Down
Blade UpTip Up
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Results: Timing
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Results: Magnitude
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Qualitative Results All three tongue shapes observed No speaker used more than two of these ‘blade up’ was most common across
subjects and most stable across positions Tongue shape varied by both vowel
context and syllable position Higher TB syllable-initially and in the
context of low or back vowels
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Tongue Shape Variability
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Summary The position-based differences observed
in the overall results were: Initial
• Timing: front-to-back• Spatial reduction: TR
Final:• Timing: TR & Lip simultaneous; precede TB• Spatial reduction: TB and Lips
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Surprises?
Three-way timing distinction in Initial position
Lip patterns with TR in terms of timing but with TB in terms of spatial reduction in Final position
The results are not consistent with any of the proposals considered
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Proposal Timing patterns depend on magnitude
Relative width of constrictions determines order (Browman & Goldstein, 1995, but in both positions).
Narrower constriction(s) at syllable edges Relative width can vary as a result of positional
reduction
Possible motivating factor: Constriction width: Jaw height
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Potential Problems Potential for error in calculations
Unclear data for Resyllabifiable condition
Stationary M-mode lines, variable tongue shape
No head correction
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Conclusions Accounts employing a binary categorical system
are challenged by the observed three-way timing distinction in Initial position.
The results of this study suggest a dependence relationship between the relative timing of gestures and their magnitude.
Future work may be able to test this proposal by measuring the actual relative constriction width of each gesture across positions.
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Selected ReferencesBrowman, C. P., & Goldstein, L. (1992). Articulatory phonology: An overview.
Phonetica, 49, 155-180.Carter, P. (2002). Structured variation in british english liquids: The role of
resonance. Unpublished PhD Dissertation, University of York.Delattre, P., & Freeman, D. (1968). A dialect study of american r’s by x-ray motion
picture. Linguistics, 44, 29-68.Gick, B. (1999). A gesture-based account of intrusive consonants in english.
Phonology, 16, 29-54.Gick, B. (2003). Articulatory correlates of ambisyllabicity in english glides and liquids.
In J. Local, R. Ogden & R. Temple (Eds.), Labphon VI: Constraints on phonetic interpretation. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Gick, B., Campbell, F., Oh, S., & Tamburri-Watt, L. (in press). Toward universals in the gestural organization of syllables: A cross-linguistics study of liquids. Journal of Phonetics.
Hagiwara, R. (1995). Acoustic realizations of american /r/ as produced by women and men. UCLA Working Papers in Phonetics, 90, 1-187.
Krakow, R. A. (1999). Physiological organization of syllables: A review. Journal of Phonetics, 27, 23-54.
Sproat, R., & Fujimura, O. (1993). Allophonic variation in english /l/ and its implications for phonetic implementation. Journal of Phonetics, 21, 291-311.
Uldall, E. (1958) ‘American “molar” R and “flapped” T.’ Revista do Laboratorio de Fonetica Experimental, Universidad de Coimbra 4. 103-6.
Zawadzki, P. A., & Kuehn, D. P. (1980). A cineradiographic study of static and dynamic aspects of american english /r/. Phonetica, 37, 253-266.